Russia has launched another massed missile attack on Kyiv in the early hours of 20 August. Russian forces struck the capital with ballistic and Zircon hypersonic missiles, with loud explosions heard across the city and region, according to Ukraine's monitoring channel Yeradar.

The strike is the latest in Russia's campaign of massed missile attacks on Kyiv. Russia has repeatedly hit the capital with ballistic and hypersonic weapons that Ukraine struggles to intercept for lack of Patriot missiles, killing civilians in their homes.

As of 1 AM, Russian Kalibr cruise missiles are approaching Ukrainian cities from Novorossiysk.

Earlier, Ukraine's Defense Ministry said that Russia went back to using imported electronics for its Kalibr cruise missiles’ guidance system after failing to replace them with homemade alternatives.

The ship-launched missile’s homing boards “are made up of more than 80–90% foreign-made components," the Ukrainian authorities reported.

The confirmed toll so far

Casualties were mounting as the attack went on. As of the latest update, one person was killed and three wounded in the attack, the Kyiv City Military Administration said, with information still being clarified.

The strikes hit across several districts. A children's hospital was damaged in the Solomianskyi district, where people were reported to be trapped in a shelter, and a five-story residential building was hit. Warehouses burned in the Sviatoshynskyi district, and non-residential buildings were struck in Darnytskyi, Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko reported.

The attack was still developing

Ukraine's air defenses were engaging an ongoing threat. The Air Force had warned of ballistic weapons approaching from the north and northeast, and monitoring channels reported Russian Tu-95MS strategic bombers taking off, which typically precede cruise-missile launches.

"Explosions in the capital. Kyiv is under ballistic attack. Stay in shelters," Klitschko wrote as the strikes continued.

With the attack unfolding as officials reported it, the full toll and damage were not yet known; the figures provided were preliminary.

Ukraine's southeastern counteroffensive has rolled back Russian advances at the intersections of Zaporizhzhia, Dnipropetrovsk, and Donetsk Oblasts. The Ukrainian attacks set back, by months if not years, the Russian plan for marching on Zaporizhzhia City from the northeast.

But there's a shorter path for the Russians: the southern approach through the town of Orikhiv, around 50 km from Zaporizhzhia City. And the Russians may not need to travel all of it. The stated Russian objective on this axis, according to the Institute for the Study of War, is to advance within tube artillery range of Zaporizhzhia City—which means getting to within 20 or 30 km of a regional capital, not capturing it. That is what Russian forces did to Kharkiv.

The route is short but hard. And for three years, it has been blocked at its first obstacle by the ruins of a prison.

The first obstacle for the Russians is the village of Mala Tokmachka. In particular, the thickly built ruins of a former prison, which function as an interlocking series of bunkers for the Ukrainian 118th Mechanized Brigade. The second obstacle is Orikhiv itself, which sits astride all the passable roads leading to Zaporizhzhia City.

The Russian Defense Ministry announced the capture of Mala Tokmachka on 16 November 2025. Ukrainian government sources still had the village under Ukrainian control in April 2026. Russian milblogger Boris Rozhin's repeated claims that the village was nearly cleared became, in Meduza's account, the most popular Russian military meme of the first half of 2026—shorthand for the distance between what the Russian army announces and what it holds.

Observer Thorkill has watched closely as Russian forces have probed for weaknesses in Ukrainian defenses between the disputed gray zone and Zaporizhzhia City—and found very few.

The Russian army's 270th Motor Rifle Regiment, which is part of the 42nd Motor Rifle Division, has been trying to advance through Mala Tokmachka "for many months," Thorkill noted. But the Russian attacks "have always faltered against the strongly fortified strongpoint in the complex of ruins of the former prison buildings."

If the Russians can't capture Orikhiv, they can't get their artillery within range of Zaporizhzhia City. But they can't capture Orikhiv if they don't first capture Mala Tokmachka. And they can't take Mala Tokmachka if they don't overrun the old prison.

Surround first, storm later

Frustrated in their attempts to directly assault the prison, the Russians took a different approach in early July. Borrowing tactics that have worked for Russian field armies all along the 1,200-km gray zone, the Russians set out to cut off Mala Tokmachka and starve its garrison before trying again to capture the prison complex.

The geography lends itself to this approach. The Russians control the village of Robotyne, 10 km south of Orikhiv, as well as the road leading north from Robotyne through the village of Novodanylivka, which lies just south of the Mala Tokmachka-Orikhiv conglomeration.

If the conglomeration has a soft underbelly, it's Novodanylivka. And in a series of actions in early July, the 71st Motorized Rifle Regiment pushed enough small infiltration groups into Novodanylivka to take the village from the 118th Mechanized Brigade. In capturing Novodanylivka, the Russians "drove a narrow wedge into the Ukrainian defense," according to Thorkill.

The wedge was not the end of the plan. It was the preparation for it. With Novodanylivka in Russian hands and the supply route between Orikhiv and Mala Tokmachka under threat, the Russians came back to the assault.

Five days in August

In the five days to 17 August, Russian forces "massively stepped up their assault operations towards Orikhiv from several different directions, resulting in a partial collapse of Ukrainian defences," mapper AMK Mapping reported. The mapper counted a Russian gain of around 26 sq km across the sector.

The Russians re-established control over the eastern part of Mala Tokmachka and began infiltrating the northern part. Several groups crossed north over the Kinska River and are now attacking Ukrainian trench fortifications on the tactical heights beyond. "If they are able to consolidate," AMK Mapping wrote, "a defense of Mala Tokmachka by Ukraine will become nearly impossible." To the northeast, Russian forces broke through north of Bilohirya, putting the Ukrainian troops there at risk of being cut off.

The Polish Centre for Eastern Studies reached a similar reading on 18 August, reporting that Russian assault sub-units had begun to replace the sabotage and reconnaissance groups, that the battle for the eastern part of Orikhiv appeared to have begun, and that the eastern part of Mala Tokmachka was most likely under Russian control.

Heavy fighting continues for the prison complex and the residential streets around it. "The goal of the offensive operations by the Russian 42nd Motorized Rifle Division is not, for the time being, the capture of Orikhiv," Thorkill wrote, "but rather the elimination of the presence of Ukrainian soldiers in the Mala Tokmachka area."

If the Russians can squeeze the Ukrainians out of Mala Tokmachka, they could pivot toward Orikhiv without worrying about Ukrainian positions at their rear. And they would be one strongpoint closer to putting a regional capital of several hundred thousand people under daily artillery fire.

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Political and legal developments

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One of Ukraine's most prominent drone volunteers has given his comments on the new defense minister. Serhii Sternenko, a civic activist and former adviser to ousted Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov, has congratulated Yevhenii Khmara on his appointment to lead the Defense Ministry, Sternenko wrote on his Telegram channel.

Ukraine's parliament confirmed Khmara as defense minister after removing Fedorov, and figures from his circle, rather than boycotting his replacement, are lining up to work with the new minister for Ukraine's sake.

Sternenko owns a charity foundation that has purchased 291,502 FPV drones, which have helped the Ukrainian military shoot down 12,954+ aerial targets.

Sternenko offered help and wished the minister endurance

Sternenko has framed his congratulations in terms of Ukraine's benefit.

"I wish Defense Minister Khmara success and resilience. He will need them. This is in Ukraine's interest," he wrote.

He offered his fund's expertise. Together with his team, he is ready to help the new minister with matters concerning FPV drones, because that, too, is in Ukraine's interest, Sternenko said, extending the cooperation of one of the country's largest drone-supply operations to the incoming minister.

He paired the welcome with a warning about dialogue

Sternenko's support came with a pointed caveat. He said the country "finally has a defense minister," but that many unresolved issues remain regarding "government-society" interaction.

Solving them requires engagement from the top, he argued. Their resolution requires the active involvement of the president and the emergence of agency in parliament, Sternenko said, expressing hope that, under extremely difficult conditions for Ukraine, "there will still be room for reasonable dialogue and cooperation for the sake of victory."

Earlier, Mstyslav Banik, who served as a deputy to Fedorov, said he would stay on under the newly appointed Defense Minister. He is responsible for carrying out the defense-procurement reform and became a deputy defense minister under Fedorov on 25 March 2026, having previously led the ministry's digital products. Batnik led the development of "Army+" and "Reserve+", the apps that digitized military service and mobilization.

In an interview with Army Inform, Colonel Illia Petryna, commander of the 25th Separate Sicheslav Airborne Brigade, said the brigade created a ground-robotics company as a pilot unit and that it was among the first Ukrainian brigades to organize ground robots this way.

The company was initially created to test how the systems could work in combat. They are now being used for different battlefield tasks, Petryna said. Some robots carry supplies. Others are used for evacuation or provide fire support.

The move is part of Ukraine's broader effort to build dedicated units around ground robots. In February 2025, Ukraine's Defense Ministry said the military was forming units focused on unmanned ground systems after testing that had begun in summer 2024. The systems were already being used for logistics, fire strikes, and evacuating wounded soldiers.

Ukraine has since continued expanding their use. By March 2026, 167 units were using ground robots, up from 67 in November 2025. More than 9,000 combat and logistical missions were conducted with unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs) that month, according to the Defense Ministry.

Learning from the battlefield

The 25th's robotic company also gives soldiers a way to test systems and report problems directly to manufacturers.

“Cooperation with manufacturers is the basis,” Petryna said. “They draw information from us about what is needed now, what is relevant at the front.”

Soldiers use the machines in combat, identify what does not work, and pass that information back to manufacturers. The next versions can then be adapted to conditions at the front.

That creates a direct feedback loop between the battlefield and the companies developing the technology.

Petryna sees that constant adaptation as necessary because the technology and tactics of the war keep changing.

“Probably, right now, no statute in the world fits how this war is being fought,” he said. “The war has changed fundamentally.”

For the 25th, the robotic company is one way to keep adapting as the battlefield changes.

Ukraine has moved to guarantee its people places to hide amid Russia's terror. The Ukrainian parliament has passed a bill on shelters in the first reading, introduced by the opposition European Solidarity faction, with 296 MPs voting for the legislation on measures to ensure citizens' safety.

The bill responds to a sheltering crisis that Russia's escalating strikes have created, as the invading army cannot achieve full occupation of Ukraine. As Russia intensifies its attacks on Ukrainian cities, tens of thousands of Kyiv residents now have to sleep in metro stations each night, and in Kharkiv, the underground has become a vast cover for tens of thousands.

The bill draws on the Finnish model

The legislation draws on a country known for its civil defense. It adopts Finnish experience on ensuring citizens' access to shelters and strengthens the responsibility of central and local authorities for maintaining and funding them, according to the European Solidarity.

The faction framed shelters as the top protective priority.

"We understand that the issue of bomb shelters, the issue of shelters, is becoming problem number one for protecting the civilian population," faction co-chair Iryna Herashchenko said.

The Ukrainian deputy emphasized the importance of considering the bill before the budget process begins.

What the bill requires

The bill sets concrete standards for shelters. It defines mandatory requirements, such as drinking water, medicine, sanitation facilities, a designated responsible person, and placement within 10 minutes' reach of people.

The 10-minute rule is the core of it.

"Shelters must be where there are concentrations of people, so they can reach them in 10 minutes," MP Viktoriia Siumar said.

The bill also guarantees unimpeded access to shelters during martial law, requires regular inspections of their condition, strengthens accountability for their upkeep, and supports the expansion of the civil-defense network, including through modular structures.

Ukrainian manufacturers have ranked the strike drones that Russian jamming cannot touch. The Beshket, Deadliner Q1, and Vyriy Opto drones ranked 1st, 2nd, and 3rd, respectively, in the July ranking of fiber-optic strike systems used by Ukraine's Defense Forces, according to Defender Media.

Fiber-optic drones are immune to the electronic warfare that defeats ordinary drones. Guided by a thin cable that unspools as they fly rather than a radio link, they cannot be jammed, which has made them one of the most important weapons on a front where both sides jam heavily.

The top drone can lie in wait for two days

The Beshket took first place for strikes. It is a drone on a 10-inch frame that reaches 90 kilometers per hour, stays up to 16 minutes aloft, and carries up to 4 kilograms of payload on eight motors, with an ambush mode that lets it wait for a target for up to 48 hours, at $2,170 on the state Brave1 Market.

The producer of the Beshket confirmed the drone's first place but declined further comment.

The runners-up are faster and cheaper

The Deadliner Q1, made by Stellarion, took second. A 10-inch drone with a 2-kilogram payload reaches 110 kilometers per hour, cruises at 60 to 70 kilometers per hour, and flies for at least 20 minutes for $1,810 on Brave1 Market. Stellarion confirmed the placement in a press release.

Third went to the Vyriy Opto 10. The 10-inch fiber-optic drone runs on a 20-kilometer cable spool, cruises at 60 kilometers per hour with a top speed of 80 kilometers per hour, flies for 21 minutes, and carries 1 kilogram, costing about $2,000 with a thermal camera.

Why these drones matter on the front

Ukraine codified 413 unmanned aerial systems in the first half of 2026. Almost all of them are Ukrainian-made. That is more than 30% above the same period in 2025 and more than 73% above the same period in 2024.

Kyiv plans to build seven million drones in 2026, roughly double its 2025 output. 

A member of former Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov's team is moving over to the new minister. Mstyslav Banik, who served as a deputy to Fedorov, says he is staying on under the newly appointed Defense Minister, Yevhenii Khmara, Suspilne reports.

Khmara will propose that the core of the current Defense Ministry team stay in their positions. In particular, this concerns specialists responsible for procurement reform, according to sources from the ruling Servant of the People, per RBC-Ukraine.

Banik stays to continue the reform

Banik has run a central piece of the ministry's modernization. He is responsible for carrying out the defense-procurement reform and became a deputy defense minister under Fedorov on 25 March 2026, having previously led the ministry's digital products.

In 2025, he moved to the role of head of digital products at the Defense Ministry, where he led the development of "Army+" and "Reserve+", the apps that digitized military service and mobilization, before taking on procurement reform.

Khmara wants to keep the team

Banik is not the only figure Khmara wants to retain. According to reports, Khmara wants First Deputy Defense Minister Oleksii Vyskub to stay in his post as well, MPs said.

The priority behind the retentions is the reform's momentum. Khmara considers it important to continue the procurement reform, particularly the part connected to international support for Ukraine, MPs said, so keeping the specialists who built it preserves the expertise and the relationships with partners that the overhaul depends on.

Continuity amid a contested change

The retentions may temper a leadership change that drew protests. Khmara's appointment followed the removal of Fedorov, which prompted a month of rallies demanding Fedorov's return.

That the reformers are staying suggests that the change of minister need not mean a change in how Ukraine equips its forces.

Earlier, Fedorov addressed Ukrainians, saying the country cannot remain without a fully appointed defense minister, but at the same time called for mechanisms that would allow elections during the war.

