Russian crude continues flowing into the EU through Hungary, despite sanctions, via a covert trade network. An investigation by the Russian investigative outlet Important Stories (IStories) into Kremlin oil deals with Orbán allies uncovers how a shadowy firm helped channel over $10 billion in oil from Putin-linked circles to Hungary’s ruling elite.

Russian oil deals with Orbán allies exposed

IStories traced the vast post-2014 oil trade into the EU to Normeston Trading, a mysterious company registered in Belize and operated through Cyprus. The firm sold over 20 million tons of Russian oil to Eastern Europe between 2011 and 2023 — with about 2 million tons in 2023 alone, including over 1 million tons delivered to Hungary.

At the core of the operation is a network of business and political links stretching from the Kremlin to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s closest allies. The firm’s Russian side was connected to former top executives of sanctioned billionaire Gennady Timchenko, while its Hungarian ownership includes friends and business partners of Orbán.

A race car driver becomes a $10 billion oil trader

In 2014, the Slovak antimonopoly authority publicly named Normeston’s owners: Russian national Lev Tolkachev and Hungarian consultant Imre Fazakas. Tolkachev, a former Lukoil employee and amateur race car driver, officially held the stake at the time. He also managed a mid-sized auto business in Tver and founded the Rumos Racing team in Russia.

Explore further

Kremlin tells Hungary: Act with us in Ukraine — for the “compatriots”

Tolkachev’s profile stood in sharp contrast to the scale of Normeston’s operations. A former Russian official told IStories:

“In Russia under no circumstances could a race car driver, even if he’s a former oil company employee, be the real owner of an oil trading business with contracts worth billions of dollars.”

Tolkachev’s companies were also connected through shared control in 2017–2018 to those owned by Sergey Gzhelyak, a top executive for Timchenko. Another Timchenko associate, Aleksandr Zhuravlev, still sits on boards with Tolkachev in Normeston-linked firms.

Subbotin re-emerges in the oil trade from Monaco

After Tolkachev, another figure took control: Valery Subbotin, former Lukoil vice president and head of Litasco, its trading arm. Subbotin fled Russia in 2016, settling in Europe and acquiring Cypriot citizenship. In 2023, his Valna Holding Cyprus obtained a 49.9% stake in Normeston.

Subbotin had fallen out with Igor Sechin’s Rosneft during its 2016 takeover of Bashneft. According to Forbes Russia, Subbotin’s contracts were canceled, and he left under pressure. However, IStories found that even in exile, Subbotin maintained ties with Putin’s business circle and associates of former pro-Kremlin fugitive Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych.

Explore further

Germany asked to “lead Europe” and persuade Hungary on Russia sanctions

In 2023, Normeston won a Czech tender worth over $45 million — a deal Czech media linked to Subbotin. His family owns a heavily fortified villa on the French Riviera, where security measures led one witness to mistake it for Sechin’s residence.

Normeston’s deliveries grew with each wave of sanctions

Ironically, EU sanctions boosted Normeston’s activity. In 2014, after Crimea’s invasion and annexation by Russia, the company’s oil exports via Druzhba increased fivefold. After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, shipments jumped tenfold. The trader avoided sanctions, largely because it did not buy oil directly from blacklisted firms like Lukoil.

In 2024, Ukraine sanctioned Lukoil, halting its pipeline shipments. But Hungary’s MOL stepped in to purchase the same Russian oil at the Belarus–Ukraine border and continued the deliveries under its own name. According to IStories, Lukoil previously accounted for over 40% of Druzhba’s flow.

Throughout, Normeston remained active. Its Moscow office operates from a building housing firms linked to OTP Bank, headed by Orbán ally Sándor Csányi, and associated with György Nagy — another key Hungarian figure tied to the oil trade.

Explore further

Szijjártó says Kyiv must accept Budapest blocking Ukraine’s EU accession, Zelenskyy says most Hungarians support Ukraine

Orbán’s allies profit from gas trade too

In 2009, Hungarian oil and gas company MOL sold 50% of its gas trader MET to Normeston. Just two years later, that stake was transferred to Orbán’s associates — István Garancsi and György Nagy. MET quickly grew into a giant, operating in 17 countries with nearly €18 billion in annual turnover.

Anti-corruption researchers in Hungary described the deal as one of the most “critical episodes in the country’s economic history.” According to reports cited by IStories, the MET owners earned over $200 million in a single year by purchasing cheap spot gas and selling it domestically — all with Kremlin knowledge and apparent approval.

A source from within the Hungarian government told Direkt36, iStory’s partner in the investigation, that Russian authorities could have blocked MET’s deals but didn’t.

Old Soviet ties in modern energy networks

Hungarian co-owner Imre Fazakas, who held a 16.7% stake in Normeston, studied in Lviv and worked in Moscow in the 1980s as deputy director of Videoton’s local office. He became familiar with Soviet oil operations while coordinating computer systems for drilling rigs and transportation systems.

Fazakas later consulted for MOL and served on the board of MET — alongside Tolkachev. A former Hungarian official told Direkt36 that Videoton had strong ties to the Soviet military sector and state security.

Explore further

Hungary and Slovakia expand Russian fuel use while EU cuts imports

Another Hungarian shareholder, the Madera Investment Fund, which owns 33.4% of Normeston, is linked to György Nagy, a powerful businessman and partner of Garancsi and Csányi. Nagy graduated from Russia’s MGIMO international relations university and secured major government contracts during Orbán’s premiership — including a $5 million IT deal with the Hungarian post office.

His companies also serve OTP Bank—still doing business in Russia—and telecom clients, including MOL. 

Hungary blocks sanctions — Russian oil keeps flowing

In June 2025, Hungary and Slovakia again blocked a proposed package that would have banned Russian oil and gas imports altogether.

In a June 2025 interview, Orbán went further, saying: if Vladimir Putin visits Hungary, he would be received “with all due honors.”

In 2024, Orbán echoed Russia’s narratives, claiming Europe acts “at the behest of the US” and allegedly sacrifices its own interests to support Ukraine. He insisted that Hungary would not abandon Russian oil.

Ukraine’s military carried out 115 “Deep Strike” long-range drone missions against Russian forces last month, Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi reported. The campaign is a core part of Ukraine’s strategy to disrupt enemy logistics and production far from the frontlines.

115 Deep Strike drone missions targeted Russian forces and supply chains

Syrskyi said in the update after a meeting of the Headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief: 

“[D]uring June, Ukraine’s defenders carried out 115 fire tasks in the Deep Strike direction. Our artillery struck 2,864 enemy targets,” Syrskyi posted on his official channels.

Militarnyi notes he did not specify whether this included only targets inside Russia or also in Russian-occupied areas of Ukraine.

The Commander-in-Chief stated that Ukrainian troops are using both symmetric and asymmetric tactics to resist Russia, while striking military and logistical targets. He said Ukrainian forces are striking Russian military and logistics targets deep inside Russia, weakening its production potential.

Explore further

Massive radar gap in Crimea creates Ukrainian drone corridor, expert says

Drone attacks hit Russian airfields, factories, and supply hubs in June

Last month, Ukraine’s Deep Strike campaign included several major incidents.

Ukrainian drones targeted the Marinovka airfield in Russia’s Volgograd Oblast, reportedly destroying three Su-34 fighter-bombers and two more partially damaged.

Ukrainian drones hit two chemical plants named Azot, both producing materials used in explosives and rocket fuel—one in Tula Oblast, another in Stavropol.

Russian sources also published evidence of Ukraine’s use of the jet-powered Peklo drones, which destroyed a vehicle bridge across the Aidar River in occupied Luhansk Oblast.

Other targets in June included the Alabuga drone factory in Tatarstan, the Buturlinivka airbase in Voronezh Oblast, an airbase’s fuel depot in Engels.

Chinese drone parts in Russian weapons are helping Russia expand its drone war in Ukraine, Bloomberg reports. Documents reviewed by Bloomberg show Russian firm Aero-HIT partnered with Chinese suppliers and engineers to mass-produce combat drones now used across the frontline.

Chinese engineering behind Russia’s drone buildup

In early 2023, Aero-HIT began working with engineers from Autel Robotics, China’s major manufacturers of drones and drone parts, to adapt the civilian Autel EVO Max 4T for military use, according to Bloomberg. The model proved effective in combat and resistant to jamming.

Aero-HIT claims it can produce up to 10,000 drones per month at its Khabarovsk facility. Its Veles FPV drone has been deployed in Kherson and elsewhere. A March 2024 order priced the units at $1,000 each.

Chinese drone parts in Russian weapons still flowing

Despite sanctions, Chinese drone parts in Russian weapons continue reaching Russia through intermediaries. Bloomberg identified firms like Renovatsio-Invest and Shenzhen Huasheng Industry—both under US sanctions—as key suppliers. Civilian companies in sectors like seafood and catering were used to obscure transactions.

Autel says it cut ties with Russia in February 2022. Yet, documents show resumed contact with its engineers by late 2024 and production plans ongoing into 2025.

The drone project born in Harbin and built in Khabarovsk

The partnership began in late 2022, Bloomberg says. Russian company Komax, linked to sanctioned senator and ex-KGB officer Konstantin Basyuk, led talks with China’s Harbin Comprehensive Bonded Zone. In May 2023, a Russian delegation visited Autel and the Harbin Institute of Technology.

After the visit, Aero-HIT was registered, production began soon after. In August 2024, the Defense Ministry requested 5,000 Veles drones.

Forbes says North Korea’s growing role in Russia’s war exposes Moscow’s military weakness. Pyongyang is preparing to send 25,000–30,000 more troops to support Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This would triple its original deployment of 11,000 soldiers, first sent last November to fight against Ukrainian forces in Russia’s Kursk Oblast. The expansion signals Russia’s increasing reliance on foreign forces to sustain its war.

