The Slovak police sought to detain ex-Defense Minister Jaroslav Nad over alleged misconduct during the donation of ammunition to Ukraine in 2022, the Slovak newspaper Dennik N reported on June 18, citing two undisclosed sources.

According to his social media, Nad is currently vacationing in Canada. The Slovak police reportedly also seek to detain a former Defense Ministry official and have detained an ex-head of the Konstrukta Defense state company in a move denounced by Nad's opposition Democrats party as politically motivated.

The police operation reportedly concerns 120 mm rounds that Slovakia donated to Ukraine at the onset of Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022. The Slovak Defense Ministry allegedly initially sold the obsolete ammunition to a private company, only to later purchase it through Konstrukta Defense for a higher price for swift deliveries to the war-torn nation.

Nad was the defense minister between 2020 and 2023, during which time Slovakia decisively supported Ukraine against Russian aggression and provided substantial military aid.

Bratislava's foreign policy radically shifted after the election victory of left-nationalist Robert Fico in September 2023, who halted military aid from Slovak military stocks, adopted more hostile rhetoric toward Kyiv, and sought close energy ties with Russia.

Nad dismissed the allegations as a "theater," portraying it as the government's attempt to distract the public from internal problems.

"Today's theater didn't shock or upset me in the slightest," Nad said on Facebook.

"I'll keep reminding myself of how proud I am of the support we gave to Ukraine. I'd make the same decision again — without hesitation."

Fico has long criticized Western military aid to Ukraine and the defense assistance provided to Kyiv under the previous Slovak government. In a separate case last year, Slovak Defense Minister Robert Kalinak denounced last year a decision to send MiG-29 jets to Ukraine as "treason."

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The Kyiv IndependentYuliia Taradiuk

Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico threatened on June 10 to veto the EU's upcoming 18th sanctions package against Russia if concerns over Slovakia's reliance on Russian gas and energy exports were not addressed.

The comments come as European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced on June 10 that the 18th package of European Union sanctions against Russia will include additional restrictions on energy, banking, and oil, among other areas.

The EU has proposed for the first time a ban on transactions involving the Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2 pipelines, as well as a reduction in the oil price cap from $60 to $45 per barrel, as one-third of Russia's government revenue still comes from oil exports, according to von der Leyen.

Fico said on Facebook that he would block additional sanctions unless the bloc finds "a real solution to the crisis situation that Slovakia would face following a complete halt in the supply of gas, oil, and nuclear fuel from Russia."

Historically, Slovakia has been heavily reliant on Russian gas and energy transfer, serving as a key transit hub for Russian exports to Western Europe.

Since taking office in 2023, Fico has also reversed Slovakia's previous pro-Ukraine policy, ending military aid to Kyiv and questioning the value of EU sanctions on Russia.

EU foreign policy decisions, including sanctions, require unanimous approval by all member states. A Slovak veto could force concessions or delay enforcement in future rounds.

Fico's comments come as Slovakia’s parliament passed a resolution on June 5 urging the government to oppose any new international sanctions or trade restrictions against Russia, citing alleged negative economic impacts. The non-binding resolution argued that sanctions imposed in response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine have driven up energy prices, disrupted supply chains, and harmed Slovak industry.

Fico subsequently vowed on June 8 that he would veto new sanctions if they harm national interests, adding that he would not support any measure that halts Russian fuel imports that are used to power Slovakia's nuclear power plants.

Unlike Ukraine-skeptic Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban who has repeatedly obstructed and delayed the bloc's sanctions against Russia and military aid for Ukraine, Slovakia has not previously attempted to block EU sanctions.

On May 6 the EU presented a detailed roadmap to fully sever the bloc’s energy dependence on Russia by 2027. National governments, including Kremlin-friendly Hungary and Slovakia, will be required to submit individual phase-out plans by year’s end.

EU unveils 18th package of sanctions against Russia, targeting energy, banking, oil

The EU has proposed for the first time a ban on transactions involving the Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2 pipelines, as well as a reduction in the oil price cap from $60 to $45 per barrel, among other measures.

The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Hodunova

Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico said on June 8 that Slovakia will block EU sanctions against Russia if they are deemed to harm the country's national interests.