Ukrainian activists who spent a month calling for the former defense minister’s return have criticized the appointment of his successor. People rallying in Kyiv's Mariinskyi Park for the reinstatement of Mykhailo Fedorov as defense minister greeted the news of Yevhenii Khmara's appointment to the post with disappointment, Ukrinform reports.

The rally caps a month of protests over Fedorov's dismissal. People have gathered on Ukraine's streets since President Volodymyr Zelenskyy removed Fedorov amid a logistics-lockdown operation against Russia and successful strikes deep into its territory. Parliament approved Khmara despite the protests.

"Shame!" protesters reacted to the appointment

The crowd met the appointment with anger. They began chanting "Shame!" and beating drums as the news of Khmara's confirmation broke.

They said that the post "should belong to another person" and appealed to the Ukrainian government: "We greatly respect Khmara, but please, do not hide behind Khmara," the activists said.

"We demand dialogue"

The protesters framed their grievance as a lack of dialogue with the president. They chanted slogans including "We demand dialogue," "Do not destroy our future," "Dialogue, not ignoring," "Fedorov instead of Khmara," "Power is the people," and "Power is responsibility," and said there was no dialogue with Zelenskyy on the matter.

Some held placards reading "Return Fedorov," "Against Khmara," "Thank you for Drapatyi, return Fedorov," and others praising Fedorov's record on strikes against Russia.

The protest continues

The activists announced a pause and the next step. After the news of Khmara's appointment, they said they were ending this particular protest and called on people to come to Ivan Franko Square at 7 p.m., saying they plan to hold such actions there daily.

The day before the vote, Fedorov addressed Ukrainians, saying the country cannot remain without a fully appointed defense minister, but at the same time called for mechanisms that would allow elections to be held in full during martial law.

He did not name a specific proposal or answer the question of who exactly should launch this mechanism, adding only that "democracy cannot be a hostage to Russia."

He also stated that Fedorov declared a "systemic crisis of governance" in Ukraine and criticized the influence of private interests on the parliament's work, effectively hinting that the current leaders are ineffective.

Estonia is investigating whether Russia was behind a suspected arson attack at a Tallinn building used by Milrem Robotics, Prime Minister Kristen Michal said on 18 August.

Officials have not released evidence yet connecting Moscow to the fire.

The fire hit a site used by a defense contractor that makes unmanned ground vehicles, including THeMIS vehicles used in Ukraine. The Estonian investigation into the Milrem fire comes amid suspected or confirmed arson plots against other European factories supplying Ukraine.

Estonian prosecutors said the fire, which began overnight into 15 August, may have been deliberately set. A resident reported suspicious activity nearby. Investigators identified suspects and asked a court to detain them. No one was injured, and Milrem CEO Kuldar Väärsi told the Estonian outlet Postimees that it was too early to assess the damage.

The company executive said the site was not an office building but declined to identify its contents or what was damaged, including whether unmanned ground vehicles were inside. The company has not said whether production or deliveries were affected.

Milrem’s THeMIS vehicles have operated in Ukraine since 2022. By 2023, the company had delivered 15 of the vehicles to Ukrainian forces and border guards. A Dutch-funded order for more than 150 additional vehicles followed in 2025. A new Dutch production line began making them in June 2026 and handed over its first vehicles for Ukraine.

Other factories supplying Ukraine have faced arson

In March, a fire damaged a Czech facility belonging to LPP Holding, which had supplied hundreds of AI-guided drones to Ukraine. Czech authorities investigated possible terrorism and later detained a fourth suspect.

In January, Lithuania charged six people over an attempt to burn a factory supplying radio-wave scanners to Ukraine. Investigators said Russia-based organizers with GRU links coordinated the operation and connected the network to attempted attacks elsewhere in Europe.

Estonia has traced earlier attacks to Russian intelligence

Estonia has also uncovered Russian-directed attacks on its own territory. In 2024, Estonia’s security service detained 10 people over a Russian-coordinated operation that included damaging cars belonging to then-Interior Minister Lauri Läänemets and a journalist and defacing monuments. Officials said the operation sought to spread fear and tension. Journalists from The Insider, Re:Baltica, and Delfi reported how the GRU recruited Baltic residents for vandalism and arson.

In 2025, an Estonian court found that a Moldovan national working for the GRU burned a supermarket as a trial run before firebombing a Ukrainian restaurant in Tallinn. His cousin filmed the second attack.

Those cases explain why investigators are examining a possible Russian role in the Milrem fire, but they do not establish who caused it.

Ukraine has brought another 103 servicemembers home from Russian captivity in the first stage of a new prisoner exchange, the Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War reported on 19 August 2026. Most of the returning defenders are wounded or seriously ill after captivity that, for some, reached back to 2022, the year of Russia's full-scale invasion. The United States and the United Arab Emirates helped organize the swap, the headquarters said.

Who came home

The freed group covers nearly every branch of Ukraine's forces. It includes members of the Armed Forces, the Navy, Territorial Defense, the National Guard and the State Border Guard Service. Alongside soldiers and sergeants, several officers were released.

The Coordination HQ detailed the composition. The Defense Ministry accounted for 92 of those freed, and the Interior Ministry for 11. Two of the returnees are officers, the rest enlisted personnel and NCOs. Interior Minister Ivan Vyhivskyi said his ministry's 11 broke down into five National Guardsmen and six border guards.

The defenders had been captured across the Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, Dnipropetrovsk, Kherson and Sumy directions, as well as at Mariupol. The single largest share, 72, fell on the Donetsk front. The youngest freed defender was born in 2000, and the oldest is 59.

Years behind Russian bars

The captures span the entire full-scale war. One of those freed had been held since 2022, 16 since 2023, and 48 since 2024. Another 31 were seized in 2025 and seven this year. By the same tally, the International Committee of the Red Cross had confirmed the captivity of 102 of the group before the handover, with a single case verified through other sources.

A previous swap in late June returned 160 defenders, all of them held since 2022.

Wounded and ill

The released defenders will undergo full medical examinations, receive physical and psychological rehabilitation, and obtain the state payments provided by law. The head of the President's Office, Kyrylo Budanov, said doctors were already doing everything necessary for the returnees, most of whom came back with wounds and serious illness.

Their condition fits a wider pattern Ukrainian officials have described, in which Russia starves most captives and executes many surrendered soldiers on the battlefield.

"We remember everyone still in captivity"

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said the freed included men who had defended Mariupol. 

"We remember every man and every woman still held captive. We are doing everything possible to bring all our people home," he said.

The Security Service of Ukraine noted the swap ran through the joint center it operates to coordinate the search and release of prisoners. Oleh Ivashchenko, chief of the Main Directorate of Intelligence (HUR) and head of the Coordination Headquarters, met the returning defenders in person. 

Yevhenii Khmara has become Ukraine's new defense minister after the voting in the Ukrainian parliament. He will take office after the previous Minister of Defense, Mykhailo Fedorov, whose dismissal sparked major protests across Ukraine, but this did not change the decision.

During his first speech, Khmara made it clear that he would continue his predecessor's course — the technologization of the army, according to Ukraine's Defense Ministry.

"The aggressor can only be forced into peace through the strength of our military, technological, and asymmetric solutions, first and foremost, the constant updating and effective application of technology," Khmara said.

He added that there "would be more Ukrainian weapons, and strikes would be more precise."

Threat of new wave of mobilization in Russia

Khmara also stated that intelligence data indicates Russia is preparing for a new wave of mobilization, so building up the means to destroy Russia's combat capabilities is one of the key priorities of the Defense Forces.

"A strong enemy is waging war against us, one that employs the most treacherous and cruel methods of warfare. We know about Russia's next steps, its mobilization plans, and its strategy for fall and winter," Khmara stated.

Earlier, Deputy Head of the Ukrainian Defense Intelligence, Major General Vadym Skibitsky, said in an interview with RBC-Ukraine that Russia could attempt to launch an offensive in north of Ukraine this year, but the necessary conditions for such an operation are not currently in place. Such an assault could threat Sumy, Chernihiv, and Kyiv oblasts.

Opportunities for this could arise through mobilization following the parliamentary elections in the Russian Federation in September.

Three main priorities

Also, during his speech, Khmara outlined three priorities for his position. Among them: seizing the strategic initiative in all domains of war, timely delivery of weapons to the front along with transparent procurement procedures, and human capital.

"This is about seizing the strategic initiative in all domains of war: on land, at sea, in the air, in the information space," Khmara stated.

He also emphasized the need to ensure rapid exchange of information between the front and the ministry, so that the needs of the military are promptly taken into account when making decisions.

According to the newly appointed minister, the army must receive the necessary weapons in sufficient quantities and on time, and procurement must be carried out transparently, free of unnecessary bureaucracy, and in the interests of the front and Ukraine's defense.

In addition, Khmara named "human capital, the lives and health of soldiers" as a priority.

"Technology is needed so that the Ukrainian defender has an advantage, so that the risk to a person's life is minimized," he added.

Russia's Kinzhal air-launched ballistic missile, a version of the ground-launched Iskander, travels as far as 2,000 km at a claimed 10 times the speed of sound while packing a 500-kg warhead. It was one of a clutch of purported super-weapons that Russian Pres. Vladimir Putin revealed in a dramatic announcement in 2018.

Launched in mid-air by specially modified Mikoyan MiG-31 interceptors in order to boost its speed and range, the Kinzhal is, in theory, a powerful deep strike munition capable of blasting right through all but the best and rarest air defenses.

In practice, it kept missing. Russia stopped building the $4.5-million missile in April, Maj. Gen. Vadym Skibitskyi, Ukraine's deputy chief of defense intelligence, told RBC-Ukraine—and the rocket fuel and components that had gone into Kinzhals now go into Iskanders, sea-launched Kalibr cruise missiles, and air-launched Kh-101 cruise missiles instead.

A missile of this class needs to land within five to seven meters of its aim point to be worth firing. The Kinzhal, according to Skibitskyi, lands within 30 meters or more. "We can hardly recall a single instance where this missile hit the target precisely," he said. Satellite imagery of the Ukrainian air base at Starokostiantyniv, a favorite Kinzhal target, shows the craters ringing the airfield rather than sitting on it.

The Kolomna Machine Building Design Bureau reportedly contracted 44 Kinzhals in 2024 and 144 in 2025, Militarnyi reported from Russian defense ministry documents. The line climbed for two years and then stopped dead.

The Kinzhal isn't the only munition reportedly getting the ax. The Kremlin is also halting production of the Kh-32 air-launched cruise missile, which Russian engineers repeatedly failed to improve before the program was sent back for further work. "This would explain why Russia has not launched any Kinzhals for multiple months, and very few Kh-32s," AMK Mapping noted.

At least one analyst anticipated this development years ago. Way back in 2022, then-CNA analyst Michael Kofman wrote that he didn't "understand the interest in Russian use of Kinzhal. There's nothing special or particularly exciting about this system." It is, according to Kofman, just an Iskander but with a more complicated and expensive launch method.

It may have taken the Russians a few years to come to the same conclusion. The last Kinzhal strike might have been on 14 May, when the Russians launched three Kinzhals as part of a wider strike on Ukrainian cities involving 731 missiles and drones.

The purported Kinzhal shutdown, if true, could orphan the boutique fleet of around two dozen MiG-31K/I interceptors whose main role is to haul a Kinzhal to high altitude before launch. The Kinzhal carriers account for around 20% of the wider MiG-31 fleet, whose main mission is air defense over the vast Russian interior.

The MiGs may end up as victims of ruthless efficiency-seeking. If Skibitskyi is right, the Kremlin simply can't afford to keep every munition in production as it seeks to escalate its bombardment of Ukrainian cities amid growing economic losses from Ukrainian deep strikes targeting Russian strategic industries.

It's possible the only way the Russians can boost production of their best deep strike munitions is to cut production of the underperforming ones. According to the pro-Ukrainian Conflict Intelligence Team, the savings in fuel, components, and funds from the suspended Kinzhal and Kh-32 assembly lines "were redirected to other types of missiles."

Production winners and losers

That's how, in July, Russia reportedly produced 65 Iskanders, surpassing its target of 60 by nearly 10%. Meanwhile, production of Kh-101s reached 140% of the monthly target. Kalibr production 111%. Across its main missile lines, Russian industry is running at 110 to 120% of plan. Certain Russian munitions may soon disappear from the sky over Ukraine, if they haven't already. But only because more copies of better munitions are taking their place.

Ironically, the Kinzhals and their carriers are fading away at the same time Ukraine's own deep strike forces may have landed their most powerful blow against the aerial hypersonic strike force. On 15 August, a barrage of Ukrainian drones and cruise missiles struck a range of targets deep inside Russia.

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Among the targets was Savasleyka air base, in Nizhny Novgorod around 785 km from Ukraine. "Direct hits and fires reported," WarTranslated noted.

Among other aircraft, Savasleyka air base hosts some of the MiG-31Ks that carry Kinzhal missiles. Or once carried them, if Skibitskyi is correct and the missile has fallen out of use. It's unclear whether the attack on Savasleyka damaged or destroyed any MiG-31s.

Even if the Kinzhal launchers burned to the ground, it may be too late to matter. The Russians may have rendered the planes and their missiles irrelevant before the Ukrainians could drone them.

Polish prosecutors have charged a 46-year-old woman over a nationality-based attack on two Ukrainian siblings in Bydgoszcz, days after police detained her and a 34-year-old man, whom they questioned as a witness, Polish Radio's Ukrainian Service reported the detentions on 18 August 2026, with the charges filed the same evening.

The detentions came four days after the alleged attack in a park near Bydgoszcz’s main railway station. The Bydgoszcz-North district prosecutor charged the woman with insulting the siblings and violating a minor's bodily integrity on nationality grounds. She denied intentionally insulting or assaulting the children and gave police a different account of the encounter.

The case comes amid rising reports of suspected hate crimes against Ukrainians and worsening relations between Warsaw and Kyiv. Police received 180 such reports in the first half of 2026—about one a day. At that pace, 2026 would end more than 30% above 2025 and nearly 35% above 2024.

Prosecutors charged only the woman; the 34-year-old man detained with her was questioned as a witness, even though the mother and the consulate described both adults as aggressors. The prosecutor placed her under police supervision, imposed a no-contact order, and set bail at 5,000 zł ($1,340). The destruction of the boy's toy drone was treated as a misdemeanor because the toy was worth just over 100 zł ($27).

The siblings—a 14-year-old girl and her 12-year-old brother—were playing with a toy drone in the park when the adults confronted them about using it, their mother told police. The Ukrainian consulate said the adults also insulted and threatened the children after hearing them speak Ukrainian.

“They twisted a child’s arm, broke a toy drone, and threw fragments at the boy,” Ukraine’s Consulate General in Gdańsk said.

The consulate said the fragments scratched the boy but caused no serious injury.

Other attacks on Ukrainians in Poland

The Bydgoszcz case is one of several recent assaults involving Ukrainian victims.