North Korea troops for Russia fill growing gaps on the front

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy warned in June that Russia is amassing 50,000 troops near Ukraine’s northeast. He suggested North Korean units might be used in occupied territories for a new offensive. North Korea could send up to 150,000 troops, Forbes says. Russia reportedly modifies aircraft to move large numbers across Siberia.

More on the topic

North Korean forces may soon fight inside Ukraine, says Seoul

North Korean state media showed footage of its troops fighting for Russia and confirmed thousands had died. Within months, nearly 4,000 North Korean troops were lost. Pyongyang pulled forces from the front in January 2025. Despite that, 3,000 more troops were deployed in March.

Forbes says this shift marks a deeper military alliance. The relationship now appears strategic, not just transactional.

Putin avoids mobilization with foreign soldiers

In 2024, Russia lost more than 790,000 troops—nearly double Ukraine’s casualties. That year, daily losses exceeded 1,000 soldiers. Russia also lost 15 battalions defending Kursk Oblast. For every square kilometer gained, about 100 Russian troops died, Forbes says.

According to Forbes, Putin has avoided launching another draft due to political risk, and this forced him to rely on non-Russian fighters. Earlier efforts to recruit from Cuba, Nepal, and Africa were small. North Korea became Moscow’s main external source of troops.

Weapons shipments patch Russia’s failing firepower

North Korea also provides Russia critical artillery pieces and shells, and missile systems. Forbes notes Pyongyang sent over 15,000 containers since September 2023. Ukraine believes this supply accounts for 70% of Russian artillery use. Shipments include 9 million shells, hundreds of launchers, and KN-23 ballistic missiles.

Early missile batches were inaccurate. They only improved after joint work between Russian and North Korean experts. Still, North Korea cannot match Western production scale or speed. 

“Thus, North Korea’s weapons support may not be sustainable in the long term; it is mostly a stopgap measure to help Russia regroup,” Forbes says.

Russia halts Kostiantynivka push and is now intensifying its offensive near Pokrovsk, raising the threat of Ukrainian positions being encircled in Donetsk Oblast. The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 7 July that Russian forces recently entered the strategic village of Novoekonomichne and appear to be shifting operations away from the stalled front west of Toretsk.

Russia changes direction after stalled advances: it halts Kostiantynivka push, shifts focus to Pokrovsk

After failing to make significant gains toward Kostiantynivka since early June 2025, Russian forces are now making platoon-sized mechanized assaults in the Pokrovsk direction. Geolocated footage published on 6 and 7 July confirms Russian troops recently advanced into southern and northeastern parts of Novoekonomichne, east of Pokrovsk.

Map: ISW

Russian milbloggers claimed further movements northwest of Koptieve and west of Myrne — both northeast of Pokrovsk — and southwest of Myrolyubivka to the east. ISW assessed that these moves aim to “support both the envelopment of Pokrovsk and the establishment of a salient” that could allow Russian forces “to try to envelop Kostiantynivka and Ukraine’s wider fortress belt.”

Explore further

ISW: Russia may trade deep breakthrough attempts for slow envelopment around fortress belt in Donetsk Oblast

One Russian milblogger noted that earlier attempts to storm Novoekonomichne from the east near Malynivka failed, but that Russian troops successfully entered the settlement from the south. Russian forces had been trying to advance into Novoekonomichne for two months, facing sustained Ukrainian defenses and counterattacks.

Threat grows for Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad

With Russian troops now positioned inside Novoekonomichne, ISW suggests that their next targets could include Rodynske, north of Pokrovsk. The goal may be to pressure Ukrainian forces into withdrawing from Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad under threat of encirclement.

ISW concluded that Russia’s actions northeast of Pokrovsk indicate a broader shift:

“Russian forces appear to be refocusing their attention on the area northeast of Pokrovsk in the direction of Dobropillia.”

ISW also noted that Ukrainian forces recently advanced near Novopavlivka in Donetsk Oblast. Meanwhile, Russian troops made gains in northern Sumy Oblast and near Toretsk, Pokrovsk, and Novopavlivka.

Rubikon in Donetsk Oblast

ISW has also reported the presence of Russia’s Rubikon units throughout eastern Ukraine, including Donetsk Oblast, from the Borova direction in eastern Kharkiv Oblast to the Velyka Novosilka direction in the west. 

Rubikon is a recently formed drone training and innovation center overseen by the Russian Ministry of Defense. Ukrainian servicemembers operating in the Kostiantynivka direction told the NYT in an interview published on 7 July that the arrival of Rubikon drone operators marked a “turning point” in Russia’s tactical drone capacity.

Ukrainian forces have created a corridor for drones and missiles into Crimea by recently disabling key Russian radar systems near Cape Tarhankut, a military expert says. The destruction of the Nebo-M system has left the western part of the Russian-occupied peninsula uncovered, opening a clear path for future strikes.

Ukrainian drone corridor to Crimea now active

A recent Ukrainian drone attack destroyed valuable Russian radars and a command center for the advanced Nebo-M system.

As reported by RFE/RL’s Krym.Realii project, a former Ukrainian officer from Crimea stated that recent radar strikes created not just a gap but a fully functional route into the peninsula. The expert emphasized that the radar modules destroyed were part of Russia’s Nebo-M complex—systems capable of detecting aerial and ballistic targets at long distances.

These stations once covered areas “from Cape Tarhankut to Kyiv and Kharkiv in the north, Kamianets-Podilskyi in the northwest is about 590 km, to Sievierodonetsk in the northeast — 600 km.” With them now neutralized, the expert confirmed that a large swath of airspace has been left unprotected.

“A real corridor now exists for Ukrainian drones and missiles,” he said.

Sea-launched drones hit precise targets

Video of the attack analyzed by Krym.Realii shows a hexacopter drone taking off from an unmanned surface vessel close to the shore of Cape Tarhankut. While its exact type remains unidentified, the drone closely resembles Ukraine’s Baba Yaga strike drones—a term used by Russian forces for the Vampire model developed by SkyFall.

Explore further

First-of-its-kind strike: Ukraine destroys prized Nebo-M radar system in Crimea using sea-launched bomb drones (video)

These drones, commonly used for nighttime missions, carry thermal imagers and payloads up to 15 kg. Their loadout includes mortar rounds, anti-personnel grenades, and thermite devices.

He also noted that the drones were controlled on frequencies between 700 and 900 MHz—outside the range of local Russian jamming systems operating at 1200 to 1600 MHz. This allowed them to bypass electronic warfare defenses in the area.

Ukraine’s evolving naval drone tactics

This and other recent drone operations in Crimea also highlighted a shift in Ukraine’s drone warfare tactics. Previously, Ukraine showcased Magura sea drones—specifically the V5 strike model, the W6P multifunctional platform, and the V7 drone armed with either missiles or machine guns.

In a military documentary, two new drone boat variants appeared. One vessel carried four launch-ready FPV drone containers and used a traditional propeller engine instead of waterjets. These unmanned boats likely transported the hexacopter drones used in the attack on Tarhankut.

Why Ukraine must bet it all on Putin’s greatest weakness—Crimea

Western Crimea left exposed

With radar systems in both Saky and Tarhankut eliminated, experts now consider the Ukrainian drone corridor to Crimea active. The expert noted that the absence of coverage from the west and northwest leaves the peninsula vulnerable to repeated precision strikes.

“The radar strike opened a window of opportunity,” he said. “From the sea or the air, that entire sector is now blind.”

US President Trump reportedly told Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in a phone call on 4 July that he wasn’t responsible for the pause in US weapons deliveries to Ukraine. The Wall Street Journal reported on 7 July that Trump blamed the Pentagon and said he never gave an order to freeze military aid.

People briefed on the call told WSJ that Trump explained he had initiated a review of Pentagon munitions stockpiles after recent US strikes on Iran but had not intended for that process to block shipments to Kyiv.

According to WSJ, Trump assured Zelenskyy the United States would send as much military aid as it can spare. Zelenskyy later called the conversation “probably the best… in all this time” and thanked Trump for his “readiness to help” during his 5 July address.

Weapons deliveries resume after Trump shifts stance

On 7 July, Trump confirmed publicly that the United States would resume sending weapons to Ukraine.

“They are getting hit very hard. We’re gonna have to send more weapons,” he said during a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell said in a statement the same day:

“At President Trump’s direction, the Department of Defense is sending additional defensive weapons to Ukraine to ensure the Ukrainians can defend themselves.”

Explore further

Trump flips on Ukraine weapons cutoff: “We have to help them”

According to a March 2025 State Department fact sheet, the US has provided $66.9 billion in military assistance to Ukraine since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022.

The UK has imposed new sanctions on Russian chemical weapons use in Ukraine, targeting two senior Russian generals and a military research institute accused of supplying banned toxic agents. The designations come amid growing evidence that Russia’s battlefield tactics increasingly rely on prohibited substances.

UK targets Russian military command and weapons supplier

On 7 July 2025, the UK government updated its sanctions list to include Russia’s Major General Aleksey Rtishchev and Major General Andrei Marchenko. Both serve in Russia’s Radiological, Chemical and Biological Defense Troops—Rtishchev as Head, Marchenko as Deputy Head—and are accused of being responsible for or supporting the use and transfer of chemical weapons in Ukraine.

According to the UK government, these troops have played a direct role in chemical warfare. The sanctions include an asset freeze and trust services ban, intended to block any UK-linked financial dealings with the officers.

Facility supplied banned weapons, generals oversaw their use

In the same action, the UK also sanctioned the Joint Stock Company Federal Scientific and Production Center Scientific Research Institute of Applied Chemistry. Based in Moscow Oblast, the research institute is accused of supplying RG-Vo riot control agent grenades to the Russian military, which were then used against Ukraine in breach of the Chemical Weapons Convention.

