They set out believing Russian aggression didn’t exist. Then they saw missiles and mass graves. Three Czech conspiracy theorists who had publicly questioned the scale and even the existence of Russia’s war traveled to Ukraine as part of a documentary project, according to Gromada.cz. 

What began as a skeptical “fact-finding mission” became a confrontation with a reality they could no longer deny. The resulting film, Velký vlastenecký výlet or The Great ‘Patriotic’ Trip, will premiere on 21 August.

The participants, two men and one woman, had openly supported the Kremlin’s position, calling the invasion a “special operation,” spreading disinformation about a media conspiracy, disputing casualty numbers, and blaming everything from President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to liberals and even the EU’s Green Deal.

They responded to an open call by Czech director Robin Kvapil themselves, who used social media to invite skeptics to witness the war firsthand. The film crew accompanied them from Prague to Kharkiv and Donbas, capturing their raw reactions as they came under missile fire, met wounded civilians, visited mass graves, and descended into underground schools in metro stations where children study amid constant danger.

Kvapil said one of the defining moments came when they arrived at the site of a children’s oncology hospital in Kyiv just hours after a Russian missile had struck it. This scene further solidified his intent to confront denial with unfiltered truth.

The team also included security analyst Petr Pojman, psychiatrist Petr Piot, and interpreter Lucie Řehořiková, former head of the Czech Centre in Kyiv, to ensure security and mental support. The production was coordinated with the Czech Interior Ministry and Ukraine’s Security Service.

Exclusive

“A completely new kind of war lies ahead” so Ukraine must outhink Russia by 2027, says Zaluzhnyi. Ukraine’s survival depends on revolutionary strategy, not traditional firepower, Valerii Zaluzhnyi writes

Ukraine’s MaxxPro trucks drop troops in 20 seconds—because drones don’t need more. Just reaching the front in Ukraine is now as deadly as holding it—thanks to drones that strike in seconds. Ground robots could be part of the answer.

“Just 16 people”: Ukraine’s new wartime cabinet is now smaller than many startups. Parliament approved a downsized government lineup on Wednesday, streamlining wartime leadership without altering the political balance of power.

Military

Russia’s “human safari” drone smashes into rabbi’s vehicle — family in car survives direct hit

. A Russian FPV attack failed to kill its target, as Kherson’s Jewish leader escapes harm.

Russia kills Ukrainian railway worker with Shahed drone in scaled-down attack. From 400 drones on 16 July to just 35 launched last night—but impacts across three oblasts still hurt civilians and caused damage.

As of 18 July 2025, the approximate losses of weapons and military equipment of the Russian Armed Forces from the beginning of the invasion to the present day:

• Personnel: 1039830 (+1180)
• Tanks: 11032 (+3)
• APV: 23005 (+9)
• Artillery systems: 30485 (+47)
• MLRS: 1441 (+1)
• Anti-aircraft systems: 1197
• Aircraft: 421
• Helicopters: 340
• UAV: 46549 (+135)
• Cruise missiles: 3491
• Warships/boats: 28
• Submarines: 1
• Vehicles and fuel tanks: 55494 (+111)

Intelligence and technology

New Ukrainian PM Svyrydenko: Kyiv, Washington to launch joint drone deal under Trump-Zelenskyy mega pact. The deal aims to pair American weapons deliveries with Ukrainian UAV exports.

Digital occupation: Russia deploys AI army of bots on Telegram for promoting Kremlin’s propaganda narratives

. They sound human and post nonstop.

Russia’s drones now target civilians with napalm firebombs that burn through sand and cannot be extinguished. Modified drones are designed for maximum civilian terror and violate all rules of urban warfare, says a Ukrainian military expert.

Romania wants to build drones with Ukraine—but can’t fund it before 2026. The country’s defense ministry confirms talks, but the production start hinges entirely on next year’s military budget.

France to train more Ukrainian pilots on Mirage fighter jets, capable of carrying missiles that destroy Russian command posts. Armed with 2,900-pound SCALP-EGs, Ukraine aims to shatter Russia’s coordination hubs deep behind the frontlines, due to expanded Franco-Ukrainian air cooperation.

Ukraine to get Patriot missiles “very shortly,” Merz says. The Chancellor confirms Germany’s air-defense transfer will happen within weeks as NATO works out logistics.

International

London also slashes price cap on Russian oil to $47.60 per barrel after EU’s sanctions adoption

. Western allies have escalated economic pressure on Russia by dropping the crude oil price cap.

UK forms second “NATO” inside Alliance amid fears of 2027 global conflict with Russia and China. In just one week, Britain has sealed two landmark defense deals with France and Germany, forming a new trilateral military bloc.

From adrenaline seekers to war veterans: New book of British journalist shows diverse faces of Ukraine’s International Legion. Volunteers worldwide joined the fight against Russian aggression, risking everything to defend Ukraine. Some have never returned home.

International Fencing Federation seeks to reinstate Russian thletes — even those who support killing of Ukrainians. The organization says move promotes “unity,” but critics call it a whitewash for Putin’s military machine.

EU agrees on new Russia sanctions package targeting energy and finance. Ambassadors greenlight the 18th sanctions round ahead of formal Council approval: Malta and Slovakia dropped their vetoes after receiving key guarantees.

Political and legal developments

UK hits Russian intel unit involved in killings of 600 Ukrainian civilians in Mariupol, with historic sanctions

. Many of them were children.

Kremlin’s mouthpiece calls Europeans “imbeciles,” says strikes on Kyiv will intesify after EU imposed new sanctions against Putin’s war machine. Former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev unleashed a grotesque tirade against Ursula von der Leyen, the president of the European Commission, mocking her medical background.

Zelenskyy installs ex-defense minister Umierov to run Security Council. The man once in charge of defense now oversees war tech, arms deals, and talks.

ISW: Russia is “burning the candle at both ends”—bankers quietly brace for bailouts. Russia’s top financial execs reportedly fear a growing debt crisis despite Central Bank claims of stability.

Read our earlier daily review here.

London and Brussels jointly cut the Kremlin’s oil revenues. The UK government decided to lower the price cap on Russian oil from $60 to $47.60 per barrel after the EU adopted the 18th EU sanctions package on 18 July.

According to Western analysts, Moscow’s oil profits have already dropped by 35% compared to last year. The new lower price cap will further restrict the Kremlin’s financial resources used to fund its aggression against Ukraine.

“The UK and its EU allies are turning the screw on the Kremlin’s war chest by stemming the most valuable funding stream of its illegal war in Ukraine even further,” said UK Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves.

The official added that this decisive step to lower the crude oil price cap will target Russia’s oil revenues and intensify pressure on Russian President Vladimir Putin by exploiting his greatest vulnerability.

London emphasized that the sanctions are intended to punish the aggressor and preserve the stability of the global energy market.

The US plans to invest in the production of Ukrainian drones. New Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko has announced that Ukraine intends to sign a drone agreement with American partners, Reuters reports.

“We plan to sign a ‘drone deal’ with the United States. We are discussing investments in the expansion of production of Ukrainian drones by the US,” says Svyrydenko.

The official has clarified that the deal involves the purchase of a large batch of Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicles.

Svyrydenko added that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and US President Donald Trump made the political decision on the agreement earlier, and officials are now discussing its details.

Earlier, Euromaidan Press reported that both leaders were considering what’s being called a “mega deal.” Under the proposed agreement, Kyiv would sell its combat-hardened drone systems to Washington. In return, it would sell Ukraine a significant array of American weapons.

Zelenskyy emphasized that Ukraine is ready to share its knowledge gained from over three years of fighting against Russia’s full-scale invasion.

The UK is forming a new military alliance that mirrors NATO’s Article 5. Within a single week, London signed two defense agreements with key players, Germany and France, reports Defense Express.

Experts are already calling this the emergence of a trilateral military bloc that could either supplement NATO or act as its insurance policy.

The UK-Germany agreement outlines deep mutual defense commitments, including military assistance in case of an attack. Meanwhile, the declaration with France explicitly states that while the nuclear forces of both countries remain independent, they can be coordinated in case of an extraordinary threat.

“It’s clear that the UK is effectively creating an additional trilateral defense arrangement centered around itself,” notes Defense Express.

This is happening despite all three nations already being bound by obligations within NATO. Analysts believe such an initiative signals a “need to reaffirm mutual commitments.”

The core of the signed documents essentially duplicates NATO’s famous Article 5, a collective response to aggression. Across Europe, there is growing concern that relying solely on NATO in the event of a large-scale crisis may no longer be sufficient.

The UK hits a Russian military intelligence unit behind the destruction of the Mariupol Drama Theater with the largest-ever sanctions package in history. It is also responsible for prolonged malicious hybrid operations worldwide. 

“In 2022, Unit 26165, sanctioned today, conducted online reconnaissance to help target missile strikes against Mariupol, including the strike that destroyed the Mariupol Theatre, where hundreds of civilians, including children, were murdered,” says the UK government. 

The restrictions hit three units of Russia’s military intelligence (GRU) and its 18 officers accountable for conducting a sustained campaign of cyberattacks over many years, including attacks inside the UK. 

“The GRU routinely uses cyber and information operations to sow chaos, division and disorder in Ukraine and across the world with devastating real-world consequences,” the UK government said.

Sanctions also target GRU officers responsible for hacking a device of Yulia Skripal, a daughter of former Russian military officer Sergei Skripal, using the malicious software known as X-Agent. This happened five years prior to the failed attempt by GRU officers to assassinate them with the deadly nerve agent “Novichok” in Salisbury.

Russian operatives have also attempted to disrupt UK media outlets, telecom providers, political and democratic institutions, as well as critical energy infrastructure.

Russia has begun using artificial intelligence-based bots for spreading propaganda on social media, especially on Telegram, according to a joint investigation by OpenMinds and the Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab).

Researchers have uncovered over 3,600 bots that posted more than 316,000 AI-generated comments in Telegram channels linked to Ukraine’s temporarily occupied territories. Another three million messages were spread in broader Ukrainian and Russian Telegram groups. These bots used human-like language, adapting replies to the context of each conversation to promote pro-Kremlin narratives and undermine Ukraine.

Unlike traditional bots that spam identical messages, these accounts simulate real users. They reply directly to other users, shift tone and content, and tailor messages to appear authentic. On average, a bot posts 84 comments per day, with some exceeding 1,000 daily.

The goal is not just to spread fake news, but to create the illusion of widespread public support for the occupation regime, filling comment sections with praise for Russia and attacks on Ukraine. In an environment of information isolation, this becomes a potent tool of mass manipulation.

AI-generated bots often give themselves away through:

• absurd usernames,
• unnatural or AI-generated profile pictures,
• overly formal or awkward phrasing,
• and highly diverse language: one in three comments is uniquely generated by AI.

Even when bot accounts are deleted, their influence lingers. Locals repeatedly exposed to these comments may perceive Kremlin propaganda as the majority opinion, especially in regions where Ukrainian news is inaccessible.

Russian Shaheds now carry napalm and break through Ukrainian electronic warfare systems. Moscow continues to upgrade its Shahed attack drones, enhancing their warheads, engines, and protection, says Serhii “Flash” Beskrestnov, a military expert, in an interview with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

“Recently, we discovered a fluid in a Shahed’s warhead that resembled napalm. It not only spreads but keeps burning even in sand. This is terrorism, when drones attack residential areas with incendiary mixtures that cannot be extinguished,” explains Beskrestnov.

According to him, such weapons are absolutely inappropriate for warfare in large cities. Russia is also using at least 4–5 different types of warheads on Shahed drones, expanding their operational roles, from striking industrial targets to deliberate terror against civilians.

Flash reports that Russian engineers have upgraded Shahed engines, allowing them to reach speeds of up to 220 km/h in favorable weather conditions. However, the expert notes that this speed increase is not a decisive advantage: “Globally, whether it’s 180 or 200 km/h. It doesn’t change much.”

The most serious threat now comes from the improved Shahed defense systems against Ukrainian electronic warfare.

“We are increasingly seeing the same target being hit repeatedly. This indicates electronic warfare’s failure to disrupt navigation,” says Beskrestnov.

According to him, Chinese reinforced antennas have been found among the drone wreckage, successfully breaking through Ukrainian electronic warfare defenses.

“Our electronic warfare systems simply aren’t designed to handle such a number of elements. That’s why urgent modernization is needed,” the expert emphasizes.

Beskrestnov separately emphasized that electronic warfare systems do not physically destroy drones but only help protect targets and give air defense systems time to strike them.

The Kremlin has once again erupted in threats and vitriol. Following the adoption of the EU’s 18th sanctions package against Moscow’s aggression, Dmitry Medvedev, the Russian former president, lashed out, calling European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen a “disgusting old hag” and branding Europeans as “imbeciles.”

“European imbeciles have approved the 18th package of sanctions against our country. There’s no point in writing that it will change Russia’s stance any more than the previous seventeen did,” Medvedev said on social media.

EU agrees on new Russia sanctions package targeting energy and finance

He believes the Russian economy would endure and stated that the destruction of Ukraine would continue.

“Strikes on targets in the so-called Ukraine, including Kyiv, will be carried out with increasing force,” he stressed.

Medvedev then escalated his tirade, launching insults at EU nations including Poland, Germany, France, the Baltic states, and the UK. He urged maximum detachment from the EU, which he claimed is now home to “Brits mired in their own shit.”

He went further, stating that Russians should learn to hate Europeans, just as their ancestors once did.