Police detained two women on 14 August over an attack on Ukrainian men outside a Poznań restaurant the previous day. A video showed one woman insulting, spitting at, and striking the men.

In July, three men allegedly beat a Ukrainian couple in Wrocław after asking whether they were Ukrainian. In Łódź, a man allegedly attacked a passerby he mistook for Ukrainian, breaking his nose and jaw.

The violence has prompted public protests. On 9 August, the Committee for the Defense of Democracy organized “Don’t be indifferent” rallies in 22 cities. Two days earlier, Warsaw organizers delivered a petition with more than 11,000 signatures calling for government action against attacks on Ukrainians.

Deepening Polish-Ukrainian rift and decline in relations

The rise in anti-Ukrainian violence in Poland has unfolded amid worsening political relations between Kyiv and Warsaw. Polish support for accepting Ukrainian refugees fell from 94% in March 2022 to 48% by early 2026, while politicians increasingly use Ukraine as a wedge issue.

Historical disputes over the Volhynia massacres and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) have also strained relations. The rift sharpened after Zelenskyy signed a decree granting a Ukrainian special forces unit the honorary title “Heroes of the UPA.” Polish President Karol Nawrocki announced on 19 June that he had decided to revoke Zelenskyy’s Order of the White Eagle, Poland’s highest state honor.

Ukraine has opened its own criminal investigation into the 2022 destruction of the Nord Stream gas pipelines, months after Germany charged a Ukrainian over the blasts, Suspilne reported. Prosecutors in Kyiv registered the case on war-crimes grounds and say they will test whether Russia staged the sabotage to discredit Ukraine. Serhii Kuznietsov is due to stand trial in Germany in October.

Kyiv will test a Russian false-flag version

Ukraine's Security Service, under the Prosecutor General's Office, opened proceedings on 9 July under the article on violations of the laws and customs of war. Kuznietsov's Ukrainian lawyer, Mykola Katerynchuk, told Suspilne about the case.

The Prosecutor General's Office confirmed it is supervising a probe into the "possible commission in September 2022, amid the international armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine, by citizens of Ukraine, of actions connected to the undermining" of both pipelines in the Baltic Sea. It said the case was registered after the "independent discovery in the media" that Germany had charged a Ukrainian citizen.

Given Russia's use of hybrid methods, investigators will also examine whether Russians organized the explosions as a "false flag" operation, using Ukrainian citizens or imitating their participation to discredit Ukraine.

The office said it used the laws-and-customs-of-war charge because it matches the qualification chosen by Germany's Federal Prosecutor's Office.

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The case against Serhii Kuznietsov

The pipelines exploded on 26 September 2022. On 8 August 2025, Germany's Federal Court of Justice issued an arrest warrant for Kuznietsov, alleging he led a group of six who mined the pipelines and detonated them remotely.

Italian police arrested him on 21 August 2025, and Italy's Supreme Court later confirmed his extradition to Germany. A Polish court, by contrast, refused a German request for another Ukrainian suspect, Volodymyr Zhuravlov.

On 2 July 2026, Germany's Federal Prosecutor's Office published its charges — an attack on civilian objects, causing an explosion, and destroying structures. Kuznietsov denies guilt.

Ukraine's anti-corruption bureau and anti-corruption prosecutors opened a special operation against an alleged criminal organization reaching into the Office of the President, the two agencies said on 19 August 2026. Detectives said a sitting and a former lawmaker led the group, released a wiretap recording that points to the presidential administration, and seized a document laying out a plan to shape public opinion around the anti-corruption fight. Media reports place a deputy head of the President's Office among those searched, though investigators have not confirmed any names.

A case named after a Hollywood film

The National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAP) ran searches on the morning of 19 August and unveiled the operation hours later. The two agencies said they had exposed an alleged criminal organization run by a sitting and a former member of parliament, with senior Office of the President officials taking part, the bureau said. It promised further details later.

The operation carries a mocking name, Forest Gump, drawn from the suspects' own words. In a 47-second recording of intercepted conversations, one man ties the label to how the group allegedly hid money. 

"We've got Saving Private Ryan, right? But only an idiot would register the theft of money—and their tuition on top of it—on their own children. That's why, Forest Gump," he says.

Other fragments reference cash and the presidential administration directly. "Well, there are four bags of money there," one voice says on the tape. Another adds: "If we do this, you can drive to the Office of the President yourselves. Believe me. I can see it."

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The document found in the search

During the searches, NABU said, agents recovered a document containing an "anti-crisis" communications plan built around the work of a temporary investigative commission in Ukraine's parliament. The bureau described it as a set of communication steps and messages aimed at managing the public situation around that commission.

The plan maps out a media campaign across Telegram, social platforms, talk shows, and named Ukrainian and international outlets. It casts the commission head as the main voice, frames the effort as “audit, not attack,” and aims to build trust in the commission while shielding the President and Cabinet.

Who investigators are said to be targeting

Media reports say the investigative actions include searches at Iryna Mudra, a deputy head of the Office of the President. A source told Ukrinform that detectives were working at Mudra, who oversees judicial reform and the creation of a special tribunal on the crime of aggression against Ukraine. NABU said it would not comment on the ongoing actions for now.

Beyond Mudra, the case reportedly involves member of parliament Vadym Stolar and former lawmaker Maksym Mykytas, along with Justice Ministry officials, RBC-Ukraine reported. 

The raids reach a state-linked bank

NABU also searched Sens Bank's supervisory board, including suspended chair Mykola Hladyshchenko, sources told Ekonomichna Pravda — a thread running back to the "Mindich tapes," where those under investigation discussed lining up the bank's board seats as their own "quotas." The recording also echoed that case's reported detail: a former minister's son schooled at a Swiss college costing up to $200,000 a year, which the tape's "children's tuition" line appears to touch.

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The Mindich tapes: anti-graft recordings expose Zelenskyy associate’s $100M nuclear operator protection racket

Echoes of the Mindich tapes

The operation lands atop a major graft scandal of Ukraine's wartime politics. In November 2025, NABU unveiled the Mindich tapes, documenting a $100 million kickback network around state nuclear operator Energoatom and reaching President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's former business partner. The case later widened to touch other parts of Ukraine's defense and energy sectors. It followed a summer 2025 attempt to curb the anti-corruption bodies' independence, which mass protests forced the authorities to reverse.

The crew flies with the Black Sky unmanned-systems battalion of the National Guard's 3rd Operational Purpose Brigade Spartan. The commander, callsign Arti, said the crew's middle-strike drones can strike Russian military vehicles as close as 50 and as far as 150 kilometers behind the front line, mostly trucks and passenger cars, Army Inform reported.

The war now reaches deep into the Russian rear, where strike drones hit vehicles once safe from the front. Every Russian vehicle this crew burns is a blow to the invasion's logistics, leaving fewer supplies and fewer troops able to reach Russian positions. (edited) 

Arti said the drones' main advantages are their range, speed, and stealth, while navigator Schultz, another crew callsign, said they are particularly effective 50–60 kilometers from the line of contact.

How the crew works

The four-person crew includes a pilot, navigator, technician and sapper. Arti joined the military intending to fly drones and first served as a second pilot on another crew before moving to middle-strike aircraft.

Schultz was mobilized in September 2024 and spent nearly a year and a half flying Mavic drones for reconnaissance, dropping munitions and delivering supplies to Ukrainian troops. That experience helped him transition to middle-strike drones.

“I navigate the terrain and give the pilot the course to fly,” Schultz said. “I already know the areas where enemy vehicles may move and where they may stage near the treelines.”

Schultz said Russian forces have become increasingly reluctant to move vehicles close to the front line after repeated Ukrainian strikes.

"At 50 to 60 kilometers from the [frontline] they're quite effective. Right on the line we won't find anyone now — nobody drives there anymore, because our guys worked them over for so long. The occupiers are already afraid to drive closer. It knocks out all the enemy's logistics," he said.

Schultz said this can mean fewer supplies and personnel reaching Russian positions.

He recalled the first time he watched one of the crew’s strikes in real time. Reconnaissance operators tracked a vehicle carrying Russian personnel while the drone crew moved in to attack.

“We saw it ourselves—we saw how we hit it, how everything exploded and burned,” he said.

The crew began flying middle-strike drones only a few months ago.

“We’re a young crew. There’s still a lot ahead,” Schultz said.

Exclusives

Moldova halves grain-transit fees for Ukraine as its own farmers threaten protests. President Maia Sandu is defending the halved transit fees against her own farmers, arguing that a neighbor able to export and arm itself is worth more to Moldova than the risk to local grain prices.

India’s cooking-oil imports jump for festival season—but not war-hit sunflower. Indian refiners are stocking up for the festival season, but the war has left the world’s top sunflower supplier shut out of the boom.

Russia has thousands of tanks it can’t risk. One drone shield decides whether they roll. Russia has finally fielded a tank defense that can shoot down Ukrainian FPV drones. The problem is that Ukrainian crews can send more drones than the Arena-M can stop—and the first tanks carrying it have burned anyway.

Military

Russia launches "massive" attack on Ukrainian power plant as Kyiv braces for extremely difficult winter. The strike halted electricity generation at the plant as Moscow steps up attacks on Ukraine's critical infrastructure ahead of the cold season.

Operation Hell-2: Azov says it burned 4,221 tons of Russian fuel in occupied Donetsk Oblast. The Ukrainian National Guard unit spent a month tracking Russian fuel tanks in occupied Donetsk Oblast before striking them.

“Chasing away vipers”: Ukrainian special forces retake Andriivka-Klevtsove, capture 30 Russian soldiers. The operation adds another settlement to Ukraine's gains in its eight-month Oleksandrivka counteroffensive, which Kyiv says has reclaimed 745 square kilometres.

Greek-run tanker carrying Russian oil hit off Russia's Black Sea coast, Bloomberg reports. The ship's manager reported no injuries or pollution. It was the first attack on a vessel calling at the CPC terminal in nearly three weeks.

Russia claims it downed a record 1,671 drones as fires burn across Moscow Oblast. A drone struck another Wildberries warehouse, but this one caused no major fire as others had in previous strikes.

Russian drone attacks on Ukraine's Danube ports hit recent high, Romania says. Drone debris reached Romania as Ukraine sought safer grain routes and Bucharest prepared cheaper defences against low-flying incursions.

Russia's latest strike on Ukraine's most important trade route: Togo-flagged civilian ship hit in Odesa. A Russian strike on Odesa Oblast port infrastructure damaged a civilian vessel and injured four people, three of them hospitalised.

Intelligence and technology

Russia could open northern front by February if it orders new mobilization, Ukraine intel says. Ukraine's military intelligence sees no preparations for a northern attack, but officials warn such a front could pull defenders from the east and south.

1.2 million weapons in a year: Inside Ukraine's Amazon-for-arms that ships to the frontline in 24 hours. Frontline units now pick from 1,181 products by 300 Ukrainian makers, and the fastest arrive within 24 hours.

HUR: Russia seeks rest of Donetsk Oblast, not a peace deal, by year-end. HUR's deputy chief says Russia cannot form new units without mobilization after battlefield losses exceeded contract recruitment in June and July.

New satellite imagery shows a caved-in roof at Russia's only Soyuz rocket-assembly plant. The imagery pins the damage to the building where crews wire the rockets' controls and electronics.

Why does Ukraine need a Bebradron-M drone with no warhead and only 2 kg of payload?. Ukraine has approved 413 new unmanned aerial systems for military use this year, most of them domestically produced.

The Ukrainian company behind MAUL, a robot that hits 70 km/h and survives flipping over, moves toward investment from an $81M US firm. AIDronesUA and US-based Empery Digital Inc. have signed an agreement to explore a strategic investment, with due diligence now underway.

International

NATO army bought Russian missiles and now it can't give them away. Israel and US lawmakers are stalling Türkiye's F-35 deal as its talks to offload a Russian S-400 to the UAE show no movement.

Russia warns UK of “consequences” over British-made drones in Ukraine's deep strikes. London vows to continue supporting Kyiv. Moscow accused London of deliberately escalating the war after reports that Ukrainian forces used UK-built drones to strike targets inside Russia, including oil refineries.

Blast marks Moldova's third airspace breach in nine days. Ukraine's Air Force reported that a Russian Banderol crossed the border, but Moldovan investigators could not conclusively identify the wreckage.

Kenya and South Africa went first, and now Ghana accuses Russia of luring Ghanaians into war. The methods drawing foreigners toward the front range from bogus contracts to political intrigue across Africa.

650 participants from 24 countries: Ukraine brings its battle-tested drone-defence experience to NATO's Baltic Trust 2026 exercise. For Ukraine, taking part as a valued contributor rather than an aid recipient marks its deepening integration with the alliance it seeks to join.

Humanitarian and social impact

Russia weaponizes Ukrainian children in occupied territories. Ukraine singles out those responsible. At a competition in May, children practised handling explosives and piloting drones across Russian-occupied Ukraine, according to HUR.

Two Russian missiles hit a post office and shops in Kharkiv Oblast, killing 10 people. The strike on a crowded crossroads in Pechenihy wounded 18 more and set a cafe and cars ablaze.

Medical tourism and IT can draw visitors back to Ukraine after the war, UN Tourism's chief told a Kyiv briefing. Her Kyiv visit, the first by a UN Tourism chief in a decade, came with a concrete deliverable: 500 online-academy scholarships, 200 of them for veterans.

He fought for Ukrainian independence until a Soviet chocolate-box bomb killed him. Now Ukraine plans to honour him permanently. Ukrainian leader Yevhen Konovalets' remains returned from Rotterdam after 88 years and are set for temporary reburial at Ukraine's National Military Memorial Cemetery.

Latvian public broadcaster opens new charity drive for Ukraine's wounded. Timed to Ukraine's 24 August Independence Day, a Latvian broadcaster's new drive aims to fund recovery for Ukrainian soldiers.

Political and legal developments

Russia jails 61-year-old Ukrainian for alleged Azov service, names no specific act. A Russian military court sentenced Hulak to five years and four months over an alleged connection to the Azov group.

World's largest crypto exchange helped Russia identify and jail a man who donated to Ukraine's army. Binance reportedly provided Russian authorities with personal data that helped lead to the arrest of a Russian IT specialist.

Read our previous daily review here.

A Russian court in Rostov-on-Don sentenced 61-year-old Ukrainian Andrii Hulak to five years and four months in a penal colony over alleged service in Ukraine’s Azov brigade, Mediazona reported on 17 August 2026. The court gave no details of when he allegedly served in Azov, what role he supposedly held, or any specific act Hulak was accused of committing.

Russia declared Azov a “terrorist organization” in August 2022 and has since prosecuted Ukrainians it claims served in or were connected to the brigade. Mediazona says Russian courts have treated an alleged connection to units such as Azov as enough to bring charges.