The UK describes the institute as directly supporting Russia’s illegal warfare tactics by enabling access to chemical munitions. The lab, originally founded in 1945 and incorporated in 2011, is now under full sanctions including an asset freeze and restrictions on trust services.

The UK has also backed Ukraine’s defense efforts with a £400,000 voluntary contribution to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, aimed at boosting protective equipment, training, and logistics.

Russia’s chemical warfare in Ukraine

Ukrainian military intelligence previously reported that Russian forces have increasingly used poison gas munitions on the frontline.

Ukraine’s General Staff stated in January that the use of dangerous chemical substances had become systematic, with over 5,300 documented incidents since February 2023. 

Russia launched another night-time drone strike on Mykolaiv Oblast, wounding a man and causing fires in suburban areas. Ukrainian air defenses intercepted dozens of incoming Shahed explosive drones, but some reached their targets. The lower number of drones used in last night’s daily assault used this time may indicate that Russia is stockpiling them ahead of a larger assault.

Shahed wounds civilian in Mykolaiv amid Russian drone stockpiling

Ukraine’s Air Force reported that between 00:30 and 08:00 on 8 July, Russian forces launched 54 Shahed-type drones and four S-300/400 missiles. The drones came from Kursk and Oryol in Russia and from Hvardiiske in Russian-occupied Crimea. Air defense units destroyed 34 drones — 26 were shot down, and eight were electronically suppressed or lost from radar. Nonetheless, drone strikes hit five locations.

The southern Ukrainian city of Mykolaiv Oblast was the main target. Air raid alerts sounded at 02:03. By 02:26, the Air Force warned of incoming drones toward the city. At 02:28, a group of Shahed drones was reported approaching from the Black Sea. Explosions followed at 02:29, confirmed by Mykolaiv Mayor Oleksandr Sienkevych. The all-clear was given at 02:55.

Civilian wounded and homes set on fire in Nadbuzke

Between 02:10 and 02:32, Shahed drones struck the Vesnianka community in Mykolaiv Oblast. According to the oblast’s head, Vitalii Kim, a 51-year-old man in the village of Nadbuzke was wounded in the strike and hospitalized. As of the morning, his condition was described as serious but stable. Fires broke out in two detached houses and dry grass areas; emergency services managed to extinguish them.

More drone and artillery attacks earlier on 7 July

Russian attacks on the Mykolaiv oblast had already intensified the previous day. The oblast authorities reported that on 7 July, Kutsurub community was targeted by artillery and three Russian FPV drone strikes. Outside Solonchaky, artillery fire sparked a fire in dry grass and shrubs. In Dmytrivka, additional FPV drone attacks damaged a store roof, disrupted power lines, and caused another fire. No injuries were reported in those cases.

Just after 03:30 on 8 July, another FPV drone struck the waters near the Ochakiv community — again, no casualties were recorded.

Explosions also reported in Kherson

Suspilne reported hearing explosions in Kherson—a city east of Mykolaiv—around 01:07, though no details on damage or casualties were available at the time. The blast might have been the activity of the Ukrainian air defenses, targeting the drones flying towards Mykolaiv.

Reduced drone numbers may hint at escalation

While the number of drones launched on 8 July was lower than during previous everyday attacks, in which Russia has used hundreds of drones, such lulls have repeatedly preceded larger combined drone and missile assaults. This pattern raises concerns that Russia may be deliberately reducing the scale of daily attacks to accumulate stock for future mass strikes.

US President Donald Trump has ordered the delivery of more weapons to Kyiv, days after the Department of Defense paused military shipments to Ukraine amid the ongoing Russian invasion of the country. The Pentagon confirmed the new deliveries, stating they were directed by Trump to ensure Ukraine can defend itself amid intensifying Russian attacks.

“We’re going to send some more weapons — we have to,” Trump says

Speaking on 7 July 2025 at the White House during a dinner with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Trump said the United States would resume arms shipments to Ukraine, according to multiple media reports.

“We’re going to send some more weapons. We have to. They have to be able to defend themselves. They’re getting hit very hard now,” Trump told reporters. “Defensive weapons, primarily, but they’re getting hit very, very hard. So many people are dying in that mess.”

Trump also expressed clear dissatisfaction with Russian President Vladimir Putin, stating,

“I’m disappointed, frankly, that President Putin hasn’t stopped. I’m not happy with President Putin at all.”

US President Trump: We're gonna to send some more weapons to Ukraine. We have to. They have to be able to defend themselves. pic.twitter.com/TiroEZwScW

— Status-6 (Military & Conflict News) (@Archer83Able) July 8, 2025

These remarks came after a phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on 4 July. According to Zelenskyy, the discussion covered Russian airstrikes and the broader front line, with the leaders agreeing to work together on strengthening Ukraine’s air defense.

“President Trump is very well-informed, and I thank him for his attention to Ukraine,” Zelenskyy said after the call.

Pentagon confirms shift: weapons to help stop the killing

Soon after Trump’s public comments, the Department of Defense issued an official statement confirming resumed military support.

“At President Trump’s direction, the Department of Defense is sending additional defensive weapons to Ukraine to ensure the Ukrainians can defend themselves while we work to secure a lasting peace and ensure the killing stops,” said Chief Pentagon Spokesman Sean Parnell.

Parnell added that the framework for evaluating global military shipments “remains in effect and is integral to our America First defense priorities” — the same justification, used earlier by the Pentagon to justify the suspension of weapon supplies.

Explore further

Forbes: Trump can’t stop the war with words — but he can with Russian money

A brief but turbulent pause in support

Trump’s promised to send more weapons to Ukraine followed a short but controversial pause in arms shipments, which had sparked backlash in Washington and among European allies. The Pentagon’s pause, initiated around 30 June, halted deliveries of air defense munitions, Patriot missile interceptors, and precision-guided artillery rounds. US officials cited concerns about allegedly declining stockpiles.

Trump had defended the pause at first, stating the US needed “to make sure we have enough for ourselves.” The White House said the decision was based on a Department of Defense review and framed it as part of the administration’s policy to prioritize US interests.

According to the New York Times and Bloomberg, the halt was ordered after a review launched by US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, following US strikes on Iranian nuclear sites. Two people familiar with the matter told the NYT that someone at the Pentagon classified weapons into categories and suspended those intended for Ukraine. Reports indicated the White House was initially unaware of the Pentagon’s decision.

Russia escalates with record air assault on Ukraine

Trump’s shift came shortly after Russia launched the largest combined drone and missile barrage of the war so far, killing at least 11 civilians and injuring over 80, including seven children, as reported by AP. The attack targeted Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities and occurred hours after Trump spoke with Putin on 3 July. Trump later told reporters he made “no progress” with the Russian leader during the call.

Similar Russian air attacks, targeting residential area in the cities far behind the frontline, occur every day. 

Explore further

Trump satisfied with Zelensky call, suggests Patriot missiles still possible for Ukraine despite deliveries halt

Pause triggered alarm in Washington and Europe

The halt in aid led to concern that Ukraine’s defenses could be weakened at a critical moment. US lawmakers from both parties, including Republican Representatives Don Bacon and Michael McCaul and Democrat Marcy Kaptur, pushed for an investigation into how the decision was made.

According to NBC News, senior military officials assessed that continuing support to Ukraine would not reduce US stockpiles below critical readiness levels. Three officials said that the Pentagon’s Joint Staff concluded that delivering the paused munitions would not jeopardize US capabilities.

Mixed messaging and internal divisions

While the White House eventually confirmed the pause publicly through Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly, Trump had remained silent until after the Russian assault and his calls with Putin and Zelenskyy. As Atlantic Council analyst John E. Herbst noted, the policy reversal highlighted tensions between factions within the administration — with figures like Hegseth and others seen as more aligned with a “restrainer” view, skeptical of continued large-scale support to Ukraine.

Trump’s ultimate decision to resume aid aligned with the positions he had expressed at the June NATO Summit in The Hague, where he voiced support for helping Ukraine acquire more Patriot systems. Ukrainian officials said they had not received formal notice of a change in aid schedules but were tracking developments closely.

Explore further

“Only Russia is friend of Russia,” says Russian general amid Trump’s peace efforts

Trump administration’s Ukraine pause exposes internal divide

The Atlantic Council’s John E. Herbst says the Pentagon’s short-lived aid pause revealed deep policy splits within Trump’s team. He noted that “administration policy on Russia and Ukraine is put together with the input of people with vastly different worldviews,” citing “restrainers” like Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and DNI Tulsi Gabbard.

Herbst suggested the pause was likely to end soon, though he warned that “restrainers are still in the game.” He contrasted the administration’s softer posture toward Russia with its assertive stance on Iran, describing it as part of a broader reluctance to challenge the Kremlin.

Looking forward

The resumption of shipments reestablishes a key supply line for Ukraine at a time of heightened Russian aggression. Though the list of weapons included in the resumed aid was not disclosed, Trump has also earlier suggested the US might sell additional Patriot missiles to Ukraine.

“They’re going to need something because they’re being hit pretty hard,” he said last week aboard Air Force One.

Read the follow-up:

WSJ: Trump blames Pentagon, not himself, for Ukraine weapons pause

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said Moscow and Budapest should “unite efforts” in defending their “compatriots” in Ukraine — a term the Kremlin uses to justify interference in foreign states. The comments appeared in an exclusive interview with Magyar Nemzet, a pro-government Hungarian newspaper, published on 7 July 2025.

Lavrov has repeatedly invoked the concept of “defending compatriots” as part of Russia’s stated goals in Ukraine. In this interview, he again mentioned it while proposing joint steps with Hungary.

Speaking to Magyar Nemzet, Lavrov said:

“Today, Russia and Hungary are openly speaking out in defense of their compatriots. We can unite our efforts in this regard,” Lavrov stated.