“Hatred is the most powerful weapon, allowing us to move most effectively toward its opposite—love. Naturally, toward those who deserve it,” he claimed.

Von der Leyen received particular scorn, with Medvedev attempting to mock her medical background.

“I’m not sure she even knows where the heart is. Though it seems she’s always thought with the part of her body she used during her failed medical career,” he said. 

Medvedev’s outburst once again illustrates the tone of official Russian rhetoric amid intensified missile strikes on Ukrainian civilians, Russia’s answer to US President Donald Trump’s recent peace efforts.

Romania wants to build drones with Ukraine, but production is delayed until 2026 due to lack of military funding. Digi24 reports that Romania’s Defense Ministry wants to launch a joint drone-manufacturing project, but no funds are available this year to begin construction or procurement.

Romania wants to build drones with Ukraine, but budget delay blocks start

Romania wants to build drones with Ukraine, aiming to manufacture UAVs inside Romania and eventually export them to other European countries. Digi24 reports that the Romanian Ministry of Defense has confirmed it is set to negotiate with officials from Kyiv. The two sides aim to establish a co-production plan for drones, following models already used by Ukraine in partnerships with Denmark and Norway.

According to Digi24, the business plan is not complex: Romania would purchase the technical specifications of drones that Ukraine has developed during its war experience. Those designs, proven in combat, would serve as the base for production inside Romania.

The proposed facility would likely be located in Brașov, Transylvania. Romanian and Ukrainian engineers would cooperate on-site to assemble the UAVs. Most of the drones would enter service with the Romanian army, but many would also be intended for sale across Europe, per the reported plan.

Factory plan awaits funding, likely in 2026

Despite alignment on the concept, the project faces a major obstacle: Romania currently lacks the funding to implement it. Digi24 notes that while Ukraine is willing to move forward and eager to secure income from such cooperation, Romania cannot commit to payments this year.

The next opportunity to fund the drone partnership would come with Romania’s 2026 defense budget. Until then, the joint production initiative remains in the planning phase.

Ukrainian pilots to gain greater chances in the sky due to Paris’s support. After an hour-long meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron on 18 July, Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed that France is ready to continue training Mirage fighter jet pilots on its own territory.

“I want to specifically highlight our agreement on Mirage pilot training: France is ready to accept additional pilots for training on additional aircraft,” said Zelenskyy.

Among other key issues was the strengthening of Ukraine’s air defense system. The two leaders discussed the supply of missiles for modern SAMP/T systems and the launch of a joint project to fund interceptor drones. Zelenskyy noted that relevant decisions will be prepared at the level of both countries’ defense ministries.

The Ukrainian president also thanked France for its active role in promoting the EU’s 18th package of sanctions and confirmed that Kyiv and Washington are working together so that “Russia feels truly global pressure.”

The EU agreed on a new package after the bloc’s ambassadors reached consensus on restrictions targeting key sectors of the Russian economy. Malta and Slovakia reportedly lifted their vetoes after receiving critical assurances. 

The new Russia sanctions package will include a formal ban on the Nord Stream 1 and 2 pipelines. EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas said the bloc would also reduce the oil price cap as part of efforts to cut the Kremlin’s war revenues.

They paid the highest price for Ukraine’s freedom. British journalist Colin Freeman, in his book The Mad and the Brave, told the stories of foreign volunteers who joined Ukraine’s International Legion, writes The Telegraph.

Freeman compares the influx of volunteers who rushed to aid Ukraine in the early weeks of the all-out war to the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939 when thousands from around the world fought fascism.

He portrays a variety of individuals, from veterans of the Syrian war against ISIS to adrenaline seekers and those fleeing heartbreak.

One striking story is that of British combat medic John Harding, who joined the Azov Battalion in 2018. He disproved Russian propaganda about “national extremists” and endured the horrors of the battle for Mariupol, the siege of Azovstal, and months of torture in captivity.

Another hero is Briton Christopher Perryman, a veteran of wars in Iraq, Somalia, and Bosnia, who left behind a young son to fight the Russian aggressor.

Perryman believed he had no moral right to abandon millions of Ukrainian parents in distress, given his extensive military experience. Sadly, he was killed by artillery fire at the end of 2023.

After more than three years of war, the fates of foreign volunteers vary: some died, some cope with PTSD, and others continue fighting alongside Ukrainians.

Earlier, Euromaidan Press published a story about a former paramedic from Colombia, known as Miguel, who came to Ukraine intending to serve as a combat medic. However, due to the language barrier, he was assigned to the infantry.

Despite this, he never abandoned his mission. Every day on the front line, he saves the lives of his comrades. He is learning Ukrainian by singing Chervona Kalyna, the country’s patriotic anthem, and surviving tactics against Russian artillery. 

The International Fencing Federation seeks to bring back athletes who support or take part in the killing of Ukrainians. Over 440 fencers from 40 countries have signed an open letter to the organization, urging it to reinstate strict background checks for Russian and Belarusian athletes, Reuters reports.

Russia’s war has killed over 500 Ukrainian athletes, including children. Nearly 500 sports facilities have been partially or completely destroyed in Russian attacks. 

“By removing comprehensive background checks, the FIE risks allowing individuals whose affiliations or actions conflict with the values of neutrality and non-violence to compete under a neutral status,” the athletes stated in the letter, published by the Global Athlete movement.

Elite fencers voiced their opposition to the International Fencing Federation’s decision to replace screening procedures with a formal declaration of neutrality.

Putin’s “neutral” athletes cheer Russia’s atrocities in Ukraine — but FIFA can’t wait to get them back

“The FIE’s decision contradicts the core principles of fencing, respect, integrity, and fair play, and deviates from the approach originally taken by the international sporting community,” the letter reads.

The Ukrainian Fencing Federation has warned it may pursue legal action, as some admitted Russian athletes hold military ranks. The European Fencing Confederation also condemned “the lack of independent verification in the eligibility process for so-called neutral athletes.”

Last week, the organization claimed that its position “underscores the Federation’s commitment to peace, fairness, and the global unity of sport.” But many athletes and federations see this as a cover for bringing aggressors back into international sports.

Ukrainian Olympic champion Olga Kharlan, who was disqualified in 2023 for refusing to shake hands with a Russian opponent, says that such International Fencing Federation policies could destroy fencing’s presence in the Olympic program.

Zelenskyy installs ex-defense minister Umierov to run Security Council
The man once in charge of defense now oversees war tech, arms deals, and talks.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has appointed Rustem Umierov to lead the country’s National Security and Defense Council. He takes over the Security Council after stepping down as defense minister in a wartime Cabinet reshuffle, and will now oversee arms deals, tech coordination, and peace negotiations.

Umierov replaces Lytvynenko in key wartime reshuffle

Zelenskyy signed the decree appointing Umierov secretary of the Security Council on 18 July, according to the presidential website. He replaces Oleksandr Lytvynenko, who had held the position since 26 March and is now reportedly being considered for an ambassadorial role in Serbia, Forbes reports, citing a government source speaking anonymously due to the sensitivity of the issue.

Yuliia Svyrydenko was appointed Prime Minister, with new ministers named across the government. Zelenskyy emphasized that the new cabinet must ensure Ukraine’s defenders have confidence in reliable supply, and that boosting internal economic potential would support that goal.

Weapons, tech, and coordination now fall under Umierov

In a post on X, Umierov confirmed his appointment and outlined his top priorities in his new role.

“Coordination and control of the security and defense sector,” he wrote, adding that an audit will be conducted on the implementation of decisions made by the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

He pledged to coordinate all arms deliveries, joint production, and sensitive international defense partnerships.

“I remain in constant dialogue with our international partners,” he said, referring to critical yet discreet defense agreements.

Umierov also stated he would fully restore the operation of the Technological Command Post to accelerate front-line modernization and battlefield tech innovation. One of the primary missions now under his oversight is the synchronized execution of orders across all components of Ukraine’s defense system.

Umierov to run Security Council and peace track

Umierov’s responsibilities also include overseeing the negotiation track.

“Ukraine consistently advocates for a just peace — and we are working to achieve it in close coordination with our allies,” he wrote.

RFE/RL reports that Zelenskyy met with Umierov on 18 July to discuss the new leadership tasks. Among the key priorities mentioned by the president was “more dynamics” in implementing the agreements with Russia reached during the second summit in Istanbul.

Zelenskyy also tasked Umierov with continuing weapons coordination with Ukraine’s partners, fully implementing all supply agreements, and advancing new projects for joint arms production and defense manufacturing facilities on partner territory.

According to the president’s office, Umierov is expected to strengthen the format of the technological headquarters, enforce decisions delayed in execution, and ensure full compliance across the defense and security sectors.

Russia is “burning the candle at both ends” economically as top bankers quietly brace for bailouts amid a growing Russian debt crisis, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) wrote on 17 July. While the Kremlin pretends its economy is stable amid the ongoing protracted invasion of Ukraine, structural fractures continue to widen beneath that illusion.

Russian bankers brace for fallout as loans go unpaid

Bloomberg reported on 17 July that senior executives at several of Russia’s largest banks have quietly discussed the possibility of requesting government bailouts. This comes as non-performing loans — debts that are late or unpaid — continue to rise in 2025. Documents reviewed by Bloomberg show that three systemically important Russian banks may need to recover funds lost to bad credit.

Russian banks have already seen non-performing loans grow by 1.2% this year. Forecasts suggest the rate could increase from the current 4% to as high as 6–7% by 2026. While ISW cannot independently verify these figures, it notes mounting signs of concern within the financial sector. 

Central Bank Chairperson Elvira Nabiullina has dismissed fears of a banking crisis, claiming that reserves totaling eight trillion rubles (around $102.5 billion) are sufficient to cushion any shocks. However, ISW assesses that the Central Bank is likely unwilling to bail out major banks outright — a decision that could spark liquidity problems or even bank failures, directly undermining Russian President Vladimir Putin’s narrative of economic resilience.

War-driven spending pressures the economy

ISW argues that the Kremlin is worsening the growing Russian debt crisis by expanding military spending while relaxing monetary policy to support short-term growth. Since 2022, the government has boosted one-time payments and salaries to attract military recruits and reinforce its defense industrial base. These high payments are necessary due to sustained battlefield losses and the challenge of attracting volunteers.

As defense wages rise, civilian industries struggle to retain workers, pushing up prices across service sectors. Labor shortages now impact both economic growth and war production. ISW maintains that Russia cannot indefinitely sustain these payouts or replace troops lost at current rates without a general mobilization — a step Putin has avoided.

Inflation appears tamed — but only on paper

On the surface, the Russian Central Bank reports success in reducing inflation. Bloomberg noted that in June 2025, the seasonally adjusted annual rate (SAAR) of inflation fell to 4%, matching the Bank’s target. The drop is attributed in part to a temporarily strong ruble, which lowered the cost of imported goods and helped suppress input costs and inflationary pressures for companies.

However, the Central Bank acknowledged that official annual inflation still stands at 9%. The SAAR is a short-term measure and does not reflect deeper economic trends. ISW argues that this data masks the real problems. Two complicating factors — the fading effect of ruble strength and rising service costs — are expected to slow progress in bringing inflation under control.

Contradictions threaten long-term stability

The think tank concludes wrote:

“Russia is effectively burning the candle at both ends by simultaneously loosening monetary policy to stimulate short-term growth, while expanding fiscal expenditure to feed the military effort.”

This path is likely to deepen the country’s macroeconomic instability, erode the value of the ruble, and diminish consumers’ ability to cope with rising costs. Behind the Central Bank’s controlled narrative, ISW sees rising stress in Russia’s economic foundation — a crisis building quietly but steadily.

Germany will deliver Patriot missiles to Ukraine “very shortly,” following US President Donald Trump’s NATO agreement to increase weapons aid. The delivery, part of a Europe-funded supply plan, could make the system operational in Ukraine within weeks, according to Germany’s leader.

Germany finalizing Patriot missile transfer with NATO

According to Politico, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz confirmed during a 17 July press conference in the UK that Ukraine will receive Patriot air-defense systems “very shortly, very soon.” He stressed that Kyiv urgently needs deep strike capability and that additional support is on the way. According to Merz, defense ministers are now finalizing logistics to fulfill the delivery.

Politico reports that the announcement followed Trump’s new NATO deal earlier this week. The plan allows European countries to send weapons to Ukraine now and buy replacements from the US.

NATO and Germany already preparing transfer

Alexus Grynkewich, NATO’s Allied Air Command leader, said on 17 July that preparations for the Patriot transfer were already under way.

Trump stated on 14 July that part of the Patriot system would arrive “within days,” though others have raised questions about the exact timeline. Merz later clarified that the capability could be active in Ukraine within weeks.

Amid the Russian “human safari,” a drone attack on Kherson’s rabbi Yossef Itzhak Wolff left his family unharmed after a Russian FPV drone slammed into their vehicle near the regional capital. The strike occurred while the rabbi, his wife, and their young daughter were inside the car. Chief Rabbi of Ukraine Moshe Azman reported the incident on 17 July.

Drone strike targeted rabbi’s family in moving vehicle

On 17 July, Moshe Azman wrote on X that “two hours ago” a Russian FPV drone attacked the car of the Chief Rabbi of Kherson, Yossef Wolff. He stated that the drone hit the car at the entrance to Kherson, with the rabbi, his wife, and their daughter inside at the moment of impact.

Azman said he had just spoken with Rabbi Wolff, and emphasized the survival as a “very great miracle.” According to the post, the drone entered the car “at a very high speed.” No one was injured in the explosion.

