On 31 July, Ukrainian forces denied Chasiv Yar capture claims from Russia and say Russian troops do not fully control the city in Donetsk Oblast. This morning, Russia’s Ministry of Defense claimed full occupation of Chasiv Yar, but the spokesman of Ukraine’s Khortytsia Operational-Strategic Grouping of Forces Viktor Trehubov called the announcement “just another Russian fake.” Also, the 11th Army Corps also confirmed that Russian troops failed to take full control.
Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukraini
On 31 July, Ukrainian forces denied Chasiv Yar capture claims from Russia and say Russian troops do not fully control the city in Donetsk Oblast. This morning, Russia’s Ministry of Defense claimed full occupation of Chasiv Yar, but the spokesman of Ukraine’s Khortytsia Operational-Strategic Grouping of Forces Viktor Trehubov called the announcement “just another Russian fake.” Also, the 11th Army Corps also confirmed that Russian troops failed to take full control.
Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, Moscow’s forces continue to focus on capturing the entire Donetsk Oblast for many months, so Pokrovsk, Toretsk, Chasiv Yar and Kostiantynivka remain the hottest areas on the front line.
The 11th Army Corps explains that despite Russian information manipulation, Ukrainian troops still hold positions inside Chasiv Yar. Soldiers from the 24th Separate Mechanized Brigade continue to defend the city while Russian forces keep trying to advance.
The Ukrainian OSINT project Deepstate also rejects the statement from the Russian Ministry of Defense.
Russian propaganda stunts inside parts of the city to fake Chasiv Yar capture
Military reports from the 11th Army Corps describe what happened on 27, 28 and 29 July. Russian soldiers during daylight entered some locations in Chasiv Yar because they received promises of short leave for such actions. They planted Russian flags on the territory of the refractory plant, which Ukrainian defenders had not controlled for a long time, and on a part of the Pivnichnyi district that remains temporarily under Russian control. Before raising a flag in the Shevchenka district, Russian forces shelled Ukrainian positions with artillery. Ukrainian officers call these actions a performance staged for video and propaganda.
“The enemy did not occupy Chasiv Yar, but only carried out another flag-planting stunt behind the defense lines. Today a video appeared where the enemy placed flags in the Shevchenka district and at Workshop No. 2, but the Russians have no control over the city or over the places where they did that,” DeepState wrote.
According to the project’s data, in the past two months, the occupiers only “managed to advance just a little” from the northeast and east toward the Shevchenka district.
“The rest of the events are just banal penetration behind the lines at night with capes and then raising flags in daylight. Most of those so-called flag-planters are already dead because this action was a one-way mission,” DeepState reported.
Dawn assault on 30 July ends with losses for Russia
On 30 July from 5 a.m. to 9 a.m., Russian troops attacked Ukrainian positions with two assault groups of six soldiers each. Later the same day, they added two armored vehicles to support another push. Ukrainian defenders stopped the attack on the eastern outskirts of Chasiv Yar in Pivnichnyi district.
Soldiers from the 11th Army Corps report that they destroyed both armored vehicles and inflicted heavy losses on Russian troops who tried to hide in nearby buildings. They note that at least three women were among the attackers.
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Dozens of parliamentarians from various countries staged a coordinated walkout during a speech by Russian Federation Council Chairwoman Valentina Matvienko at the World Conference of Speakers of Parliaments in Switzerland on 30 July.
Switzerland has condemned Russia’s invasion and adopted nearly all EU sanctions while providing over CHF5 billion ($6,1 billion) in humanitarian aid to Ukraine by mid-2025. But the country draws a hard line at military support—refusing to send weapons or allow re
Dozens of parliamentarians from various countries staged a coordinated walkout during a speech by Russian Federation Council Chairwoman Valentina Matvienko at the World Conference of Speakers of Parliaments in Switzerland on 30 July.
Switzerland has condemned Russia’s invasion and adopted nearly all EU sanctions while providing over CHF5 billion ($6,1 billion) in humanitarian aid to Ukraine by mid-2025. But the country draws a hard line at military support—refusing to send weapons or allow re-export of Swiss-made arms due to its centuries-old neutrality tradition. Critics argue Switzerland enforces sanctions inconsistently and clings too rigidly to neutrality when lives are at stake.
Why the mass walkout? According to Ukrainian Parliament Vice-Speaker Olena Kondratiuk, it sent a clear message about Russian aggression.
“This is a walkout against the aggressor,” Kondratiuk said, describing tears in her eyes as she watched international colleagues leave.
The half-empty hall, she argued, showed exactly how democratic parliaments view Russia.
Czech Parliament’s Chamber of Deputies Speaker Marketa Pekarova Adamova also made her reasoning explicit. She refused to be “a prop in the lies on which the criminal Kremlin regime is based.”
“She herself bears personal responsibility for the crime of aggression and all subsequent Russian atrocities after publicly approving the use of armed forces on Ukrainian territory,” Adamova wrote.
Better to spend time with colleagues “who support Ukraine in its fight for freedom and democracy,” she added.
But why was Matvienko allowed into Geneva at all? Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry had called her conference participation “disgraceful.” Spokesman Heorhii Tykhyi put it bluntly: her place should be “in the dock, not at international conferences.”
Here’s the problem: Matvienko appears on EU sanctions lists related to Russia’s invasion. So does much of the Russian delegation. Switzerland honors these sanctions—with one exception. The country permits sanctioned individuals to enter when visiting international organizations based there.
Valentina Matviyenko, Chairwoman of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation, addressed international parliamentarians in Geneva on 28 July despite being sanctioned.
What had Matvienko been saying? Two days earlier, she invited international parliamentarians to visit occupied Ukrainianterritories and see the “Alley of Angels.” This is a memorial in Donetsk that Russian forces erected allegedly commemorating children killed by Ukrainian forces in the conflict, which is considered a Russian propaganda narrative as there is no independent proof and convincing evidence.
Earlier, Ukraine’s Security Service charged Matvienko in absentia in 2024 under multiple articles. According to investigators, she signed parliamentary decisions authorizing Russian troop deployment in Ukraine. She also approved ratification agreements for annexing occupied Ukrainian territories. She faces additional charges including incitement to wage aggressive war, for which Ukraine plans to prosecute her at a Special Tribunal.
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Kremlin officials continue to push the idea that Russia is in allegedly direct confrontation with the West. The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 28 July that this narrative is used to maintain domestic support for the war in Ukraine and “future Russian aggression against NATO.”
This comes as US President Donald Trump set 9 August as the deadline for Russian President Vladimir Putin to agree on ending the war in Ukraine. At the same time, Russian forces have recently advanced near
Kremlin officials continue to push the idea that Russia is in allegedly direct confrontation with the West. The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 28 July that this narrative is used to maintain domestic support for the war in Ukraine and “future Russian aggression against NATO.”
This comes as US President Donald Trump set 9 August as the deadline for Russian President Vladimir Putin to agree on ending the war in Ukraine. At the same time, Russian forces have recently advanced near Donetsk Oblast’s Lyman, Toretsk, Novopavlivka, and Velyka Novosilka, while continuing aerial and ground attacks on Ukrainian civilians.
According to ISW, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov told a Russian youth forum on 28 July that “Russia is fighting alone against the entire West… for the first time in history” and that the country “must rely on [itself].” He said Russia has “no allies on the battlefield,” unlike during past world wars.
The report pointed out that these claims ignore ongoing military and economic support from North Korea, Iran, and China.
Russia portrays itself as alone, while support from allies says otherwise
ISW noted that North Korea has supplied Russia with ballistic missiles, artillery shells, and personnel. It added that Iran’s Shahed drones have been used in repeated Russian airstrikes on Ukrainian cities and that Iran’s help enabled Russia to produce its own versions. The report also stated that China helps Russia evade sanctions and provides critical components and microelectronics for its weapons.
Use of propaganda
Lavrov also claimed Russia had “no alternative” to launching its war of aggression, repeating demands that Ukraine must not join NATO, NATO must stop expanding, and that Russia’s claimed annexations of Ukrainian territory must be recognized.
“Putin is unlikely to make any concessions in his war aims unless he is forced to do so by significant Ukrainian battlefield victories, as any negotiated end to the war that does not achieve all of Putin’s objectives would call into question the success, and, potentially, wisdom of Russia’s military campaign in Ukraine,” ISW concluded.
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Why would Ukraine’s foreign ministry call an international conference attendance “disgraceful”?
The answer sits in a Geneva conference hall where Valentina Matvienko, head of Russia’s Federation Council, addressed fellow parliamentarians this week at the Inter-Parliamentary Union conference. Ukrainian Foreign Ministry spokesman Heorhii Tykhyi didn’t mince words: her place is “in the dock, not at international conferences.”
From the podium in Switzerland, Matvienko invited foreign colleague
Why would Ukraine’s foreign ministry call an international conference attendance “disgraceful”?
The answer sits in a Geneva conference hall where Valentina Matvienko, head of Russia’s Federation Council, addressed fellow parliamentarians this week at the Inter-Parliamentary Union conference. Ukrainian Foreign Ministry spokesman Heorhii Tykhyi didn’t mince words: her place is “in the dock, not at international conferences.”
From the podium in Switzerland, Matvienko invited foreign colleagues to visit Russian-occupied Ukrainian territory.
“Please come to Donbas, look at the ‘Alley of Angels,’ which is dedicated to the memory of these murdered children,” she told the assembly an old Russian propaganda narrative. “Russia was forced to intervene to stop this bloodshed.”
This narrative presents Russia as a rescuer and frames its aggression as a “humanitarian mission” while providing highly questionable or fabricated stories.
How did a sanctioned Russian official even reach Switzerland? The country joined EU sanctions targeting Matvienko and other Russian officials. But Swiss policy includes a loophole—sanctioned individuals can enter when participating in international organizations headquartered there.
Matvienko didn’t travel alone. Her delegation included State Duma Deputy Chairman Pyotr Tolstoy and “LDNR” leader Leonid Slutsky—multiple members appear on Western sanctions lists connected to Ukraine’s invasion, Radio Free Europe reported.
A Russian official who spreads propaganda about Ukraine was allowed to present at an international conference in Switzerland this week.