Azov is a Ukrainian National Guard brigade that became a symbol of Ukrainian resistance during the defense of Mariupol. The military unit has since become a primary target of Russian propaganda campaigns aimed at defaming Ukraine.

Hulak’s detention date and location remain unknown

The human rights group Memorial identified the charge as Part 2 of Article 205.4 of Russia’s Criminal Code, which covers participation in a “terrorist group.”

Hulak was born in Prymorske, Donetsk Oblast, and lived in Russian-occupied Urzuf near Mariupol before his detention, Mediazona reported. Memorial says Russia added him to its state register of “extremists and terrorists” on 21 October 2025 and lists him as a political prisoner.

His detention date and current location remain unknown.

Russia prosecutes Ukrainians in occupied territories

Hulak’s case is part of a broader pattern of Russian prosecutions of Ukrainians from occupied territories, including civilians accused of supporting Kyiv and service members prosecuted over their military affiliations.

In occupied Crimea, rights monitors documented 520 Ukrainians facing politically motivated criminal charges by April 2026—more than twice the number recorded when the full-scale invasion began. Of those, 351 were in pre-trial detention or serving sentences.

Outside Crimea, a Russian-installed court in occupied Donetsk sentenced a 17-year-old to six and a half years for allegedly sharing military information with Ukraine’s Security Service. In occupied Zaporizhzhia Oblast, a Russian court gave two women from Enerhodar 14-year sentences over alleged donations of $120 and $57 to Ukrainian forces.

Russia could assemble a strike force for an offensive into northern Ukraine by February 2027 if Moscow launches another mobilization, Ukrainian military intelligence's (HUR) deputy chief Major General Vadym Skibitskyi told RBC-Ukraine on 18 August.

Skibitskyi said another mobilization could follow Russia’s September parliamentary elections. Depending on its scale, that call-up could produce a strike force by February 2027. Skibitskyi based the February estimate on Russia’s 2022 mobilization. He said some personnel reached the front in December 2022, while combat-ready units arrived in January 2023.

Earlier warnings identified a northern route

The February estimate follows Ukrainian warnings about possible attacks across the northern border. In May, Zelenskyy said Ukraine was tracking five scenarios for expanding the war through the north, including an advance through Chernihiv Oblast toward Kyiv.

Syrskyi called an attack from Russia’s Bryansk Oblast into Chernihiv Oblast Moscow’s most realistic northern option, ranking it above an operation through Belarus. Its purpose, he said, would be to draw Ukrainian forces away from the east and south.

Russia has also struggled to prepare other major campaigns as Ukraine targeted the forces and systems needed to carry them out. ISW assessed that Ukrainian drones likely disrupted preparations for a spring–summer offensive in Donetsk Oblast, while a planned Russian naval-drone campaign reportedly stalled after Starlink access was blocked.

Ukrainian intelligence says Russia lacks the manpower

Skibitskyi said Moscow cannot form the units required for a new offensive without mobilization. HUR estimates Russia lost more personnel than it recruited in both June and July. The shortfall reached 3,000 in June and at least 1,000 in July, meaning monthly contracts no longer replaced battlefield losses.

The agency says Russia’s operational reserve is about one-tenth the size of its combat component against Ukraine. Moscow also lacks enough personnel to expand brigades into divisions, while recruitment for its unmanned-systems forces has reached only 30% of its quota.

CSIS estimated in January that Russia had suffered losses unmatched by any major state since World War II while advancing extremely slowly.

Ukraine's weapons marketplace DOT-Chain Defense has compressed delivery times from months to weeks after one year of operation, the country's Defense Ministry reported. For the fastest product categories—electronic warfare gear, ground robots, interceptor drones—orders now reach units within 24 hours.

Ukraine's war against Russia's invasion has pushed Kyiv to rebuild military procurement from the ground up, trading slow bureaucratic pipelines for digital platforms where frontline units pick and receive their own weapons faster than Western militaries have managed. Domestic manufacturers now make 90% of newly authorized systems.

Fastest deliveries measured in hours

The Defense Ministry and the Defense Procurement Agency DOT have jointly driven the acceleration, according to the ministry's statement.

"Delivery times for drones and other systems have shrunk from months to a matter of weeks, and often to days," the ministry said.

Beyond that general compression, several categories saw delivery within a single day. Electronic warfare systems, ground robotic platforms, reconnaissance and bomber drones, interceptor drones, and FPV drones on both fiber-optic and radio control all reached units within 24 hours. Ammunition for unmanned systems arrived within six days.

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Over the first year, the platform shipped more than 1.2 million drones and other systems. Units now choose from 1,181 products made by 300 domestic manufacturers.

How the marketplace works

DOT-Chain Defense supplements centralized state supply rather than replacing it, the ministry noted. Combat units use allocated funds to browse and order the equipment they need for their section of the front. The marketplace handles contracts, payments, and delivery.

The platform's drone constructor tool lets units customize drone configurations before ordering. A dedicated training course on using the marketplace recently launched inside the Army+ mobile app.

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Broader procurement picture

The one-year milestone caps a period of rapid scaling across Ukraine's defense procurement. The country contracted about $8 billion worth of drones in the first half of 2026—double the same period last year, according to the Defense Ministry.

More than 400 combat units now shop for weapons through the marketplace's companion Brave1 Market program using points earned for confirmed battlefield activity. Washington modeled its own Unmanned Aircraft Systems Marketplace on the Ukrainian original earlier this year.

The US plan to sell Türkiye F-35 stealth fighter jets has stalled, blocked by a Russian missile system Ankara bought years ago, Semafor reported. Lawmakers in Washington won't clear the deal while Türkiye keeps the hardware. The lone buyer in talks hasn't budged, and destroying the system is now on the table.

Russia has long used arms exports to pull buyers into its orbit, and the war it started raised the price of those ties—leaving governments that bought Russian air defense to clash with the supplier that sold it.

The Russian system is in the way

US sanctions law bars Türkiye from the F-35 program while it retains the Russian S-400, Semafor reported. That system is a long-range air defense, built to shoot down planes and missiles. Ankara already paid for six of the jets. They have sat in the United States since Washington expelled Türkiye from the F-35 program in 2019. US President Donald Trump announced plans to sell the jets more than a month ago, and nothing has moved since.

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No buyer, no easy exit

One way out is to sell the S-400 to another country. Türkiye reportedly opened talks with the United Arab Emirates (UAE) last month, but they don't appear to have progressed. American lawmakers insist Ankara must give up the system entirely first.

Republican Senator Rick Scott told Semafor that Türkiye shouldn't get the jets unless it becomes a true partner—"so if they have the S-400, they cannot have the F-35." Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Jim Risch, a longtime opponent, said the process is "at a standstill."

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Israel and Congress are the live block

The sharper obstacle sits in Washington, Semafor reported. A vote to sell would pit Israel against a NATO ally, and many of Trump's own allies want the S-400 scrapped completely. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned the jets could "destroy the power balance in the Middle East." The outlet said AIPAC, the leading pro-Israel lobby in Washington, is pressing Congress to keep the block.

Selling it still runs through Moscow

Any resale carries its own catch: Russia must approve the transfer of the S-400, giving the Kremlin a reason to block it. The only option that bypasses Moscow is to disable or destroy the system outright. Türkiye earlier tried to return the systems to Moscow, hoping to thaw relations with Washington. It didn't work.

The Trump administration says Ankara hasn't met all the conditions to buy the jets, and the State Department wants the S-400 issue settled with guarantees first.

Russia launched a massive attack on one of Ukraine’s DTEK thermal power plants, severely damaging equipment and forcing the facility to stop generating electricity, the energy company said on 18 August.

The strike comes as Russia continues its campaign against Ukraine’s energy infrastructure ahead of another winter, with Ukrainian officials warning that Moscow is expected to intensify attacks on critical civilian systems.

DTEK power plant sustains significant damage

DTEK said Russian forces heavily damaged equipment at one of its thermal power plants, forcing the station to halt electricity generation. The company did not identify the plant or provide an estimate of when it could resume operations.

DTEK’s thermal power plants have been attacked more than 230 times since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, according to the company.

During the previous major attack on 12 June, one DTEK employee was killed, the company said.

Ukraine faces another winter of energy attacks

The latest strike adds to extensive damage Russia has inflicted on Ukraine’s power system. Energy Minister Denys Shmyhal said earlier this month that Russia has destroyed or damaged more than 80% of Ukraine’s power-generating capacity.

Ukraine is preparing for another difficult winter after repeated Russian strikes last winter caused widespread damage to electricity and heating infrastructure.

Shmyhal has also warned that Russia could broaden its campaign this winter by targeting Ukraine’s water systems. Such attacks could make prolonged power outages significantly more dangerous for civilians by disrupting water supplies and sewage systems.

Kyiv Oblast faces mounting Russian attacks

The power plant strike came as Russia launched another large drone attack on Ukraine, with Kyiv Oblast the main target. Ukraine’s Air Force said dozens of drones were launched during the day, with most intercepted or suppressed by Ukrainian air defenses.

The latest assault is part of a broader pattern of Russian attacks on Kyiv Oblast in recent weeks. Alongside energy infrastructure, Russian forces have repeatedly targeted warehouses, distribution centers and other logistics facilities around the capital, disrupting the systems that supply Kyiv and other parts of Ukraine.

With winter approaching, the combination of attacks on energy generation and civilian logistics is adding pressure to a country already dealing with years of damage to its critical infrastructure.

Ukraine’s military intelligence (HUR) has named 10 people and two institutions it says are teaching Ukrainian children under occupation to handle weapons—and preparing them to serve Russia.

HUR says those named use youth groups, occupation education authorities, and schools to erase children’s Ukrainian identity and prepare them for Russian military service. Publishing their names supports Ukraine’s efforts to document the system and hold its organizers accountable, but HUR announced no charges or sanctions with the update.

How Russia militarizes Ukrainian youth in occupied territory

At a May 2026 “Zarnitsa 2.0” competition, the Kremlin-backed Movement of the First taught children to handle weapons and explosives and operate drones, HUR said.

At the competition’s stage in occupied Zaporizhzhia Oblast, regional organizer Viktoria Kostromina stated those skills would provide children with a “reliable foundation in life.”

The training sits inside a much larger school system. From 1 September, occupation schools will add a separate basic military-training track alongside a new Russian ideology class and behavior grades. More than 582,000 children across nearly 2,000 schools study under the imposed Russian curriculum, according to the Almenda Center of Civil Education.

Russia is also embedding combat preparation more deeply. “Cossack classes” will make ideological and combat-related drills compulsory for fifth-graders in four occupied Donbas cities. In Crimea, occupation authorities say they have built a pipeline that selects schoolchildren for drone training and ultimately for the Russian military reserve.

The policy has a long horizon. Putin’s 2025 strategy set a 95% “Russian civic identity” target for occupied populations by 2036.

Who HUR says is behind the indoctrination

HUR linked the individuals to the Movement of the First, Yunarmia, occupation education bodies, and a school in Simferopol.

Whom the HUR identified

• Artur Orlov: chairman of the Kremlin-backed Movement of the First.
• Oleksii Lavrentiev, Marina Tsvetinskaya, Ruyal Aliyev, Ekaterina Kozyr, Viktoria Kostromina and Kateryna Popova: regional Movement of the First organizers in occupied Ukraine.
• Svitlana Bespalova: occupation deputy education minister in Crimea.
• Nikita Polyakov: Yunarmia organizer in occupied Kherson Oblast.
• Dmytro Pryvidion: director of School No. 5 in occupied Simferopol.

HUR also identified two institutions: Pryvidion’s School No. 5 and the Selet–Ak Bars youth center in Foros. It says the school holds militaristic activities and produces devices for loading rifle magazines, while the center stages pro-war events for children.

All 12 entries now appear in the “Child Kidnappers” section of HUR’s War&Sanctions database.

Ukraine has previously pursued individual organizers through criminal cases. In 2024, the SBU accused a Crimea occupation official of using schools and military camps to indoctrinate pupils and encourage enlistment in Russia’s forces.

Ukraine’s ombudsman later asked the ICC and Ukrainian law enforcement to recognize systematic child militarization as a crime against humanity.

Russia has threatened Britain with “consequences” over reports that Ukrainian forces used drones manufactured by UK companies to carry out strikes inside Russia.

The Russian Embassy in London accused the UK of deliberately escalating the war by supporting Ukraine’s long-range strike campaign, saying Britain was seeking to “contain Russia and inflict maximum damage on it by proxy.” It warned that the deeper Britain becomes involved, “the higher the price it will pay.”

The threat followed news that Ukrainian forces had used two British-built drone systems to strike targets inside Russia for the first time. The Sunday Times, citing Ukrainian military sources, reported that the drones had been used against targets including oil refineries in Volgograd and Yaroslavl over the past six months.

Moscow warns Britain of “consequences”

The Russian Embassy said in a statement that the reported use of British-made drones “confirms that London is deliberately opting for an escalation of the Ukraine crisis.”

It warned that British actions would “inevitably carry consequences for which it will have to answer,” without specifying what form those consequences could take.

The warning comes as Ukraine has significantly expanded its long-range strike campaign against Russian military and energy targets. Kyiv has increasingly used large drone swarms to hit targets deep inside Russia, seeking to disrupt military production, logistics, and energy revenues while forcing Moscow to spread its air defenses across a much larger area.

Burnham says UK will continue backing Ukraine

UK Prime Minister Andy Burnham rejected Moscow’s warning, saying Britain would continue supporting Ukraine despite Russian threats, The Independent reported on Tuesday.

“This is the UK doing what it has long said it would do, which is to support Ukraine 100 per cent against this illegal war led by Vladimir Putin,” Burnham said during a visit to Wolverhampton.

“We are providing support so that Ukraine can defend itself,” he said, adding: “We are not fair weather friends. We will be there in Ukraine’s hour of need, and that won’t change.”

UK Work and Pensions Minister Lilian Greenwood similarly said Britain’s resolve to support Ukraine remained “completely steadfast” and that the country would continue providing the military equipment Kyiv needs.

The UK Ministry of Defence also said Russia should have “no doubt” about the government's resolve to oppose Russian aggression in Ukraine and against Britain and its allies.

British drones expand Ukraine’s deep-strike capabilities

According to The Sunday Times, one of the British systems used by Ukraine is the Nyan, a jet-powered one-way attack drone produced by BAE Systems subsidiary Callen-Lenz, with a reported range of more than 150 miles.

The second system has a reported range exceeding 600 miles, although its manufacturer was not identified for security reasons. The drones provide Ukraine with additional long-range strike capacity that can be produced and deployed in larger numbers than more expensive Western cruise missiles.

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British drones hit Russia for first time in Ukraine’s deep-strike campaign – The Sunday Times

The reported deployment marks a further expansion of UK military support for Ukraine as Kyiv increasingly takes the fight to Russian military and energy infrastructure inside Russia.