Lavrov blames Kyiv for alleged discriminatory policies against minorities, while Russia kills Ukrainian civilians every day

Lavrov repeated the Kremlin’s narrative that Ukrainian authorities target Russian-speaking citizens and other national communities. He said that after 2014, Ukraine ostensibly pursued policies aimed at erasing Russian language, culture, traditions, “canonical” orthodoxy—meaning Moscow’s church in Ukraine—and media.

Lavrov said Hungary is well aware of what he called the “forced Ukrainization” of minorities, including ethnic Hungarians. He stated that both Russia and Hungary are already speaking out in defense of their compatriots and proposed that the two countries unite their efforts. He presented the issue as one affecting language, identity, and rights — and as a shared cause for coordinated action.

He accused Kyiv of “destroying everything connected to Russia, Russians, and Russian-speaking people” in areas it controls. Lavrov added that other ethnic groups, including Hungarians, Romanians, Poles, Bulgarians, Greeks, Armenians, and Belarusians ostensibly “also underwent violent Ukrainization.”

Explore further

Hungary and Slovakia block new EU sanctions against Russia, Szijjártó says

Kremlin praises Hungary’s cooperation and ongoing projects

Lavrov praised Hungary’s stance toward Russia, calling it “balanced” and “pragmatic.” He noted that Hungary follows this course despite “constant pressure from NATO and the EU.”

He highlighted that “despite anti-Russian sanctions” Russian-Hungarian economic cooperation continues, including energy shipments and the Paks nuclear plant expansion. 

Lavrov reiterates demand for Ukraine’s de facto capitulation, blames NATO and Kyiv for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine

Lavrov rejected any ceasefire that would allegedly allow “Kyiv regime” (Russia’s euphemism for Ukraine to deny its sovereignty, – Ed.) to regroup, stating that Moscow seeks a “lasting peace” instead. He demanded full removal of Western sanctions, return of seized Russian assets, withdrawal of all legal claims, and Ukraine’s total demilitarization and “denazification.”

Explore further

Sanctions hit harder than bombs: Russian courts reveal systemic failure in weapons supply

He also insisted Kyiv must recognize Russia’s sovereignty over Ukraine’s Russian-occupied regions. According to him, those are Crimea, Sevastopol — a city in Crimea which Russia considers a separate entity, Donetsk and Luhansk — which Lavrov referred to as “people’s republics,” Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts. Russia does not even control in their entirety the latter four oblasts.

The Russian Foreign Minister once again repeated the Kremlin’s narrative that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was allegedly provoked by NATO’s eastward expansion and Ukraine’s pursuit of alliance membership. He also reiterated the Kremlin’s false claim that “Russians were persecuted and killed” in Ukraine following what he called the “February 2014 state coup in Kyiv.”

“After 2014, Ukrainian punitive squads killed more than ten thousand Russian and Russian-speaking Donbas residents — innocent civilians,” Lavrov stated, invoking a fabricated death toll often used in Russian propaganda without evidence.

In reality, the UN reported about 4,300 military and civilian deaths in the Donbas, with 3,404 civilian deaths.

Politico noted that Lavrov’s remarks, aimed at encouraging Hungary to more openly back Moscow, come as Russia tries to “get Budapest to more overtly support its ongoing full-scale invasion.”

Russian weapons supply failure confirmed by courts is at the center of an investigation by The Insider, which analyzed arbitration rulings involving nine defense contractors. The findings reveal that sanctions are not just symbolic—they are dismantling the Kremlin’s war machine from within.

Fake parts, failed deliveries, and smuggling schemes

In case after case, Russian manufacturers admitted they could not fulfill military contracts due to the unavailability of sanctioned components. A shipment of programmable chips from Azimut LLC to NTC Elins was rejected after the Chinese replacements failed to function with the Ministry of Defense’s software. In court, Elins declared the chips unusable, citing their incompatibility.

Zaslon JSC, tied to United Russia’s Andrei Turchak, claimed a batch of microchips delivered under contract showed signs of tampering. The company’s technical experts pointed to “numerous scratches” consistent with reballing – tampering the microchips for the reuse. The court agreed and dismissed the supplier’s claim.

Russian courts expose offshore arms trafficking routes

One lawsuit revealed that Northern Star LLC imported banned electronics via ARP Investment, a firm registered in the British Virgin Islands. The operation routed shipments from Chinese firms under European branding. The court documents directly confirmed that Northern Star was supplying these goods for Russia’s Ministry of Defense.

The choice of the BVI—a British Overseas Territory—made the scheme unusually risky. UK authorities have access to its corporate registry, which means the real beneficiaries of such supply chains can be easily identified.

Drone development stalls as local components fail

NaukaSoft was tasked with delivering a power supply for SES-7000-NS drones. The supplier couldn’t manufacture key connectors—once a Soviet strength—leading to court-ordered penalties. Without access to lighter imported equivalents, the company failed to meet even basic technical specifications.

Shipbuilding delayed by failed sonar delivery

The Amur Shipbuilding Plant sued the Priboy Plant after it failed to deliver the Zarya-2 sonar system. The system, essential to the corvettes Grozny and Bravy, relied on components banned under EU sanctions. Priboy admitted its suppliers could not fulfill the order, and its efforts to use “domestic” replacements failed when the Russian-made parts were found to contain foreign chips themselves.

Explore further

Forbes: Trump can’t stop the war with words — but he can with Russian money

Western manufacturers halt shipments after spotting deception

One legal dispute showed how a British manufacturer canceled delivery of specialized maritime communication modules after detecting at least ten conflicting orders—all designed to hide the Russian military end user.

“Since the end user of the product was the plaintiff,” the ruling states, the supplier “was unable to provide the documentation requested by the manufacturer.”

The module was for NII Elektropribor, which builds navigation and gyroscopy systems for military vessels.

Banking shutdowns block import routes in Central Asia and Türkiye

Technolink LLC’s attempts to import lab equipment were thwarted when banks in Kyrgyzstan and Türkiye closed accounts linked to suspect shipments. Courts revealed how one of the supplier’s Kyrgyz partners had its account shut down even before a contract was signed. In Türkiye, DenizBank closed accounts entirely.

Uzbek banks rejected payments based on customs commodity codes, while Kyrgyz authorities demanded import licenses. The courts ruled that these shutdowns were predictable under current sanctions conditions and rejected claims of force majeure.

Swiss sanctions freeze space systems deliveries

In another case, Russian Space Systems was left without frequency generators after Swiss company AnaPico AG halted deliveries. AnaPico’s Russian partner admitted in court it could no longer fulfill contracts after Swiss authorities intervened. Russian courts terminated the contract.

Explore further

Czechia to probe firms accused of arming Russia

Domestic replacements fall short—even when available

The Russian National Guard refused to accept an anti-drone system after the Ford Transit chassis was replaced with a GAZelle, citing contract violations. The supplier blamed foreign automakers’ exit from Russia. The court ruled that the supplier had no alternative and upheld the replacement.

Courts confirm systemic failure in Russian weapons supply

Across every case, Russian arbitration courts exposed a common thread: the country’s military industry cannot operate without sanctioned foreign tech. None of the failures involved personal sanctions—only export controls on dual-use, non-consumer goods.

The Insider’s investigation concludes that Russia’s efforts to smuggle, substitute, or manufacture its way around sanctions fail. The courts have documented the consequences: stalled ships, grounded drones, rejected deliveries, and a defense sector in crisis.

“The conclusion is clearly supported by Russian court rulings: sanctions are having a material impact on the work of Russia’s military-industrial complex,” The Insider’s investigation wrote.

Russia’s censored war death stats are drawing scrutiny just as President Vladimir Putin renews his call for more volunteer fighters. According to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), the Kremlin appears to be suppressing mortality data while stepping up patriotic messaging to offset growing problems with recruitment.

Putin leans on “mass public movement” for war support

On 6 July, Putin attended the “Everything for Victory” forum in Moscow City, hosted by the People’s Front — a state-backed coalition of non-governmental groups and political parties formed by Putin in 2011. ISW reports that the coalition is largely led by Putin’s United Russia party and has evolved into a military logistics initiative supporting Russia’s war against Ukraine.

The People’s Front has supplied over 110,000 drones and more than 14,000 vehicles to Russian forces, and its “Kulibin Club” is involved in drone and electronic warfare technology development. During his address, Putin claimed the group had grown into a “mass public movement” thanks to “the overwhelming majority of Russian citizens” who support defending “the life principles and values” passed down through generations. He also asserted that the Russian military enjoys “universal, nationwide support.”

“Putin is likely attempting to shore up public support for the People’s Front and the war to increase voluntary recruitment among Russian citizens,” ISW wrote.

ISW: Kremlin avoids mobilization to contain public backlash, relies on “crypto-mobilization”

ISW stated that Putin is likely trying to boost recruitment through patriotic messaging because the Kremlin is struggling to maintain voluntary enlistment rates. 

“ISW continues to assess that Putin remains averse to declaring another partial mobilization out of fear of domestic discontent and remains committed to promoting crypto-mobilization efforts” – unofficial and less visible recruitment efforts, according to the think tank.

Russia’s censored war death stats raise fresh alarms

While pushing for more volunteers, the Russian government has quietly erased key mortality data from public view. On 5 July, opposition outlet Meduza reported that the Russian Federal State Statistics Service (Rosstat) excluded demographic statistics from its “Socioeconomic Situation in Russia” report covering January to May 2025.

Additionally, electoral statistics researcher Dmitry Kobak said in late June that Rosstat had declined his requests for 2024 data on male excess mortality and monthly death counts by actual date of death.

ISW previously assessed that Rosstat is concealing population data “likely also aims to obscure the Russian military’s high personnel loss rates.” 

Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy reported that over the past week, Russia launched around 1,270 attack drones, 39 missiles, and nearly 1,000 guided aerial bombs. He shared the update on 7 July, emphasizing the ongoing threat to civilians and the need for air defense.