Despite being on EU sanctions lists, Valentina Matvienko reached Geneva through a loophole allowing sanctioned individuals to participate in… https://t.co/lXkMHu8RsL
Ukraine’s foreign minister went further than diplomatic protests. He urged conference participants with “self-respect” to avoid shaking hands with Matvienko, calling her hands “stained with Ukrainian blood.” Ukraine plans to pursue her prosecution at a Special Tribunal for Russian aggression.
“The Genocidal Matvienko bears personal responsibility for the crime of aggression and all subsequent atrocities after publicly endorsing the use of Russian armed forces on Ukrainian territory,” he wrote.
Ukraine and the Council of Europe established a Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine on 25 June 2025, to prosecute Russian leaders for the invasion. The tribunal fills a gap left by the International Criminal Court, which lacks jurisdiction over aggression crimes in this case because Russia doesn’t recognize the relevant ICC provisions.
According to investigation findings reported by Ukrainian security services, Matvienko signed parliamentary decisions authorizing Russian military deployment in Ukraine before the full-scale invasion began.
She also reportedly approved ratification agreements for annexing occupied portions of Ukrainian regions to Russia. The Security Service of Ukraine has filed charges against her in absentia under multiple articles, including incitement to wage aggressive war.
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A video news agency Viory that launched in Abu Dhabi claiming to represent the “Global South” is actually a rebranded version of Ruptly, the Berlin-based footage supplier that was part of Russia’s state media network RT, according to a new investigation by the Organization for Ukrainian Freedom (OFU).
According to the researchers, the transformation from Ruptly to Viory represents “as Russia’s adaptation to sanctions and isolation, using rebranding techniques to continue propaganda operations un
A video news agency Viory that launched in Abu Dhabi claiming to represent the “Global South” is actually a rebranded version of Ruptly, the Berlin-based footage supplier that was part of Russia’s state media network RT, according to a new investigation by the Organization for Ukrainian Freedom (OFU).
According to the researchers, the transformation from Ruptly to Viory represents “as Russia’s adaptation to sanctions and isolation, using rebranding techniques to continue propaganda operations under the guise of independent Global South media representation.”
Russian propaganda in the Global South has existed in various forms since the Soviet era. It exploits local vulnerabilities such as anti-Western sentiment, post-colonial resentment, and economic hardships to discredit the West and Ukraine, while promoting Russia as a strategic partner. These campaigns have increased local support for Russia, fostered skepticism of Western policies, and led to political neutrality or alignment with Russia in international forums. For example, some African countries have refused to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine at the UN and have called for stronger partnerships with Russia over the West.
Viory made its debut at the Abu Dhabi Global Media Conference in 2023, presenting itself as an independent company. However, the investigation, conducted by multiple outlets including RND and Tagesspiegel, using facial recognition software and LinkedIn analysis, has identified dozens of former Ruptly employees now working for the new agency.
Ruptly operated as a news agency dealing primarily in footage from its Berlin headquarters, running a global network of freelance video journalists who filmed events worldwide. The footage was sold to major outlets including the BBC, Daily Mail, and Al Jazeera, according to the investigation.
The transformation began after Germany’s Bild investigative team exposed Katerina Mavrenkova, Ruptly’s chief content officer, for requesting a Berlin-based journalist to “penetrate into Charité” hospital where Russian opposition figure Alexei Navalny was being treated following his poisoning.
“Mavrenkova, an employee of the Russian state, was asking the journalist to do espionage on the prominent critic of the Russian state,” said in the report.
Following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Ruptly faced a flood of staff resignations and intensified scrutiny from German authorities, necessitating relocation. The agency initially operated under Lensum, which Tagesspiegel identified as “a shell company for Ruptly’s continued operations,” citing an insider source.
According to OFU research, Lensum was initially known as Tocha and was founded by ELA Verwaltungs GMBH, a firm offering “ready-to-go” shelf companies for clients wanting to bypass bureaucratic procedures. The company was owned by Marina Sevciuc, who “has virtually zero online presence” and appears to be a placeholder owner, according to the investigation.
Despite denying connections to Ruptly or the Russian state, Lensum hired a head of human resources whose LinkedIn profile showed work experience at RT Germany.
The investigation identifies several key figures linking Ruptly to Viory. Mavrenkova, despite maintaining “a very low online presence,” signed an agreement on behalf of Viory in Riyadh with the Union of News Agencies of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. She was later listed as “Director of Content of the international media agency Viory” at the 2024 Kazan Forum, a significant conference between the Russian government and the OIC.
Dinara Toktosunova, identified by German publications as the former CEO of Ruptly, also appeared as a panelist at the Kazan Forum in 2023, where she was described as “director of Ruptly.” A Google search anomaly shows her described as “director of international media agency Viory” in relation to the 2024 Kazan Forum, though she did not appear to participate in that year’s panels.
Content analysis reveals Russian fingerprints all over “independent” agency
The investigation found that Viory’s content reveals its Russian state affiliation through several indicators. Videos about Ukraine refuse to use the term “war,” instead labeling content as “Donbas conflict” or “Russia-Ukraine conflict.” Ukrainian cities are spelled using “old, Russified spellings” rather than official transliterations, and Russian-occupied regions are referred to as “DNR” and “LNR” without the “self-proclaimed” qualifier used in pre-invasion content.
Viory’s exclusive content suggests extraordinary access to Russian officials and military operations. The agency published drone footage titled “Might of Moscow” showing Russian military equipment preparing for the 9 May 2024 Victory Day parade. The investigation said that “given the prevalence of small armed drones in the war in Ukraine, one can imagine it takes a high level of security clearance and trust to film such footage.”
The agency has published at least 352 videos under the “80th Victory Day Anniversary” tag and produced six exclusive videos from Putin’s June 2024 visit to North Korea. The investigation questions how “an apparently six-month-old Viory managed to pull this off” when “few international news agencies even have the capability to film in North Korea.”
Analysis of Viory’s coverage reveals “a significant bias in favour of Russia,” including exclusive footage of residents celebrating Russian control of Avdiivka and multiple exclusives from Wagner mercenary group activities. The agency also hosts “an enormous amount of Ruptly’s old content,” with footage matching exact headlines and scripts from Ruptly’s previous output.
The rebranding reflects Russia’s pivot toward the Global South following diplomatic isolation after the Ukraine invasion. EU-wide bans on Russian state media forced the search for new markets, with Viory’s tagline explicitly targeting “the video news agency of the Global South.”
The investigation said that Russia has been “expanding its presence over the last decade” in Africa, with Wagner mercenaries deployed to Russia-aligned states. Russian-linked disinformation campaigns have already been reported across the continent, including content featuring leaders like Ibrahim Traore, who “appears in dozens of videos on the Viory site.”
The investigation concluded that while Viory “evidently did a pitiful job of covering its tracks,” the operation demonstrates “an increasingly decentralized and diffuse Russian state approach to international messaging.” Unlike traditional Russian state media’s “overly incredulous or inflammatory rhetoric,” Viory presents content with “a veneer of objectivity” while maintaining the same pro-Kremlin narratives.
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Unexpected results from a social survey have stunned observers. According to research by the SCIO agency in cooperation with the portal Rozhovory so Šimonom, 14% of Slovaks surveyed openly want to join Russia, and another 18% consider this possibility.
Prime Minister Robert Fico states that Slovakia will provide neither financial nor military support to Ukraine in its war with Russia. Additionally, Foreign Minister Juraj Blanár expressed the view that the West should forgive Russia for the kill
Unexpected results from a social survey have stunned observers. According to research by the SCIO agency in cooperation with the portal Rozhovory so Šimonom, 14% of Slovakssurveyed openly want to join Russia, and another 18% consider this possibility.
Prime Minister Robert Fico states that Slovakia will provide neither financial nor military support to Ukraine in its war with Russia. Additionally, Foreign Minister Juraj Blanár expressed the view that the West should forgive Russia for the killing of more than 13,000 civilians, not including Mariupol, where the number of victims could be as high as 100,000.
The idea is most supported by students and the unemployed, which, according to SCIO analyst Martin Klu, rather reflects economic instability and disappointment with the country’s Western course than genuine loyalty to the Kremlin.
Attitudes toward military neutrality
Respondents were also separately asked about military neutrality. Here, 32.5% opposed neutrality if it led to a decline in living standards. Meanwhile, 15% support neutrality under any circumstances.
Socio-economic distribution of views
The least support for the ideas of “neutrality” and “Russian integration” is observed among people with higher education, urban residents, and citizens with above-average incomes. Analysts believe this is linked to the economic stability and better prospects of these groups.
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Masked men appeared at anti-corruption demonstrations in Kyiv Thursday evening, carrying inflammatory signs targeting President Volodymyr Zelenskyy personally—exactly 24 hours after Ukrainian intelligence warned that Russia would deploy provocateurs to exploit the crisis.
The timing wasn’t coincidental. Defense Intelligence had warned Wednesday that “Kremlin agents are actively studying the internal situation” to weaponize protests against the law that subordinates Ukraine’s anti-corruption b
Masked men appeared at anti-corruption demonstrations in Kyiv Thursday evening, carrying inflammatory signs targeting President Volodymyr Zelenskyy personally—exactly 24 hours after Ukrainian intelligence warned that Russia would deploy provocateurs to exploit the crisis.
The timing wasn’t coincidental. Defense Intelligence had warned Wednesday that “Kremlin agents are actively studying the internal situation” to weaponize protests against the law that subordinates Ukraine’s anti-corruption bodies to the Prosecutor General’s Office.
When the real protesters left, others appeared
The incident unfolded around evening as legitimate demonstrators wrapped up their third day of protests against Law No. 12414. What happened next looked like textbook destabilization.
Masked individuals emerged with signs reading “Ukraine is not Kvartal! Ukrainians are not slaves!” “Killers of democracy traitors of Ukraine,” and “Heroes are dying for Ukraine and these two are destroying it!”—directly targeting Zelenskyy and his chief of staff Andriy Yermak, according to footage captured by a Euromaidan Press correspondent.
Legitimate protesters had focused on defending institutions: “Hands off NABU and SAP!” and “The lost generation wants democracy.” These newcomers turned it into a vitriolic attack on the country’s leadership.
Why target Zelenskyy and Yermak specifically? The anti-corruption law represents broader concerns about power centralization during wartime.
When investigators began targeting Zelenskyy’s closest associates—including Oleksiy Chernyshov, the only Cabinet minister invited to Zelenskyy’s COVID birthday party, and business partner Tymur Mindych from Kvartal 95—the response was to subordinate the investigators rather than allow the process to continue.