Explore further

The UN confirmed what I saw in Kherson: Russia is hunting civilians for sport

Video shows damage to SUV after direct strike

Azman shared a video recorded by Rabbi Wolff showing his Toyota Land Cruiser, which sustained significant damage. In the video, Rabbi Wolff says:

“A drone got into our car and exploded, but incredibly we are alive.”

Yossef Itzhak Wolff has served as Chief Rabbi of Kherson and the oblast since 1998 and is also chairman of the Board of the Kherson Jewish community.

Moscow’s “human safari” continues

Also on 17 July, Russian forces struck an ambulance in Kherson Oblast. The strike hit a medical team en route to a call in Zymivnyk. The vehicle was damaged, and two medics — a 49-year-old medical assistant and a 65-year-old paramedic — were injured.

And this morning, 18 July, Russian forces killed a man in the village of Veletenske in Kherson Oblast’s Bilozerka community. According to oblast head Oleksandr Prokudin, around 09:00, a Russian drone struck a local resident born in 1990 as he rode his bicycle. He sustained fatal injuries.

Exclusive

“A completely new kind of war lies ahead” so Ukraine must outhink Russia by 2027, says Zaluzhnyi. Ukraine’s survival depends on revolutionary strategy, not traditional firepower, Valerii Zaluzhnyi writes

Ukraine’s MaxxPro trucks drop troops in 20 seconds—because drones don’t need more. Just reaching the front in Ukraine is now as deadly as holding it—thanks to drones that strike in seconds. Ground robots could be part of the answer.

“Just 16 people”: Ukraine’s new wartime cabinet is now smaller than many startups. Parliament approved a downsized government lineup on Wednesday, streamlining wartime leadership without altering the political balance of power.

Ukraine is going green during war, so why is EU’s program funding fossil fuels?. Ukraine has been building wind farms and solar plants while dodging Russian missiles. Meanwhile, the EU’s €50 billion program meant to help? It’s funding more gas and diesel generators than renewable energy.

Military

Russian attack on Polish factory in Ukraine regarded as possible message to Warsaw after Kyiv’s aid meeting in Lublin

. The strike injured workers and halted production.

Top Kremlin’s mouthpiece warns of “preemptive strikes,” but denies any plans to attack Europe. Tensions soar as Moscow accuses West of full-scale war, while insisting no invasion of NATO countries is planned.

Lithuania to Belarus: Stop letting Russian war drones cross into NATO skies. The Gerbera UAV’s illegal flight triggered diplomatic escalation in Vilnius.

One Telegram message promised romantic date for Ukrainian soldier — next almost killed him. A Ukrainian soldier was lured into a deadly FSB assassination plot masked as a date.

Russia’s chemical attacks in Ukraine top 10,000, Kyiv reports. Kyiv’s top chemical defense official confirms that toxic attacks began as early as 2014.

Intelligence and technology

Switzerland’s Patriot air defense systems delivery delayed by US — Ukraine’s urgent need takes priority amid rising civilian deaths. Switzerland’s planned deliveries between 2026-28 are pushed back while Ukraine faces intensifying Russian aerial terror.

Ukraine gets 850,000 Czech shells in 2025, but new government may freeze further shipments, despite Russia’s aid boost from North Korea

. Czechia’s ammo program powers Ukraine’s defenses, but opposition forces vow to shut it down if they win the vote.

NYP: Trump eyes ‘mega deal’ to swap drones with Ukraine for American weapons. Washington may soon fly battlefield-proven Ukrainian UAVs while Kyiv stocks up on US arms.

Ukraine’s new Magura W6P naval drone won’t kamikaze—but it can patrol 1000 km. Magura W6P trades strike missions for longer range and smarter sea reconnaissance.

Forbes: Ukraine’s anti-drone dome over Kyiv is growing—and Moscow feels it. Thousands of interceptor drones are being deployed under Ukraine’s Clear Sky program, forming an expanding shield against Russian drone attacks.

Zelenskyy demands reshuffled cabinet boost local arms from 40% to 50% on the frontlines. The president gave ministers six months to ramp up local arms production for the battlefield.

Ukraine launches AI startup battle, backed by German Defense Ministry, to outpace Russia’s war machine. Germany aids Ukraine’s cutting-edge startups to turn ideas into weapons.

Berlin denies Trump’s claim that Patriots are en route to Ukraine. Germany’s Defense Ministry says it has no knowledge of any Patriot systems being shipped out.

Reuters: Trump promised Patriots for Ukraine—Europe got the invoice

. Kyiv awaits air defenses while NATO allies scramble to decide who pays and who sends.

International

As Trump threatens sanctions on buyers of Russian oil, India prepares to switch suppliers to avoid fallout. India eyes alternatives in Guyana, Brazil, and Canada.

EU will try again to choke off Putin’s war machine with 18th sanction package this week, after Slovakia blew whole plan apart. Brussels stalls its 18th sanctions package as Slovakia demands Russian gas guarantees, leaving Moscow room to maneuver.

ISW: Moscow rolls out recycled lies and nuclear bluster to split NATO and halt US aid for Ukraine. The Kremlin also demands Kyiv be pushed into talks, casting Moscow as the would-be peacemaker.

Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania form new alliance to counter Putin’s weaponized historic narratives amid war of attrition. The Lublin Triangle responds to Moscow’s historical distortions with facts.

Axis of Evil’s show of force: China deploys 58 warplanes to Taiwan’s borders amid major defense drills. Beijing and Moscow ramp up pressure on neighboring countries.

Humanitarian and social impact

“He said we deserve genocide”: Journalists unmask Russian “Dr. Evil” torturer of Ukrainian POWs. A stunning investigation by Radio Free Europe identifies Illia Sorokin, a Russian prison medic who brutalized captured Ukrainian soldiers with electric shocks, rubber batons, and degrading humiliation.

Political and legal developments

Ukraine gives Moscow-aligned church ultimatum to cut Russian ties. The directive transforms three years of independence claims into legal requirements.

Russian banks seek Kremlin bailouts as inflation soars and potatoes disappear. As war spending drains the economy, Russia’s banks are struggling—and now looking to Moscow for help.

Yulia Svyrydenko becomes Ukraine’s first female PM in 15 years — don’t mistake it for change. Parliament confirmed Yulia Svyrydenko as Prime Minister, but with martial law still in place, critics say power in Ukraine remains concentrated in the president’s office.

The EU has agreed on a new Russia sanctions package, with ambassadors reaching consensus on the bloc’s 18th sanctions round targeting key sectors of the Russian economy, Suspilne reports. Malta and Slovakia reportedly lifted their vetoes after receiving critical assurances, clearing the way for formal adoption at the EU Council’s meeting later today, 18 July.

Malta and Slovakia lift vetoes, clearing way for approval

According to Suspilne, Malta withdrew its objection after receiving written guarantees from the European Commission. The country wanted confirmation that the proposed oil price cap would not strengthen Russia’s shadow fleet, a concern tied to Malta’s large shipping sector.

Pro-Russian Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico announced earlier on Facebook that Slovakia had also dropped its veto. His government received EU guarantees related to gas prices and supply stability. Fico, however, underlined that Slovakia would never support ending Russian gas imports after 1 January 2028.

Both countries had previously blocked consensus on the package, which was introduced by the European Commission in June. 

Package includes pipeline bans and price cap changes

The new Russia sanctions package will include a formal ban on the Nord Stream 1 and 2 pipelines. EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas said the bloc will also reduce the oil price cap as part of efforts to cut the Kremlin’s war revenues.

Kallas called the deal “one of the strongest” sanctions packages yet, noting it is designed to shrink Russia’s ability to finance its war in Ukraine. She also confirmed that the EU will continue to increase the costs of aggression for Moscow.

Germany and Sweden requested that the package be placed on the Council’s agenda under “Other business.” Once the General Affairs Council formally approves it, the sanctions will become legally binding.

Shadow fleet, banks, and drone tech also targeted

The package includes sanctions on 105 ships from Russia’s shadow fleet and on the entities enabling their operations. A registry of ship flags will be introduced to identify and track these vessels, which are used to obscure the origin of Russian oil.

In addition, 22 Russian banks will face new financial restrictions aimed at cutting their access to international funding. Brussels will also ban the export of European technologies used in Russian drone production.

Kallas confirmed that Chinese banks helping Russia evade restrictions are among the foreign entities targeted. The EU plans to limit their ability to support Russian financial transactions that bypass sanctions.

Rosneft refinery in India and indoctrination networks included

For the first time, the EU will sanction a foreign-based refinery—India’s largest Rosneft facility—due to its role in processing and moving Russian oil. The package also targets individuals and organizations involved in indoctrinating Ukrainian children in Russian-occupied territories.

Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys welcomed the agreement, stating that the combination of shipping, energy, and financial measures would ensure Russia remains on track to lose access to “blood money.” He also urged the US Senate to pass its own Russia sanctions legislation to align with EU efforts.

Last night’s Russian drone strike, including 35 one-way attack and decoy drones, killed a railway worker and injured several more civilians in three Ukrainian regions as the Shahed drones hit homes and infrastructure across three oblasts. 

Ukrainian air defenses intercept 11 drones, but 18 strike targets

Ukraine’s Air Force reported that Moscow’s forces launched 35 unmanned aerial vehicles, including 29 Shaheds and multiple decoy drones, from the directions of Russia’s Millerovo and Primorsko-Akhtarsk. The attack began around 21:30 on 17 July and continued into the early hours of 18 July.

Air defense units reportedly destroyed 11 drones over Ukraine’s northern and eastern regions. Six decoy drones disappeared from radars or were suppressed by electronic warfare.

Railway worker killed in Dnipropetrovsk oblast

In Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, a Russian drone strike kills a railway worker and injures two others. The head of the oblast administration, Serhii Lysak, confirmed that drones hit communities in Pavlohrad and Synelnykove districts. A 52-year-old man was killed in the Verbkivska and Bohdanivska areas, and two men aged 38 and 40 were wounded. A fire broke out at a local transport facility, which was later extinguished.

Ukrzaliznytsia added that a drone also struck an electric locomotive. The train operator was killed, and his assistant was wounded but remains in stable condition.

Three Shahed drones were downed over the oblast by Ukrainian air defenses.

According to Lysak, a small FPV kamikaze drone also targeted Nikopol. The aftermath is still under investigation.

Elderly man injured in Zaporizhzhia oblast

In Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Russian drones struck Andriivka village in the Zaporizhzhia district. According to oblast head Ivan Fedorov, nine Shahed drones hit the area, injuring a 79-year-old man. Fires erupted at non-residential buildings and several structures were destroyed.

Four civilians wounded in Kharkiv oblast

In Kharkiv Oblast, Russian drones targeted the city of Chuhuiv. Mayor Halyna Minaieva reported that four civilians were wounded. The strike damaged residential buildings, a family doctor’s office, and an educational institution.

Ukraine can win the war against Russia, but only by building “national resilience” systems and embracing asymmetric technological warfare rather than hoping for traditional military breakthroughs.

That’s the strategic roadmap from Valerii Zaluzhnyi, Ukraine’s former commander-in-chief and current ambassador to Britain, in a foreword that consolidates his strategic thinking developed over the past year.

Writing for journalist Roman Romaniuk’s upcoming book “What Will Be Used to Fight World War III?”, Zaluzhnyi argues that victory depends on adapting to a new kind of warfare that makes conventional operations increasingly impossible.

“The key to our victory is not just resilience, but decisive and timely responses,” Zaluzhnyi writes. But those responses must target infrastructure protection and technological capabilities, not territorial gains.

His analysis explains why current fighting has devolved into World War I-style stalemate—and why that’s actually creating Ukraine’s path to victory.

Why breakthrough operations won’t work

The precision weapons era that dominated warfare from the 1970s through 2022 has ended. Electronic warfare now blocks most guided munitions. Battlefield reconnaissance drones make troop movement lethal. The result is a grinding stalemate where neither side can achieve major territorial gains.

“When robots began to appear massively on the battlefield, they made any movement of soldiers impossible,” Zaluzhnyi explains. “We couldn’t move forward towards the Russians, and the Russians, accordingly, couldn’t move forward either.”

This isn’t temporary. Zaluzhnyi predicts the technological factors creating this deadlock will persist until around 2027, when new navigation systems and autonomous weapons restore the possibility of offensive operations.

The war is shifting toward “the remote dismantling of a nation’s capacity to resist” through systematic infrastructure attacks rather than front-line advances.

The new victory formula

Rather than lamenting this shift, Zaluzhnyi sees opportunity. Ukraine’s survival strategy becomes its victory strategy: build systems that can withstand remote warfare while developing asymmetric capabilities to target Russian infrastructure.

“The development of technology, along with the demographic and economic situation in the coming years, is likely to favour a war of attrition,” he writes.

Ukraine’s advantage lies in adapting faster to this reality than Russia.

The victory formula requires three elements:

1. National resilience infrastructure: Power grids, transportation networks, and government systems designed to function under constant attack. Ukraine has already begun this transformation out of necessity.
2. Asymmetric technological capabilities: Cheap, scalable autonomous systems that can target high-value Russian assets at minimal cost. Ukrainian innovation in drone warfare exemplifies this approach.
3. Information warfare defense: Protecting public morale and mobilization efforts from Russian psychological operations designed to erode resistance.

“War strategy will focus not so much on capturing territory as on depleting the enemy’s resources and capabilities, creating chaos and ultimately eroding the nation’s capacity to resist,” Zaluzhnyi explains.