According to Zelenskyy, Russia launched 101 drones overnight on 7 July alone. Most were Iranian-designed Shaheds—long-range explosive drones. The drones targeted multiple oblasts, and air raid alerts resumed in the morning across several cities.

Zelenskyy calls for air defense and expands drone production

Zelenskyy said Ukraine depends on its partners to fulfill air defense agreements.

“Air defense is key to protecting life,” he noted.

He also confirmed that Ukraine is actively advancing its own weapons production, including all types of drones. Interceptor drones were described as a key priority.

“We are contracting at maximum capacity,” he said.

Updates on last night’s Russian drone strikes

As we reported earlier, in Kharkiv alone, Russian attacks injured 27 people, including three children. A three-year-old girl was among the injured. Three individuals required hospitalization.

Read our morning report:

Drone flames in Kharkiv, missile blasts in Chuhuiv, shell in Kherson—Russia kills 13, injures 67

Russia attacked Kharkiv twice on the morning of 7 July. The first strike occurred at 05:20 and injured 29 people, including children aged 3, 7, and 11.

A second wave of Russian drone strikes followed at 10:22, hitting the Holodnohirskyi district. Residential houses, outbuildings, and transport infrastructure were destroyed. Eleven more people were reported injured in the second attack.

In Zaporizhzhia, at least 11 people were injured during the Russian drone strikes. The drones hit Zaporizhzhia Polytechnic University, damaging dormitories, apartment buildings, detached houses, and non-residential infrastructure.

According to the Ukrainian Ground Forces, military draft offices in Kharkiv and Zaporizhzhia were also hit during the 7 July drone attacks. Several military personnel sustained injuries.

On 7 July, Ukraine’s military intelligence released a Russian general’s telegram ordering a reinforcement of troops at the Russian base in Gyumri, Armenia—directly contradicting Yerevan’s public denial of the Russian military buildup the day before.

Armenia says no troop increase—Ukraine shows otherwise

On 6 July, Armenian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Ani Badalyan dismissed Ukraine’s earlier claims of a Russian troop buildup, calling the information false.

The statement emphasized Armenia’s “principled position” against allowing third countries to use its territory for hostilities against neighbors. Yerevan insisted Russia was not increasing its military presence on Armenian soil.

Badalyan referred to the Ukrainian intelligence earlier statement as “certain fabricated reports.” 

Not so fabricated: Leaked Russian document reveals troop selection and deployment

Ukraine’s Main Directorate of Intelligence (HUR) responded on 7 July by publishing a telegram from Major General Serhii Zemskov, acting chief of staff of Russia’s Southern Military District. The document contains an explicit order from the district’s commander to “reinforce” the Russian military base in Gyumri via what is described as “additional staffing.”

The order directs commanders to urgently select personnel from four armies—namely, the 8th, 18th, 49th, and 58th general armies of the Southern Military District—for future deployment. The timeframe for selecting candidates was from 13 May to 11 June 2025. Those chosen would then sign their first contracts and be dispatched to the base in Armenia for service.

Strict screening and recruitment criteria set for candidates

The leaked telegram instructs commanders to facilitate the selection process. It outlines specific criteria for professional fitness, psychological resilience, and combat readiness. The order explicitly bans the recruitment of individuals involved in drug trafficking or the distribution of psychotropic substances.

HUR’s initial report

The Ukrainian intelligence’s original report, issued on 5 July, stated that Russia was rapidly staffing its Gyumri base to increase military-political pressure on the South Caucasus. According to HUR, the effort is part of a broader Kremlin strategy aimed at global destabilization. The initial report said that troops were being recruited from Rostov and Volgograd oblasts, as well as from occupied Crimea.

HUR spokesperson Andrii Yusov described the deployment as one piece of a broader plan:

“The deployment of Russian troops in Armenia is part of a complex Kremlin strategy aimed at destabilizing the global security situation.”

Gyumri base

The Russian base in Gyumri, known as the 102nd military base, is the largest Russian military facility in the South Caucasus. As of now, it hosts around 5,000 personnel—approximately 2,500 Russians and 2,000 Armenians. The base includes MiG-29 fighter jets and S-300 air defense systems and was established in 1995 under an agreement between Moscow and Yerevan that runs until 2044.

Ukraine hits a Russian ammunition supply-chain plant near Moscow in a deep drone strike inside Russia on 7 July. Russia’s Ministry of Defense claimed it downed 91 drones, including eight over Moscow Oblast. Despite those claims, residents of Krasnozavodsk and Sergiev Posad in the region reported about ten loud explosions.

Strategic ammo supply plant targeted

The locals told the Russian pro-Kremlin Telegram channel Shot that drones flew low before the blasts. Locals believe the Krasnozavodsky Chemical Plant was the target. Another Russian Telegram channel, Astra, confirmed reports from local chats in Krasnozavodsk, where users described an attack on the chemical plant. Russian authorities have not officially confirmed any damage.

Ukrainian channel Exilenova+ shared footage of the attack and also confirmed that Ukrainian drones hit the Krasnozavodsky Chemical Plant. The channel geolocated multiple impact points within the facility and concluded that the strike targeted several areas of the plant.

Ukraine hits Russian ammunition supply plant near Moscow in deep drone strike

Locals heard about 10 blasts. The Krasnozavodsk chemical plant is linked to Grad, Uragan, and Tornado-G rocket systems.

Read more: https://t.co/zYhmeFmMAx pic.twitter.com/xbvJ11EnqC

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 7, 2025

Andrii Kovalenko from Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council also confirmed the same target, saying the plant produces explosive materials, powder, and components for missiles and munitions.

Exilenova+ added that the plant supplies Russia’s Ministry of Defense with munitions like signal cartridges, anti-tank missile igniters, detonators, thermite blocks, and explosive charges.

Facility linked to rocket launcher systems

According to the same source, the plant repairs and modernizes Russia’s multiple rocket launchers, including Uragan, Grad, and Tornado-G. As of 2023–2024, it had assembled and upgraded full systems and their parts.

One of the drone strikes likely hit a newer workshop, Exilenova+ reported, noting that the factory plays a critical role in maintaining Russia’s artillery capabilities.

FP-1 drone used in deep-strike mission

Exilenova+ stated that Ukraine used FP-1 drones in the strike. The drone reportedly carries a larger warhead—than Liutyi, usually used in such attacks—and may now be in serial production. The channel called the attack “great news,” highlighting the FP-1 as a powerful addition to Ukraine’s long-range strike capability.

Russia’s claims

The Russian Ministry of Defense claimed drones were also shot down not only in Moscow Oblast, but also over many other oblasts. According to their data, 20 drones flew over Belgorod Oblast, 14 over Kursk, and 9 over Lipetsk. Eight were reported over both Bryansk and Voronezh oblasts, and seven over the Black Sea. Three drones each appeared over Novgorod, Tver, Tambov, and Leningrad oblasts. Two more were intercepted over Oryol Oblast, and one each over Vladimir Oblast, Krasnodar Krai, and occupied Crimea.

Russia kills 13, injures 67 in Ukraine as its forces launched sweeping air and ground attacks on civilian areas across at least nine oblasts overnight, according to reports from local administrations. Drones, missiles, artillery, and guided bombs hit cities, villages, homes, schools, farms, and shops—leaving behind a trail of dead, injured, and destroyed infrastructure.

Kharkiv: Explosive drones hit homes and schools, injure 27, other attacks injure five others

In Kharkiv, Russian drones struck the Shevchenkivskyi and Slobidskyi districts around 05:30 on 7 July, hitting high-rise buildings, schools, and a kindergarten. As of 07:50, 27 civilians were confirmed injured, including three children aged 3, 7, and 11, according to Kharkiv Oblast head Oleh Syniehubov and city mayor Ihor Terekhov. An eighth-floor apartment caught fire. A shop and other civilian buildings also suffered significant damage. Syniehubov said Russia used four Shahed explosive drones in the attack.

The broader regional figure includes three civilians injured in Kupiansk—a 73-year-old woman, a 67-year-old woman, and a 56-year-old man. In the village of Ternova, part of Lypetska community, an explosion from an unknown device injured two men aged 68 and 75.

Additionally, Suspilne reported two explosions this morning in the Chuhuiv community, Kharkiv Oblast. Syniehubov later confirmed that two Russian missile strikes hit the area, damaging civilian infrastructure. The full extent of damage was still being assessed.

Odesa: One killed in nighttime strike

In Odesa, a Russian Shahed drone attack killed one person and damaged garages, a car service building, and vehicles, according to regional authorities. 

Donetsk Oblast: Seven civilians killed in one day

According to Donetsk Oblast Military Administration, Russian forces killed seven civilians on 6 July—four in Kostiantynivka, two in Druzhkivka, and one in Novohryhorivka. Another 15 people were wounded in the oblast the same day.

Kherson: Drone kills driver, previous attacks kill two other civilians

The Kherson Oblast Military Administration says that between 06:00 on 6 July and 06:00 on 7 July, Russian aggression killed 2 civilians and injured 9 others across the oblast. 

Later this morning, Russian forces launched new attacks, killing another civilian and injuring two more.

A Russian drone strike hit a tractor near Beryslav, killing the driver on the spot, the regional prosecutor’s office said. In a separate artillery attack on a residential house in Nadezhdivka, Bilozerska community, a 19-year-old man and a 67-year-old woman were wounded. According to the Oblast Military Administration, both sustained explosive injuries and contusions; the man also suffered shrapnel wounds to the back and leg.

Sumy: FPV drones kill two

The Sumy Oblast Military Administration reported that nearly 90 Russian strikes hit 38 settlements between 6 and 7 July. In Sumy community, two civilians were killed and one injured in Russian FPV drone strikes. Another person was injured in Khotinska community.