The law effectively places NABU and SAPO under the Prosecutor General’s control, ending a decade of institutional independence. The protesters aren’t calling for Zelenskyy’s removal—they want the law repealed while maintaining effective war leadership. Most Ukrainians still oppose holding elections while fighting Russia. Their primary concern remains winning the war.
That’s precisely what makes this moment valuable to Moscow. The Kremlin hopes to exploit these real institutional tensions to destabilize Zelenskyy’s government entirely.
Explore further
Explained: why Ukraine nuked its own anti-corruption agencies
Surgical timing raises questions
Witness Mladena Kachurets documented the evening’s events. The suspicious activity began about 10 minutes before an air raid alert—perfect timing for dramatic effect.
“Masked individuals gathered the remaining protesters around them and delivered some kind of recorded speech,” she wrote. Multiple distractions played out simultaneously. While media focused on MP Maryana Bezuhla giving comments, “behind her was a verbal altercation between two young men, drawing part of the attention away.”
Then came the crescendo. When the air raid alert sounded, “the masked individuals demonstratively lit flares—an impressive picture, you’ll agree.”
Classic Russian influence operation
The provocateurs’ work didn’t end with the flares. Multiple Russian media outlets, starting from TASS, quickly fabricated coverage, with headlines like “Protesters in Kyiv called Zelenskyy and Yermak ‘traitors of Ukraine'” appearing the next day.
“They unfurled posters with images of Zelenskyy and Yermak, accompanied by inscriptions: ‘Killers of democracy – traitors of Ukraine’ and ‘Dictators.’ The posters also indicated that ‘these two’ are destroying the country, and ‘Ukrainians are not slaves,’” TASS reported on the provocateurs.
They cited Strana.ua, a pro-Russian media outlet that Ukraine sanctioned in 2021, as their source without providing actual links to any such article. Strana indeed reported on the event, on their Telegram channel, using a video by UNIAN with a comment presenting this as legitimate sentiments of the protesters.
The catch is that Ukrainian media, sensing Russian hybrid warfare operations from a mile away, either did not report on the men or reported them as provocateurs. Even the opposition 5 Kanal tweeted the video with a comment “provocative action” and followed up with a comment from the organizers that dismissed the burned Yermak and Zelenskyy portraits as a “provocation.”
The UNIAN video that Strana.ua shared the video with this comment: “At a protest in Kyiv, a group of planted provocateurs are lighting flares to the sound of air raid sirens. It looks like these uninvited guests are clearly and openly staging a photo op. Makes you wonder who needs this footage besides Russian propaganda—and who’s pulling the strings?”
As Ukrainian media turned out to be immune to this Russian propaganda narrative, so Russian media used the Strana socket outlet to create the illusion of Ukrainian domestic coverage validating their narrative—that Ukrainians don’t support their leadership, are happy to be invaded, and become a Russian vassal state.
What unraveled in the backyard of the President’s Office in Kyiv on 24 July was a classic Russian influence operation. Its aim was to fabricate a virtual reality inside the heads of Russians to validate the propaganda narratives driving Russia’s war—that Ukrainians want this, because they don’t support Zelenskyy anyway.
The inflammatory signs calling Zelenskyy a “dictator” and “traitor” now circulate in Russian information space—manufacturing evidence that Ukraine is fragmenting internally to validate Moscow’s narrative that its invasion “liberates” Ukrainians from their government.
We’ve seen multiple examples of how these operations work in the Surkov Leaks, a collection of Vladimir Putin’s gray cardinal Vladislav Surkov, who worked to destabilize Ukraine from within after the Euromaidan revolution with hybrid warfare means. So far, it appears that the operation has influenced solely Russians, as the incendiary narrative of “down with the dictators” proved too radical for Ukrainians.
But that doesn’t mean that the Kremlin won’t keep trying and finding other ways to mess with the minds of Ukrainians—and anybody else gullible enough to fall for the Kremlin’s information warfare.
Explore further
What Surkov’s hacked emails tell about Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine
What happens next?
But here’s what actually happened to the supposed “dictator”: within three days of signing the controversial law, Zelenskyy submitted corrective legislation under intense public pressure.
“We heard the street,” he admitted, promising new legislation to restore anti-corruption agency independence. Parliament has scheduled July 31 to vote on the bill—though passage isn’t guaranteed.
Protesters haven’t declared victory yet. They’ve vowed to keep demonstrating until the corrective law actually passes and institutional independence is genuinely restored. The danger to democratic institutions was real, and vigilance remains essential.
But that’s precisely the point. The provocateur operation aimed to show Russians that Ukrainians reject their leadership and welcome “liberation.” Instead, it captured something different: a democracy under stress but still functioning. Public pressure forced a presidential retreat. Protests work. Institutions push back. Citizens stay engaged.
Ukraine’s democracy is imperfect and fragile—but it’s alive. The operation succeeded only in Russian information space, manufacturing the illusion of internal collapse for domestic consumption while the real Ukraine continued the messy, contentious work of democratic governance.
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Valery Gergiev, the Russian conductor and longtime ally of Vladimir Putin, is scheduled to perform on July 27 at the Un’estate da Re festival in the Royal Palace of Caserta, Italy. Tickets are already on sale.
This marks his loud and controversial return to the European stage after years of exclusion due to his vocal support for Russia’s war against Ukraine — and, astonishingly, with the help of public funding, including European Union cohesion funds, despite the fact that Gergiev has been s
Valery Gergiev, the Russian conductor and longtime ally of Vladimir Putin, is scheduled to perform on July 27 at the Un’estate da Re festival in the Royal Palace of Caserta, Italy. Tickets are already on sale.
This marks his loud and controversial return to the European stage after years of exclusion due to his vocal support for Russia’s war against Ukraine — and, astonishingly, with the help of public funding, including European Union cohesion funds, despite the fact that Gergiev has been sanctioned in several countries.
But behind the mask of the great conductor lies something far more troubling. A recent Linkiesta investigation exposes a sophisticated network of shady foundations, fictitious companies, and significant real estate holdings spanning Venice, Milan, Rome, and the Amalfi Coast.
At its center sits a monumental estate in Massa Lubrense that allegedly hosts meetings aimed at circumventing international sanctions and diffusing Russian propaganda narratives through cultural interventions.
Where Gergiev is banned vs. where he’s welcome
A protest against a concert of Gergiev in London on 12 May 2014. Screenshot from video
Unlike Germany, the UK, the Netherlands, and Scandinavian nations — where cultural institutions severed ties with pro-Kremlin artists — Italy has chosen a more “tolerant” or “neutral” approach. Some even echo the favorite mantra of Russian propaganda: “Art is above politics.”
Here’s a reminder of where Gergiev has been banned:
Germany: Fired from the Munich Philharmonic.
UK: Removed from the Edinburgh Festival and other programming.
USA: Canceled performances and tours.
France: Banned from Théâtre des Champs-Élysées and other venues.
Canada: Included in the list of individual sanctions.
But in Italy, Gergiev seems to be welcomed with open arms — all in the name of “cultural dialogue,” even as war crimes continue in Ukraine.
Putin’s conductor: A history of regime support
Gergiev, Putin’s most loyal cultural ally who received the specially revived Hero of Labour award in 2013, has never hidden his loyalty to the Putin regime.
He publicly praised the president, supported Russia’s “great revival,” and in 2014, endorsed the annexation of Crimea. That same year, he led a concert in Moscow honoring Russia’s armed forces.
After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, cultural leaders around the world called for a boycott of Gergiev, accusing him of direct complicity in the Kremlin’s aggression. Major orchestras and opera houses in Europe and the US dropped him. In 2022, La Scala dropped him from its programming after he refused to condemn the war in Ukraine.
His appointment to control both the Bolshoi and Mariinsky theaters wasn’t just ceremonial — it followed the ouster of Vladimir Urin, who had dared to sign an anti-war petition in 2022, making Gergiev’s loyalty even more valuable to the Kremlin.
His fondness for dictators and warlords predates Ukraine. In 2016, following the Russian and Syrian military seizure of Palmyra, Gergiev performed a highly publicized “liberation concert” among the ruins. Broadcast widely on Russian state TV, the concert served as cultural propaganda to legitimize Moscow’s role in Syria and reinforce Putin’s image as a “defender of civilization.”
The €100 million Italian empire and sanctions evasion network
The Palazzo Barbarigo in Venice belonging to Gergiev. Image: By Tony Hisgett, Wikimedia Commons
The financial mechanics behind his Italian operations reveal a more complex picture. As early as 2022, Alexei Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation documented that Gergiev had diverted over 300 million rubles into personal accounts, using cultural foundations funded by Gazprombank, Rosneft, and VTB.
Gergiev owns a real estate empire in Italy, reportedly worth more than €100 million, inherited from Countess Yoko Nagae Ceschina, a Japanese harpist and philanthropist. Her will granted him the Barbarigo Palace on Venice’s Grand Canal, the historic Caffè Quadri in Piazza San Marco, an 18-room villa in Olgiate, vast land holdings in Romagna, and a villa on the Sorrento Coast.
Recently, Italy’s famous Alajmo restaurant family renewed its rental agreement for Caffè Quadri — paying Gergiev €3.5 million over seven years. This means a sanctioned Kremlin-aligned figure is directly profiting from Italy’s most prestigious public spaces.
Caffe Quadri in Venice, leased to Valery Gergiev. Photo: Wikimedia Commons
Massimiliano Coccia’s Linkiesta investigation reveals something more systematic: at least a dozen satellite companies orbiting around Gergiev’s main operations, spanning real estate, cultural, and logistics sectors across Campania, Lazio, and Lombardy.
Their common trait? Opacity. A portion of the revenue from these activities is reinvested into pseudo-cultural initiatives that bolster Russian propaganda.
EU funds for Putin’s ally
And now, in July 2025, Gergiev is scheduled to perform in Campania — at a festival funded in part by the Italian government, the Campania regional administration, the Teatro Verdi in Salerno, and Italy’s Ministry of Culture. It is officially branded as a cultural initiative supported by EU Cohesion Funds (Fondi Coesione Italia 21/27).
This makes any attempt to “normalize” Gergiev’s presence even more troubling.