Why Ukraine can win this way

Ukraine’s advantages in attritional warfare are real but require strategic focus. The country has already demonstrated superior “tactical application and technological support” compared to Russia’s numerical advantages.

Ukrainian forces achieved decisive victories in 2022 using precision weapons like Javelin anti-tank missiles, HIMARS rocket systems, and Neptune anti-ship missiles that destroyed Russia’s Black Sea Fleet flagship.

But these successes came before electronic warfare created the current deadlock.

The next phase requires different tools. Autonomous drone swarms that can overwhelm air defenses. Cyber capabilities targeting Russian critical infrastructure. Most importantly, resilient systems that allow Ukraine to function while Russian infrastructure degrades.

“Large-scale attacks by autonomous swarms of cheap precision drones using entirely new navigation channels will destroy not only frontline personnel, weapons, and military equipment, but also the enemy’s critical economic and social infrastructure,” Zaluzhnyi predicts.

But if Ukraine builds proper resilience systems, this becomes a contest Ukraine can win.

The timeline factor

Zaluzhnyi’s analysis carries urgency. By 2027, technological advances will restore the possibility of massive conventional operations using “totally ruthless” autonomous weapons.

“Artificial intelligence and machine learning technologies continue to develop at a rapid pace,” he writes.

“For the first time ever, human involvement will be fully or partially removed not only from the process of control, but also from decision-making about target engagement.”

The window for building resilience systems and asymmetric capabilities is narrowing. But Ukraine has already demonstrated what’s possible. The challenge is scaling successful innovations while protecting the infrastructure that keeps the country functioning.

Help Ukraine win the war through developing technology, like Zaluzhnyi says: support the David vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.

Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.

Western implications

Zaluzhnyi’s framework has implications beyond Ukraine. Most NATO countries couldn’t handle the scale of attacks Ukraine endures regularly. “In October alone, Ukraine faced over 2,000 air threats, including drones and missiles,” he noted recently. “Few NATO countries could counter such an onslaught without exhausting their air defense systems.”

Western militaries remain focused on expensive legacy systems that become vulnerable in massive conflicts. Meanwhile, the real military revolution is happening in cheap, scalable, autonomous systems that Ukraine pioneered out of necessity.

“Half of winning is knowing what it looks like,” Zaluzhnyi concludes, quoting military strategist Sean McFate. “Brains are more important than brute force.”

Ukraine’s path to victory lies not in outgunning Russia, but in out-thinking it. Building systems that can survive what’s coming while developing capabilities Russia can’t match.

The war of attrition isn’t something Ukraine must endure—it’s something Ukraine can win.

A video Ukrainian forces circulated online recently graphically depicts how little time a vehicle can linger along the front before it attracts the lethal attention of tiny, explosive first-person-view drones. 

A Ukrainian mine-resistant, ambush-protected armored truck—an MRAP—speeds up to the front to drop off fresh troops and supplies and pick up troops whose rotation is over. 

The MRAP idles for literally seconds before the first Russian drone barrels in. The vehicle suffers at least one drone impact as it speeds away. Fortunately for the Ukrainian crew and passengers, the MRAP’s thick armor absorbs the worst of the blast.

That harrowing experience is now ubiquitous. And it’s getting worse as both sides deploy more and better FPVs, including unjammable fiber-optic models and FPVs fitted with artificial intelligence that can steer them toward their targets.

“Bing on the front line is not good, and it’s mostly because of drones,” explained Andrew Perpetua, an independent open-source intelligence analyst in the United States. 

“Artillery and air strikes don’t help, but I would imagine the drones are doing the bulk of the damage right now, especially with regards to doing troop rotations, [delivering] supplies—like, any sort of driving a vehicle,” Perpetua added. “It’s not great. Especially if you’re going along a highway or any sort of major road, you’re getting hit.”

David Kirichenko, a Ukrainian-American war correspondent, has experienced dangerous rotations firsthand during his many trips to the front line since Russia widened its war on Ukraine 41 months ago.  “If you go too slow trying to avoid a mine, you can more easily get hit by a drone or any other Russian weapon system such as artillery,” Kirichenko said.

“Or if you drive too fast” to avoid the drones, he added, “you’d more easily drive over a mine. So it’s just a very dangerous game of kind of randomness of how you might die when you’re driving out.”

The peril doesn’t end when the road does. Braking to drop off and load troops and materiel, a truck might halt for mere seconds—or never fully stop at all. “The vehicle drives up and I mean, it’s: the doors open and it all happens just in a flash. Like all the supplies pop out, you hop out and you just got to run for cover,” Kirichenko said.

He recalled one drop-off where the drones were already overhead and waiting as the vehicle’s doors opened. “It’s just an extremely dangerous mission that I’ve witnessed firsthand.”

Drones as thick as flies

The sheer number of FPVs all along the front—both sides now build millions of the tiny drones every year—means it’s never safe anywhere within the roughly 30-km range of the best FPVs (which might benefit from other drones relaying their radio signals) or the bigger hexacopter bomber drones. 

Ominously, the drone kill zone is expanding as the drones improve—and fast. “At first, it was like, you know, the last 5 km were kind of the issue,” Perpetua said. “And then it became, like, the last 10, the last 15. And now it’s like the last 30. And it’s just going to keep going up.”

“I think over the course of the next few months, probably like six to eight months, we’re going to see it [the drone kill zone] go out to like 50 or 60 km” in either direction from the line of contact, Perpetua predicted.

He claimed Ukraine would benefit more from the extended drone kill zone. “The farther out you go, I think Ukraine will have the advantage because Ukraine has just simply better drones,” Perpetua said. “Russia is mostly relying on their fiber-optic drones” which range just 10 km or so. “I think Ukraine has much better long-range drones that don’t rely on fiber-optics—and that use more advanced connectivity” via wireless radio.

But Ukrainian commanders aren’t assuming better drones and a wider kill zone will definitely favor Ukraine. Kirichenko noted more Ukrainian units deploying more ground robots for more different tanks inside the kill zone—all in an effort to safeguard Ukraine’s most precious resource: its infantry.

“The more that you can get ground robots through those very dangerous missions of getting resupplies, handling your logistics,” Kirichenko said, “the more that you can save your human soldiers.”

Explore further

A Russian drone found the toughest armor on the battlefield—and lost

Ukraine’s State Service on Ethnic Policy and Freedom of Conscience (DESS) has issued Metropolitan Onufriy an ultimatum: prove your church actually left Moscow or face dissolution.

The directive gives the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC MP) until 18 August 2025 to produce formal documents severing ties with Russia’s Orthodox Church. Three years after claiming independence, Ukrainian investigators found the church remains canonically subordinate to Moscow through multiple mechanisms—governing documents, institutional structure, and liturgical requirements.

The timing? Two weeks after Ukraine stripped Onufriy’s citizenship for allegedly hiding his Russian passport since 2002, and one week after DESS found that his church is still affiliated with Moscow.

What Ukraine actually wants

The State Service (DESS) isn’t asking for vague promises. They want Metropolitan Onufriy to provide decisions from the UOC MP’s highest governing bodies confirming the church’s exit from Russian structures. He must publicly reject any appointments to Russian church bodies and prepare an official statement terminating all connections with Moscow.

Can he do it? That depends on whether the UOC MP’s governing documents actually allow such independence—something the recent state investigation suggests they don’t.

The DESS investigation found multiple indicators of continued Russian control. The UOC MP still cites the 1990 Gramota (Charter) from then-Patriarch Alexy II as its constitutional foundation, which explicitly states the church is “connected through our Russian Orthodox Church.” The church must still commemorate the Moscow Patriarch in liturgy, have its statutes approved by Moscow, receive holy chrism from Russia, and ensure Ukrainian bishops participate in Russian church councils as obligated members.

Each requirement demonstrates canonical subordination that contradicts independence claims.

What the commission found

The Ukrainian Orthodox Church says it left Moscow. Documents say otherwise.

The Moscow test: when push comes to shove

Want to know if the UOC MP really left Moscow? Look at what happened when Russia started grabbing Ukrainian dioceses.

Since 2022, Russian authorities unilaterally transferred three UOC MP dioceses in occupied territories to direct Moscow control—Crimea, Rovenky, and Berdiansk. The UOC MP leadership’s response? Silence.

When 33 UOC MP bishops condemned these seizures in October 2024, did their church’s governing bodies support them? No. Complete silence again.

This stands in stark contrast to protests and condemnation when UOC MP parishes defect to join the rival Orthodox Church of Ukraine.

It shows that the UOC MP can resist when it chooses to. It just doesn’t choose to resist Moscow.

Legal machinery grinding forward

This ultimatum represents the practical implementation of Ukraine’s August 2024 law banning Russian-affiliated religious organizations. The legislation gave religious groups nine months to sever Russian connections—a deadline that’s already expired.

Theologian Cyril Hovorun, who has closely followed the law’s development, argued it’s “not primarily about the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, nor is it about banning it outright” but rather about forcing the UOC MP to “get out of this deadlock it’s put itself in” with Moscow.

DESS will now compile a list of religious organizations connected to the banned Russian Orthodox Church structure. That potentially affects the UOC MP’s approximately 8,000 parishes serving millions of faithful.

Religious scholar Yuriy Chornomorets, who participated in earlier expert evaluations, told Euromaidan Press that “the conclusions use only facts; therefore, its findings are impossible to counter.”

The UOC MP has filed a lawsuit against Ukraine’s Cabinet of Ministers over the investigation. They consistently maintain they severed ties with Moscow after Russia’s February 2022 invasion. Ukrainian investigators? They concluded these claims lack any documentary foundation.

Explore further

“Not about banning.” Theologian unpacks Ukraine’s new anti-Russian church law

What’s Moscow’s stake?

The UOC MP represents 23% of the Russian Orthodox Church’s parishes worldwide—the largest concentration outside Russia itself. It remains Moscow’s sole surviving pillar of influence in a Ukraine that has otherwise severed all connections to Russia since 2022.

The church’s ideological power runs deep. The fantasy of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus as “Holy Rus” united against the “satanic West” forms the theological cornerstone of Putin’s war.

Ukraine’s Intelligence Directorate previously reported that under the guise of “religious cooperation,” the Russian Orthodox Church functions as an instrument of hybrid influence aimed at destabilizing Ukraine.

The citizenship revocation of Onufriy serves as legal theater. The real drama unfolds in courtrooms where the UOC MP’s survival hangs in the balance.

Explore further

Anatomy of treason: how the Ukrainian Orthodox Church sold its soul to the “Russian world”

Oil Minister Hardeep Singh Puri says India is ready to meet its oil needs from alternative sources if Russia’s supplies are affected by secondary sanctions, Reuters reports.

US President Donald Trump has recently warned that countries continuing to buy Russian oil could face 100% tariffs if Moscow does not agree to a peace deal with Ukraine within 50 days. NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte has also stated that due to the new economic measures, countries, including India, could suffer losses if continue business with Mooscow. 

At the same time, India emphasizes energy security as a priority and says it will make decisions based on market conditions. The head of the Indian Oil Corporation, A.S. Sahni, has stated that if Russian supplies are restricted, the company will revert to traditional import schemes used before the war in Ukraine, when Moscow’s export was lower than 2%. 

So far, some large private refineries, such as Reliance Industries and Nayara Energy, continue to purchase significant volumes of Russian oil, which led to an increase in imports from Russia in the first half of 2025.

Despite the restrictions the West has already imposed on Moscow, the Kremlin continues to use its “shadow” fleet. It includes a large group of oil tankers, many of which are old and poorly maintained. 

Earlier, Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence said a powerful explosion occurred in the engine room of Russia’s  Vilamoura tanker on 27 June, while it was en route from the Libyan port of Es-Zuwaytina.

It was located about 150 km northeast of Libya’s territorial waters and was carrying approximately 1 million barrels of crude oil. The tanker sailed under the Marshall Islands flag.

The Swiss Ministry of Defense reports that the US is delaying deliveries of Patriot air defense systems ordered by Switzerland due to priority support for Ukraine in its war against Russia.

In 2022, Switzerland ordered five Patriot systems, which were planned for delivery between 2026 and 2028. However, on 16 July 2025, the US officially announced a revision of delivery priorities due to the urgent need to replenish armaments for countries supplying weapons to Ukraine.

According to Defense Express, the contract included the delivery of 17 launchers and a stock of 70 GEM-T surface-to-air missiles, five AN/MPQ-65 radars, six MIDS-LVT data distribution systems, and five AN/MSQ-132 command posts.

Additionally, in November 2022, the US State Department approved the supply of 72 PAC-3 MSE missiles and related equipment to Switzerland worth $700 million.

Switzerland will receive the systems from later production batches, resulting in delivery delays. Meanwhile, Germany has increased its aid to Ukraine by transferring an additional two Patriot systems.

The delay currently has no specific timeline, and it is unclear whether it will affect deliveries of the PAC-3 MSE guided missiles, which the US promised to provide Ukraine earlier than Switzerland last year.

The Czech Ministry of Defense has announced a significant increase in artillery ammunition deliveries to Ukraine in 2025 under its weapon initiative. It combines NATO countries’ donations with direct ammunition sales through a government-led program that has earned the confidence of international partners, Reuters reports. 

Czechia formed a special team for Ukraine, which together with private companies, scours global markets for surplus ammunition stockpiles and new production lines. Ammunition batches are offered to donor countries, which decide individually what to finance.