The attacks reportedly included 30 VOG munition drops from drones, 20 KAB bomb strikes, and missile attacks.

Dnipro: Five wounded, school set ablaze

Dnipropetrovsk Oblast head Serhii Lysak said five civilians were injured overnight. In Nikopol and Marhanets communities, Russia’s artillery and drone attacks injured a 66-year-old woman and a 73-year-old man. Two one-family homes were damaged, and a fire broke out in a preparatory school. In Malomykhailivska community, three more civilians—a woman and two men—were injured, and fires were reported in homes and a dining hall.

Zaporizhzhia: Hundreds of drone and artillery strikes

The Zaporizhzhia Oblast Military Administration reported that Russian forces used 378 drones—mostly FPV—to attack multiple towns, including Huliaipole, Kamyanske, and Mala Tokmachka.

Two civilians were injured in Vasylivskyi and Polohy districts. The oblast also saw six airstrikes, 152 artillery attacks, and MLRS fire.

Read the follow-up:

Russia floods Ukraine with 1,270 drones and nearly 1,000 bombs in a week—“We need air defense now,” Zelenskyy says

Russian airports crippled by airspace threat canceled 171 flights in Moscow alone. Operations in five other cities were suspended entirely. The Russian Federal Air Transport Agency (Rosaviatsia) said that “external interference” disrupted airport functions. Authorities cited safety as the reason for halting air traffic. It is unclear, if the airports have been under a cyberattack or the agency just uses the vague language to describe Ukrainian drones in the airspace.

Sheremetyevo, Moscow’s main airport and Russia’s largest, suffered the largest collapse. As of 18:00 Moscow time on 6 July, 171 flights were canceled. Another 56 flights faced delays exceeding two hours, according to Rosaviatsia.

Around 15,000 passengers were preparing for departure at Sheremetyevo. They waited in crowded terminals as staff worked to stabilize operations.

St. Petersburg and Nizhny Novgorod airports crippled too

Pulkovo airport in St. Petersburg also faced major disruptions. According to Rosaviatsia, 90 flights were canceled and 37 delayed by over two hours.

Officials restricted access to the clean zone at Pulkovo. They aimed to reduce passenger congestion during the shutdown.

The Nizhny Novgorod Chkalov airport saw the most prolonged disruption. Authorities canceled 26 flights and delayed 13 others. Staff at Chkalov increased shift capacity to speed up boarding and baggage handling.

Smaller Russian cities halt airport activity completely

Airports in Ivanovo (Yuzhny), Kaluga (Grabtsevo), Pskov, and Tambov (Donskoye) stopped all flight services. Rosaviatsia said these closures were due to “periodic interference” from outside. All five airports had no incoming or outgoing flights. 

Authorities claim the situation is stable and controllable, use trains as fallback

Rosaviatsia claimed the situation was under control. The agency stated that Russia’s aviation system had “enough resources” to manage disruptions.

Russia’s Deputy Transport Minister Vladimir Poteshkin visited Sheremetyevo twice that day. He checked airline operations and crowd control measures.

Rail routes between major cities began to absorb stranded travelers. Authorities claimed over 8,000 train seats were available between St. Petersburg and Moscow from 6 to 8 July.

Trump can make Russia pay — not by deploying troops, but by taking action with what’s already in US hands. As detailed in a Forbes op-ed by Andy J. Semotiuk, after President Trump’s recent phone call with Vladimir Putin, the Kremlin rejected any peace and resumed bombing Ukraine.

Reports indicated that Russia launched nearly 5,500 missiles and rockets in June 2025 alone. Up to 1,000 drone strikes per day could hit Ukraine in August.

Even as the West backs Ukraine militarily, it continues buying Russian oil and gas — channeling far more money into Putin’s war machine than it sends to Ukraine, Forbes says. Since February 2022, Western energy payments have tripled the aid given to Kyiv. Russia, meanwhile, has inflicted over $552 billion in theft and destruction — looting grain, steel, industrial equipment, and flattening critical infrastructure.

Russia’s looting campaign has cost Ukraine over half a trillion dollars

According to Forbes, Russia has inflicted more than $552 billion in theft and destruction across Ukraine — seizing over 1,150 companies, looting grain and steel, and devastating infrastructure. These losses underscore the scale of Moscow’s economic war alongside its military one.

Forbes: Trump can’t stop the war with words — but he can with Russian money

Frozen Kremlin assets can fund Ukraine’s defense

Semotiuk notes that $330 billion in frozen Russian sovereign funds are sitting untouched in Western banks. Trump can make Russia pay by leading a legal effort to seize those funds — a move with precedent, as the US has done with Iraq and Afghanistan. That money alone could cover Ukraine’s defense and reconstruction for three years. Acting swiftly would likely push allies like Canada, the UK, and EU states to follow.

Historian Timothy Ash, quoted in the op-ed, estimates Ukraine needs $150 billion annually to secure victory. If it loses, NATO could face over $4.5 trillion in defense spending within a decade. Mass refugee waves, destabilized markets, and aggressive moves by China or North Korea would likely follow. Funding Ukraine now prevents far greater costs later — both financial and strategic.

Shift energy policy to isolate Russia and protect US interests

Semotiuk argues that supporting Ukraine also means cutting off Russia’s revenue stream. The US and its allies — especially Canada — have the capacity to replace Russian energy in global markets. That would boost Western economies and deny Putin the cash to wage war. Countries still purchasing Russian oil — including China, India, Türkiye, Brazil, and several EU members — should face strict US sanctions.

Ukraine has earned America’s support — and needs it now

For over 30 years, Ukraine has supported every major US military operation. In return, Washington pledged protection in the 1994 Budapest Memorandum, when Ukraine gave up its nuclear arsenal. Turning away now, Semotiuk warns, would shatter US credibility.

The op-ed notes that Ukraine has already inflicted immense damage on Russia’s military: over a million troops dead or wounded, the Black Sea Fleet decimated, and weapons facilities under constant attack. All without a single American soldier on the battlefield.

The Odesa car bombing suspect, a 22-year-old man, was arrested on 5 July 2025 by the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) and the National Police, the same day the explosion seriously injured a local man. Odesa is the local capital in southern Ukraine on the Black Sea coast.

Explosive detonated under parked car in Odesa’s Kyivskyi District

According to the SBU, the suspect, a previously convicted resident of Zaporizhzhia, planted a pre-prepared homemade explosive device under a vehicle. His handler from Russian special services selected the targeted car. The bombing took place in the morning of 5 July on Varna Street in the Kyivskyi District of Odesa.

The SBU states the Odesa car bombing suspect acted on instructions from Russian handlers who coordinated the attack remotely. The Russians reportedly recruited the man through Telegram channels. SBU says he acted on direct instructions from Russian intelligence. To transmit the explosion to his handlers in real time, the suspect installed a remotely-accessed smartphone facing the bombing site.

Civilian seriously injured in the explosion

Suspilne reported shortly after the attack that the blast seriously injured a local man, who was hospitalized with heavy bodily injuries. His car, under which the explosive was planted, was completely destroyed.

This comes amid the daily Russian drone and missile strikes, often targeting Odesa. Nearby residents told Suspilne that the explosion, which occurred without any air raid alert, also damaged windows in adjacent residential buildings.

A local resident said,

“I heard a strong explosion. I looked outside and saw smoke. We helped him—he was alive but in shock.”

According to witnesses, the blast occurred around 09:00.

SBU captures Odesa car bombing suspect as he tries to flee after the attack, the man faces terrorism charges

The SBU reports that following the detonation, the suspect attempted to leave Odesa Oblast, hoping to go into hiding. However, SBU officers and the National Police detained him “hot on the trail” later that same day, 5 July 2025.

The man has been formally notified of suspicion under the Criminal Cde’s Part 2 of Article 258—committing a terrorist act. He faces up to 12 years in prison. The SBU says pre-trial investigative actions are ongoing, and efforts are underway to establish all the circumstances of the crime.

Last night’s Russian drone assault injured at least nine civilians. The injured included the elderly and the young across Kyiv, Kharkiv, Mykolaiv, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts overnight 6 July 2025. Residential buildings, a kindergarten, vehicles, garages, and power lines were among the affected targets. Additionally, Russia targeted another military draft office.

According to Ukraine’s Air Force, more than 150 drones were launched from Russian territory and temporarily occupied Crimea. Ukrainian air defenses neutralized 3/4 of them. 

In Kyiv Oblast, kindergartens and homes hit, elderly woman trapped under rubble

Kyiv Oblast’s Vyshhorod district faced widespread destruction as Shahed drones damaged multiple apartment buildings, six detached homes, and a preschool. Local authorities reported that windows and doors were shattered, facades were punctured, and outbuildings were set on fire.

In Novi Petrivtsi, a Russian drone strike destroyed the home of Nina Ivanivna, a disabled 87-year-old woman.

“They pulled me out of bed… I can barely move. So they carried me out on a stretcher, out into the street,” the woman told Suspilne.

Rescuers managed to evacuate her from under rubble.

In total, four people were injured in Kyiv Oblast, including a 35-year-old man with shrapnel wounds and two elderly residents — a 75-year-old man and a 79-year-old woman — both suffering acute stress reactions, local officials said.

In Kharkiv, toddler and woman injured in nighttime attack

Kharkiv experienced drone explosions across at least three city districts — Shevchenkivskyi, Kyivskyi, and Novobavarskyi — starting at 01:06 on 6 July 2025. Authorities confirmed injuries to a 46-year-old woman hit by flying glass and a girl initially reported as 2.8 months old but later clarified to be two years old. Both suffered stress-related symptoms, according to Kharkiv Oblast head Oleh Syniehubov.

The drone assault damaged 14 residential buildings, a sports complex, a dental clinic, two shops, a café, and multiple civilian vehicles.