Art as propaganda: The Bolshoi’s latest production
Gergiev himself constantly proves art isn’t neutral. Just this month, his Bolshoi Theatre closed its season with a production of Prokofiev’s opera Semyon Kotko that ended with a message glorifying Russia’s invasion of Ukraine:
“In 2014, a junta seized power in Kyiv and began repressions against its own citizens. In response, the residents of the city and region proclaimed the Luhansk People’s Republic. Instead of negotiations, the criminal Kyiv regime began the destruction of Donbas.”
Bolshoi Teatr airs Russian propaganda. Source: La Stampa
Immediately following that, the next paragraph was projected:
“In February 2022, the Russian army came to the aid of the people of Donbas, who had been fighting for their lives and freedom for eight years. As a result of a nationwide referendum, Luhansk has forever returned to being part of Russia.”
This wasn’t art — it was state propaganda using opera as a delivery system, reversing historical facts to justify war crimes. As La Repubblica noted in its coverage, Gergiev’s own theater made it explicitly clear that the opposite of “art is outside politics” is true.
Why cultural neutrality during wartime is complicity
And now — after three years of genocide, missile strikes on residential buildings, torture and executions of prisoners, and mass atrocities documented by international bodies — this concert in Campania becomes part of a broader trend: the normalization of brutality through culture.
At this point, let’s be clear: art is never apolitical — especially during a war. We cannot ignore the fact that Valery Gergiev is not merely a world-class conductor, but a public ally of a regime internationally accused of war crimes. His return to the European stage is not a neutral cultural gesture — it is a political act.
Gergiev’s return to the European stage is not a neutral cultural gesture — it is a political act.
Yes, in peacetime, one might argue for “separating art and politics.” But in wartime — especially a war of conquest launched in 2014 and escalated into full invasion in 2022 — such neutrality becomes complicity.
Allowing figures like Gergiev — whose regime is bombing cities, deporting children, and jailing dissidents — to perform on publicly funded stages is not just tone-deaf. It is an ethical failure.
The unanswered question about local facilitators
Inviting Gergiev to Campania — with European funds — is a dangerous appeasement of Russia’s cultural offensive, which seeks to blur the line between art and propaganda.
As EU Parliament Vice President Pina Picierno rightly noted, publicly funding Putin’s allies is unacceptable. It sends the wrong signal — a signal of surrender.
While De Luca tries to mask this performance under the guise of tolerance, peace, and dialogue, Picierno confronts him with a point that is hard to refute: among the many equally famous and talented Russian musicians who have condemned the war, the Campania Region chooses Putin’s faithful friend and ally.
But the crucial question raised by investigators remains unanswered: which local entrepreneur or company proposed Gergiev’s engagement to the Campania Region? Who acted as facilitator for an event that showcases Russian power while a war rages?
A protest against a concert of Gergiev at the Brooklyn Academy of Music in 2015. Photo: Arts against Aggression
The protests growing internationally
The announcement has ignited protests across Italy and abroad.
Over 700 intellectuals—including Nobel laureates—signed an open letter declaring the event “a gift to the dictator.”
Yulia Navalnaya, widow of the Russian opposition leader killed in a Russian prison camp, stressed that Gergiev is part of the regime that killed her husband.
The Europa Radicale party launched its own petition and started buying tickets to bring protests inside the venue.
Italy’s Culture Minister withdrew approval for the concert, warning that using cultural platforms to amplify propaganda is unacceptable. Despite mounting criticism, the concert remains scheduled for 27 July, with the Caserta Police Headquarters monitoring the event through DIGOS (Italian Special Operations Unit).
There are fears that the protest, promoted by Ukrainian associations as well as Russian dissidents, could spill over into the Royal Palace. Many of the tickets for the front rows have sold out, and those who purchased them were representatives of Italian and Ukrainian associations, as confirmed by the president of one of these.
Deputy Prime Minister Antonio Tajani responded to criticism by noting that Gergiev holds a Dutch passport, so he can travel freely within the EU. The questions about how Gergiev obtained his Dutch passport while maintaining Russian citizenship have remained unanswered for almost a decade.
Russian state media celebrates the “return to Europe”
Russian state media is already hailing the concert as Gergiev’s triumphant “return to Europe,” claiming Italy will not cancel the event.
Once again, culture is weaponized. Since Soviet times, music, ballet, and the arts have been key tools of Kremlin messaging. The KGB had entire departments focused on shaping the regime’s image through culture.
This is not about freedom of expression. It’s about responsibility. Art can either support humanism or whitewash violence. When Gergiev conducts in war zones or imperial ruins, he’s not just waving a baton. He’s legitimizing state terror.
What message is Italy sending by supporting Ukraine politically, but welcoming Kremlin propagandists culturally?
When sanctions are among the few peaceful forms of pressure we have left, any cultural compromise becomes a form of complicity. Those who claim “art is above politics” must ask: above whose politics? Above human rights? Democracy? Solidarity?
And in the end — as always — it is the innocent who pay the price.
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The Ukrainian community in Italy has called to cancel the concert of Russian conductor Valery Gergiev, scheduled for 27 July at the Royal Palace of Caserta, a UNESCO World Heritage site. Gergiev publicly supports the Russian regime and its military aggression against Ukraine.
Russia has always made art and culture highly politicized, using past accomplishments as reflections of its power. Earlier, Peter Gelb, General Manager of the Metropolitan Opera in New York, said that art is a symbol and ex
The Ukrainian community in Italy has called to cancel the concert of Russian conductor Valery Gergiev, scheduled for 27 July at the Royal Palace of Caserta, a UNESCO World Heritage site. Gergiev publicly supports the Russian regime and its military aggression against Ukraine.
Russia has always made art and culture highly politicized, using past accomplishments as reflections of its power. Earlier, Peter Gelb, General Manager of the Metropolitan Opera in New York, said that art is a symbol and expression of civilization, whereas Russia has treated it as a propaganda tool.
The community has sent a letter to UNESCO Director-General Audrey Azoulay, Dr. Antonio Patuelli, Chair of the Italian National Commission for UNESCO, and the Italian Minister of Culture, Alessandro Giuli.
The activists emphasize that Gergiev’s support “goes beyond the realm of art” and includes public acts that legitimize a regime responsible for war crimes, the deportation of children, attacks on civilian infrastructure, and on Ukraine’s cultural heritage, which is also under UNESCO protection.
“Ukrainians view UNESCO as the last line of defense for fundamental values: memory, truth, and respect, all of which the Russian government blatantly disregards,” the letter continues.
The Ukrainian community continues, “How can an institution that safeguards the dignity and memory of nations allow one of its protected sites to host an artist who has become a global symbol of military propaganda?”
“How can it ignore how deeply offensive this decision is to the victims of the conflict, to the Ukrainian people, and to all those fighting for peace and justice worldwide?” the activists say.
The letter also argues that holding Gergiev’s concert at a historical site like the Palace of Caserta contradicts UNESCO’s principles of protecting peace, cultural heritage, and solidarity among peoples.
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Russia has begun using artificial intelligence-based bots for spreading propaganda on social media, especially on Telegram, according to a joint investigation by OpenMinds and the Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab).
The tactic is part of Russia’s broader strategy to dominate the information space in occupied areas, which began by forcibly switching residents to Russian telecom providers, cutting off Ukrainian media, and launching dozens of Telegram channels posing as local news outlets.
Rese
Russia has begun using artificial intelligence-based bots for spreading propaganda on social media, especially on Telegram, according to a joint investigation by OpenMinds and the Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab).
The tactic is part of Russia’s broader strategy to dominate the information space in occupied areas, which began by forcibly switching residents to Russian telecom providers, cutting off Ukrainian media, and launching dozens of Telegram channels posing as local news outlets.
Researchers have uncovered over 3,600 bots that posted more than 316,000 AI-generated comments in Telegram channels linked to Ukraine’s temporarily occupied territories. Another three million messages were spread in broader Ukrainian and Russian Telegram groups. These bots used human-like language, adapting replies to the context of each conversation to promote pro-Kremlin narratives and undermine Ukraine.
Unlike traditional bots that spam identical messages, these accounts simulate real users. They reply directly to other users, shift tone and content, and tailor messages to appear authentic. On average, a bot posts 84 comments per day, with some exceeding 1,000 daily.
The goal is not just to spread fake news, but to create the illusion of widespread public support for the occupation regime, filling comment sections with praise for Russia and attacks on Ukraine. In an environment of information isolation, this becomes a potent tool of mass manipulation.
AI-generated bots often give themselves away through:
absurd usernames,
unnatural or AI-generated profile pictures,
overly formal or awkward phrasing,
and highly diverse language: one in three comments is uniquely generated by AI.
Even when bot accounts are deleted, their influence lingers. Locals repeatedly exposed to these comments may perceive Kremlin propaganda as the majority opinion, especially in regions where Ukrainian news is inaccessible.
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Russian Deputy Chairman of the Security Council Dmitry Medvedev has threatened the West with “preemptive strikes,” but added that Moscow has no intention to attack Europe, the Kremlin agency TASS reports.
Medvedev is often called the Kremlin’s “mouthpiece” for his apocalyptic social media statements reflecting Moscow’s official position. The former Russian president has frequently issued nuclear threats aimed at the West.
He has accused the West of waging “full-scale war against Russia,” clai
Russian Deputy Chairman of the Security Council Dmitry Medvedev has threatened the West with “preemptive strikes,” but added that Moscow has no intention to attack Europe, the Kremlin agency TASS reports.
Medvedev is often called the Kremlin’s “mouthpiece” for his apocalyptic social media statements reflecting Moscow’s official position. The former Russian president has frequently issued nuclear threats aimed at the West.
He has accused the West of waging“full-scale war against Russia,” claiming that NATO supplies Ukraine with satellite data and facilitates missile launches.
Medvedev’s statements came after US President Donald Trump issued an ultimatum to impose harsh sanctions on Russia if a peace agreement is not reached within 50 days. He called it “theatrical demands” and said “Russia did not care.” Trump also confirmed his intention to send Ukraine various types of weapons, including Patriot missile systems.
“The West has not only treachery in its blood but also a sick, outdated belief in its own superiority. Russia must act accordingly, and, if necessary, deliver preemptive strikes,” Medvedev says.
Despite this, he called information about a possible Russian attack on Europe “nonsense,”which is allegedly being deliberately spread.