Director Ales Vytecka of the Czech Defense Ministry’s AMOS international cooperation agency says 850,000 shells have already been delivered in 2025 to Ukraine, including 320,000 of NATO-standard 155 mm rounds. These figures are approaching last year’s total of 1.5 million shells, 500,000 of which were 155 mm.

Despite the opposition party’s threats to shut the program down after elections, Vytecka stresses that transparency is maintained to the extent allowed by security considerations. He added that the 29% increase in donor contributions compared to 2024 is a clear vote of confidence in the program’s effectiveness.

Donor nations, including Canada, Germany, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Denmark, choose which deliveries to fund, and all procurement offers are subject to audit in their respective jurisdictions.

A drone deal between Trump and Ukraine could bring Kyiv’s battlefield-proven UAVs into American hands, and more US-made weapons to Ukraine. The New York Post reports that President Trump and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy are considering what’s being called a “mega deal.” 

Kyiv offers frontline drone experience for US weapons

In an exclusive interview with the New York Post, Zelenskyy revealed that his latest discussions with Trump centered around an exchange of drone technology and weaponry. Under the proposed agreement, Ukraine would sell its combat-hardened drone systems to the United States. In return, Washington would sell Ukraine a significant array of American weapons.

“This is really a mega deal, a win-win, as they say,” Zelenskyy told the NYP. “The people of America need this technology, and you need to have it in your arsenal.”

Zelenskyy emphasized that Ukraine is ready to share its knowledge gained from over three years of fighting against Russia’s full-scale invasion. According to him, this experience could help both the US and European partners adapt to modern warfare. Zelenskyy said that parallel talks were also ongoing with Denmark, Norway, and Germany.

Ukraine’s drones reshape modern warfare

The possible drone deal between Trump and Ukraine builds on Ukraine’s rapid evolution into a drone warfare powerhouse. Ukraine was the first to start using FPV drones as precision weapons against Russian equipment and personnel. Additionally, Ukraine also developed the long-range naval kamikaze drones, which sank multiple Russian navy’s ships. Kyiv’s long-range aerial drones reach as far as 1,300 km into Russia. In May, a Ukrainian marine drone destroyed a Russian Su-30 fighter jet over the Black Sea, using onboard air-to-air missiles.

One of the most dramatic operations, dubbed “Operation Spider Web,” saw 117 Ukrainian drones launched simultaneously deep inside Russia. They took out dozens of Russian irreplaceable strategic bombers at four separate bases.

Explore further

First battlefield capitulation to robots: Ukrainian drones force Russian surrender and seize fortified position (video)

US drone tech lags behind, experts warn

While Ukraine surges ahead, US defense officials and military experts have warned that the US is falling behind in drone warfare. The New York Post notes that American troops lack the experience to effectively operate UAVs or defend against them. Trent Emeneker, a project manager at the Defense Innovation Unit, told the New York Times, 

“We all know the same thing. We aren’t giving the American war fighter what they need to survive warfare today.”

US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has recently issued a new order to “cut red tape” on domestic drone production.

At least three of Russia’s largest banks are reportedly exploring bailouts from the Kremlin, Bloomberg News revealed in a report cited by The Telegraph. Borrowers across the country are increasingly unable to repay loans, exposing rising financial fragility in the war-weary economy.

The request for state support marks a new phase in Russia’s economic troubles, where years of war-related spending, sanctions, and labour shortages are colliding with falling revenues and rising inflation.

Officials have instructed banks to restructure their books to disguise the scale of bad loans, but that tactic is running out of road. As The Telegraph reports, the government may soon need to intervene more directly to stabilize the sector.

Economy strained by war, sanctions, and inflation

Though Russia’s economy officially grew 4.3% in 2024, much of that expansion was driven by military spending—one in every three roubles spent by Moscow now goes to the armed forces.

Behind the headline growth, key indicators point to a downturn. Business activity has dropped to its lowest level since the 2022 invasion began, and Goldman Sachs forecasts just 0.5% GDP growth in 2025. The private sector is weakening, labour shortages persist, and inflation has entered double-digit territory, driven by soaring food prices. Even potatoes are now in short supply, The Telegraph notes.

Oil revenues drop, currency under pressure

Russia’s critical oil revenues have plunged by a third compared to last year, with prices falling from $85 to $67 a barrel and access to international markets limited. The Bank of Russia’s 20% interest rate has failed to tame inflation, while high state payments to soldiers are further straining public finances.

Goldman Sachs also expects the rouble to depreciate by up to 30% against the US dollar this year, which would raise import costs and drive inflation higher still.

Global isolation could deepen

President Donald Trump has threatened to impose 100% tariffs on US imports from countries trading with Russia unless President Vladimir Putin agrees to a deal on Ukraine. If enacted, this could further isolate Russia’s economy from global trade networks.

As The Telegraph puts it, “The banks are quietly bracing for the worst.” With key sectors under strain and financial institutions now seeking state support, Russia’s economic resilience may be wearing thin. However, it remains unclear whether these challenges pose a critical threat to the Kremlin’s ability to sustain its war in Ukraine.

“Putin’s criminal war is approaching our borders,” the Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski has emotionally declared after the strike on Barlinek. On 16 July, a Russian drone attack on Ukraine damaged the Polish company Barlinek in the city of Vinnytsia.

As a result of the strike, two employees were hospitalized in serious condition, suffering from numerous burns. 

“Russian drones struck the Barlinek group’s factory in Vinnytsia. The factory director just told me this was done deliberately from three directions. There are wounded, two of them with severe burns,” Sikorski wrote on X.

Barlinek is a global manufacturer of wooden flooring, supplying products to 75 countries across 6 continents. The company also produces sports flooring, skirting boards, and biofuel pellets and briquettes for fireplaces. The Vinnytsia factory was opened in 2007.

Ukrainian emergency services and representatives of the Polish consulate were working on the attack site.

The Polish Foreign Ministry has informed a Russian diplomat that the products of the Polish company Barlinek in Ukraine serve civilian purposes. Therefore, Russia’s strike on the company’s factory in Vinnytsia violates international law and may have legal consequences in the future, UkrInform reports.

Paweł Wroński, the Polish Foreign Ministry’s spokesperson, says that the bombing of the Barlinek factory could be connected to the meeting of the Ukrainian, Polish, and Lithuanian foreign ministers of the Lublin Triangle in Lublin.

Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania form new alliance to counter Putin’s weaponized historic narratives amid war of attrition

The main objective of these annual meetings, established in 2020, is to strengthen mutual military and cultural ties between the three countries and to support Ukraine’s integration into the EU and NATO.

Barlinek’s CEO, Wojciech Michałowski, reports that the attack severely damaged the factory. Production at the facility will be suspended for at least six months.

Schemy, a project of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, has identified a Russian prison medic responsible for crimes against Ukrainian soldiers held at Penal Colony No. 10 in Mordovia. His cruelty was so extreme that Ukrainian prisoners nicknamed him “Dr. Evil.”

Journalists have gathered testimonies from more than 150 former captives who recognized “Dr. Evil” in photos and videos. He turned out to be 34-year-old Illia Sorokin, a father of two and employee at Medical Unit No. 13 of Russia’s Federal Penitentiary Service (FSVP). He had previously listed his workplace publicly on social media, visited occupied Crimea, and participated in 9 May parades wearing Soviet uniforms with a St. George ribbon.

Pavlo Afisov, a Ukrainian marine from the 36th Brigade, said that Sorokin used a stun gun, forced Ukrainian prisoners to crawl, jump, and sing Russian songs.

“He derived aesthetic pleasure from seeing you bent over in front of him, hands raised, with nothing on you, eyes closed. Yet he would kick you between the legs, hit you in the gut, strike your liver, beat you with a rubber baton and a stun gun. He even said that people like us deserve genocide,” the soldier recalled. 

Another soldier, Oleksandr Savov, confirmed the abuse and the denial of medical care. Sorokin was approached concerning the mental health of Ukrainian prisoner, Volodymyr Yukhymenko, who was brutally beaten and later died. A Ukrainian forensic examination found multiple fractures, hemorrhages, and pneumonia.

Despite Sorokin’s denials of responsibility, Tetiana Zhuravliova, a personnel officer at Medical Unit No. 13, confirmed his involvement. She said that Sorokin is currently serving in the Russian army, using the callsign “Doctor” and collecting supplies, equipment, medicine, and camouflage nets for his unit.

Ukraine’s parliament approved a broad slate of ministerial appointments, finalizing a sweeping Cabinet reshuffle that began earlier in the day with the elevation of Yulia Svyrydenko to the post of Prime Minister. Svyrydenko, who served as deputy to Presidential Chief of Staff Andriy Yermak in 2020–21, is widely viewed by political analysts as closely aligned with him.

While new officials are stepping into top roles, the balance of power remains firmly centralized. With elections suspended under martial law and political life dominated by Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukraine’s executive branch continues to operate with little political competition. The reshuffle marks an internal realignment of trusted figures—not a shift in direction or control.

Shmyhal moves to defense as ministries merge

Among the most significant changes, former Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal has been appointed Minister of Defense, with support from 267 lawmakers. A trained economist with no prior defense experience, Shmyhal takes over as Ukraine ramps up domestic arms production to meet wartime demands.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has instructed him to increase the share of Ukrainian-made weapons used at the front to 50% within six months, up from the current 40%.

In tandem, the Ministry for Strategic Industries, formed in 2020 to oversee defense-related manufacturing, has been dissolved and absorbed by the Defense Ministry. Its former head Herman Smetanin will return to lead Ukroboronprom, Ukraine’s state defense conglomerate.

Economy ministry gains power under Sobolev

Prime Minister Svyrydenko, previously Ukraine’s economy chief, has consolidated control over the economic bloc. The Ministry of Economy will now absorb the Ministry of Agrarian Policy and the Ministry of Environmental Resources, recreating a short-lived “super ministry” model used in 2019–20.

Oleksiy Sobolev, a former deputy economy minister and head of Prozorro.Sale, now leads the Ministry of Economy. Prozorro.Sale is a state-run electronic auction system used for the transparent sale of public assets, including state property and insolvent bank assets.

The merger, however, has drawn sharp criticism from agriculture groups, who argue the sector is too important to be subordinated. They warn that agriculture generates 15% of GDP, accounts for 60% of foreign currency inflows, and is vital to economic resilience.

Unity ministry scrapped after corruption probe

The newly created Ministry of National Unity, which existed for just six months, has been formally dissolved. Its head Oleksiy Chernyshov was recently charged in a high-profile corruption case and released on 120 million UAH bail ($3 million).

The ministry had long faced skepticism due to its vague mission and limited practical output. Its functions are expected to be absorbed by the Ministry of Social Policy or one of its agencies.

Other key appointments

In addition to the Defense and Economy portfolios, parliament approved several other high-level appointments:

• Mykhailo Fedorov, Minister of Digital Transformation since 2019 and a longtime ally of President Zelenskyy, was promoted to First Deputy Prime Minister.
• Herman Halushchenko, previously Energy Minister, becomes Minister of Justice.
• Svitlana Hrynchuk, his former deputy, is now Minister of Energy.
• Denys Uliutin, a finance technocrat, takes over as Minister of Social Policy. His appointment has faced criticism — including from MPs in the ruling party — due to his lack of experience in social welfare.
• Taras Kachka, a trade negotiator and deputy economy minister, becomes Deputy Prime Minister for European Integration, replacing Olha Stefanishyna, who is slated to become Ambassador to the US.

Ministers retaining their posts

Several ministers will remain in their current positions:

• Oleksiy Kuleba – Deputy PM for Regional Development
• Ihor Klymenko – Minister of Internal Affairs
• Serhii Marchenko – Minister of Finance
• Oksen Lisovyi – Minister of Education
• Viktor Liashko – Minister of Health
• Matviy Bidnyi – Minister of Youth and Sports
• Nataliia Kalmykova – Minister for Veterans Affairs
• Andriy Sybiha – Minister of Foreign Affairs (confirmed in a separate vote)

The position of Minister of Culture remains unfilled, with deliberations ongoing.

Ukraine’s smallest cabinet on record

With the restructuring, the Cabinet now includes just 16 members, excluding the unfilled culture portfolio. By comparison, Viktor Yanukovych’s government once included 27 ministers. This makes the current lineup likely the most compact government in Ukraine’s modern history.

Whether this consolidation will improve functionality is unclear. Ukraine has seen multiple cycles of ministry mergers and divisions over the past two decades, with no lasting administrative model. For now, efficiency appears to take priority, as the government adapts its structure to wartime needs.

€50 billion sits waiting. But Ukraine’s solar revolution measures just 102 MW. And Rome just promised more money through the same broken system.

The Ukraine Recovery Conference wrapped up in Rome last week with familiar promises: €2.3 billion in new agreements, including €265 million for “energy security and green transition” and €500 million in guarantees and grants to help Ukraine’s small businesses.

But missing from the announcements was any mention of fixing the fundamental problems that keep Ukrainian communities locked out of the European Union’s flagship funding tool, the Ukraine Facility.

€50 billion Ukraine Facility shows limited renewable energy results

Let’s be clear: this facility, worth €50 billion, is a significant commitment. Pillar II, the part meant to help rebuild Ukraine’s economy and support clean energy projects, has the potential to do real good. But right now, it’s still lagging behind. There is no data, transparency, or investor confidence. Most importantly, there is no access for small and medium-sized businesses.