Ukraine's military intelligence (HUR) sees no battlefield signs that Russia is preparing for a ceasefire, deputy chief Major General Vadym Skibitskyi said in an interview with RBC-Ukraine on 18 August 2026. The agency expects no peace agreement before the end of 2026.

Russia’s General Staff plans to capture the remainder of Donetsk Oblast by year-end, Skibitskyi said. Meanwhile, HUR estimates that Russian personnel losses exceeded contract recruitment in June and July, leaving Moscow unable to create new military formations without mobilization.

HUR estimates Russia lost more troops than it recruited in both June and July. Losses exceeded new contract personnel by 3,000 in June and by at least 1,000 in July, leaving recruitment unable to replace battlefield losses. The agency says Russia’s operational reserve is only about one-tenth the size of the part already engaged in combat against Ukraine.

Russia has set a 2026 target of recruiting 409,000 personnel. Without mobilization, however, Moscow cannot create new formations or turn existing brigades into divisions because it lacks personnel, Skibitskyi said. The recruitment plan for Russia’s unmanned-systems forces is only 30% complete, and the command is trying to fill the gap with personnel from other military branches, he added.

If Russia mobilizes after its September parliamentary elections, it could assemble a powerful strike group by around February 2027, according to HUR. Skibitskyi did not rule out its use for a northern offensive. At present, however, HUR sees no conditions, indicators, or troops for such an operation.

Russia previously targeted September for Donbas

In April, Skibitskyi told the Financial Times that Moscow aimed to capture all of Donbas by September, after missing its deadlines to take Kostiantynivka and Druzhkivka. Russia was transferring 20,000 troops from strategic reserves to sustain the offensive, although this amounted to less than one month's worth of its battlefield losses.

By early August, DeepState reported 36 square kilometers of additional Russian-controlled territory across Ukraine in July, a figure that included map corrections for May and June. Without those corrections, Russia gained about 88 square kilometers.

DeepState reported limited progress near Rodynske and Kostiantynivka and toward Sloviansk and Kramatorsk, the heart of Ukraine’s “fortress belt.” At that pace, Russia had “no chance” of capturing all of Donetsk Oblast even by 2027, the group said. It cautioned that another wave of mobilization or a wider deployment of North Korean troops could change the forecast.

The 1st Corps of Ukraine's National Guard, known as Azov, says it destroyed 67 Russian fuel tanks holding 4,221 tons of fuel in occupied Donetsk Oblast, in an operation it named Hell-2. The unit released video of the strikes on 17 August, saying it had spent a month tracking where Russian forces moved and stored the fuel before hitting it.

Fuel is the blood of Russia's war, which is why its forces increasingly hide storage sites and route deliveries through improvised logistics hubs. Strikes on those hubs strip Russian units of what they need to move, supply, and fight. There have already been cases of Russian forces concealing fuel in grain trucks in occupied territories.

Azov warned the Russian forces before the strike

Azov says it flagged the fuel sites a month before hitting them, and struck when the Russians kept using them anyway.

“A month ago, we warned the occupier: ‘Azov sees your movements and will strike at the right moment.’ But some units of the Russian Armed Forces continued to store fuel in occupied Donetsk Oblast,” Azov said.

Azov emphasizes that it does not attack civilian gas stations or civilians. The operation targeted facilities used to supply Russian occupation forces. At the same time, according to Azov fighters, Russian military infrastructure remains a legitimate target.

The Russians didn’t get the message the first time

Hell-2 is likely a follow-up to the Hell operation, during which the first series of strikes, Azov also targeted the fuel logistics of Russian forces in occupied Donetsk Oblast.

On 12 July, Azov reported striking a secret Russian fuel base in Novoamvrosiivka. Drone operators from the 1st Azov Corps of the National Guard conducted reconnaissance and used Hornet drones to strike the facility. The strikes damaged fuel tanks and the base’s infrastructure and blocked the railway track.

According to the report, the Russians used the facility as a logistics hub to supply their occupation forces. After the strike, they were forced to abandon the base and move their logistics operations from the occupied territory into Russia.

Ukrainian Special Operations Forces (SOF) have retaken Andriivka-Klevtsove, a settlement on the border between Donetsk and Dnipropetrovsk oblasts, and captured 30 Russian soldiers, the SOF said on 17 August.

The operation is part of Ukraine’s broader eight-month counteroffensive on the Oleksandrivka axis, during which Kyiv says its forces have recaptured 745 square kilometers and 26 villages across Donetsk, Dnipropetrovsk, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts. The offensive has pushed Russian forces back from Dnipropetrovsk Oblast after months of Russian advances toward the region.

Russian forces infiltrated the settlement in small groups

Andriivka-Klevtsove, formerly known by its Soviet name Iskra, had been targeted by Russian forces attempting to gradually establish positions in the settlement.

According to the SOF, Russian troops had been infiltrating the area in small groups and occupying positions on the Oleksandrivka axis.

SOF forces cleared Russian positions and captured 30 troops

Operators from the SOF’s 3rd Regiment, working with an SOF psychological operations center, carried out a coordinated operation to clear Russian forces from the settlement.

Footage released by the SOF shows the ground phase of the operation, including Ukrainian special forces advancing through the settlement and forcing Russian troops from their positions.

Thirty Russian servicemen surrendered and were taken prisoner, according to the SOF. Russian troops who continued to resist were killed.

Ukrainian forces perform traditional “Chasing Away Vipers” ritual

After securing the settlement, Ukrainian special forces raised the Ukrainian flag and performed a traditional local ritual known as “Chasing Away Vipers.”

The ritual, included in Ukraine’s National Inventory of Elements of Intangible Cultural Heritage, is intended to symbolically drive evil and misfortune from a home.

The SOF said the ritual was used this time to “cleanse” the settlement of the Russian forces it described as “real vipers.”

Andriivka-Klevtsove adds to Ukraine’s gains on the Oleksandrivka axis

Kyiv announced on 12 August that Ukrainian forces had recaptured 745 square kilometers and 26 villages during the Oleksandrivka counteroffensive, which began on 29 January.

The operation was aimed at stopping Russia’s advance toward Dnipropetrovsk Oblast and pushing Russian forces back beyond its administrative border. Kyiv said Russian forces suffered at least 9,550 killed and more than 6,600 wounded during the operation.

The US-based Institute for the Study of War assessed that the Ukrainian advances showed Kyiv could still conduct significant tactical advances and restore limited mechanized maneuver on parts of the front.

An unidentified aerial object exploded in a cornfield outside Talmaza in southeastern Moldova, tearing a crater about two meters wide and 50 centimeters deep, Moldovan police said on 18 August. The shock wave spread across roughly 45 by 20 meters, but nobody was injured.

Russia has intensified its attacks on Ukraine’s Black Sea and Danube ports, bringing drones and missiles close to Moldova’s border. Moldova has recorded three aerial incidents in nine days, with the latest forcing authorities to close part of the country’s airspace.

Investigators recovered fiberglass body fragments, damaged electronics, and a turbojet engine, which Militarnyi noted is also used by the Banderol. Police said the components resembled those of a jet-powered missile-drone but could not identify the aircraft conclusively.

Ukraine's Air Force reported on 17 August that a Russian Banderol had crossed from Odesa Oblast toward Moldova. Militarnyi identified the weapon as an S8000 and placed the crossing near the Moscow-backed breakaway region of Transnistria.

Moldova’s Defense Ministry separately said it had tracked an unidentified object flying from Kuchurhan toward Tiraspol, the capital of Transnistria.

Authorities closed central Moldovan airspace for 15 minutes before the object disappeared from radar near Talmaza, Militarnyi said.

Moldova’s Foreign Ministry called the incident a serious violation of its sovereignty and a threat to public safety.

Talmaza blast follows two recent drone incidents in Moldova

The Talmaza explosion followed two similar incidents near Moldova’s border with Ukraine. On 9 August, an unidentified aircraft exploded in a field 12 kilometers from Ukraine and started a fire. Another object entered Moldovan airspace the following evening and was believed to be a jet-powered Shahed.

The recent incidents continue a longer pattern. Six Russian drones entered Moldova during an attack on Ukraine in November 2025, and one landed on a civilian roof.

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More than 100 drones detected near Romania in four days, NATO jets scrambled seven times

President Maia Sandu has called for counter-drone technology capable of intercepting and destroying hostile drones that violate Moldovan airspace, acknowledging that the country currently lacks such capabilities.

Russia’s port campaign reaches Moldova’s border

Across the border, Russian attacks on Ukraine’s Danube ports have reached a recent high, with Romania detecting more than 100 drones during seven recent attacks, interim Defense Minister Radu Miruță said.

Kyiv and Chișinău are also discussing a rail route through Moldova to Romania’s Constanța port as Russian strikes disrupt Ukraine’s maritime exports. Ukraine estimates the route could carry only about 10 percent of its grain exports.

The Greek-run oil tanker Skiros was attacked near Novorossiysk on 16 August 2026 after loading Russian crude at the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) terminal, Bloomberg reported.

The Suezmax-class vessel can carry about 1 million barrels. Bloomberg identified no attacker and provided no information about damage. Skiros’s Athens-based manager told the outlet that no one was injured and no pollution occurred.

CPC primarily exports Kazakh oil and carries more than two-thirds of Kazakhstan’s oil exports. Its shipments recently accounted for almost 2% of the global oil supply. Russian crude typically makes up only 5% to 10% of CPC exports.

Earlier in August, Ukraine agreed not to attack CPC infrastructure or non-Russian ships bound for the terminal if they were not under Ukrainian sanctions and did not carry Russian cargo. Because Skiros carried Russian crude, the protection did not apply to it under the terms Bloomberg described.

Following the July attacks, CPC considered suspending operations due to environmental and safety risks but decided to continue operations, Bloomberg reported.

The Skiros attack ended an almost three-week lull in attacks on ships using the terminal. Bloomberg did not say whether it disrupted oil loading, and CPC declined to comment.

Earlier attacks cut Kazakhstan’s oil production

Earlier attacks suspended loading at the terminal. Kazakhstan’s Energy Ministry confirmed a temporary reduction in oil production to prevent storage facilities from reaching capacity, while Reuters reported CPC loadings fell by a fifth in July.

The disruption also increased shipping and war-risk insurance costs as some operators became reluctant to call at the terminal, The Financial Times reported.

Paralysis of the logistics

Ukraine has not claimed responsibility for the Skiros attack, and Bloomberg did not identify an attacker. In a separate operation in July, the SBU and Navy acknowledged striking sanctioned Russian oil tankers Louise 1 and Banda with Mamai sea drones.

Robert “Madyar” Brovdi, commander of Ukraine’s Unmanned Systems Forces, later described the wider objective as the “paralysis of the logistics” of oil, fuel, and cargo that bypasses sanctions.

Satellite imagery shows the damage Ukraine's Flamingo missiles inflicted on Russia's main rocket-assembly plant, the Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ reported on 18 August. The overhead photo show a collapsed roof section over a key hall at the Progress Rocket Space Center in Samara, a Russian city about 900 km from the war zone in Ukraine. It puts a measurable figure on damage Kyiv had until now only claimed.

The satellite photo centers the damage on building 106A, Exilenova+ said. Crews there wire the rockets' control systems, cabling and instrument bays. The imagery shows two missile hits on that hall, the channel reported.

The collapsed roof section runs 85 meters long and 35 meters wide. Ukraine struck the plant on 15 August with its home-built Flamingo cruise missiles, which President Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed at the time.

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Reported Flamingo strike hits Samara industrial area housing factory that builds rockets for Russia’s Starlink rival

A rocket hall with no domestic replacement

Progress is the only plant in Russia that serially assembles the Soyuz-2 rocket family, used to launch military reconnaissance and targeting satellites, Exilenova+ noted. 

The plant also lofts the Rassvet satellites built by Bureau 1440, Russia's answer to Starlink. The country has no full alternative to the Samara site, they added. Next to building 106A stands 106B, the complex's final-assembly hall.

Ukraine's Fire Point company builds the Flamingo, a long-range cruise missile. Its growing reach lets Kyiv strike defense and space plants far from the front. Overhead imagery has exposed earlier Flamingo damage deep inside Russia.

Ukrainian drones struck Moscow and the surrounding oblast overnight into 18 August, cutting power, setting off fires, and hitting a warehouse of the Russian online retailer Wildberries, monitoring Telegram channels reported. Russian officials claimed air defenses shot down most of the drones and blamed the damage on falling wreckage. Ukraine's military did not claim the attack.

Fires and casualties across Moscow Oblast

Ukrainian monitoring Telegram channel Exilenova+ began posting footage of the strikes around 4:00. Fires broke out on an apartment-block roof and in another building in a town east of Moscow, and a retail pavilion caught fire near a shopping mall in a town to the southeast, Russian news Telegram channel Astra reported. Moscow Oblast Governor Andrei Vorobyov claimed air defenses downed more than 150 drones over the oblast. He stated three people were hurt, and that debris damaged homes.

The attack knocked out electricity for more than 5,000 customers and 46 "socially significant" facilities in two districts east of the capital, knocking 109 transformer substations offline, the regional utility Mosoblenergo said. It blamed equipment damage early on 18 August and estimated about two hours to restore power.

A Wildberries warehouse hit

A drone hit a Wildberries logistics warehouse in the region, where Vorobyov said a fire was quickly contained with no casualties. Wildberries said debris only grazed a wall, that staff had been evacuated in advance, and that its goods were unharmed. Footage shared by Exilenova+ showed a large hole near the roof and no visible fire.

Russia's claims

Russian officials gave sweeping counts. Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin claimed 620 drones flew toward the capital region overnight, with 180 downed there. Russia's Defense Ministry claimed it destroyed 791 drones over 15 Russian regions and occupied Crimea. In a separate daily tally, it claimed 1,671 drones over 24 hours, Interfax-Russia reported. Russian state news agency RIA Novosti called the claimed drone figure an absolute record. 

Ukraine's response

Ukraine's General Staff listed strikes on an ammunition depot in Donetsk Oblast and several drone-control points in Russia's Belgorod Oblast and Ukraine's Zaporizhzhia Oblast, but made no mention of the Moscow attack. 

Ukrainian defense-technology company Fire Point posted video of drones over the region, citing reported explosions near a Moscow oil refinery and a possible hit on warehouse infrastructure. Fire Point manufactures the FP-1—one of the types of long-range drones widely used in such attacks.

A campaign on a Russian retail giant

Wildberries warehouses have become a frequent Ukrainian target. On 16 August, Ukraine struck the retailer's logistics sites near Moscow, halting operations, and Kyiv has now knocked out seven of its 10 largest warehouses. The strikes have cost the company at least 17% of its warehouse space and pushed it to seek storage in Kazakhstan.