Earlier, Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service Head Sergey Naryshkin accused NATO of escalating military activity near Russia’s borders. He warned that Poland and the Baltic states would be the first to suffer in a war between Moscow and the Alliance.
He claimed these countries were displaying particular aggressiveness. As an example, he cited Warsaw’s alleged plan to deploy around two million anti-tank mines along its borders with Belarus and Russia’s Kaliningrad Oblast.
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Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania have agreed to establish a Historians’ Forum within the Lublin Triangle framework to deprive Moscow of any opportunity to manipulate shared history and sow discord among partners.
The forum is a direct response to Russia’s attempts to exploit historical events to fuel tensions between the countries amid its war against Ukraine. It concerns particularly the 1943–44 Volyn tragedy, when nearly 80,000 Poles and 10,000 Ukrainians were killed. Poland classifies it as g
Ukraine, Poland, and Lithuania have agreed to establish a Historians’ Forum within the Lublin Triangle framework to deprive Moscow of any opportunity to manipulate shared history and sow discord among partners.
The forum is a direct response to Russia’s attempts to exploit historical events to fuel tensions between the countries amid its war against Ukraine. It concerns particularly the 1943–44 Volyn tragedy, when nearly 80,000 Poles and 10,000 Ukrainians were killed. Poland classifies it as genocide committed by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. Kyiv sees the complex motives behind its actions.
“We must seek understanding, resolve sensitive issues, and thus deny Moscow any opportunity to undermine our unity,” Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said in Lublin.
On 16 July, he visited the Lublin Triangle’s conference with Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys and Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski. The main objective of these annual meetings, established in 2020, is to strengthen mutual military and cultural ties between the three countries and to support Ukraine’s integration into the EU and NATO.
The Ukrainian foreign minister added that the parties agreed such meetings of foreign ministers will be held regularly, at least twice a year.
Russia systematically manipulates and distorts historical facts to justify its aggression against Ukraine and to construct a narrative of the war’s “legality” and “necessity.” For instance, on 14 July, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte said that Russian President Vladimir Putin sent not negotiators, but a “historian” to the last peace talks in Istanbul.
The head of the Alliance was referring to Vladimir Medinsky, who began recounting Russian history starting in 1250 and tried to force Ukraine into capitulation. He also said that Moscow is ready to fight forever, mentioning the 21-year war against Sweden.
In 2024, during a high-profile interview with American propagandist Tucker Carlson, Putin began the conversation with a long historical monologue in which he attempted to justify his aggression against Ukraine.
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Italy faces internal division over an upcoming performance by Russian conductor Valery Gergiev at a state-backed music festival, with critics arguing the event risks legitimizing Kremlin propaganda while supporters defend artistic freedom.
But Gergiev isn’t just any Russian artist. He appeared in Putin’s 2012 campaign ads. Endorsed the Crimea annexation. Conducted a patriotic concert in Syria’s ancient Palmyra after Russian forces helped Assad recapture the city in 2016. European venues fired
Italy faces internal division over an upcoming performance by Russian conductor Valery Gergiev at a state-backed music festival, with critics arguing the event risks legitimizing Kremlin propaganda while supporters defend artistic freedom.
But Gergiev isn’t just any Russian artist. He appeared in Putin’s 2012 campaign ads. Endorsed the Crimea annexation. Conducted a patriotic concert in Syria’s ancient Palmyra after Russian forces helped Assad recapture the city in 2016. European venues fired him for refusing to condemn the Ukraine full-scale invasion in 2022.
Now, Gergiev, who has maintained close ties to Vladimir Putin since the early 1990s, is scheduled to perform at the Un’Estate da Re festival at the Royal Palace of Caserta on 27 July, according to reports from The Guardian.
The performance marks his first European appearance since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine began in February 2022.
He was dismissed from several European concerts, festivals and theaters, including Milan’s La Scala, for refusing to condemn Putin’s actions. His last Italian performance was at La Scala on 23 February 2022, hours before the invasion began.
Italy, however, just broke a continent-wide boycott of pro-Kremlin artists.
Sanctioned Russian conductor Gergiev returns to Europe’s stage despite support of aggression against Ukraine.
How did this happen? Vincenzo De Luca, president of Italy’s Campania region, invited Gergiev personally. De Luca argues culture “must not be influenced by politics and political logic.”
Opposition to the concert has been led by Yulia Navalnaya, widow of deceased Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny, who died in Russian prison.
“How is it possible that in the summer of 2025, three years after the start of the conflict in Ukraine, Valery Gergiev, Putin’s accomplice and a person included on the sanctions lists of several countries, was suddenly invited to Italy?” Yulia Navalnaya wrote in La Repubblica on 15 July.
The venue matters too. Gergiev will perform at the Royal Palace of Caserta—a UNESCO World Heritage site and former Bourbon palace. The festival bills his appearance as a summer season highlight.
Ruslan Shaveddinov, longtime Navalny aide, told The Guardian the performance “would serve to normalise Putin’s regime in the eyes of the civilised world.”
He argued that providing a platform for Kremlin figures at prestigious European festivals constitutes “a huge gift to Moscow.”
What’s Italy’s defense? Cultural Minister Gennaro Sangiuliano insists “art must remain free” while simultaneously warning the concert risks “sending the wrong message” amid current tensions.
The concert remains scheduled despite the controversy, with Italian authorities yet to announce any changes to the festival program.
Explore further
From blacklist to spotlight: Russian opera stars return to European stages despite Ukraine war boycott
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American Derek Huffman thought he’d found the perfect solution. Move his family from Texas to Russia for “traditional values.” Join the military for fast-track citizenship. Work as a welder, not a fighter.
Instead, he’s heading to Ukraine’s front lines after three weeks of training despite assurances he would serve in a non-combat role.
Some Americans move to Russia seeking what they view as “traditional values”—conservative Christian beliefs, traditional family roles, and strict oppositio
American Derek Huffman thought he’d found the perfect solution. Move his family from Texas to Russia for “traditional values.” Join the military for fast-track citizenship. Work as a welder, not a fighter.
Instead, he’s heading to Ukraine’s front lines after three weeks of training despite assurances he would serve in a non-combat role.
Some Americans move to Russia seeking what they view as “traditional values”—conservative Christian beliefs, traditional family roles, and strict opposition to LGBTQ+ rights and “woke” ideologies they feel are overwhelming American culture. Russia’s new “Shared Values” visa program, launched in August 2024, specifically targets these disaffected conservatives by offering residency to foreigners who align with the Kremlin’s moral and spiritual values. While the migrants genuinely seek a cultural environment matching their beliefs, the program serves Russia’s broader propaganda campaign to position itself as morally superior to the “declining” West.
American wanted to earn respect in Russia via military service
The 46-year-old father of three joined what’s called Tim Kirby’s “American Village” project earlier this year. Kirby, an American media personality living in Russia since 2006, promotes Putin’s agenda to disaffected Americans. The Huffmans documented their journey on social media, appearing in Russian propaganda videos while crowdfunding their new life.
In May, Derek joined the Russian military without prior military experience, expecting to work as a welder. His wife DeAnna explained that Derek was “told he would not be training for two weeks and going straight to the front lines. But it seems as though he is getting one more week of training, closer to the front lines, and then they are going to put him on the front lines.”
Derek’s motivation for enlisting was primarily to secure expedited citizenship for his family, rather than the longer traditional migration process. He also cited the signing bonus and his desire to earn respect in his new country.
“I don’t want anyone here in Russia to say that we don’t belong here, so if I go put my body on the line for Russia, I defend the country, our new country, I’ve earned our place here,” Derek stated in a video filmed last month.
Now his family asks for prayers as he’s being sent to frontlines
Russian recruiters made specific promises. First, Derek would work as a war correspondent. Then as a mechanic in a repair battalion, using his welding skills. No combat role.
Here’s what actually happened: Derek joined a unit of foreigners getting rushed training in Russian before deployment to Ukraine’s front lines.
DeAnna described the situation in her social media appeal, saying Derek “feels like he is being thrown to the wolves right now, and he is kind of having to lean on faith.”
Derek Huffman believed military service would prove his family belonged in Russia, but his welding skills landed him in an infantry unit bound for Ukraine’s front lines.
She added that the family is “hoping that he can be utilized for his skills and not be used just as a fighter.”
The deployment also created financial strain for the family. Derek and his unit members were reportedly required to “donate” 10,000 rubles for their own supplies, consuming a substantial portion of his paycheck. DeAnna reported receiving no pay or bonus after one month of Derek’s service.
Can the family reverse this? DeAnna is petitioning unnamed public figures and asking for prayers to get Derek reassigned to a non-combat role.
How many foreign nationals died fighting for Russia?
Derek isn’t the first American to discover Russia’s military promises don’t match reality. In April 2024, Michael Gloss, the 21-year-old son of a CIA executive, was killed fighting for Moscow in Ukraine.
Despite his American intelligence family background and past idealism focused on humanitarian goals, Michael had become deeply disillusioned with the US and sought to “fight against America,” embodying a radical anti-establishment mindset.
Explore further
The CIA official’s son hated America so much he died for Putin. Meet the man who tracked down Michael Gloss
His recruitment exposed glaring security failures in the Russian military, which neglected to thoroughly vet family ties even for high-profile figures.
The BBC Russian Service and Mediazona conducted a joint investigation, confirming the deaths of 523 foreign nationals from 28 countries who fought for Russia in Ukraine.
A significant portion of these foreign fighters were Central Asians, with Tajikistan (72 deaths) and Uzbekistan (66 deaths) having the highest numbers, many of whom were recruited from Russian penal colonies by groups like Wagner in exchange for sentence cancellation.
Nepal also saw high casualties, with 70 confirmed deaths and about 50 more missing. Other countries with reported casualties include Egypt, Sri Lanka, and the United States.
Around 1,000 North Korean soldiers have also been killed, with additional wounded and missing, fighting alongside Russian forces primarily in the Kursk border region.
Explore further
Ukrainian forces capture two Cameroonians who say Russia tricked them into fighting. They signed for 1 million rubles
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The 12-day conflict was marked by a flurry of propaganda, disinformation and covert operations aided by artificial intelligence and spread by social media.
The 12-day conflict was marked by a flurry of propaganda, disinformation and covert operations aided by artificial intelligence and spread by social media.