The money is there. But the results are harder to find. One result was a bank survey conducted by the National Bank of Ukraine (NBU) with 20 banks, which showed that Ukrainian banks have issued 3,500 loans worth almost UAH 17 billion for energy projects.

It seems like a lot, however, many of the energy projects supported so far rely on diesel or gas, hardly the clean energy transformation we’ve been promised. The numbers tell the story: while solar projects received funding for 102 MW, gas-piston cogeneration units got 185 MW and diesel generators another 102 MW. Ukrainian banks financed nearly three times more fossil fuel capacity than solar power.

The scale of this shortfall becomes clear when you consider what Ukraine had before the war: approximately 9.9 GW of installed renewable energy capacity, including about 6 GW from solar power alone. Ukraine’s National Renewable Energy Action Plan aims for renewables to constitute 27% of electricity consumption by 2030, requiring a total installed capacity of 12.2 GW of solar energy.

Despite the ongoing war, Ukraine commissioned around 660 MW of new renewable energy capacities during 2022-2023, encompassing solar, wind, biogas, and small hydroelectric power plants.

Wind and solar power plants generated about 10% of Ukraine’s electricity as of 2023, with the share of clean energy produced, including large hydropower plants, reaching 20.3%—an increase from the pre-war period.

In 2024, Ukrainian state banks approved loans for the construction of 83 MW of solar power plants on the roofs of private households, which is an absolute record for the country since the implementation of such projects.

It should be noted that before the full-scale invasion, only 0.98 GW of grid-connected solar power plants had been built in Ukrainian households.

Ukraine energy funding lacks basic transparency

Citizens can’t even find a basic map showing where these 3,500 projects are located. No one knows exactly which projects have been funded, which regions are benefiting, or even how many of these projects have actually started working.

Some project details emerge piecemeal – like Mykolaiv’s 20 MW solar plants – but comprehensive data remains elusive. Citizens still can’t answer basic questions: Which oblasts received the most funding? How many small businesses applied versus how many got approved? What percentage went to Ukrainian companies versus international contractors?

These questions remain unanswered even after Rome. More basic transparency is needed, so that citizens and civil society can track where this money goes and whether it’s doing any good.

The small amount of information available in the public domain highlights that financial support for initiatives under Pillar II only started in 2025 and lacks a clear implementation schedule, despite the fact that these steps are crucial to improving Ukraine’s energy infrastructure and sustainable development in the face of current challenges.

As of today, all renewable energy projects implemented in Ukraine since 2022 are supported by leading international partners, rather than under Pillar II.

Even EU-supported analysis confirms the system’s dysfunction. A recent report by climate campaign group Razom We Stand found that there is “no comprehensive, publicly accessible database or consolidated statistical reporting” on funded projects. The report calls for establishing “a robust, transparent reporting system” – acknowledging the very transparency problems Ukrainian communities have been experiencing.

Small Ukrainian businesses shut out of EU energy funding

Then there’s the issue of who’s actually able to access these funds. Most of the financing so far seems to flow through international banks. But Ukraine’s recovery won’t come from top-down aid alone. Local businesses, especially small and medium-sized ones, are the backbone of any real rebuild. And right now, they’re shut out.

• Start with the money: many grant windows under Pillar II require €1 million minimum funding, which automatically excludes smaller regional providers or community energy initiatives. Then add excessive documentation requirements—multi-part technical, financial, and environmental submissions that mirror EU-level procurement formats.
• Most materials are available only in English or bureaucratic EU-style Ukrainian, with no clear summaries for local implementers.
• There’s little structured guidance to help applicants navigate these technical procurement rules. Local governments and SMEs are left to figure out highly complex eligibility criteria on their own.
• The scoring and selection criteria remain opaque, discouraging applicants who can’t afford dedicated bid writers or consultants.

Three months after Rome, the EU announced another €1.6 billion initiative for Ukrainian SMEs, scheduled for implementation in “the second half of 2025.” The pattern continues: more announcements, delayed implementation, while Ukrainian companies wait for access.

Despite all this, and against the backdrop of this devastating war, Ukraine is pushing forward with its clean energy revolution. Andriy Konechenkov, Chairman of the Board of the Ukrainian Wind Energy Association, recently announced that seven new wind power plants are currently under construction in Ukraine, with a total capacity of 4 GW of projects ready for implementation.

Last month, international consulting company Boston Consulting Group predicted an increase in the share of renewable sources in the structure of Ukrainian electricity production from 15% (2022 figure) to 28% until 2040, with the potential for further growth.

Balint Silhavi, Principal of the Boston Consulting Group, said: “We expect that about 50% of new generation will be solar and wind power plants. This means that the entire energy sector will become greener and greener.”

Rome chose more billions over basic fixes

These renewable energy projects and optimistic predictions show that Ukraine is working independently to push for renewable energy rebuilding. Rome was the moment to address the systemic dysfunction keeping Ukrainian communities locked out of their own recovery funding.

Instead, the EU chose to announce more billions flowing through the same broken channels.

Ukraine needs more than big promises. We need smart, targeted support that strengthens our economy, protects our communities, and builds toward long-term energy independence through renewables. Pillar II was meant to help deliver that. Rome should have fixed the system instead of feeding it more money.

This isn’t Ukraine’s first attempt at energy transformation that foundered on bureaucratic dysfunction.

In the late 2000s, Ukraine launched regional energy service companies like UkrESCO, which proved highly successful at implementing energy efficiency and investment projects. But the state failed to support their full privatization, retaining partial ownership through state enterprise shares.

The initiative lost momentum and never scaled—despite clear demand and early success.

That example shows what happens when system-level support disappears: even strong models fail to grow. Ukraine cannot afford to repeat that mistake with Pillar II, especially not while fighting for its survival.

Rome was the chance to course-correct. Instead, the EU chose to pour more billions into a system that systematically excludes the Ukrainian actors who should be rebuilding their own country.

As EU-funded research acknowledges, “continued collaboration with the Ukraine Facility and the European Commission is essential to prioritise renewable energy sources (RES) projects.” The question is whether this collaboration will finally deliver results or produce another year of billion-euro announcements while Ukrainian communities build their energy future independently.

Maksym Bevz

Maksym Bevz is Head of Renewable Energy and Green Recovery Campaigns for Ukraine with over…

Iryna Ptashnyk

Iryna Ptashnyk is a Senior Research and Development Expert with 13 years of legal experience…

Editor’s note. The opinions expressed in our Opinion section belong to their authors. Euromaidan Press’ editorial team may or may not share them.

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As Taiwan is conducting its massive Han Kuang exercises, China has deployed a record number of warplanes and ships toward the island, UkrInform reports. In the past 24 hours, China has sent 58 military aircraft and 10 naval and coast guard vessels toward Taiwan.

Of those 58 aircraft, including fighter jets, bombers, drones, and helicopters, 45 crossed the median line of the Taiwan Strait and entered Taiwan’s air defense zones in the north, center, southwest, and east. The heaviest activity was recorded in the central and southwestern zones, home to key Taiwanese Air Force and Navy bases.

There have been no official intrusions into Taiwan’s airspace or territorial waters, but the situation is described as extremely tense. Taiwanese forces continue combat simulations as part of the extended 10-day exercises, the longest ever, involving a record 22,000 reservists this year.

Earlier, Taiwan unveiled a new naval drone, the Endeavor Manta, inspired by Ukraine’s SeaBaby and Magura drones. At 8.6 meters long, it can carry over a ton of explosives or lightweight torpedoes, another sign the island is preparing for a potential maritime attack.

Russian Deputy Chairman of the Security Council Dmitry Medvedev has threatened the West with “preemptive strikes,” but added that Moscow has no intention to attack Europe, the Kremlin agency TASS reports. 

He has accused the West of waging “full-scale war against Russia,” claiming that NATO supplies Ukraine with satellite data and facilitates missile launches.

“The West has not only treachery in its blood but also a sick, outdated belief in its own superiority. Russia must act accordingly, and, if necessary, deliver preemptive strikes,” Medvedev says.

Despite this, he called information about a possible Russian attack on Europe “nonsense,” which is allegedly being deliberately spread.

Earlier, Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service Head Sergey Naryshkin accused NATO of escalating military activity near Russia’s borders. He warned that Poland and the Baltic states would be the first to suffer in a war between Moscow and the Alliance.

He claimed these countries were displaying particular aggressiveness. As an example, he cited Warsaw’s alleged plan to deploy around two million anti-tank mines along its borders with Belarus and Russia’s Kaliningrad Oblast. 

Ukraine’s new Magura W6P naval drone patrols 1000 km, offering longer range and smarter sea reconnaissance, Militarnyi reports. This latest model shifts from strike operations to focus on maritime patrol and intelligence gathering. Militarnyi’s correspondent visited a closed presentation of the new maritime robotic system, recently organized by Ukraine’s HUR military intelligence agency.

Magura W6P naval drone patrols 1000 km with enhanced stability and sensors

Magura W6P replaces kamikaze capabilities with advanced reconnaissance systems and an extended operational radius from 800 km to 1000 km. Unlike its predecessor Magura v5, which reached speeds up to 50 knots, the W6P has a top speed of 36 knots and cruises at 21 knots powered by a 200-horsepower Suzuki DF200 gasoline engine. This change favors endurance over speed for longer patrols.

The drone features a unique trimaran hull with two outriggers, increasing stability at sea and reducing side rolling during waves or movement. This design also expands the deck width to 2 meters, providing space for mounting equipment such as launch containers for strike FPV drones, although the W6P itself no longer performs kamikaze attacks. The full loaded weight is 1,900 kg, including a 400 kg payload capacity.

Advanced radar, optical systems, and satellite communications enhance reconnaissance

Magura W6P is equipped with a gyro-stabilized optical station featuring day and thermal imaging channels. The drone’s onboard Furuno radar detects ships up to 30 kilometers away and large tankers up to 60 kilometers, though the low antenna height may reduce this range. Smaller boats can be detected within 7 kilometers.

Additionally, the drone uses a multichannel satellite communication system to maintain control despite enemy electronic warfare attempts.

Magura W6P part of Ukraine’s growing naval drone defense system

Ukraine’s naval forces and developers are working to integrate unmanned systems like Magura W6P into a comprehensive maritime defense network. These drones will patrol, locate, and help neutralize threats in Ukraine’s waters.

The EU may revisit the vote on its 18th sanctions package against Russia as early as 18 July after the bloc’s representatives failed to reach a consensus on Wednesday, 16 July. The deadlock stems from Slovakia’s opposition, which is tied to the European Commission’s gas policy.

“No green light today on Russian sanctions during debate with ambassadors. They may return to the issue on Friday,” reports Rikard Jozwiak from Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.

The proposed sanctions package reportedly includes:

A “dynamic mechanism” for pricing Russian oil, 15% below the market price, which is approximately $47 per barrel

• A ban on operations involving the Nord Stream gas pipelines,
• Sanctions against a Russian oil refinery operating in India,
• Restrictions on two Chinese banks assisting Moscow in evading sanctions,
• Measures targeting Russia’s “shadow fleet” transporting energy resources outside sanctions regimes.

Meanwhile, Estonia has warned it will block the package if the provision to lower the oil price cap is removed, ERR writes.

“We have a very clear position that the oil price cap reduction must be included in this package. We hold a very firm stance on this issue,” Estonian Foreign Minister Margus Tsahkna says.

At the same time, Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys has expressed hope that pressure on Russia will only intensify, according to Delfi. He has also announced that the country will begin its work on the next 19th sanction package after the 18th is adopted. 

“The next package should follow, and we will continue this process until the Russian war machine either chokes or shuts down due to lack of revenue,” he has noted. 

Unanimity remains the EU’s only path to advancing sanctions policy, and Russia has proven adept at exploiting this vulnerability.

Ukraine is deploying a new generation of air-defense drones—fast, lightweight, and highly maneuverable—designed specifically to intercept and destroy Russia’s Iranian-designed Shahed attack drones.

With peace negotiations stalled and Russian aerial attacks intensifying, Kyiv is turning to homegrown technology to fill a critical defense gap. Massive waves of Shahed drones have made traditional missile systems economically unsustainable, prompting the rapid deployment of tens of thousands of compact, low-cost interceptors.

What these interceptor drones are

According to Forbes tech correspondent David Hambling, Ukraine’s interceptors mark a technical leap in drone warfare, prioritizing speed, scalability, and affordability:

• Lightweight and aerodynamic: Designs include bullet-shaped quadcopters (like Wild Hornets’ Sting) and delta-wing drones, built for high-speed, high-altitude engagement.
• Vertical engagement capability: These drones can climb to intercept Shaheds flying at over 10,000 feet (≈3 kilometers)—well above the reach of ground-based machine guns.
• Radar and visual guidance: Integrated into a nationwide sensor and command system, they are coordinated to track and strike slow-moving aerial threats.
• Low cost: Priced at just $1,000 to $5,000 per unit, they’re dramatically cheaper than the $3.3 million US Patriot missiles used to counter other threats.

What Russia is saying

Even figures within Russia’s defense-industrial elite have acknowledged the growing impact of Ukraine’s interceptor efforts. Alexey Rogozin—former CEO of Ilyushin and a senior figure in Russia’s military aviation sector—wrote on Telegram that Ukraine had effectively constructed a local anti-drone network over Kyiv:

“In fact, we are talking about an urban anti-drone dome built on the mass use of small-sized interceptors,” he said, referring to the Clear Sky initiative.