"If there is a sanction that would harm us, I will never vote for it," Fico told reporters.

Fico's comments come as Slovakia’s parliament passed a resolution on June 5 urging the government to oppose any new international sanctions or trade restrictions against Russia, citing alleged negative economic impacts.

The non-binding resolution argues that the sanctions imposed in response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine have driven up energy prices, disrupted supply chains, and harmed Slovak industry.

The resolution calls on government ministers to “defend national economic interests” in international forums and resist further punitive measures targeting Moscow.

Since taking office in 2023, Fico has reversed Slovakia's previous pro-Ukraine policy, ending military aid to Kyiv and questioning the value of EU sanctions on Russia.

EU foreign policy decisions, including sanctions, require unanimous approval by all member states. A Slovak veto could force concessions or delay enforcement in future rounds.

Unlike Ukraine-skeptic Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban who has repeatedly obstructed and delayed the bloc's sanctions against Russia and military aid for Ukraine, Slovakia has not previously attempted to block EU sanctions.

"I am interested in being a constructive player in the European Union, but not at the expense of Slovakia," Fico said, without elaborating on how he will vote on any upcoming EU sanctions packages.

Fico added that he would not support any measure that halts Russian fuel imports that are used to power Slovakia's nuclear power plants.

Discussions are underway as the EU is preparing an 18th sanctions package against Russia. EU ambassadors on May 14 agreed on the bloc's 17th package of sanctions against Russia, primarily targeting its shadow fleet of oil tankers.

Ukraine's European allies are tightening sanctions against Russia as Moscow refuses to cease fire. Despite Russia's refusal, no new U.S. sanctions have been imposed so far.

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The Kyiv IndependentAlex Cadier

Slovakia’s parliament passed a resolution on June 5 urging the government to oppose any new international sanctions or trade restrictions against Russia, citing alleged negative economic impacts, Slovak news outlet Noviny reported.

The non-binding resolution argues that the sanctions imposed in response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine have driven up energy prices, disrupted supply chains, and harmed Slovak industry.

The resolution calls on government ministers to “defend national economic interests” in international forums and resist further punitive measures targeting Moscow.

The motion was introduced by the far-right Slovak National Party (SNS) and passed with the support of 51 of the 76 lawmakers present.

All SNS deputies backed the measure, along with most members of Prime Minister Robert Fico's left-wing Smer-SD party, several from the coalition partner Hlas-SD, and some independents.

Only one Hlas-SD lawmaker, Jan Ferencak, voted against the resolution; 23 others from the same party abstained. Opposition lawmakers boycotted the vote entirely.

While Fico's Smer party has drawn criticism for its increasingly pro-Russian rhetoric, the SNS promotes a "pan-Slavic brotherhood" narrative that aligns closely with Kremlin talking points.

The resolution does not carry legal force but sends a political signal that could complicate Brussels' efforts to maintain consensus on sanctions.

EU foreign policy decisions, including sanctions, require unanimous approval by all member states. A Slovak veto could force concessions or delay enforcement in future rounds.

Since taking office in 2023, Fico has reversed Slovakia's previous pro-Ukraine policy, ending military aid to Kyiv and questioning the value of EU sanctions on Russia.

The EU's sanctions regime currently targets over 2,400 Russian individuals and entities involved in the war, as well as key sectors of the Russian economy, including energy, finance, defense, and technology.

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In the video, Russian activist Anna Kiryakova reads from a book of poetry that glorifies her country’s war against Ukraine. The anthology’s title — “Poetry of the Russian Winter” — is written with the Latin Z in place of its Russian analog. The inclusion of that one letter aligns the

The Kyiv IndependentLinda Hourani

The Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant, the biggest in Europe, occupied by Russian forces since March 2022, remains completely shut down, with all six reactors in a cold shutdown state.

In an interview with Reuters, IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi emphasized that restarting the plant is not feasible under current conditions.

The key issues are an unstable power supply and, more critically, a lack of cooling water, which is essential for the safe operation of nuclear reactors.

“We are not in a situation of imminent restart of the plant. Far from that, it would take quite some time before that can be done,” Grossi said.