Exclusives
Russian troops beware: use thermal camo correctly, or get droned. Russian troops are wearing heat-trapping thermal blankets to hide them from Ukraine’s lethal infrared-sensing night drones—but they’re wearing them all wrong. And it’s getting them killed.
Ukraine quietly unleashed its top tank brigade—now drones lead, infantry fights, and tanks wait. Ukraine’s tank brigades are disappearing. The army is getting new heavy mechanized brigades that are better for the infantry
As of 10 JUL 2025, the approximate losses of weapons and military equipment of the Russian Armed Forces from the beginning of the invasion to the present day:
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Russian state media and other propaganda outlets have altered their rhetoric toward US President Donald Trump following his increasingly critical statements about Vladimir Putin and the emergence of leaked audio recordings, according to Russian news agency Agentstvo Novosti.
The shift in tone represents a departure from previously more favorable coverage of Trump in Russian media.
First, Trump told his cabinet that “We get a lot of bullshit thrown at us by Putin”—his sharpest Putin criticism sin
Russian state media and other propaganda outlets have altered their rhetoric toward US President Donald Trump following his increasingly critical statements about Vladimir Putin and the emergence of leaked audio recordings, according to Russian news agency Agentstvo Novosti.
The shift in tone represents a departure from previously more favorable coverage of Trump in Russian media.
First, Trump told his cabinet that “We get a lot of bullshit thrown at us by Putin”—his sharpest Putin criticism since 2016, according to The New York Times. Then CNN obtained audio from a campaign donor meeting where Trump described threatening both Putin and Xi Jinping with devastating military responses. The leaked conversation reveals Trump claiming he told Putin: “If you go into Ukraine, I’ll bomb Moscow to hell. I’m telling you I have no choice.” He made similar threats to China’s Xi regarding Taiwan, saying he would “bomb Beijing.” Trump noted Xi “thought I was crazy” while Putin remained skeptical but “10% believed me.”
Russian Vladimir Solovyov, a key Kremlin TV host and propagandist, accused Trump of “Bidenization”—essentially becoming indistinguishable from his predecessor.
“Trump is transforming from the position ‘I’m the only one who can talk to Putin’ into another version of Biden,” Solovyov said, according to Agentstvo Novosti, which analyzed his talk shows.
Why the harsh reaction? Solovyov questioned whether Trump now thinks “he can tell us what to do, and we’ll obey.”
Another television host Olga Skabeeva went further, comparing current US rhetoric to Colin Powell’s 2003 WMD presentation about Iraq. She suggested Washington was recycling old playbooks, using chemical weapons allegations as “a pretext to crush some regime.”
State broadcaster Rossiya 1 portrayed Trump as increasingly desperate, claiming his statements reflected understanding that Ukraine events weren’t “going according to his scenario.” The network described Trump as approaching his “personal Afghanistan.”
Russians call Trump “lover of loud statements”
Kremlin-affiliated social media accounts joined the pile-on. The Botnadzor monitoring project found roughly 25% of bot comments targeted Trump’s statements, calling him a “lover of loud statements” and suggesting he was merely “bluffing.”
The shift registered with Russian public opinion too. Princeton University’s Russia Watcher polling showed Trump’s approval among Russians hitting its lowest point since last fall—60% now disapprove, with 30% strongly opposing him.
Kremlin officials to continue dialogue with US
Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov maintained diplomatic language, saying Moscow expects “to continue our dialogue with Washington and our line of repairing the considerably damaged bilateral relations.”
Meanwhile, Trump’s administration resumed delivering critical military aid to Ukraine after a brief pause caused by Pentagon concerns over depleted US munitions stockpiles. The resumed shipments include 155mm artillery shells and precision-guided GMLRS rockets, essential for Ukraine’s front-line operations, particularly for its HIMARS rocket systems.
This resumption follows Russia’s largest-ever combined missile and drone attack on 9 July, when over 740 projectiles targeted Ukrainian infrastructure.
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Russian state-funded propaganda media outlet Sputnik will cease operations in Azerbaijan, Russia Today media group CEO Dmitry Kiselyov said on July 3, according to the Russian state news agency RIA Novosti."We regret to say that, as of today, the conditions for Sputnik Azerbaijan to continue its activities in this country are not in place," Kiselyov said.The move comes amid a major deterioration in Russian-Azerbaijani relations.Kiselyov's comments followed the detention of several Sputnik Azerba
Russian state-funded propaganda media outlet Sputnik will cease operations in Azerbaijan, Russia Today media group CEO Dmitry Kiselyov said on July 3, according to the Russian state news agency RIA Novosti.
"We regret to say that, as of today, the conditions for Sputnik Azerbaijan to continue its activities in this country are not in place," Kiselyov said.
The move comes amid a major deterioration in Russian-Azerbaijani relations.
Kiselyov's comments followed the detention of several Sputnik Azerbaijan employees by Azerbaijani police on June 30. Authorities said two of the detainees were operatives of Russia's Federal Security Service (FSB), prompting a formal protest from Moscow.
Kiselyov called the charges "far-fetched," saying the staff had worked to "develop cooperation between Azerbaijan and Russia." He added that legal action would be taken to defend them.
Sputnik, a key pillar of the Kremlin's global propaganda network, has long been accused by Western governments and media watchdogs of spreading disinformation and pro-Russian narratives.
These developments follow a deadly June 27 operation in Russia's Yekaterinburg, where Russian security forces killed two Azerbaijani nationals and injured several others in a raid linked to a 2001 murder case.
On June 28, Azerbaijan's Foreign Ministry issued a rare public rebuke, calling the operation "ethnically motivated" and part of a "systematic pattern" of unlawful treatment of Azerbaijani nationals in Russia.
The diplomatic rupture deepened further after Azerbaijani authorities arrested eight Russian citizens the next day, presenting them in court handcuffed and visibly injured. They were accused of participating in organized crime, cyberattacks, and drug smuggling from Iran.
The closure of Sputnik's bureau marks a new low in relations between the two former Soviet states, which have seen escalating tensions despite longstanding ties.
Armenian authorities should "seriously" consider banning the broadcast of Russian television channels in Armenia, Armenian Parliament Speaker Alen Simonyan said on July 1, citing concerns over interference and deteriorating ties."We must very seriously discuss the suspension of the Russian television channel broadcast in the territory of Armenia," Simonyan told reporters, according to Armenpress. He criticized recent content aired by Russian state broadcasters, which the Armenian government has
Armenian authorities should "seriously" consider banning the broadcast of Russian television channels in Armenia, Armenian Parliament Speaker Alen Simonyan said on July 1, citing concerns over interference and deteriorating ties.
"We must very seriously discuss the suspension of the Russian television channel broadcast in the territory of Armenia," Simonyan told reporters, according to Armenpress. He criticized recent content aired by Russian state broadcasters, which the Armenian government has denounced as harmful to bilateral ties.
The remarks come as Armenia continues to pivot away from Moscow's sphere of influence and seeks to bolster ties with the West.
Simonyan suggested that individuals connected to Armenian-Russian oligarch Samvel Karapetyan may be financing efforts to meddle in Armenia's internal matters.
"If there are channels that allow themselves to interfere in Armenia’s domestic affairs, perhaps we ought to respond likewise, by at least banning their entry into the homes of our society," he said.
Tensions between Armenia and Russia have mounted since Moscow's failure to intervene during Azerbaijan's military operation in Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023, which resulted in the mass displacement of ethnic Armenians.
In April, Armenian President Vahagn Khachaturyan signed a law initiating the country's formal accession process to the European Union.
Though symbolic, the legislation marks a significant political shift, embedding European integration into Armenian law. The bill, passed by parliament in March, was backed by 64 lawmakers and opposed by seven.
Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has said that EU membership would require a referendum, while the Kremlin warned that joining both the EU and the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is "simply impossible." The EAEU, established in 2015, includes Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan.
Editor's note: The story was updated after the Sputnik news agency disclosed the names of those detained in Baku.Azerbaijani police detained two alleged agents of Russia's Federal Security Service (FSB) on June 30 following searches at the Baku office of the Russian state-controlled news agency Sputnik, the Azerbaijani news outlet Apa.az reported.Sputnik later elaborated that Igor Kartavykh, chief editor of Sputnik Azerbaijan, and Yevgeniy Belousov, managing editor, had been detained in Baku. Th
Editor's note: The story was updated after the Sputnik news agency disclosed the names of those detained in Baku.
Azerbaijani police detained two alleged agents of Russia's Federal Security Service (FSB) on June 30 following searches at the Baku office of the Russian state-controlled news agency Sputnik, the Azerbaijani news outlet Apa.az reported.
Sputnik later elaborated that Igor Kartavykh, chief editor of Sputnik Azerbaijan, and Yevgeniy Belousov, managing editor, had been detained in Baku. The agency called the allegations that the detainees were FSB agents "absurd."
The move comes amid a major deterioration in Russian-Azerbaijani relations that followed the detention of over 50 Azerbaijanis as part of a murder investigation in Yekaterinburg on June 27. Two people died during the detentions, and three others were seriously injured.
The searches in the office of the Russian propaganda media outlet, which operates as a local branch of Russian state news agency Russia Today (RT), began on June 30.
The Russian propagandist Margarita Simonyan, editor-in-chief of Russia Today, said that representatives of the Russian embassy in Baku were on their way to Sputnik's office. Sputnik employees were offline and probably did not have access to phones, she added.
According to Simonyan, some of Sputnik's employees were Russian citizens.
The Azerbaijani government ordered in February that the activities of Sputnik's Azerbaijani office be suspended.
The authorities said that the move was intended to ensure parity in the activities of Azerbaijan's state media abroad and foreign journalists in the country. This meant that the number of Sputnik Azerbaijan journalists working in Baku was to be equal to the number of journalists of the Azerbaijani news agency Azertadzh in Russia.
As a result, Sputnik Azerbaijan had to reduce its staff from 40 people to one but refused to do so and continued to operate despite the Azerbaijani government's decision, according to Apa.az.
As the Russian-Azerbaijani relations deteriorate, Azerbaijan has cancelled all planned cultural events hosted alongside Russian state and private organizations, the country's Culture Ministry announced on June 29.
The announcement followed the deaths of two Azerbaijani citizens during police raids in the Russian city of Yekaterinburg.