Rogozin claimed that more than 500 Shaheds had been intercepted under this system. While he maintained that large drone waves could still overwhelm defenses, he conceded that the cost dynamic has shifted:

“Now it is more expensive to attack than to defend.”

However, the system is not foolproof. Despite the deployment of interceptors, Kyiv continues to experience Shahed strikes, and explosions remain a frequent occurrence. Interception rates have reportedly improved, but with systems still scaling up, real-world effectiveness remains incomplete.

Why Ukraine is using them

Russia’s Shahed drones are slow, cheap, and launched in overwhelming numbers. In June alone, Russia launched over 5,000 Shahed-type drones, including as many as 728 in a single night—far more than traditional systems like Patriots can handle.

Ukraine’s interceptors offer a cost-effective, scalable response to this flood of threats. Small, fast, and increasingly numerous, they are designed to match Russia’s production tempo.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy recently praised the system, stating that “hundreds of Russian-Iranian Shahed drones have been shot down this week” alone. Officials say interception rates, which had dropped due to higher-altitude attacks, are now back above 86%.

Moment a Russian Shahed drone is shot down over Odesa on Sunday morning. Some reports suggest it was intercepted by another drone. pic.twitter.com/qF5dYySMVC

— WarTranslated (@wartranslated) July 11, 2025

How many are coming

According to Arsen Zhumadilov, head of Ukraine’s Defense Procurement Agency, the country has already signed contracts for tens of thousands of interceptor drones.

“This is what we have already contracted and will continue to contract,” Zhumadilov said in a 14 July interview with Babel. “We will definitely contract everything that the state budget can afford.”

He added that if domestic production capacity exceeds state funding, allied nations may help finance additional units to expand coverage.

Strategic impact

Ukraine’s interceptor drone program is emerging as a flexible, affordable answer to Russia’s drone warfare campaign—and potentially a model for other nations facing similar threats.

“Ukraine is massively scaling up its production of low-cost interceptor drones to stop Russia’s growing barrages of Shahed attack drones,” wrote David Hambling.

At the recent G7 summit, Zelenskyy emphasized that this technology could serve as a global solution for defending against mass drone attacks—an increasingly relevant challenge in modern warfare.

Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy told ministers to boost local arms from 40% to 50% within six months as part of a wartime strategy to strengthen Ukraine’s military self-reliance. He outlined the directive during a major speech before parliament, following the formal approval of a reshuffled Cabinet of Ministers on 17 July.

Zelenskyy tasks new cabinet with weapons overhaul

Addressing lawmakers and the new Cabinet, Zelenskyy noted:

“We are transforming the management of the defense sector and weapons production in such a way that, in six months, the share of specifically Ukrainian-made weapons available to our soldiers will significantly increase. Currently, about 40% of all weapons in the hands of our soldiers are made in Ukraine. In six months, it must be no less than 50%,” Zelenskyy said. 

He emphasized that boosting domestic arms production was essential in a global environment where attention to Russia-Ukraine’s war is being diluted by other crises.

Ministers told to audit defense deals

Zelenskyy also instructed the reshuffled cabinet to carry out a full audit of all existing defense-related agreements and commitments. These include international partnerships, production deals, memorandums, and resilience programs.

The president stressed that these agreements must be implemented “100% in the interests of Ukraine.” 

New prime minister confirmed

During the 17 July parliamentary session, lawmakers approved Zelenskyy’s nominee for prime minister, Yuliia Svyrydenko. Before the reshuffle, she served as Ukraine’s First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economic Development and Trade.

Most ministers either retained their roles or were reassigned to new posts. The president called for immediate implementation of the new government program and said results must be delivered “daily.”

Moscow’s recycled lies and nuclear bluster aim to fracture NATO and halt US aid for Ukraine, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 16 July. The Kremlin is reviving old narratives, including nuclear threats and faux diplomacy, in a coordinated information campaign targeting the United States’ renewed commitment to Ukraine and NATO.

Kremlin revives nuclear threats to pressure NATO

ISW says that the Kremlin is “recycling several longstanding informational narratives, including nuclear threats, in a renewed effort to break the United States away from Ukraine and the NATO alliance.” 

On 16 July, Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov stated that all provisions of Russia’s nuclear doctrine remain active. He emphasized that nuclear powers must not “incite” non-nuclear states and warned that nuclear countries must “answer” for such incitement.

Russia had updated its nuclear doctrine in fall 2024, introducing a clause suggesting that aggression by a non-nuclear country backed by a nuclear power may be treated as a joint attack on Russia.

Blaming the West for Moscow’s war

Responding to a question about Trump’s push for increased NATO military aid to Ukraine, Peskov claimed that “Europeans maintain a rabid militaristic attitude towards Moscow.“

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov echoed this approach, stating on 15 July that Moscow’s illegal invasion of Ukraine aims to eliminate “the threats that NATO has created” on Russia’s borders.

ISW highlights that these narratives have remained constant throughout the war and are being revived to undermine unity between the United States and Europe.

Russia casts itself as the peacemaker

Amid the Western calls to force Moscow into meaningful negotiations to end the war, Peskov  urged the international community to pressure Ukraine—not Russia, the aggressor country—into bilateral negotiations. ISW assesses this move as an effort to “falsely portray Russia as willing to negotiate while undermining Ukraine’s credibility.”

Strategy targets transatlantic unity

ISW notes that Russia is using the same “rhetorical line” that it has used throughout the war “to deter Western support for Ukraine, but has shifted its objective from preventing new support for Ukraine to reversing recent support” and to break the US from its NATO allies.

“The Kremlin is prioritizing informational campaigns aimed at undermining NATO unity and stoking discontent between the United States and its European allies in order to degrade Ukraine’s defense capabilities and achieve its longstanding war aims that amount to Ukraine’s capitulation,” ISW wrote.

Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania have agreed to establish a Historians’ Forum within the Lublin Triangle framework to deprive Moscow of any opportunity to manipulate shared history and sow discord among partners.

“We must seek understanding, resolve sensitive issues, and thus deny Moscow any opportunity to undermine our unity,” Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said in Lublin.

On 16 July, he visited the Lublin Triangle’s conference with Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys and Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski. The main objective of these annual meetings, established in 2020, is to strengthen mutual military and cultural ties between the three countries and to support Ukraine’s integration into the EU and NATO.

The Ukrainian foreign minister added that the parties agreed such meetings of foreign ministers will be held regularly, at least twice a year.

Russia systematically manipulates and distorts historical facts to justify its aggression against Ukraine and to construct a narrative of the war’s “legality” and “necessity.” For instance, on 14 July, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte said that Russian President Vladimir Putin sent not negotiators, but a “historian” to the last peace talks in Istanbul.

The head of the Alliance was referring to Vladimir Medinsky, who began recounting Russian history starting in 1250 and tried to force Ukraine into capitulation. He also said that Moscow is ready to fight forever, mentioning the 21-year war against Sweden. 

In 2024, during a high-profile interview with American propagandist Tucker Carlson, Putin began the conversation with a long historical monologue in which he attempted to justify his aggression against Ukraine.

Ukraine’s parliament has confirmed Yulia Svyrydenko as Prime Minister, with 262 lawmakers voting in favor on Thursday. At 39, she becomes the first woman to lead Ukraine’s government in 15 years—and only the second in the country’s history after Yulia Tymoshenko.

But while the face has changed, the power structure remains the same. With elections suspended under martial law and political life shaped by Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukraine’s governance remains highly centralized. Svyrydenko’s appointment is seen as reinforcing the wartime system—where real decisions are made inside the Presidential Office, not by parliament or Cabinet.

Centralized power under martial law

Svyrydenko’s elevation underscores Ukraine’s current political reality: executive power concentrated in President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s circle, limited institutional checks, and governance by loyal proxies.

She is viewed as a close ally of Presidential Chief of Staff Andriy Yermak, widely considered one of the most powerful figures in the country.

“We don’t have a proper functioning Cabinet of ministers. Instead, we have some quasi-Cabinet of ministers headed by Yermak, who controls access to the president’s agenda and to the president himself,” said anti-corruption activist Daria Kaleniuk in Politico earlier this year.

Strong support from ruling party, opposition pushback

Svyrydenko was backed almost unanimously by Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party and several independents. Opposition factions—including European Solidarity, Batkivshchyna, and Holos—voted against or abstained, warning that the reshuffle deepens executive control.

Former President Petro Poroshenko summed up their position:

“Replacing Shmyhal, who was ‘Yermak in a shirt,’ with Svyrydenko, who will be ‘Yermak in a skirt,’ changes nothing.”

From regional official to Presidential insider

A native of Chernihiv, Svyrydenko began in regional government before rising to key roles in Kyiv. She joined the Presidential Office in 2020, and later served as First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy.

She has led international negotiations on peace efforts, EU accession, and postwar recovery. In May 2025, she co-signed a US–Ukraine reconstruction agreement with US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, signaling her role in Ukraine’s international outreach.

Ethics questions over teaching income

Her appointment triggered scrutiny over her income. In 2024, she reported earning over 3 million UAH (about $75,000) in six months of teaching at the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE)—more than her government salary.

Ukraine’s anti-corruption agency launched a probe into a possible conflict of interest, since KSE received international grants overseen by her ministry.

Svyrydenko said she taught multiple courses under separate contracts and worked outside government hours.

End of Shmyhal’s record-long tenure

Svyrydenko replaces Denys Shmyhal, who resigned after over five years—the longest serving Ukrainian PM. Sources say he has now been nominated as Defence Minister—a major shift amid war.

At the same time, it’s unclear who will replace Oksana Markarova as Ukraine’s ambassador to the US Reports suggest current Defense Minister Rustem Umerov and presidential adviser Ihor Zhovkva are among the frontrunners; no official successor has yet been confirmed.

Lithuania protests to Belarus over a Russian drone that entered from its territory and crashed just inside NATO airspace. The Lithuanian Foreign Ministry called the incursion a serious violation in an official statement on Facebook and demanded urgent explanations from Minsk.

Lithuania cites airspace violation in formal protest to Belarus

On 16 July, Lithuania summoned the acting chargé d’affaires of Belarus and handed over a diplomatic note of protest. The protest came after a Russian-made Gerbera drone illegally entered Lithuania and crashed roughly one kilometer from the border.

In a post published on its official Facebook page, the Lithuanian Foreign Ministry wrote that the drone had crossed from Belarusian territory into Lithuanian airspace on 10 July and demanded a prompt explanation from Minsk. It described the incident as an illegal intrusion by a Russian-made, multifunctional unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV).

The Ministry called on Belarus to take “all necessary measures” to ensure that similar incidents do not happen again.

Explore further

Lithuania tracks fake Russian Shahed from Belarus—NATO jets scrambled

Belarus held responsible for Russian drone’s NATO incursion

Lithuania’s Secretary of National Security Kęstutis Budrys, quoted by Delfi, said Belarus is fully responsible for allowing the drone to cross into Lithuania. “This is a serious violation,” Budrys stated. He noted that the object could have been part of a UAV group used in Ukraine.

“It’s likely this drone was used in the war,” he said, suggesting the Gerbera UAV might have been part of Russia’s combat operation before it reached NATO airspace.

The Lithuanian Foreign Ministry emphasized that Belarus must explain the incident immediately and prevent any future drone violations from its territory.

Defense Minister Dovilė Šakalienė told LRT that authorities are still investigating the intent behind the drone’s entry.

“We can confirm it was a Gerbera,” she said. “Its use could vary — we are trying to establish why it was flown here.”

The Ministry of Defense of Ukraine is launching a project to ensure technological superiority on the battlefield. With support from the German Federal Ministry of Defense and the Office of Effective Regulation (BRDO), Kyiv has announced a program to develop defense startups focused on artificial intelligence technology.

The launch of K4 Startup Studio promises a new format of cooperation between the state, developers, military experts, and global mentors.

Participating teams will compete to solve four key military challenges and can also submit their own ideas. Selected startups will undergo combat testing and receive mentoring support.

After a four-month intensive program, teams will have the opportunity to attract investments or sign government contracts. The four best startups will receive grants of $250,000 each.

“We are not just adapting — we are setting trends,” emphasizes Deputy Defense Minister Kateryna Chernohorenko.

Applications are open on k4.mod.gov.ua until 15 August 2025. Developers and investors interested in battlefield-proven technologies, both Ukrainian and international, are invited to apply.

A Ukrainian soldier could have gone on a date after meeting someone on Telegram. But before the meeting, he was asked to do a “small favor,” which could have turned deadly if not for law enforcement.

 
The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), together with the National Police, thwarted a terrorist attack planned by an FSB agent network. One of the plots involved a fake “romantic date” in Dnipro.

A pair of Russian agents gained the trust of the Ukrainian soldier. Through Telegram, they suggested he meet with the “sister of a fellow soldier.” Before the date, the girl asked him to pick up her brother’s belongings from her friend.

“In reality, it was an accomplice who handed the soldier a bag containing explosives,” the SBU reported.

Afterward, Russian agents tried to detonate the device remotely, but it was defused in time.

It was just one of at least five terrorist attacks planned by them inside Ukraine.

• In Kyiv, two drug addicts tried to plant explosives near a military facility. They were coordinated from a detention center by an inmate who recruited his cellmate and two more accomplices.
• In Vinnytsia, a 19-year-old individual from Zhytomyr Oblast was detained while planting explosives near an apartment building housing military families.
• In Rivne, a terrorist hid explosives inside a soldier’s service vehicle and installed a surveillance camera.