Russia struck the center of Pechenihy, a settlement in Ukraine's Kharkiv Oblast, on the morning of 18 August, killing at least 10 people and wounding at least 18, Ukraine's State Emergency Service reported. Two missiles hit a post office and shops at a crossroads ringed by homes, setting a cafe and cars ablaze. Emergency crews recovered bodies from the rubble as rescue work continued through the day.

A strike at rush hour

Russia fired two Banderol cruise missiles into the settlement at 08:40, the Prosecutor General's Office said, opening a war-crimes investigation into the deaths. The missiles hit the central part of Pechenihy just as residents were heading to work and businesses were opening, the settlement's head, Oleksandr Husarov, said. He put the preliminary midday toll as high as 20 wounded, cautioning the figures were not final.

Oleh Syniehubov, head of the Kharkiv Oblast Military Administration, reported that the strike burned a cafe and seven cars across roughly 400 m², and damaged 10 private houses, the post office, five shops, and 15 vehicles.

The Banderol is a low-cost, jet-powered cruise missile that Russia has used against Ukrainian cities before. Built by the sanctioned firm Kronshtadt with foreign components, it reaches up to 650 km/h and carries a 114.3-kg warhead. Ukraine recently found that a new ground launcher could let Russia fire the missile in salvos and without warning.

Ukraine's response

Acting Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said Putin "continues to drag out the war instead of accepting Ukraine's realistic ceasefire proposals." President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Russia had "brutally struck a crowded crossroads" where the post office and shops stood, ringed only by homes, and vowed a response, urging partners to add pressure on Moscow.

The same day, Russia also struck the Kharkiv Oblast city of Izium, wounding five people, among them a nine-year-old child, and damaging five private houses, Syniehubov said. Emergency services worked at the site and the wounded received care.

Romania detected more than 100 drones involved in seven attacks on Ukraine’s Danube ports in recent days, interim Romanian Defense Minister Radu Miruță told Romanian channel Digi24 on 17 August 2026. He said the attacks were the most intense recorded recently and that Ukrainian forces destroyed most of the drones “a few dozen meters from Romanian airspace.”

Russia’s growing attacks on Ukraine’s Danube ports put a key export route at risk as Kyiv seeks other outlets while its Black Sea ports are under attack. They also put Ukraine's southern border region under pressure as Kyiv develops trade links with Moldova and Romania, and NATO routes more military aid through Romania.

The latest drone swarms remained over Ukraine, and officials found no indication that Romania’s threat level had risen, Miruță stated. The Romanian military nevertheless remained on alert as attacks intensified across the Danube.

Ukraine looks south for trade and military aid

With Russia hitting its ports, Ukraine is turning to Romania and Moldova to keep trade moving. Kyiv and Chișinău are discussing a rail link through Moldova to Romania’s Constanța port, though Ukraine estimates it could carry only about 10% of its grain exports.

The rail proposal comes as Russian port strikes have cut monthly agricultural exports by 20–30% and left up to 10 million tons of grain in storage without buyers, Agriculture Minister Taras Vysotskyi has said.

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More than 100 drones detected near Romania in four days, NATO jets scrambled seven times

NATO said in December that a second aid hub in Romania would begin operating in January. It was designed to supplement the main center in Rzeszów, Poland, and route supplies toward Ukraine’s southern and eastern fronts.

Romania faces repeated drone incursions

Russian drones targeting Ukraine have repeatedly entered Romania as Moscow attacks Ukrainian ports across the Danube. More than 40 such incursions had been recorded by early June, Romanian Foreign Minister Oana Țoiu said.

The most serious occurred on 29 May, when a drone hit an apartment building in Galați. Two people were injured, and about 70 residents fled or were evacuated.

Vladimir Putin suggested that the aircraft might have been Ukrainian, but Romania’s forensic investigation later identified it as a Russian-built Geran-2.

Romanian forces later shot down three drones in 72 hours in July, while Miruță said Spanish pilots and Romanian troops destroyed a fourth on 16 August.

Debris from drones intercepted over Ukraine has also washed onto Romania’s coast, prompting temporary access restrictions while specialists checked for explosives.

Bucharest is buying low-altitude radars and ground interceptors through the EU’s SAFE program. Miruță said drones often fly at 70 to 150 meters, and ground systems would be cheaper to use than fighter-launched missiles.

Moldova will now carry Ukraine’s grain to Romania at half price, and President Maia Sandu is defending that choice against Moldovan farmers who stand to lose from it. What Kyiv was still negotiating a week earlier is now a signed tariff cut, and the growers left to absorb it have threatened mass protests.

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Ukraine and Moldova discuss rail corridor for grain amid Russian Black Sea attacks

Sandu ties Ukraine’s harvest to Moldova’s security

Speaking on Radio Moldova, Sandu argued that helping a wartime neighbor keep its export income is worth the strain at home, NewsMaker reported.

“If Ukraine cannot sell its products and has no money to defend itself, then we will have bigger problems than we do today,” she said. “We cannot turn our backs on Ukrainians who are bombed every night and every day wake up, grow grain, and resist. Through their resistance, they protect our peace too.”

She set Moldova’s role against that of larger backers: “Other states help them much more—with financial aid, with military aid. Here we can help them, with these transit routes.”

Farmers set a 21 August deadline

Moldova has halved rail transit tariffs on Ukrainian goods from 10 August to 31 December 2026, a move that could earn Moldovan Railways several million euros and route around 10% of Ukraine’s expected six million tons of 2026 cargo through its territory, Curs de Guvernare reported.

The cut has unsettled local growers. The association Forța Fermierilor (Farmers’ Force) says they face real risks and wants a seat in overseeing the transit. After meeting Prime Minister Vasile Tofan on 17 August, it warned of “massive” protests unless the government shows progress by 21 August.

Russian strikes push grain onto the rails

Ukraine wants the overland route because Russia’s strikes have made the sea route unreliable. Odesa’s ports handle about 90% of Ukraine’s grain, and an overnight strike on Odesa on 17 August damaged another foreign civilian ship.

In July alone, Russian attacks damaged 28 vessels at Greater Odesa’s ports and killed 21 sailors, monitor Andrii Klymenko reported. The rail line to Romania’s Constanța port is the safer alternative. Even in 2023, when Moldova moved to shield its market from Ukrainian grain, it kept transit open.

Ghana has publicly demanded that Russia halt the recruitment of its citizens to fight in the war against Ukraine, following 17 August talks between the two countries' foreign ministers in Moscow, The Moscow Times reported. Ghana's top diplomat said Moscow agreed to work on the matter, while Russia confirmed that Ghanaians had signed military contracts but defended the practice. 

Ghana brings its dead and missing to the table

Ghanaian Foreign Minister Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa accused Russia of the "illegal recruitment" of Ghanaians for the war on Ukraine. After the Moscow talks, he said his Russian counterpart, Sergei Lavrov, agreed to work toward resolving the issue, according to Interfax Russia. Ablakwa reported that 62 of his compatriots had died in Ukraine, with a further 15 listed as missing, Bloomberg reported.

Russia confirms the contracts, then justifies them

Lavrov confirmed that Ghanaian citizens had signed contracts with Russia's Defense Ministry. He claimed the Ghanaians had signed out of solidarity with a country that had helped Africa fight racism and for financial reasons. He stated that Moscow had received similar appeals from other countries, and that a dedicated Defense Ministry structure reviews such cases and would examine the additional requests raised by the Ghanaian side.

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Fighters from 51 countries now held in Ukraine after fighting for Russia, ombudsman says

A pattern stretching across two continents

The recruitment of African nationals to reinforce Russian forces has alarmed governments across the region. Kenya and South Africa had already pressed Moscow with similar demands. In February, Kenyan intelligence said Russia had deceptively lured more than 1,000 Kenyans into the war, many of them promised jobs as truck drivers or security guards.

In December 2025, South Africa detained five people suspected of recruiting mercenaries for the Russian army. Last fall, Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla, daughter of former South African President Jacob Zuma, was reportedly involved, convincing 20 young men they were traveling to Russia for bodyguard training to later work in her father's party. Botswana in July reported the deceptive recruitment of its citizens, saying the number of victims was "growing at an alarming rate," and Panama later leveled similar accusations. Russia's Foreign Ministry claimed the signed contracts were voluntary.

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Over 1,000 Kenyans lured into Russia’s war in Ukraine, 50+ Ghanaians killed there — three governments confirmed it, none confronted Moscow

Ghana's confrontation echoes earlier ones

Ukrainian officials say the death toll among African recruits has climbed into the hundreds, turning what Moscow frames as voluntary service into what several governments describe as trafficking.

In March, three governments had already confirmed their citizens were being lured to the war, including more than 1,000 Kenyans and over 50 Ghanaians killed. Kenya said the same month that Russia had agreed to stop using its recruits, though families of the missing were still waiting. 

A European Parliament resolution has separately accused Russia of stripping African recruits of their documents and sending them to the Ukrainian front.

The head of UN Tourism, Shaikha Al Nowais, named medical tourism and Ukraine's IT sector as the country's strongest cards for winning back foreign visitors after the war, at a Kyiv briefing. Ukraine already holds everything a tourism economy needs, she said, from culture and landscapes to cuisine. Al Nowais, the first woman to lead the organization in its history, was making the first visit by a UN Tourism chief to Ukraine in a decade.

A UN specialized agency publicly treated Ukraine as a future destination rather than a war zone, as Kyiv tries to anchor its reconstruction to sectors that can earn hard currency and bring people back to emptied regions. Both sectors she named were among Ukraine's stronger performers before 2022.

Before the invasion, Ukraine was receiving about 13 million visitors a year, with tourism worth roughly 3 to 4 percent of GDP, RBC-Ukraine reported citing the numbers mentioned at the briefing.

"Bringing all stakeholders in the tourism process together with the state under one umbrella could unlock great potential," Al Nowais said.

A medical tourism hub before the war

Before Russia's full-scale invasion, Ukraine had a reputation as an affordable place for fertility treatment and surrogacy, dentistry, laser eye surgery, and cosmetic procedures, the US-based Medical Tourism Association said. Prices often ran a fraction of Western European ones. In the late 2010s, the country's medical tourism association counted tens of thousands of foreign patients a year. Because that trade rests on clinics and specialists rather than rebuilt infrastructure, Al Nowais said it could bounce back fairly quickly once the war ends.

A tech sector that grew through the war

Ukraine's IT exports reached about $6.8 billion in 2021, close to a tenth of all the country's exports, and the industry has been one of the few to keep growing through the war. The same ecosystem produced the Diia app, a state-services platform installed by more than a third of Ukrainian adults before the invasion, along with globally used products such as Grammarly and GitLab. A sector that has shown it can ship and scale under bombardment is, on Al Nowais's logic, well placed to build the booking, logistics and guide services a returning tourism market will need.

Ukraine's Acting Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha met her in Kyiv on 15 August 2026 to discuss tourism's place in reconstruction, and UN Tourism agreed to provide 500 scholarships for Ukrainians to study at its Online Academy, 200 of them reserved for veterans, with Kyiv setting the rest of the allocation.

Ukraine plans to temporarily rebury Yevhen Konovalets, a leading Ukrainian nationalist between World Wars I and II, at its National Military Memorial Cemetery, President’s Office head Kyrylo Budanov wrote in a Telegram post.

His remains will later be transferred to the planned Ukrainian National Pantheon, Budanov said.

The National Pantheon is intended to honor political leaders, soldiers, and cultural figures who built or defended Ukraine. Responding to a citizen's petition, Zelenskyy described the memorial as a way to unite Ukrainians around defending their sovereignty and territorial integrity. Budanov cast Konovalets’ planned reburial as linking the current war against Russia with earlier struggles against foreign rule.

Budanov portrayed Konovalets as a threat to Ukraine’s enemies because he organized military and political resistance to Russian and Soviet rule. He said attempts had been made for decades to erase or distort Konovalets’ name and that returning his remains had long been considered “untimely.”

“The enemies of a free Ukraine feared the colonel during his lifetime—they still do,” Budanov wrote.

Konovalets’ remains were exhumed at Crooswijk Cemetery in Rotterdam, the Netherlands, on 11 August. They returned to Ukraine two days later, deputy head of the President’s Office Iryna Vereshchuk said.

A memorial service was held in Kyiv on 15 August. Officials have not announced when Konovalets will be temporarily reburied or when his remains will be transferred to the Pantheon.

Who was Yevhen Konovalets?

Born near Lviv in 1891, Konovalets commanded the Sich Riflemen, which defended the Ukrainian People’s Republic after the Russian Empire collapsed. The republic was proclaimed in 1917 and declared independence in 1918 before Bolshevik forces defeated it three years later.

Konovalets continued the struggle for independence from exile. He helped establish the Ukrainian Military Organization, an underground group preparing armed resistance to Polish and Soviet rule.

In 1929, Konovalets brought the organization together with other nationalist groups to found the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in Vienna and became its first leader.

He prepared the OUN for armed struggle and sought European support for Ukrainian independence.

On 23 May 1938, Soviet secret police operative Pavel Sudoplatov killed Konovalets in Rotterdam with a bomb concealed in a box of chocolates. Two years after his death, the OUN split into rival factions.

What is the National Pantheon?

Ukraine plans the National Pantheon as a permanent burial and memorial site for major figures in its history, including those buried abroad.

Parliament approved President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s bill on 1 July. The government selected part of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, a historic Orthodox monastery in the capital, as its site.

The Pantheon plan has raised concern in Poland over whether it could honor members of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA).

The UPA fought for Ukrainian independence during and after World War II. Poland holds it responsible for killing up to 100,000 ethnic Poles in Volhynia and Eastern Galicia between 1943 and 1945. Poland's parliament has declared the killings a genocide.

Konovalets was assassinated in 1938, before World War II, the OUN’s split, and the UPA’s formation. The Volhynia killings and the OUN factions’ wartime collaboration with Nazi Germany, therefore, postdated his leadership.

Even so, Ukraine’s broader effort to honor nationalist leaders has drawn criticism over the wartime records of Konovalets’ successors. Its May 2026 state reburial of Andrii Melnyk, who succeeded Konovalets as OUN leader, drew objections from Israel’s Foreign Ministry and Yad Vashem over Melnyk’s collaboration with Nazi Germany.

India, the world’s biggest edible-oil importer, bought a 10-month high of about 1.5 million tons of vegetable oil in July, up roughly a third from June, as refiners restocked for the August-to-November festival season.

The jump was led by palm oil, up by half, and soybean oil, up about a third, data compiled by UkrAgroConsult. Sunflower oil rose just 4%, the weakest of the three, and India buys most of it from Ukraine and Russia, the world’s leading exporters.

Now the sunflower supply is the one going into reverse. India’s sunflower-oil imports are set to fall in August to their lowest since February, with about 150,000 tons of cargo delayed at Black Sea ports and buyers in the south switching to soybean, four traders told Reuters.