He explained that to bring even a single reactor back online, it would be necessary to install a new pumping system to draw water from the Dnipro River and inspect all equipment that has remained inactive for nearly three years.

Currently, IAEA missions access the plant from Russian-occupied territory, as Moscow no longer guarantees the safety of international experts entering from the Ukrainian side, as was previously the case.

Meanwhile, Greenpeace reports that Russian forces are building a new power line along the Azov Sea coast to connect the plant directly to Russia’s power grid. This may signal preparations to restart the plant independently, bypassing Ukrainian oversight.

In response, Ukraine has sent a formal diplomatic note to the IAEA, stressing that any attempt to restart the plant without authorization from Ukraine’s nuclear regulatory authority is illegal and poses an unacceptable threat to nuclear safety.

Hungary and Slovakia continue to rely heavily on Russian oil, gas, and nuclear fuel, despite having technical and economic capacity to switch to alternative sources, according to a detailed joint report by the Centre for the Study of Democracy (CSD, Bulgaria) and the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA, Finland). Both countries “have shown no real intention of phasing out Russian crude oil,” the report states. Similar conclusions are made regarding the Russian gas and nuclear projects.

The report, titled The Last Mile. Phasing Out Russian Oil and Gas in Central Europe, reveals that both countries have used EU sanctions exemptions not as a path to energy independence, but as a shield to deepen ties with Russian suppliers, significantly undermining EU unity and energy security strategy.

No real effort to reduce Russian dependency

The report presents a stark picture: Hungary and Slovakia have not reduced their imports of Russian oil and gas since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. On the contrary, Hungary increased its Russian crude reliance from 61% in 2021 to 86% in 2024. Slovakia’s dependence remained at nearly 87% that same year. Combined, the two countries imported 8.7 million tonnes of Russian crude oil in 2024, which is 2% more than in 2021.

Since the beginning of the invasion, these imports have sent the Kremlin approximately €5.4 billion in tax revenue. As the report emphasizes, that amount could theoretically fund the production of 1,800 Iskander-M missiles—missiles used to destroy Ukrainian infrastructure and civilian areas.

Despite disruptions in the Druzhba pipeline in 2024 and multiple opportunities to diversify through the Adria pipeline, both Hungary and Slovakia continued to rely on Russian supply chains. Slovakia began marginal non-Russian crude imports in the latter half of 2024, while Hungary saw its non-Russian crude intake fall to nearly zero.

Merz: Hungary and Slovakia could lose EU funds over pro-Russia stance

MOL and the role of state-linked energy networks

The report highlights the central role of Hungarian oil and gas company MOL, which owns the only refineries in both Hungary and Slovakia. MOL’s strategic decisions on crude origin determine national energy sourcing. Although the Hungarian state does not directly own MOL, it controls over 30% of the company through government-aligned foundations, effectively shaping its energy policy.

MOL secured multiple contracts for non-Russian oil via the Adria pipeline—2.2 million tonnes in 2023 and 2.1 million tonnes in 2025—but actual delivery in 2023 was less than half that amount. Meanwhile, MOL continues to process discounted Russian crude, profiting from price gaps that are not passed on to consumers. In fact, gasoline and diesel prices in Hungary remained 5% above the EU average in 2024.

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This arrangement has allowed MOL’s operating income to rise significantly: to $26.4 billion in 2022 and around $25.3 billion in both 2023 and 2024. The company’s profits helped stabilize Hungary’s strained budget through a windfall tax—initially 25%, later raised to 95%. By 2024, the tax yielded only $15 million, compared to $521 million in 2022, as discounts narrowed and fiscal benefits declined.

Between 2022 and May 2024, Hungary and MOL earned an estimated €1.7 billion in “extra profit” from this setup, according to a Hungarian nonprofit G7 investigation cited in the report.

Exploiting legal loopholes and export exemptions

The report details how both Hungary and Slovakia used EU exemptions to re-export petroleum products made from Russian crude to Czechia. Originally set to expire in December 2023, this export exemption was extended twice—first to December 2024, then to June 2025—despite Czechia’s objection.

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In 2024, Slovakia exported 710,000 tonnes of petroleum products to Czechia, worth €520 million, while Hungary added another 39,000 tonnes worth €40 million. Slovnaft, MOL’s Slovak subsidiary, is identified as the primary beneficiary.