Azerbaijan’s Foreign Ministry said on June 28 that Ziyaddin and Huseyn Safarov had died during a raid carried out by Russian authorities. Azerbaijan called the killings "ethnically motivated" and "unlawful" actions.
Baku called for the perpetrators to be brought to justice and said it expected Moscow to conduct a comprehensive investigation into the incident.
In the meantime, the Russian Foreign Ministry said that the detentions were carried out as part of an investigation into serious crimes. Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova claimed that these were cases related to murders committed in 2001, 2010, and 2011.
Editor's Note: This story was updated with comments from Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha.Russian President Vladimir Putin said "all of Ukraine" belonged to Russia in a speech on June 20 at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, amid increasingly aggressive official statements about Moscow's final territorial ambitions in Ukraine.Putin's claim was based on the false narrative often pushed both by himself as leader and by Russian propaganda that Russians and Ukrainians are "one people."Th
Editor's Note: This story was updated with comments from Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha.
Russian President Vladimir Putin said "all of Ukraine" belonged to Russia in a speech on June 20 at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, amid increasingly aggressive official statements about Moscow's final territorial ambitions in Ukraine.
Putin's claim was based on the false narrative often pushed both by himself as leader and by Russian propaganda that Russians and Ukrainians are "one people."
The narrative has long figured prominently in Putin's rhetoric, often brought up as justification for its aggression in Ukraine.
In July 2021, just half a year before the full-scale invasion, the Russian leader stoked fears of a larger attack when he wrote and published an essay on the "historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians."
In response to the speech in St Petersburg, Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha condemned Putin’s comments as "cynical," saying it showed “complete disregard for U.S. peace efforts."
"While the United States and the rest of the world have called for an immediate end to the killing, Russia's top war criminal discusses plans to seize more Ukrainian territory and kill more Ukrainians," he wrote in a post on X.
Putin made several other statements at the forum, some contradictory, about Moscow's aims in the war going forward.
"Wherever the foot of a Russian soldier steps is Russian land," Putin said, directly implying Russia's intention to continue occupying more than just the five Ukrainian regions that Moscow has illegally laid claim to: Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts, as well as the Autonomous Republic of Crimea.
Sybiha said that "Russian soldier's foot" brings only "death, destruction, and devastation." He accused Putin of indifference toward his own troops, calling him “a mass murderer of his own people.”
"He already disposed one million Russian soldiers in a senseless bloodbath in Ukraine without achieving a single strategic goal. One million soldiers. Two million feet," the minister said.
"And, while Putin is busy sending Russian feet to invade other countries, he is bringing Russians inside the country to their knees economically."
As per the "peace memorandum" presented by the Russian delegation at the last round of peace talks in Istanbul on June 2, Moscow demands Kyiv recognize the oblasts as Russian and hand over all territory not yet controlled by Russian forces into occupation, including the regional capitals of Kherson and Zaporizhzhia.
Asked whether Russia aimed to seize the regional center of Sumy in Ukraine's northeast, Putin said that while such a mission has not been assigned, he wouldn't rule it out.
Russian ground attacks into Sumy Oblast have intensified along the northeastern border in the past weeks, having first crossed the border after Ukraine's withdrawal from most of its positions in Kursk Oblast in March.
Russian troops have moved 10-12 kilometers (6-8 miles) deep into the region, according to Putin.
"The city of Sumy is next, the regional center. We don't have a task to take Sumy, but I don't rule it out," Putin said.
Sybiha urged the West to ramp up military aid to Ukraine, tighten sanctions against Russia, designate Moscow a terrorist state, and "isolate it fully."
"His cynical statements serve only one purpose: to divert public attention away from the complete failure of his quarter-century rule," the minister added.
Since March, Russia has reportedly taken control of about 200 square kilometers (80 square miles) in northern Sumy Oblast, including roughly a dozen small villages, according to open-source conflict mapping projects.
As of May 31, mandatory evacuations had been ordered for 213 settlements.
In May, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered his military to create a so-called "security buffer zone" along the border with Ukraine, while Zelensky said on May 28 that Moscow had massed 50,000 troops near Sumy.
In a separate interview with Bild on June 12, Zelensky dismissed Moscow's claims of significant territorial gains as "a Russian narrative" aimed at shaping global perceptions. He stressed that Ukrainian forces have managed to hold off a renewed offensive for nearly three weeks.
When asked if Moscow requires the complete capitulation of Kyiv and the Ukrainian leadership, Putin denied this, saying that Russia instead demands the "recognition of the realities on the ground."
The statement follows a consistent line from Russian officials since the return of U.S. President Donald Trump brought new momentum to the idea of a quick negotiated peace in Ukraine.
Projecting a winning position on the battlefield and gaining confidence from Trump's frequent anti-Ukrainian rhetoric and refusal to approve further military aid to Kyiv, Moscow has stuck to maximalist demands, refusing the joint U.S.-Ukraine proposal of a 30-day unconditional ceasefire along the front line.
On June 18, in an interview to CNN, Russian ambassador to the U.K. Andrei Kelin said that while Russian forces were advancing on the battlefield and taking more Ukrainian, there was no incentive to stop, and that Kyiv must either accept Moscow's peace terms now or "surrender" after losing much more.
It happened so quickly.
On Friday afternoon in Delhi, I was at my daughter's school, waiting to pick her up and straining to eavesdrop on knots of parents and -- this being Delhi -- separate knots of household staff. Every tightly bunched group was absorbed by conversation on the only subject anyone in Delhi, and no doubt the rest of India, was talking about: are we going to war with Pakistan?
By Saturday afternoon, my assumption that India and Pakistan would find a way to step back from t
On Friday afternoon in Delhi, I was at my daughter's school, waiting to pick her up and straining to eavesdrop on knots of parents and -- this being Delhi -- separate knots of household staff. Every tightly bunched group was absorbed by conversation on the only subject anyone in Delhi, and no doubt the rest of India, was talking about: are we going to war with Pakistan?
By Saturday afternoon, my assumption that India and Pakistan would find a way to step back from the brink because they had no other serious choice, seemed wildly optimistic. On the jingoistic, cacophonous, largely unwatchable Indian news channels, there were still reports of drones being shot down and air bases and military infrastructure being attacked. War seemed imminent. So imminent that India’s largest-selling weekly newsmagazine went with “War!” and a battalion of fighter jets on its cover.
But by five pm on Saturday, Donald Trump announced a complete ceasefire. Before anyone from the Indian or Pakistani government had said anything. Entire nations were caught off guard. The screeching newsreaders, still foaming at the mouth, were outraged – “who moved my war?”
And then the media swiveled on a dime (rather, a one-rupee coin). Spinning furiously, crazed hamsters on their wheels, the analysts and anchors insisted India had won. In Pakistan, their counterparts were doing much the same. The truth is, both countries had lost
India and Pakistan had been locked in a clumsy, deadly two-step while the rest of the world looked away. It began on April 22, with a terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Kashmir, in which 26 men, almost all of them Hindu, and singled out for their religious affiliation, were killed. United States Vice President JD Vance, was in India on a “private trip” at the time, with his Indian-American wife and children.
The attack was a provocation that the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Hindu nationalist government could not tolerate. Their supporters bayed for vengeance. And Modi, whose personal brand as the protector of the Hindu nation – boasting in campaign speeches about his 56-inch chest – is predicated on him being the leader of a newly vigorous, aggressive India, an emerging superpower, had to respond with overwhelming force.
It took two weeks -- during which India did not provide proof of the Pakistani state's involvement in the April 22 attack beyond an established history of Pakistan’s financing of terror. The country featured on the Financial Action Task Force's grey list between 2018 and 2022, though it insists it has since largely cleaned up its act. Indian retribution came in the form of the bombing of what India described as terrorist camps. This was, Indian officials said, a restrained, responsible response to Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. No military sites, for example, were hit.
Pakistan said civilians were killed and that mosques were bombed. They then retaliated to India's retaliation. And India retaliated to Pakistan’s retaliation against India’s retaliation. Inevitably, there was a retaliation to the retaliation to the retaliation against the retaliation. And so on, until Trump announced the ceasefire. As the bombings intensified, both India and Pakistan insisted they didn't want war and were taking responsible actions to de-escalate. In the warped logic of this fighting, the bombs being dropped actually signaled both countries' understanding that they could go so far and no further.
Initially, the United States, which has played a part in brokering peace in previous clashes between India and Pakistan, seemed content to let both countries duke it out. It’s “none of our business,” said Vance. While Donald Trump seemed to think the dispute over Kashmir was the latest episode of a show that dated back "1,000 years, probably longer." Later, he modified this assessment to mere centuries.
The truth is, this conflict is a product of British colonial rule, of the hastily conceived and disastrously executed partition of India in 1947. The Cliffs notes, with considerable nuance lost through inadequate summary, are as follows: Kashmir, a Muslim-majority state with a Hindu king, wanted to be independent of both India and Pakistan. But when Pakistani forces invaded Kashmir in October, 1947, the king asked India for help and signed an agreement binding Kashmir to the Indian union.
It led to the first war between Pakistan and India, nations that were born just weeks earlier as the British departed. Under the terms of a United Nations-negotiated ceasefire, India gained control of about two-thirds of Kashmir. But this was temporary until a plebiscite to determine the future of Kashmir was held. This plebiscite never happened. As a result, both countries believe they have an inalienable right to the entirety of Kashmir: India because of the king's decision to sign the instrument of accession; Pakistan because Kashmir is a Muslim-majority state and Pakistan was created as a homeland for the subcontinent's Muslims. In 1965, both countries fought another inconclusive war.
But as long as India continues to pretend there is a viable military solution to its disputes with Pakistan, the prospect of conflict, if not outright war, remains an ever-present Damoclean threat.
But since 1989, as the Soviet Union collapsed and there was a proliferation of US-funded mujahideen in the region, separatist sentiments in Kashmir spiraled into violent insurgency. India says these militants are a proxy, a tool of the Pakistani deep state. So Kashmir became a theater of both postcolonial and post-Cold War conflict.
Between 1999 and 2019, the U.S. reliably talked both countries off the ledge and leading international diplomatic efforts to get India and Pakistan to back off when overly aggressive gestures and posturing threatened to become kinetic. The U.S. has Cold War-era strategic and security ties with Pakistan but only recently has India become a close partner with an active role to play in containing China’s emerging dominance. India, Australia, Japan and the U.S. are part of the Quad, a loose grouping intended to counter China’s designs on the Indo-Pacific.