The switch is only partly about the war. Soybean and palm oil are cheap, and India’s own mills are pressing less oil from a smaller domestic harvest, leaving refiners leaning on imports, Rajesh Patel told OFI. The GGN Research partner expects soybean oil imports to top 500,000 tons a month into the autumn.

Russia’s strikes close Ukraine’s window

Ukraine is in no position to capture that demand. Russian strikes on Chornomorsk in mid-July forced Kernel, its largest exporter, to halt its terminals there, and the country’s farmers’ union reckons the summer attacks have cost a third of its capacity to ship grain by sea.

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Russia’s port strikes leave Ukraine’s grain with almost nowhere else to go

Vegetable oil and meal earn more than 15% of Ukraine’s foreign currency, among its largest sources of the hard cash that funds the war, the industry association Ukroliyaprom has said.

The squeeze runs through geography Ukraine cannot change: almost all its farm exports leave by sea, through a handful of Odesa ports now under regular fire, with no land route at anything near the scale.

Kyiv now expects to export barely half the harvest it had planned to sell abroad this season, and is arranging emergency loans so farmers can plant the next crop. Since the start of August, grain leaving by rail has dropped by more than three-quarters year-on-year, according to Ukrzaliznytsia data.

Latvia's public broadcaster opened a new fundraising drive on 17 August to pay for the rehabilitation of wounded Ukrainian soldiers, LSM reported. The effort is timed to Ukraine's Independence Day on 24 August. Donations run through the charity Ziedot.lv.

Russia's invasion has produced a generation of wounded and traumatized Ukrainians whose recovery will outlast the war. The state already counts more than a million registered veterans, a number that climbs every month.

A new channel for Ukraine's wounded

The drive, called "Together with Ukraine in Thought and Deed!", runs from 17 August to 13 September 2026. Latvian Public Media (LSM) organized it with Ziedot.lv and the Ukrainian Embassy in Latvia. It is dedicated to rehabilitation. Organizers said every euro goes to that goal. Latvians can give online through Ziedot.lv, or by calling a national donation line charged at €5 including VAT.

"Fighting for the security of us all"

The campaign's ambassador is Odita Krenberga, an LSM journalist who has reported from the Ukrainian front line. She said only seconds separated her from death or serious injury, and that many others never got that chance. Russia has taken hundreds of thousands of lives and wounded even more, she said, calling it a painful injustice. Ukrainians, she added, are fighting "for the security of us all, for a safe Europe."

Wounds that take years to heal

Rūta Dimanta, who heads Ziedot.lv, said "the wounds of war take a long time to heal." They are not only physical, she said, but also the pain of loss, helplessness, and injustice. Soldiers must live with the deaths of comrades and the pain in their souls. The money cannot erase that, but it can fund recovery in Ukraine and Latvia, allowing them to carry on with their lives.

Latvia keeps giving

Since the war began, LSM and Ziedot.lv have raised more than €2 million across earlier appeals. The two partners have already sent Ukraine a locally built naval drone, and Latvia has funneled millions to front-line oblasts on the Russian border. Latvia has also pledged 0.25% of its GDP a year to Ukraine's defense—a bigger share than most larger allies give.

Ukraine brought the world's most battle-tested counter-drone experience to a NATO exercise. From 3 to 14 August, Ukraine took part in NATO's Baltic Trust 2026 exercise in Latvia, which focused on countering drones and other threats posed by uncrewed aerial systems, the General Staff reported.

The exercise responds to a mounting Russian threat against NATO's Baltic flank. Russia has probed the alliance's eastern edge so aggressively that NATO scrambled over the Baltic, jumping more than 250% in July.

Also, Moscow has increasingly launched drones on the Baltic States. Even on 14 August, the final day of the drill, a NATO fighter shot down a drone over Latvia after Russian electronic warfare pushed it off course, the second Baltic drone incursion that week. Baltic Trust 2026 was NATO's answer: about 650 participants from 24 countries building the counter-drone defenses that the threat demands.

The exercise tested systems working together

Baltic Trust focused on integration, not single technologies. Soldiers, specialists, and industry representatives jointly tested new technological solutions in conditions close to a modern operational environment, the General Staff said.

The core was whether the pieces work as one system. Participants checked how detection tools, command-and-control systems, and counter-drone measures can exchange data, form a common operational picture, and enable coordinated response.

Ukraine's experience is the draw

Ukraine's participation carries particular weight in this field. No NATO member has faced the scale of drone attack Ukraine confronts nightly, and its forces have built and continually adapt the detection, interception, and electronic-warfare methods that down Russian drones by the tens of thousands.

That makes Ukraine a source of hard-won practical knowledge for allies still preparing for threats Ukraine already lives with. Bringing Ukrainian experience into a NATO drill turns the country's battlefield lessons into shared allied capability, on exactly the drone warfare the alliance is scrambling to counter on its eastern flank.

The exercise builds collective defense

Baltic Trust served NATO's broader readiness. Jointly testing and integrating such solutions helps turn technological innovation into practical capabilities that strengthen readiness and collective defense.

Previously, Russia's Foreign Intelligence Service Head Sergey Naryshkin accused NATO of escalating military activity near Russia’s borders. He warned that Poland and the Baltic states would be the first to suffer in the event of a war between Moscow and the Alliance.

Exclusives

Russia has thousands of tanks it can't risk. One drone shield decides whether they roll. Russia has finally fielded a tank defense that can shoot down Ukrainian FPV drones. The problem is that Ukrainian crews can send more drones than the Arena-M can stop—and the first tanks carrying it have burned anyway.

Ukraine let young men leave to keep teenage boys home. Restaurants now struggle to hire. Work.ua recorded 29% fewer male candidates aged 18 to 22 in hospitality and retail. Across the platform, advertised entry-level pay rose 23 to 24%.

Ukraine landed a gun-armed robot on a Russian beach. Russia sent jet drones after the boats. No Ukrainian went ashore on the Kinburn Spit in July. The machines did it. Now Russia is hunting the boats that carried them.

NATO no longer deters Russia. A new coalition could. A formal declaration of Ukraine's alliance with European military powers would radically change Russia's calculus

How did Sberbank's record dividend end up frozen for Western shareholders?. Russia's largest bank keeps setting profit records and paying record dividends. For its shareholders in the West, that money is frozen in accounts they cannot touch.

Military

Ukraine hit ground-control station for rare drone that fires Russia's Banderol, missile hitting 650 km/h with 114-kg warhead. Ukraine hit a Shahed storage and launch site, an Orion drone control station, and drone relay points across occupied Crimea and Kherson Oblast.

Ukraine has knocked out seven of Russia's 10 biggest warehouses as its air defenses fall short, ISW says. The drones keep reaching depots that help supply Moscow's military, faster than Russia can shield them. The latest strike occurred yesterday.

A Russian drone knocked out an evacuation robot, so a Ukrainian commander drove into the kill zone in a pickup to save two wounded soldiers. The robotic evacuation that Ukraine now runs by the thousand failed under fire. A commander with a pickup was the fallback.

Intelligence and technology

Why does Ukraine need a Bebradron-M drone with no warhead and only 2 kg of payload?. Ukraine has approved 413 new unmanned aerial systems for military use this year, most of them domestically produced.

The Ukrainian company behind MAUL — a robot that hits 70 km/h and survives flipping over — moves toward investment from an $81M US firm. AIDronesUA and US-based Empery Digital Inc. have signed an agreement to explore a strategic investment, with due diligence now underway.

$3,032 to kill a soldier on whom Russia spends $65,000: Ukraine's new system puts a price on every strike. Every $1 Ukraine spends hitting a target inflicts nearly $5 of losses on Russia, according to the Mission Control module.

Ukrainian commander says one French howitzer could have changed the war's early months, if there'd been more of it. The French CAESAR is one of the best self-propelled howitzers in Ukraine's arsenal, accurate, long-range, and mobile, an artillery major says.

This new drone stays aloft for more than day and resists jamming. Ukraine says it can now reach beyond the Urals. The T40 extends Ukraine's homegrown deep-strike reach to distant rear-area targets like factories and airfields.

Slovakia resumes BMP-1 hull production after 36 years. The secret customer may be Ukraine. The first two prototype hulls are complete under a late-2025 contract with an unnamed foreign buyer, and Defense Express points to Ukraine as the likely customer.

Russia builds and expands at least 10 drone bases. Some could put Warsaw in range – Telegraph. Seven sites were reportedly used in attacks on Kyiv, while the wider buildout adds to Russia's military infrastructure along NATO's borders.

Russia's most-used map app is erasing a Baltic missile site that Western maps still show. The concealment appears only on Yandex, leaving Google, Apple, and Microsoft to reveal exactly what Moscow wanted buried.

Russia's new drone outruns old Shahed by four times and tracks its target in real time. Its own heat is what lets Ukraine track it back. Its size and heat signature make it vulnerable, a Ukrainian colonel says.

International

Berlin weighs closing the Russian House for spying, yet a federal ministry just moved in beside it. One arm of the German government reviews shutting the site while another shares a wall with it, exposing a split over how seriously the threat is taken.

Japan tracks four Russian missile boats passing close to its coast off Hokkaido. The country's navy shadowed the warships with a patrol plane as they sailed back west through a strait between two of its northern islands.

Humanitarian and social impact

Russia's latest strike on Ukraine's most important trade route: Togo-flagged civilian ship hit in Odesa. A Russian strike on Odesa Oblast port infrastructure damaged a civilian vessel and injured four people, three of them hospitalized.

Russians are buying seaside apartments built on the ruins of the Mariupol homes Russia bombed—DW. Russian occupation authorities ordered some residents out of apartments that survived the siege, sending them to hostels or Mariupol's outskirts, according to DW sources.

Nearly 500 Africans recruited into Russia's army have died, Ukraine says. Ukraine has identified almost 3,000 recruits from 37 countries, including 35 now held as prisoners of war.

Russia's strikes across 10 Ukrainian regions kill at least eight in 24 hours. Deaths were reported in at least three regions, with civilian infrastructure damaged.

Russia struck Ukraine's gas producer 13 times in a single week, forcing some wells offline. The drone-and-missile barrage more than doubled the company's strike count from a comparable week last winter, well before the heating season begins.

Man and woman attacked two children for speaking Ukrainian, Gdańsk consulate says. The consulate says police are searching for the alleged attackers. The siblings escaped serious physical injury but suffered severe emotional stress.

Political and legal developments

World's largest crypto exchange helped Russia identify and jail a man who donated to Ukraine's army. Binance reportedly provided Russian authorities with personal data that helped lead to the arrest of a Russian IT specialist.

Read our earlier daily review here.

Ukrainian company BlueBird Tech has unveiled a new version of its fixed-wing “Bebradron” UAV. The new modification has no warhead but can carry a payload of up to 2 kg, Oboronka writes.

The Bebradron-M is remotely operated. It has a cruising speed of 70 km/h and a maximum speed of up to 115 km/h. It can fly for up to 25 minutes, has a range of up to 30 km, and operates at altitudes of 200–700 meters.

The name Bebradron was not chosen by chance. It comes from the Ukrainian joke from a meme “nyukhai bebru” (“sniff the bebra”), a humorous euphemism hinting at the male genitalia.

What is such a small drone used for?

The specialized version is designed to train pilots and interceptor-drone operators and to practice scenarios for shooting down aerial targets using a real UAV.

The Bebradron-M can also be used to simulate a decoy target during exercises aimed at countering aerial reconnaissance.

The company said foil materials can be applied to the drone’s wings to increase its radar signature. This creates an additional radar return, allowing operators to practice scenarios involving multiple aerial targets.

What does the Bebradron-M lack?

The standard fixed-wing UAV configuration includes a low-light camera, analog video link, 915 MHz control system and a 6S3P battery.

The Bebradron-M, however, lacks cruise control or navigation systems.

Ukraine clears hundreds of new drones for military use in 2026

Since the beginning of 2026, 413 unmanned aerial systems have been approved for use by Ukraine’s Defense Forces. This is more than in 2025 and 2024, according to Ukraine’s Defense Ministry. Almost all of the newly codified drones are Ukrainian-made.

Among them is the Dovbush T40, a drone built to reach the deepest parts of Russia, designed for deep reconnaissance and precision strikes against distant Russian targets.

Ukrainian company AIDronesUA and US-based Empery Digital Inc. have signed a document creating the conditions for strategic investment, according to Defender Media. AIDronesUA develops the MAUL unmanned ground vehicle, a casualty evacuation, logistics, and ammunition-delivery platform that was previously presented at the Eurosatory 2026 defense exhibition in Paris.

MAUL is built on an all-terrain vehicle equipped with an internal combustion engine, which offers a significant advantage over electric motors by enabling higher speeds. The drone can travel at up to 70 km/h when a reliable communications link is available. Its engine also allows it to operate in cold weather without the limitations associated with batteries, ArmyInform reports.

MAUL is equipped with four different types of communication links, which can back each other up. The UGV can continue moving even after overturning. Ukrainian military personnel have reported instances in which a vehicle flipped over, returned to its wheels, and continued moving.

Final agreement has not yet been signed

The parties emphasize that, at this stage, this is not a finalized investment agreement. The companies will conduct a feasibility study, financial modeling, and due diligence to assess the potential for future cooperation.

Empery Digital Inc., with which negotiations are underway, has a market capitalization of more than $81 million. The company is involved in the production of electric vehicles and also operates in the digital assets sector, including cryptocurrency.

Access to the US investment market

As part of the due diligence process, Empery Digital plans to assess AIDronesUA's technologies, operations, production requirements, financial needs, regulatory considerations, supply chains, and opportunities for international expansion.

A final agreement can be concluded only after the necessary approvals are obtained, negotiations are finalized, and the relevant documents are signed.

Potential cooperation with the US company could give AIDronesUA access to US investment, international manufacturing expertise, and global markets. The company is also considering integrating Ukrainian-developed technologies into international manufacturing and supply chains.

The world’s largest cryptocurrency exchange, Binance, has helped Russia arrest one of its own citizens for supporting the Ukrainian military. Using information provided by the exchange, Russian authorities arrested 49-year-old Russian IT specialist Yuriy Bielenkyi, who was detained in September 2025 and is now being held in a Russian prison awaiting trial, Reuters reports.

The information was later included in the criminal case against him. Russian investigators also asked Binance to identify other people who had transferred funds to a wallet used to collect donations for Ukrainian soldiers.

What information can be obtained through Binance?

Journalists obtained documents showing that in October 2025, Russian investigators requested Binance’s transaction history for Bielenkyi.

The exchange provided information about transfers to Ukrainian cryptocurrency wallets. Russian law enforcement received not only transaction data but also the user’s personal information, including his date of birth, address, phone number, passport details, a copy of his Russian passport, and his Bulgarian residence permit.

Passing the buck

Crypto-regulation lawyer Mike Bystrov told journalists that Binance was not necessarily required to hand over the data to Russia. If Bielenkyi was registered with Binance as an EU customer, he could have been covered by rules that significantly restrict the transfer of personal data to countries that do not provide an adequate level of data protection.