In Mykolaiv, Russian drone assault injures two civilians

In Mykolaiv, Russian drones struck the city during the morning hours, injuring two people. According to Mayor Oleksandr Sienkevych and Oblast head Vitalii Kim, a 31-year-old woman was hospitalized in moderate condition, and a 35-year-old man received medical assistance on site.

At least ten residential buildings were damaged, along with a bank and a food establishment. The attack also affected port infrastructure and warehouse buildings, causing damage to power grids. In Koblevo’s Rybakivka village, 13 one-family homes and several resort buildings were hit, including a post office and a store. Fires broke out but were extinguished by emergency services.

Zaporizhzhia: 90 or nearly 90-year-old woman injured

In the Zaporizhzhia Oblast, six Shahed drones struck various targets, destroying a home, outbuildings, and damaging a business, farm, and storage facilities. Fires spread over 1,000 square meters, according to the State Emergency Service.

Officials reported that an elderly woman was injured during a strike on the village of Yurivka. Different sources listed her age as either 89 or 90. She received medical care after suffering injuries in the destroyed residential area.

Russia strikes another Ukrainian enlistment center

In addition to targeting homes and civilians, Russia continued its apparent pattern of attacking military recruitment infrastructure. On 6 July 2025, a Russian drone hit the district territorial enlistment center in Kremenchuk, according to Ukraine’s Ground Forces cited by Suspilne. No casualties were reported, but the impact damaged the draft office and a nearby residential building.

This was the third such attack in one week. On 3 July, drones struck recruitment buildings in Poltava, killing two and injuring over 50. On 30 June, a drone exploded near a draft center in Kryvyi Rih. 

Air Force response and ongoing threat

Ukraine’s Air Force reported that overnight on 6 July 2025, beginning at 20:30 on 5 July, Russian forces launched a combined attack consisting of four S-300 surface-to-air ballistic missiles from Kursk Oblast and 157 strike UAVs — mainly Shahed-type drones and decoy drones — from multiple locations, including Shatalovo, Millerovo, and Primorsko-Akhtarsk in Russia, as well as Hvardiiske and Chauda in occupied Crimea.

Of the 157 drones launched, 117 were neutralized: 98 shot down by air defenses and 19 suppressed or lost due to electronic warfare. Drone impacts were confirmed in 19 locations across northern, eastern, central, and southern Ukraine. Debris from downed drones also fell on two additional sites.

The Air Force’s summary did not mention two Kinzhal ballistic missiles launched the previous day. No casualties or damage were reported from those strikes, but it remains unclear whether the missiles were intercepted or missed their targets.

“Let’s hold the sky! Together — until victory!” the Air Force wrote on its official Telegram channel.

Update 17:00:

As of 15:00, Russian drone attacks killed one person and injured five others in Kherson Oblast, the local military administration reported. Additional strikes injured one man in Sumy Oblast and another in Zaporizhzhia.

Authorities confirmed that on 5 July, a Russian drone struck a car carrying a displaced family near the village of Odnorobivka, Kharkiv Oblast, just 8 km from the Russian border. An eight-year-old boy was killed. His four-year-old brother sustained severe injuries, their father was moderately wounded, and the mother suffered an acute stress reaction, according to Zolochiv hromada head Viktor Kovalenko. The family had previously relocated from nearby Stohniï during the early days of Russia’s full-scale invasion and were visiting relatives when the attack occurred. The injured child and father were hospitalized in Kharkiv.

Russia seeks to retake Lyman in northern Donetsk Oblast, where it briefly established control in 2022, but Ukrainian forces say their defense remains solid and enemy advances are slow and costly. Offensives in the Lyman sector are part of Russia’s broader supporting efforts, secondary to its main operations in western Donetsk Oblast.

Ukrainian officer describes Russian tactics near Lyman

On 5 July, Maksym Bilousov, head of communications at the Ukrainian Army’s 60th Separate Mechanized Inhulets Brigade, told Suspilne that Russian troops are attempting to exploit any opportunity to break through Ukrainian lines near Lyman. He said Moscow’s goal is to seize the key city it occupied for nearly five months in 2022 at the early stages of the full-scale invasion.

“They push into any opening that appears by chance. Their goal is to capture Lyman, which they already took in 2022, but was later liberated by our Defense Forces,” Bilousov stated during the Suspilne.Studio broadcast.

Bilousov explained that while some Russian progress exists, it’s slow and demands substantial effort.

“Progress does exist, but it’s extremely slow. They spend so much time and so many resources to achieve even that,” he said. “We don’t currently see a threat to Lyman of such scale that would require sounding the alarm.”

He acknowledged that the situation remains difficult:

“Of course it’s hard, and there are a lot of them. But Ukrainian fighters are well-trained and hold the line.”

Lyman residents remain in city as tensions rise

Despite the renewed Russian push, thousands of civilians still live in the affected area. According to local authorities cited by Suspilne Donbas, as of 7 June, the Lyman hromada (community) remained home to 7,233 people, including 3,800 in the city of Lyman itself. The community also includes 168 children.

Lyman under occupation in 2022

Russia first captured Lyman early in the full-scale invasion, maintaining control for nearly five months. Ukrainian forces liberated the city on 1 October 2022 as part of the counteroffensive that followed gains in Kharkiv Oblast. 

The city’s strategic location near the northern edge of Donetsk Oblast has made it a recurring flashpoint in the war.

If NATO fails to boost its deterrent capabilities, Russia may invade Estonia within 5-7 years, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte said in a 5 July 2025 interview with The New York Times. The NATO chief warned that despite no immediate danger, the Kremlin might strike in the future unless the alliance accelerates defense investment and coordination.

Russia’s military buildup fuels concern

In the NYT interview, Rutte cited Russia’s rapid rearmament as a central concern, noting that “Russia is reconstituting itself at a pace and a speed which is unparalleled in recent history.” According to him, Moscow now produces three times more ammunition in three months than all of NATO does in a year. He said this buildup, supported by cooperation with North Korea, Iran, and China, threatens not only Ukraine but also broader European security.

Baltic states in focus after Estonia drill

His comments followed a New Yorker article describing NATO training exercises in Estonia, which revealed that Estonian forces lacked critical defense capabilities such as air power and naval strength. Rutte acknowledged the findings but insisted Estonia would not face an invasion today because “our reaction will be devastating.” However, he warned that without significant increases in defense investment, that calculus might change within years.

Explore further

NATO chief says Ukraine “cannot do without” US aid as Pentagon suspends deliveries

Washington remains committed to NATO Article 5, Rutte believes

Rutte emphasized that the United States would fully support Estonia if attacked. “One hundred percent,” he said, adding that his discussions with the Trump administration confirmed total US commitment to NATO and Article 5. He dismissed the notion that America is retreating from Europe, instead arguing that Washington expects Europeans to shoulder more of the burden while shifting focus toward the Indo-Pacific.

Deterrence and readiness depend on industry and manpower

Rutte highlighted a growing concern about Europe’s defense industry and personnel shortages. “We simply lack the defense industrial base to produce the weapons we need,” he said, stressing that funding must translate into operational capability. He refrained from prescribing conscription but suggested higher salaries and national decisions could address the manpower gap.

Although questions remain about democratic cohesion within NATO, Rutte avoided commenting on the internal politics of member states like Türkiye, the US under Trump, or pro-Russian Hungary. Instead, he insisted that NATO remains “stronger and more united than ever in recent history.”

Explore further

Inside Russia’s secret digital war on NATO’s logistics lifeline to Ukraine

Looking ahead: Investment or vulnerability

Rutte warned that if NATO fails to follow through on its commitments, countries like Estonia could face existential threats in the near future.

“If we don’t [invest], we’ll have to learn Russian,” he said.

For now, he remains confident that NATO’s deterrence, especially with US backing, is strong—but the clock is ticking.

Russian forces are advancing northeast of Pokrovsk and may be preparing a wider push toward Dobropillia, aiming to bypass Ukraine’s heavily fortified “fortress belt” in Donetsk Oblast from the west. The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 5 July disclosed the Russian news envelopment strategy near the fortress belt, saying that recent gains and troop movements indicate a renewed focus on partial envelopment tactics rather than direct assaults on fortified positions.

Envelopment strategy: Tactical focus on Dobropillya and Rodynske

ISW noted in its 5 July 2025 assessment that Russian troops had recently taken Koptieve and Shevchenko Pershe and advanced into southeastern Razine, northeast of Pokrovsk. These gains support a broader objective: enveloping Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad from multiple directions “to force Ukrainian withdrawals” without a frontal assault on Ukraine’s main defense line, based on Russia’s operational patterns showed in its in previous seizures of cities in the region.

“The Russian military command is likely implementing the same doctrinal method used to seize Avdiivka and Vuhledar in its attempts to seize Pokrovsk and possibly Ukraine’s fortress belt,” ISW wrote.

Ukrainian Commander-in-Chief General Oleksandr Syrskyi confirmed on 28 June that Russian forces are actively attacking in the “Dobropillya direction.” Units involved include the Russian 68th Army Corps and two divisions from the 8th Combined Arms Army.

Combat elements of the Russian 39th and 150th Motorized Rifle units, having operated in the Pokrovsk area since spring 2025, recently advanced near Novotoretske and Novoekonomichne. They previously seized Malynivka and now hold Koptieve. Meanwhile, elements from the 110th Motorized Rifle Brigade are also active northeast of Pokrovsk.

Explore further

Videos show Russian ammo stockpile spectacularly destroyed in occupied Donetsk Oblast’s Khartsyzk

Struggles in other sectors push tactical adaptation

ISW says Russian forces have struggled to break Ukrainian lines southeast and southwest of Pokrovsk since early 2025, especially under drone fire. Instead of launching high-risk penetrations, Russia now appears to be prioritizing slow advances toward Rodynske and Dobropillia to exert pressure on the fortress belt from the west, which supports the idea that the Russians are imposing the new – envelopment – strategy near the fortress belt. Ukrainian artillery units report repeated attacks in areas such as Malynivka, Novoolenivka, and Popiv Yar — all northeast of Pokrovsk.