Modi and Trump have made several displays of personal friendship, each supporting the other’s election campaigns. But the Trump administration had declined to intervene in current tensions. It was a position of apathy, as if it had no stake in preventing war. For Modi, it must sting that carefully choreographed hugs with Western leaders had not resulted in more diplomatic support for his military action against Pakistan.
Modi also received little support from institutions. For instance, India had lobbied for the IMF to withhold funds from Pakistan. But the IMF chose to release $1 billion in loans to Islamabad, even as Pakistan was engaged in artillery exchanges with India. With the U.S. seemingly taking a back seat, Saudi Arabia and Iran had offered to mediate, as had Russia. Even China, which provides over 80% of the Pakistani army's weaponry and also administers part of Kashmir, said it would help broker peace.
But it was the U.S. that swooped in over the weekend. Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio both posted about the negotiations, with Trump even saying he had used trade as leverage to prevent a nuclear war. “Millions of people,” he said, “could have been killed.”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi greeting "our brave air warriors and soldiers" on May 13 at an air force base in Adampur, Punjab. Press Information Bureau (PIB)/Anadolu via Getty Images.
While Pakistan were happy to acknowledge the U.S. role in forcing a truce, Indian diplomats and politicians were either tight-lipped or disapproving. India has long resisted external interference in the Kashmir dispute, insisting that negotiations have to be strictly bilateral. Ultimately, neither India nor Pakistan can afford full-scale war. This is not asymmetrical combat. India may be much larger than Pakistan and conventionally more powerful. It may have a growing economy, while Pakistan is struggling to finance its debts. But, as one British analyst said, if this is a Goliath-David struggle, David has a nuclear weapon in his sling.
The Trump-brokered ceasefire may only be temporary respite – so temporary, indeed, that barely hours after the agreement was announced, the chief minister of Indian-administered Kashmir posted on X that he had heard explosions in the state capital Srinagar. “What the hell,” he wrote, “just happened to the ceasefire?” But as long as India continues to pretend there is a viable military solution to its disputes with Pakistan, the prospect of conflict, if not outright war, remains an ever-present Damoclean threat.
As an Indian citizen and a parent, I find both governments' confidence that they can toe an invisible line more than a little disconcerting. But, judging by the political and media response to the prospect of war, only a few shared my scepticism. In India, since April 22, there have been very few calls for peace, very few questions about the need for a military response to a terrorist attack, even though bombing Pakistan has not deterred subsequent terrorism.
One of those calls for peace, though, came from Himanshi Narwal, whose husband of six days, an Indian navy officer, was shot in front of her. Narwal, who was photographed kneeling beside her husband's prone body, became a symbol of India's grief and outrage.
That was before she spoke. Narwal told reporters that she only held the men who had murdered her husband responsible and not all Muslims or all Kashmiris. "We want peace," she said, "and only peace."
This sentiment made her a target of Hindu nationalist scorn on social media. Narwal was excoriated as a "woke secular" – a particularly Indian insult, mixing American right wing culture war tropes with the Indian use of the word "secular" to mock Indian liberals who supposedly kowtow to minorities, particularly Muslims.
India's initial retaliation was given the code name "Operation Sindoor", a reference to the deep red powder some married Hindu women dab on the parting of their hair or on their foreheads. India's military action, in other words, was being taken on behalf of the women who had lost their husbands on April 22. Women like Himanshi Narwal. Though what she, and others like her, might think is apparently besides the point or even worthy of contempt.
The contrast between Narwal's dignity and the absurd propaganda peddled by the mainstream Indian media would have been comical if it were not simultaneously so depressing. On Friday evening, a friend, an editor at a national magazine, sent me a collection of screen grabs of headlines in India, mostly from television news. Each claim was remarkable -- Pakistani planes being shot out of the sky, rebels from Balochistan capturing the city of Quetta, the Indian navy bombing Karachi, even reports of a coup -- and each claim was either knowingly false or entirely unverified. On Indian TV screens every night, since Wednesday night when India first bombed its targets in Pakistan, we've been exposed to a tale told by idiots.
Was it too much to hope for some restraint? But the tone taken by the mainstream media, a mimicking of the abrasive arrogance of Hindu nationalist trolls on social media, was matched by the Indian government. I watched a spokesperson from the BJP, India's governing party, tell a British news channel about Modi's "3E policy -- evaporate, eradicate, eliminate... shameless Pakistan needs to be taught a lesson." Oy vey!
And now, does the ceasefire mean that the so-called 3E policy has been abandoned? Would the Modi government – which had blocked the few critical, independent voices – have the courage to reimagine its response to Pakistan, to reevaluate the belligerence of its rhetoric, and to instead embrace the inherent strength in India’s secular, constitutional values and enter into constructive dialogue?
The signs are not encouraging. In a late bid to wrest the narrative momentum from Donald Trump, Indian politicians, journalists and commentators spread word of the country’s new approach to terrorism. Modi, having been silent through much of the fighting, elaborated on the “new normal,” in an address to the nation on Monday night. India, he said, would no longer distinguish “between the government sponsoring terrorism and the masterminds of terrorism.” The words were belligerent, the policies no kind of solution.
Perhaps, India’s wounds are still too raw for self-reflection. But the question remains: Is India going to be held hostage to its own anger? Or will it acknowledge that talks, and people to people contact, must resume.
A version of this story was published in last week’s Sunday Read newsletter. Sign up here.
Last week, Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky spoke to right wing influencer Ben Shapiro, founder of "The Daily Wire". The interview showed how much stock Zelensky puts in speaking to a MAGA and Republican audience. It is with this audience that Zelensky has little credibility and Ukraine little sympathy, as Donald Trump calls for a quick peace deal, even if it means Ukraine ceding vast swathes of territory to the Russian aggressor. Zelensky needs Shapiro to combat conservative apathy about
Last week, Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky spoke to right wing influencer Ben Shapiro, founder of "The Daily Wire". The interview showed how much stock Zelensky puts in speaking to a MAGA and Republican audience. It is with this audience that Zelensky has little credibility and Ukraine little sympathy, as Donald Trump calls for a quick peace deal, even if it means Ukraine ceding vast swathes of territory to the Russian aggressor. Zelensky needs Shapiro to combat conservative apathy about the fate of Ukraine, and combat its admiration and respect for Putin as a supposed bastion of traditional values and religious belief.
Two questions into the interview, Shapiro confronts Zelensky with a conservative talking point. Is Ukraine persecuting members of the Russian Orthodox Church? It is a view that is frequently aired in Christian conservative circles in the United States. Just two months ago, Tucker Carlson interviewed Robert Amsterdam, a lawyer representing the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. Amsterdam alleged that USAID, or some other U.S. government-sponsored organization, created an alternative orthodox church "that would be completely free of what they viewed as the dangerous Putin influence." This, Amsterdam said, is a violation of the U.S. commitment to religious freedom. Trump-supporting talking heads have frequently described Ukraine as killing Christians, while Vladimir Putin is described as a defender of traditional Christian values.
On April 22, Putin met with the Patriarch of the Serbian Orthodox Church and Patriarch Kirill, his Russian counterpart. The Serbian Patriarch told the Russian president that when he met with the Patriarch of Jerusalem, the latter said "we, the Orthodox, have one trump card... Vladimir Putin." It was the Serbian Orthodox Church's desire, the Patriarch said, that "if there is a new geopolitical division, we should be... in the Russian world." It is Orthodoxy's perceived political, rather than purely spiritual, link to Russia that the Ukrainian parliament was hoping to sever in August last year by passing legislation to ban religious groups with links to Moscow.
The Russian orthodox church, which is almost fully under Kremlin’s control, is one of Moscow’s most potent tools for interfering in the domestic affairs of post-Soviet countries. Its ties to Russian intelligence are well-documented and run deep. Patriarch Kirill, head of the Russian Orthodox Church, spent the 1970s spying for the KGB in Switzerland. Today, he blesses Russian weapons and soldiers before they’re deployed to Ukraine.
While Christian conservatives in the U.S. accuse Ukraine of violating religious freedoms and "killing" Christians, Zelensky says that it is, in fact, Russian forces that are persecuting Ukrainian Christians. On Easter, Zelensky said 67 clergymen had been "killed or tortured by Russian occupiers" and over 600 Christian religious sites destroyed. I spoke to the Emmy-winning journalist Simon Ostrovsky who said Russia targets Christian denominations.
"If we're talking about an evangelical church," he told me, "then the members of the church will be accused of being American spies. And if we're talking about the Ukrainian Catholic Church, they'll consider it to be a Nazi Church.” But, Ostrovsky added, "Russians have been able to communicate a lot more effectively than Ukraine, particularly to the right in the United States. Russia has been able to. make the case that it is in fact the Ukrainians who are suppressing freedom of religion in Ukraine and not the Russians, which is absurd."
Back in 2013, Pat Buchanan, an influential commentator and former Reagan staffer, asked if Putin was "one of us." That is, a U.S.-style conservative taking up arms in the "culture war for mankind's future". It is a perception Putin has successfully exploited, able to position himself as the lone bulwark against Western and "globalist" decadence. Now with Trump in the White House, propelled there by Christian conservative support, which has stayed steadfastly loyal to the president even as other conservatives question policies such as tariffs and deportations without due process. With the Christian right as Trump's chief constituency, how can he negotiate with Putin free of their natural affinity for the president not just of Russia but arguably traditional Christianity?
The battle over religious freedom in Ukraine is not just a local concern – it’s a global information war, where narratives crafted in Moscow find eager amplifiers among U.S. Christian conservatives. By painting Ukraine as a persecutor of Christians and positioning Russia as the last defender of “traditional values,” the Kremlin has successfully exported its cultural propaganda to the West. This has already had real-world consequences: shaping U.S. policy debates, undermining support for Ukraine, and helping authoritarian leaders forge alliances across borders. The case of Ukraine shows how religious identity can be weaponized as a tool of soft power, blurring the line between faith and geopolitics, and revealing how easily domestic debates can be hijacked for foreign influence. In a world where the persecutors pose as the persecuted, understanding how narratives are manipulated is essential to defending both democracy and genuine religious freedom.
A version of this story was published in this week’s Coda Currents newsletter. Sign up here.