Gas dependency entrenched via TurkStream

Hungary has positioned itself as a regional hub for Russian gas, increasing imports via TurkStream and re-exporting to Slovakia. Hungary’s 15-year contract with Gazprom, signed in 2021, was expanded in 2024 with an additional 2 billion cubic meters per year.

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Slovakia, whose contract with Gazprom runs until 2034, has likewise expanded imports from Hungary, effectively bypassing Ukraine as a transit country. The report notes that this arrangement severely weakens the EU’s diversification efforts and severely weakens “the EU’s collective energy security strategy and reinforce long-term risks of political leverage by the Kremlin.”

Hidden networks, offshore intermediaries, and Kremlin ties

Central to the report is the exposure of intermediary networks, particularly Normeston Trading SA—a company tied to Soviet-era oil traders and Russian oil majors. Normeston, once based in Belize and later in Cyprus and Switzerland, acted as a shadow intermediary for Russian crude shipments to Hungary and Slovakia.

The company has long-standing ties to MOL executives and Russian oil firms, including Lukoil and Bashneft. The report alleges that Normeston facilitated massive markups on Russian oil imports by acting as a middleman, effectively skimming profits outside the scope of EU oversight.

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The nuclear dimension

Although Slovakia signed a fuel supply deal with US-based Westinghouse, and Hungary with France’s Framatome, both continue to receive large volumes from Rosatom. The Paks II nuclear project in Hungary, led by Rosatom and financed 80% through a Russian loan, is flagged as a long-term strategic risk that locks Hungary into Russian influence for decades.

The report points out that the key contract details for Paks II are classified, and oversight is minimal. It describes the entire project as lacking transparency, with regulatory bypasses and rising costs now estimated at €15 billion—about 12% of Hungary’s GDP.

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Infrastructure and alternatives: No technical barriers

Tests confirm both MOL refineries can process non-Russian crude. In 2019, during a Druzhba contamination crisis, Hungary’s reliance on Russian oil temporarily dropped to 48% as it switched to Adria-supplied crude.

Similarly, alternatives to Russian gas exist through expanded LNG infrastructure in Greece, Croatia, and Poland, and new interconnectors with Austria, Romania, and Poland. The report insists that technical constraints do not justify continued Russian dependency.

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Recommendations: End exemptions, enforce traceability, dismantle capture networks

The report urges the EU to:

• Terminate the crude oil import exemptions under Regulation 833/2014 by 30 June 2025.
• End the loophole allowing oil product exports derived from Russian crude.
• Audit and enforce transparent pricing in the Adria pipeline to dispel Hungary’s cost-related claims.
• Impose full traceability of oil and gas origin.
• Sanction Rosatom and all subsidiaries to reduce nuclear dependence.
• Investigate MOL’s role in prolonging dependency through the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF).

It concludes that continued exemptions and reliance on Russian energy sources serve no technical or economic rationale and must be ended to protect European energy security, reduce Kremlin revenues, and restore EU sanctions integrity.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has announced a tougher stance against Hungary and Slovakia over their continued obstruction of EU sanctions targeting Russia, German TV channel NTV reported. Actions against them can include withdrawal of EU funds from the countries.

Speaking at the WDR-Europaforum on 26 May, Merz said, referring to the restraining role of both states in the EU sanctions against Russia:

“We will not be able to avoid a conflict with Hungary and Slovakia if this course continues.”

He emphasized that both governments represent only a “small minority” among the 27 EU member states, yet have used their veto powers to block or weaken sanctions.

“We cannot allow the decisions of the entire European Union to depend on a small minority,” Merz stated.

Pressure tools within the EU

According to the German chancellor, the EU has a range of instruments it can apply to increase pressure on the pro-Russian governments of Slovakia and Hungary. Among them are infringement proceedings for violations of rule-of-law obligations and the possible suspension of EU funding for Budapest and Bratislava.

“But there is always the option of withdrawing European funds from them,” Merz said, referencing legal mechanisms available under EU treaties. While he added that he does not seek conflict, he made it clear: “If it is necessary, then we will deal with them.”

Merz had spoken directly with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán the previous week.