Russian intelligence recruited all perpetrators via Telegram channels advertising “easy money.” According to the SBU, each attack attempt came with promises of financial reward.

All suspects have been charged with state treason, sabotage, and terrorism. They face life imprisonment and confiscation of property.

Russia’s chemical attacks in Ukraine have exceeded 10,000 incidents since February 2023, according to Anton Honchar, chief specialist of the Radiation, Chemical and Biological Defense Directorate of Ukraine’s Armed Forces Support Command. Honchar told Ukrainska Pravda that Russian forces began using chemical weapons against Ukrainians as early as 2014–2015.

Ukrainian mobile teams specializing in chemical detection are now deployed across the front, collecting samples of grenades, contaminated gear, and aerosols. These groups work in close coordination with the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) and Special Operations Forces. Honchar noted that over the past month alone, Ukrainian teams recorded about 760 instances of chemical weapons use by Russian troops.

Banned toxic grenades lead Russia’s battlefield arsenal

According to Honchar, 88% of Russia’s chemical attacks involve hand grenades such as the RG-Vo and K-51, both of which are banned for combat use under the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC). These grenades are intended for riot control, not military operations, yet Russia reportedly uses them to flush Ukrainian troops out of trenches and bunkers. Kyiv accuses Moscow of violating Article 1, Clause 5 of the CWC, which prohibits the use of toxic chemicals as weapons against enemy forces.

Another widely documented agent is chloropicrin, once used to test gas masks. Now, it’s being weaponized in improvised explosive devices or loaded into containers and dropped from drones.

Evidence collected for international prosecution

Honchar stressed that Ukraine now has the technical ability to gather battlefield samples according to international forensic standards. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) requires strict procedures to validate evidence in court. Ukraine’s field units adhere to these rules, enabling the country to pursue accountability at both the national and international level.

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Russian forces drop banned chemical irritants from drones on Ukraine

Moscow’s chemical warfare infrastructure exposed

Ukraine accuses Russia of continuing to research, produce, and distribute chemical weapons despite claiming to have destroyed its stockpiles in 2018. The OPCW had been told by Moscow that its inventory was eliminated, yet Ukraine says banned agents are being actively used. One case cited by Honchar involved Russian General Kirillov, head of the Russian Radiation, Chemical, and Biological Defense Troops. According to the SBU, he was responsible for supplying banned grenades to frontline units before being eliminated in December 2024.

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Russia’s chemical weapons use in Ukraine now “large-scale,” intelligence shows

Russian units repeatedly implicated in toxic attacks

Russia’s 155th Naval Infantry Brigade has been identified as one of the units most often using chemical weapons. Kyiv says these attacks are concentrated in combat-heavy directions such as Pokrovsk, Kupiansk, and Lyman, where Russian forces attempt to force Ukrainian troops out of fortified positions.

Honchar said Russian forces prefer to use chemical weapons during spring, summer, and autumn due to better evaporation conditions, and mainly during daylight assaults when their ground offensives are most active.

Germany’s Defense Ministry has denied knowledge of any Patriot systems for Ukraine currently leaving German territory, rejecting US President Donald Trump’s public claim. SRF reports that German officials say no such delivery is underway.

Germany contradicts Trump on Patriot system shipments

A spokesperson for Germany’s Defense Ministry said they could not confirm that any Patriot systems were presently on the way to Ukraine.

“That is not known to me,” the spokesperson stated, as cited by SRF.

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Reuters: Trump promised Patriots for Ukraine—Europe got the invoice

Trump, speaking to journalists in Washington on 15 July, claimed that the first Patriot systems were already being delivered,

“They are coming from Germany,” he added without providing any further details.

Berlin’s response directly contradicts this assertion.

NATO confirms plans for rapid Patriot delivery

Meanwhile, NATO is preparing to speed up deployment of additional Patriot systems to Ukraine, SRF says. The announcement comes as the country faces some of the heaviest Russian air attacks of the war.

NATO Air Commander Alexus Grynkewich said preparations were ongoing and involved close cooperation with Germany. Speaking at a conference in Wiesbaden, he stated,

“Preparations are underway, we are working very closely with the Germans on the Patriot relocation.” He added, “The instruction I received is to withdraw them as quickly as possible.”

Allies to discuss unresolved issues in upcoming meeting

The German Defense Ministry also noted that a virtual meeting of Ukraine’s supporting nations — the Ukraine Defense Contact Group (UDCG) — would be held on 21 July. The goal of the meeting is to resolve remaining questions and implement the delivery of Patriot systems to Ukraine as swiftly as possible.

US President Donald Trump promised Patriot missile systems for Ukraine—but it is Europe that must now provide them, Reuters reports. NATO allies are scrambling to decide who will donate the weapons and how soon they can be delivered.

Allies caught off guard by Trump’s Patriot deal

Trump announced on 14 July that some Patriot missile systems for Ukraine should arrive “within days.” But while Kyiv prepares to receive them, European governments are facing unexpected pressure to give up their own systems, Reuters says. Meanwhile, Trump claimed that the first Patriots allegedly already were “on the way” to Ukraine.

During a meeting with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, Trump claimed that Finland, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands, and Canada had agreed to participate. However, high-ranking officials in at least two of those countries told Reuters they only learned of the plan when Trump made it public.

“It is my clear sense that nobody has been briefed about the exact details in advance,” one European ambassador said.

NATO to coordinate shipments under US-led framework

A NATO official said the alliance will oversee deliveries through its Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine mission in Germany. The official listed Germany, Norway, Denmark, Sweden, the United Kingdom, Canada, and Finland as committed to the effort. But the exact numbers and timeline remain under discussion.

Europe pays for Trump’s pledge

While Trump takes credit for the deal, European leaders are voicing frustration.

“If we pay for these weapons, it’s our support,” said EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas. “If you promise to give the weapons, but say somebody else is going to pay for it, it’s not really given by you, is it?”

Germany’s defense minister said no Patriot system would arrive in Kyiv before the summer ends. Other countries—including Greece and Spain—have previously refused to part with their Patriots, calling them essential for national defense.

Logistics unclear

A US official said the Trump administration is now reviewing NATO inventories to identify potential trades. In some cases, allies might give up Patriots in exchange for earlier deliveries of other weapons or cancel pending orders under the Foreign Military Sales program.

Drone strikes hit Tula and Voronezh overnight, and reached Moscow Oblast, piercing Russian air defenses in an alleged Ukrainian UAV raids. Russia claimed to intercept 122 drones. The extent of the damage from the attack remains unclear.

Ukraine targets military infrastructure in Tula

Russian news Telegram channel Astra reports that in the early hours of 17 July, drones targeted Russian facilities in Tula Oblast. Explosions thundered in Novomoskovsk, where key military-industrial sites are located, Liga reported. In Shchyokino, Tula Oblast, local residents reported a fire breaking out after a drone attack.

According to Ukrainian Telegram channel Supernova+, the Azot chemical plant in Shchyokino was hit directly during the attack. The M-500 methanol production unit was reportedly damaged. The plant carried out emergency technical procedures in response. Azot is one of Tula Oblast’s key chemical industry sites, producing ammonia, methanol, and other nitrogen-based compounds used in explosives and defense-related manufacturing.

Tula Oblast head Dmitri Milyaev said that as of 06:00, the threat of more drone attacks remained active in the oblast. Later, he claimed that drone “debris” fell on the premises of an unnamed enterprise.

Ukraine pierces Russian air defenses: drone strikes hit Tula, Voronezh

Russia claims it downed 122 Ukrainian drones last night.https://t.co/LHXY6IM02z
#1-3 Tula, #4 Roslavl, by TG/Supernova+ pic.twitter.com/VBE27i8sPd

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 17, 2025

Drone strikes hit Voronezh

Drone strikes hit Tula and Voronezh nearly simultaneously. In Voronezh, drones reached deep into the city, with one, possible shot down by Russia’s air defenses, reportedly striking two floors of a high-rise residential building in the city’s left-bank area.

Governor Aleksandr Gusev claimed that air defenses had destroyed at least five UAVs over Voronezh Oblast, yet later acknowledged that fragments had struck a residential tower. The authorities claim four civilians were injured.

Moscow also under threat amid massive drone wave

Mayor Sergei Sobianin claimed that three drones were allegedly intercepted while attempting to enter Moscow’s airspace. Loud blasts were reported in Zelenograd. Residents described multiple explosion-like sounds during the night. The drone assault affected aviation. Departures and arrivals at Vnukovo Airport were delayed as a precaution during the strikes.

In Smolensk Oblast, local residents reported a strike on the town of Roslavl, home to a key aviation support plant under the Rostec conglomerate, according to Astra.

Russia claims 122 drones downed across 13 oblasts

Russia’s Ministry of Defense alleged that Ukrainian drones targeted at least 13 oblasts overnight, claiming 122 UAVs were shot down. According to the ministry, most drones were intercepted over Bryansk, Kursk, and Oryol oblasts. Additional UAVs were allegedly downed over Voronezh, Tula, Moscow Oblast, occupied Crimea, and several others.

He sings Ukrainian songs and stops Russian assault troops. A former paramedic from Colombia, known as Miguel, came to Ukraine intending to serve as a combat medic. However, due to the language barrier, he was assigned to the infantry.

Despite this, he never abandoned his mission. Every day on the front line, he saves the lives of his comrades. He is learning Ukrainian by singing Chervona Kalyna, the country’s patriotic anthem. 

“At first, it was tough on the front line,” Miguel says, “but over time I realized you can fight back even against artillery. You have to attack and retreat, attack and retreat. That’s how I survived.”

The hardest part, he says, is overcoming the fear in your first battle.

“That’s the problem: people go into their first fight and afterward, because of fear, decide they can’t do it. But you have to adapt,” Miguel explains.

Even without official medic status, Miguel has repeatedly provided first aid to the wounded.

“The first cases stayed with me the most, but every single one of them inspires me to keep fighting and helping people. In the Legion, we are all one family. We always support each other,” he concludes.

Earlier, the Ukrainian 47th Mechanized Brigade Magura formed a reconnaissance and strike group composed mainly of Colombian volunteers.

The company commander, known as Hamlet, personally organized the arrival of foreign volunteers, including Colombians and fighters from Peru, Brazil, Zimbabwe, Italy, and Mexico. Ukrainian state programs allow them to quickly undergo training and integrate into the Ukrainian Armed Forces.

Ukrainian fighters describe Colombian volunteers as “brave and humane,” who retrieve their wounded comrades and injured Ukrainians from the frontline, and are ready to carry out essential missions.

Russia’s manpower crisis is forcing the Kremlin to rely on covert recruiting networks, where volunteer fighters in mercenary structures are seen as “expendable manpower,” according to leaked recordings cited by RFE/RL.

“Second-rate infantry” in Russia’s strategy

In a conversation leaked late last year, Russian lawmaker Aleksandr Borodai described non-army recruits as “second-rate infantry.” He said their task is to exhaust Ukrainian troops before regular Russian forces attack. In the same recording, he referred to them as “expendable manpower.”

The statement highlights how Russia increasingly treats irregular fighters — often recruited through unregulated or covert systems — as disposable assets in a war now approaching 1 million Russian casualties, according to estimates.

With the memory of the September 2022 “partial mobilization” still fresh, and public opposition strong, the Kremlin is avoiding new mandatory call-ups. Instead, it relies on shadow recruitment structures to sustain frontline numbers without triggering mass unrest.

GRU-controlled Redut and Dobrokor feed the front with mercenaries

Systema, RFE/RL’s Russian investigative unit, reveals that both the Redut and Dobrokor networks are controlled by the GRU, Russia’s main military intelligence agency. The structures are designed to enlist men and women under the guise of “volunteer formations” — but operate effectively as mercenary pipelines.

Unlike Russia’s Defense Ministry contracts, which extend until Russia ends its war in Ukraine, mercenary contracts through Redut or Dobrokor have fixed terms — usually six to twelve months — and do not renew automatically.

Recruits through Dobrokor sign formal contracts and receive legal military status. Monthly pay starts at $2,600. In exchange, they cannot leave before their contract ends without risking prosecution for desertion. Mediazona reported that over 20,000 desertion cases had already reached Russian courts as of May.

Redut: cash, secrecy, and no legal existence

Redut, by contrast, operates in a legal gray zone. It does not require fitness screening, accepts people with criminal records, and allows early departure. It attracts recruits by offering cash payments, which can be hidden from creditors, courts, or ex-spouses.

However, Redut mercenaries are not legally considered military personnel. They are ineligible for state compensation, hospital treatment, or veteran status.

“From a legal point of view, you don’t exist,” a recruiter for the Nevsky unit told Systema, adding: “There’s no service, nothing: No hospitals, no rehabilitation, nothing.”

Redut also provides no gear or uniforms up front. One recruiter told RFE/RL that new fighters are given 50,000 rubles ($640) only with their third paycheck — assuming they survive that long.

Small bonuses, big risks

The Russian Defense Ministry offers up to $46,000 in signing bonuses for official contracts. Dobrokor pays far less — often $640–$1,280. Redut mercenaries get no regional bonus at all.

Despite these risks and limitations, thousands continue to join. Deputy Security Council Chairman Dmitry Medvedev claimed over 210,000 people signed military contracts in the first half of 2025. Another 18,000 joined so-called “volunteer” formations — a term now widely used to mask informal, often unregulated mercenary service.

Janis Kluge of the German Institute for International and Security Affairs estimates the actual number of contract soldiers may be closer to 190,000.