Binance disagreed. The company said it cooperates with lawful law-enforcement requests in different countries, but that government authorities themselves decide how to use the information they receive.

Meanwhile, the European Data Protection Board, an EU body, declined to comment.

Previous precedents involving Alexei Navalny

Reuters previously reported that in 2021, Binance’s regional head met with representatives of Russia’s financial-monitoring agency, who wanted to help identify customers making Bitcoin donations to Alexei Navalny.

At the time, Binance told Reuters that Russian authorities had never approached the company regarding the anti-Kremlin activist, who died in an Arctic penal colony in 2024.

Russia struck Odesa's port again and hit a foreign civilian ship. Russian forces attacked port infrastructure in Odesa Oblast overnight, damaging a civilian vessel flying the flag of Togo, Oleh Kiper, the head of the regional military administration, reported.

The strike hit neutral commercial shipping at a port that Russia has repeatedly attacked. Odesa is Ukraine's main gateway for seaborne trade, and Russia has struck its port infrastructure throughout the war, endangering the foreign-flagged merchant ships that dock there to move Ukrainian grain and cargo.

Four people were injured

The strike caused casualties among those at the port. Four people were injured, three of them hospitalized and one in serious condition, and all are receiving the necessary medical care, Kiper said.

Fires broke out as a result of the strike and have now been fully extinguished, Kiper said.

The target was Ukraine's trade gateway

Hitting a foreign merchant ship strikes at the heart of Ukraine's economic lifeline. Odesa's ports are how Ukraine ships its grain and imports to the world, and the foreign-flagged vessels that call there are civilian commercial traffic, not military targets.

Earlier, Ukraine’s Agriculture Ministry cut its forecast for agricultural exports in 2026–2027 by 54% after Russia's strikes on the port. The ministry now expects 29.6 million tons of agricultural exports, down from 64.4 million. Its wheat export forecast fell by 53%, from 17.6 million tons to 8.3 million tons.

The scale of the crisis triggered by Russia

In July alone, Russian strikes damaged 28 vessels traveling to or from the ports of Greater Odesa, roughly 11–12% of maritime traffic, killing 21 sailors and injuring 34, according to Andrii Klymenko of the Black Sea Strategic Studies Institute’s monitoring group.

Land and river routes cannot make up the difference. Low water levels are limiting the Danube's capacity, and there is no full substitute for Ukraine’s deep-water ports in the medium term. If the delays continue, he said, Ukraine may have to store an additional 10–12 million metric tons of grain it cannot export.

Russian forces may have finally found a way to protect their tanks from Ukrainian first-person-view drones. And it's not the usual add-on armor applications that have defined mechanized combat in Ukraine since the early months of Russia's wider war.

No, the Russians have begun deploying tanks fitted with the Arena-M active protection system (APS), which detects incoming FPVs and automatically fires a small projectile at them. The first few assaults by Arena-M-equipped tanks ended in defeat for the Russians, but limited combat footage shows the system can destroy incoming FPVs.

At least one Arena-M did work against FPVs—it just did not work long enough to save the tank. Observer Andrei_bt stressed that a reported 12-round loadout "does not match modern realities." Footage published on 7 August showed Ukrainian FPVs attacking an Arena-M-equipped T-72B3M near occupied Volodymyrivka, though the Institute for the Study of War assessed that it likely showed the late-July mechanized assault. Ukrainian drone operator Dmytro Putiata reported that one Arena-M shot down seven FPVs before Ukrainian forces destroyed the tank.

That is a smaller problem than the one the Russians had a month ago, and it is why the burned-out tanks along the road in Donetsk Oblast are not the whole story. Russia has spent three years accumulating tanks it cannot safely send anywhere—thousands of them, rebuilt and parked for want of a defense against $500 drones. An Arena-M that does not run dry halfway to the objective is the thing that would let those tanks out of the yard.

The good news for Russian mechanized forces is that developers now know Arena-M needs a bigger ammo loadout. The bad news is that packing more projectiles into the system could prove extremely difficult. The main problem: adding any further bulk to the turret-mounted projectile launchers could block a tank's engine compartment, preventing access for maintenance.

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Russia’s tanks are back after a year in hiding. Thursday was a massacre.

If there's a workaround, it may involve redesigning the Arena-M to fire smaller but more numerous projectiles.

Ammunition may not even be the binding constraint. Ukrainian aviation expert Anatolii Khrapchynskyi put the Arena-M's engagement range at 20 to 30 meters and its detection range at around 50—numbers that leave very little time against a drone diving from above, however many charges are in the launchers.

The Institute for the Study of War, for its part, assesses that the Arena-M alone is currently insufficient to protect Russian mechanized assaults from Ukrainian drones because the system can be saturated, though it raises the cost and effort required of Ukrainian forces.

An Arena-M with more rounds could be the development Russian commanders were waiting for as they continue stockpiling new and refurbished tanks and fighting vehicles. Doubling down on production of T-90 and T-72 tanks, the Kremlin has more than made good its combat losses in the first 54 months of the wider war.

Tank-led assaults have been rare in the last year of fighting as Russian forces have pivoted to infantry-led infiltration tactics. That may change as infantry losses deepen and commanders gain confidence in the Arena-M to protect tanks from drone attack.

Combat debut

The Arena-M, designed by the Kolomna Engineering Design Bureau, uses Doppler radar to spot incoming rockets, missiles, and drones, and counter-munitions meant to shred a threat shortly before impact. The concept is old: the Soviets fitted the Drozd system to modernized T-55ADs in the 1980s, and Russian designers have been chasing active protection since their tanks were mauled in Chechnya.

Three decades on, the Russian government daily Rossiyskaya Gazeta conceded on 7 August that there is still no generalized battlefield data on how the Arena-M performs, and that its potential against threats attacking from above needs further study.

Anti-Drone Armor Evolution

Evolution of Russia's anti-drone protection of tanks

From crude cages to shooting back—four years of trial and error

2022

Cope cage

Metal slats or mesh bolted over turrets to block incoming FPV drones

Spring 2023

Turtle tank

Entire vehicles wrapped in drone-blocking metal shells

Spring 2025

Porcupine

Hundreds of thick rebar spines welded to cope cages and shells

Autumn 2025

Hedgehog & dandelion

Thousands of thin aluminum hairs; branching stalks with Kevlar mesh

July 2026

Arena-M

Radar-cued charges shoot drones down instead of blocking them—reported fielded loadout: 12 rounds

Chart: Euromaidan Press

The system had its major combat debut in Ukraine on and around 23 July, over several days of Russian mechanized attacks in the Dobropillia sector of eastern Ukraine's Donetsk Oblast. The Russian Center Group of Forces rolled a large mechanized assault group along the road through the village of Pankivka, roughly 36 km southwest of Kramatorsk and its twin free city of Sloviansk.

Ukrainian drones spotted the tanks coming, and attacked. When the smoke and dust cleared, the Russians had lost at least nine tanks. Reportedly seven of them were T-72B3A models with Arena-M installations.

The losses belie the Arena-M's effectiveness. The protection systems shot down drone after drone, and only stopped shooting down drones when they ran out of projectiles. "In general, it took from 15 to 20 FPV drones to destroy a tank," Ukrainian drone operator Dmytro Putiata reported.

While some of the best-protected turtle, porcupine, and hedgehog tanks have been able to withstand more than 20 FPVs before being immobilized, the add-on metal plates and bars that comprise turtle, porcupine, and hedgehog installations are extremely heavy—and tend to ruin a tank's transmission, weigh on its mobility, and prevent it from rotating its turret and aiming its main gun.

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Russia took the cages off its newest tanks. The new Arena-M shield bought them a few minutes.

In other words, the add-on armor prevents tanks from fighting like tanks—using their speed and firepower to close with and destroy the enemy.

The Arena-M installation is bulky but it's not heavy. With Arena-M, a tank can defend itself from drones without sacrificing its mobility. If an Arena-M had, say, 24 rounds instead of just 12, an attacking tank might be able to fend off drones long enough to reach its objective across the disputed gray zone.

But only barely. "15 to 20 FPV drones to destroy a tank is a perfectly viable rate," Czech analyst Jakub Janovsky noted in a comment on Putiata's social media. "At those numbers, Russia could throw its entire [armored fighting vehicle] fleet at the Ukrainian front line over a few months without achieving much more than creating a future low-grade iron ore deposit."

What if the Russians could fit 36 rounds in an upgraded Arena-M installation? Would that be enough?

No one knows for sure until they try. What we do know is that "the Russian military is learning and is experimenting in how to employ armor on a drone-saturated battlefield," explained Rob Lee, an analyst with the Foreign Policy Research Institute in Philadelphia. "The Arena-M APS demonstrated effectiveness and will likely be improved."

And those improvements could unlock those thousands of tanks the Russians have parked for want of drone defenses.

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Russia mastered drone-proofing its tanks—Ukraine is copying its tricks

Ukraine can now measure how cost-effectively it kills, and the math favors it. Every dollar Ukraine's Defense Forces spend on striking a target inflicts several times more losses on Russia, as confirmed by the Mission Control module in the DELTA battle system, Ukraine's Defense Ministry reported.

Mission Control, launched six months ago, now processes 50,000 missions a week and over 230,000 reports, allowing Ukraine to track not just what it hits but also what each strike costs relative to the damage it causes. In June, every dollar Ukraine spent on a strike cost Russia nearly five times as much.

The economics favor Ukraine's strikes

The system prices both sides of every strike. Mission Control records the cost of what Russia loses, ranging from a few hundred dollars for telecommunications equipment to hundreds of thousands of dollars for air-defense systems and other high-value targets.

The June figures show the gap. Hitting one enemy soldier costs Ukraine $3,032, compared with roughly $65,000 that Russia spends to maintain one. Meanwhile, hitting a piece of equipment costs $2,674, and targeting an infrastructure object costs $1,487.

Every mission feeds the next

Mission Control logs each mission to sharpen the next. The military analyzes what worked, what did not, and why to adjust tactics for the next mission rather than blindly repeating mistakes, according to the Defense Ministry.

The data breaks down by mission type and depth. It sorts missions into reconnaissance, strike, logistics, and evacuation, and by range, 20-plus and 50-plus kilometers, showing for each unit what it strikes, how effectively, at what cost, and what economic damage it inflicts, while also tracking which Ukrainian equipment is lost, at what depth, and under what circumstances.

The goal is fewer Ukrainian lives spent

The measurement serves a purpose beyond economics. The Defense Ministry said it continues implementing technologies so each mission makes the next more precise and helps preserve the lives of Ukrainian soldiers, gradually shifting the most dangerous battlefield tasks to robotic systems.

Ukraine went after the sites and systems Russia uses to launch and steer its most powerful attack drones. On the night of 17 August 2026, Ukraine's Defense Forces struck a series of important Russian military targets, hitting drone storage, launch, and control infrastructure across occupied Crimea and Kherson Oblast, the General Staff reported.

The strikes target the infrastructure behind Russia's drone attacks, not just the drones themselves. By hitting storage sites, control stations, and relay points, Ukraine degrades Russia's ability to launch and guide the Shaheds, reaching the launch and command nodes rather than intercepting drones one by one in the air.

The Shahed site and the Orion control station

The first strike hit a Shahed base. Ukraine struck a storage, preparation, and launch site for attack drones near Hvardiiske in occupied Crimea, with a fire recorded at the site, the General Staff said.

The second hit the launch platform for one of Russia's newer drone missiles. Ukraine struck the ground-control station of an Orion drone at Novofedorivka in occupied Crimea. The Orion is a large Kronshtadt strike-reconnaissance drone and the aerial launch platform for the jet-powered S8000 "Banderol" cruise missile, which Russia fires from Crimea at Odesa.

It flies at 520-560 km/h cruise speed and up to 650 km/h maximum, has a range up to 500 km, and carries a 114.3-kg fragmentation-high-explosive warhead.

Until Russia developed a ground launcher, the rare Orion, with only nine lost in the whole war, was the only way to fire a Banderol.

The relay points that extend the drones' reach

Ukraine also hit the relays that guide Russian drones. It struck a ground system for controlling Geran and Gerbera attack drones at Olenivka in occupied Crimea, and a communication and power point for a drone relay on the Tendra Spit in Kherson Oblast.

Those relays matter because they extend range. Russia uses ground relay stations to guide its drones farther than a direct signal reaches, so destroying them shortens how deep the Shaheds can be steered into Ukraine. The degree of damage is being clarified.

Russians moving into occupied Mariupol are buying apartments built over Ukrainian homes destroyed during Russia’s 2022 siege, German broadcaster Deutsche Welle (DW) reported on 15 August 2026. Ukrainians who lived on the sites received none of the new units, a source told the outlet.

The construction is part of Russia’s wider Russification of occupied Mariupol. Occupation authorities have separately listed nearly 900 apartments for redistribution, including properties belonging to residents forced out by the siege.

Economist Vyacheslav Shiryaev said the new apartments are being bought primarily by newcomers, including Russian security personnel, officials, and military logistics workers. Some simply want to live by the sea but cannot afford property in occupied Crimea or Sochi, a Russian Black Sea resort, he said.

In Russia-occupied regions, borrowers with Russian citizenship are offered mortgages at 2% annual interest, DW reported.

Occupation authorities also ordered some residents out of apartments that had survived the attacks. Some were sent to hostels or accommodation on Mariupol’s outskirts instead of receiving replacement apartments, a source told DW.

Unable to enter occupied Mariupol, DW based its investigation on former residents’ accounts, satellite imagery, and online research.

Homes erased, residents pushed out

For former residents, homes destroyed in the siege are being replaced with apartments for newcomers.

Halyna Artemova, an English teacher, lived in one of the demolished apartment blocks for almost 40 years. A Russian missile struck the building in March 2022. Wounded by shrapnel, she escaped with her mother and son. A new high-rise now stands where her home once did.

Yevhen Sosnovskyi, a photographer, and his wife had lived in a neighboring building for 20 years. It caught fire during the attack, and Russian troops drove residents out without allowing them to take food or clothes.

Sosnovsky photographed his apartment before and after the attack, preserving a record of the home they lost. A parking lot now covers the site.

“They’re building on human bones, and fast, to eradicate the traces of their crimes,” Sosnovsky told DW.

Russia remakes a city it destroyed

The new housing is part of a wider Russian effort to reshape Mariupol after its forces destroyed and occupied the city. The UN assessed that up to 90% of the city’s residential buildings were damaged or destroyed.

On 16 March 2022, Russia bombed the Mariupol Drama Theater, where civilians sheltered beneath a large “CHILDREN” sign. An eyewitness described chaos, blood, and survivors using torn blankets as bandages.

In the wake of its destruction of the city, Moscow plans to move about 114,000 of its citizens into occupied Ukraine, with Mariupol as one of the main destinations.