Explore further

Russian battlefield gains expected after US aid pause, ISW warns

A Ukrainian National Guard commander stated on 5 July that Russian forces are using motorcycles and buggies to conduct assaults. Russian milbloggers reported that Kremlin forces have tried to disrupt Ukrainian logistics by damaging a bridge near Shakhove and targeting ground lines near Udachne and Kotlyne.

Possible long-term operation west of the fortress belt

Further Russian moves toward Dobropillia would suggest an effort to develop a salient bypassing Ukraine’s fortress belt from the west. To sustain such a position, Russian forces would need to secure settlements along the Pokrovsk-Oleksandrivka line and ensure supply over the Kazenyi Torets River — a task complicated by uncertain river conditions and Ukrainian resistance.

“Such an operation would likely be a multi-year effort with significant personnel losses and hard-fought gains, although Russian forces have proven willing to undertake such long-term operations,” ISW wrote.

ISW assesses that the Russian command may be adapting its original strategy for a direct assault against Kostiantynivka and instead pursuing operations to envelop the fortress belt through attritional advances. However, the success of this approach remains uncertain given the apparent exhaustion of Russian units after over a year of sustained operations in the area.

In the evening of 5 July, Russia launched two Kh-47M2 Kinzhal air-launched ballistic missiles targeting Ukraine’s Khmelnytskyi Oblast. The missiles, launched from a MiG-31K jet, caused explosions in the region but resulted in no damage or casualties, the Oblast Military Administration confirmed later the same day.

Missiles launched amid nationwide air raid alert

Ukrainian airspace monitoring channels reported the detection of Russian MiG-31K aircraft — Russia’s only Kinzhal carrier — at around 17:30. The alert triggered air raid warnings across the country.

Minutes later, at approximately 17:35 and 17:45, Ukrainian airspace monitoring channels reported the launch of two Kh-47M2 Kinzhal missiles.

According to Khmelnytskyi Oblast Military Administration chief Serhii Tiurin’s report at about 21:00, two Russian missiles caused no injuries or infrastructure damage. In a Telegram statement, Tiurin wrote:

“Today, during the air raid alert from 17:35 to 18:14, there was a Russian attack. Fortunately, there are no consequences — no casualties or destruction.”

The official did not specify if the Kinzhals missed their targets or were shot down.

Another take-off of the MiG-31K in Russia triggered one more all-Ukraine air raid alert at around 21:40, yet there were no launches.

On the morning of the same day – overnight on 4-5 July, Russia had already launched a massive drone assault on the same region, aiming again at Starokostiantyniv. Ukrainian air defenses intercepted 42 Shahed drones during that attack, as reported by national outlets.

Starokostiantyniv base remains key Russian target

The Ukrainian airfield in Starokostiantyniv, Khmelnytskyi Oblast, remains one of Russia’s persistent targets. Since the beginning of the full-scale invasion in 2022, Russian forces have repeatedly attacked the base with drones, cruise missiles, and hypersonic Kinzhals.

The apparent target of the 5 July missile attack was the Starokostiantyniv air base, known as the Kanatove Airdrome, home to Ukraine’s 7th Tactical Aviation Brigade, which operates Su-24M and Su-24MR bombers. Located in Khmelnytskyi Oblast, the base has frequently come under attack during Russia’s ongoing war against Ukraine. 

Kinzhal performance doubts

The Kh-47M2 Kinzhal missile, touted by Russia as an unstoppable hypersonic weapon capable of speeds up to Mach 10, has seen repeated deployment in the Russo-Ukrainian war. First used in 2022, it was successfully intercepted for the first time in May 2023 following the deployment of MIM-104 Patriot systems. Ukrainian Patriot operators reported that the missile’s actual speed was closer to Mach 3.6 — much lower than Russian claims. Additionally, the Ukrainian military has stated that Kinzhal missiles often suffer from poor targeting accuracy, frequently missing intended targets.

A Ukrainian attack on 4 July targeted a key Russian defense facility in the city of Azov, Rostov Oblast, about 200 km from the frontline. The Azov Optic-Mechanical Plant, which manufactures critical electronic components for Russian missiles and armored vehicles, was hit by multiple drones in a bold daylight assault. The extent of the damage is currently unknown.

Morning drone strike hits Azov military facility

According to Militarnyi, the attack occurred on the morning of 4 July when Ukrainian strike drones launched an assault on the Azov Optic-Mechanical Plant, part of Russia’s Tactical Missile Armament Corporation.

Social media footage showed fixed-wing UAVs diving toward the site, followed by explosions and visible smoke. One of the drones bore a delta-wing “Shahed-like” structure, suggesting the use of an unknown new UAV model.

The original Shaheds are Iranian-designed long-range explosive drones that Russia uses in its daily attacks on Ukrainian cities. They are easily recognizable by their rounded nose and triangular, delta-shaped wings.

Witness footage and drone type

Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ posted an image, showing a delta-wing drone with the caption:

“Rostov. Likely a new UAV from Ukraine’s Defense Forces.”

Later, the same channel shared videos capturing different UAV types, including a well-known Ukrainian drone and a delta-wing aircraft believed to be a new model.

“Azov was attacked by several types of birds,” Exilenova+ commented. “We see an FP-1 pass over, and then, probably, the strike of that same ‘new’ drone.”

Militarnyi noted that “Delta-wing drones are fairly common, but they are rarely used by those attacking the aggressor country. What specific model was used remains unknown at this time.”

At least 10 drones

Russian authorities initially claimed their air defense forces intercepted the drones. Russian Telegram channel Astra reported that at least ten UAVs or their debris “fell” on the factory grounds. The local emergency services confirmed the site was impacted on 4 July.

Yury Slyusar, acting governor of Rostov Oblast, stated that evacuation efforts were underway due to widespread damage from UAV debris, claiming that the attack damaged residential buildings. While initial reports suggested no injuries, Slyusar had also stated that one woman killed in the overnight attack.

The Russian Ministry of Defense claimed  that air defenses downed 26 drones over Rostov Oblast overnight on 4 July. In Shakhty, a UAV strike allegedly caused a transformer substation to shut down, leaving around 2,000 homes — with more than 6,000 residents — without power. Buildings near the substation also suffered window damage.

Explore further

Ukrainian drones strike Russian plant making Shahed warheads near Moscow

Targeted facility and its military role

The Azov Optic-Mechanical Plant is a core producer of high-precision electronics, optical, and thermal imaging equipment for Russia’s military. As detailed by Exilenova+, it manufactures lenses, prisms, radar homing heads, and control systems used in tanks, infantry fighting vehicles, naval systems, and aircraft.

Ukraine’s Center for Countering Disinformation, under the National Security and Defense Council, confirmed the strike. Its head, Andrii Kovalenko, emphasized that the plant produces “eyes” for Russian military hardware, including fire control systems and rangefinders. He stated,

“Despite a difficult night (a reference to Russia’s massive missile and drone attack on Kyiv, – Ed.), there is good news. In Russia, targets were hit in Moscow and Rostov oblasts. The Azov Optic-Mechanical Plant was struck.”

The facility has been under US sanctions since March 2022 due to its role in the Russian war effort. It is also sanctioned by Canada, Switzerland, the European Union, New Zealand, and Ukraine. The Ukrainian Defense Intelligence’s War & Sanctions project has identified foreign-origin components at the site, including machinery from Taiwan, South Korea, and Switzerland.

Czech counterintelligence will investigate domestic companies allegedly involved in exporting machinery to Russia for weapons manufacturing. The Czech Security Information Service (BIS) says it will act once official information is provided, according to iRozhlas.

On 21 June, Zelenskyy told reporters that Russia continues receiving machine tools from foreign companies, including eight based in the Czech Republic. He said these tools are used for weapons manufacturing. Though he withheld specific names, Zelenskyy stated he knows the companies involved and urged sanctions against them.

BIS awaits official list, doubts direct Czech exports

BIS spokesperson Ladislav Šticha told iRozhlas that Czech authorities have yet to receive any official list of the companies Zelenskyy mentioned.

“It is therefore very difficult to comment on which companies and goods are involved,” Šticha stated.

Explore further

Czech firms secretly shipped machine tools to Russia — even during war, investigation finds

According to him, hundreds of companies are attempting to export to Russia. Šticha added that many of the now-embargoed items were exported before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, when such trade was still legal.

BIS believes it is “almost certain” none of the cases involve direct exports from the Czech Republic to Russia, as such transfers require a license and could not legally cross borders otherwise.

Third-country reexports suspected

Šticha suggested that it could be goods delivered legally before 2022 or re-exported via other countries. In some cases, companies may have sold products to “safe” nations, including EU members, not realizing they would be reexported to Russia.

“Firms often argue they were unaware of subsequent resales, and it’s very difficult to prove otherwise,” Šticha noted.

Recently, Ukrainska Pravda reported that the Czech company Leseft International s.r.o., located in Ostrava, may have been involved in delivering components used in Russian rockets. Šticha declined to comment directly but confirmed:

“This company is not unknown to us.”

Sanctions evasion

According to Šticha, BIS handles dozens of cases annually where companies attempt to bypass sanctions by routing embargoed items through complex export networks. The agency cooperates with other state institutions and foreign partners to intercept such attempts.

Šticha stressed that the number of state experts is too small compared to the volume of companies attempting to skirt sanctions.

Last week, Czech Foreign Minister Jan Lipavský stated that based on Ukrainian-provided information, Czech authorities have found no indicators confirming the transfer of dual-use items to Russia.

During a tense high-level meeting in Brussels, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told the EU’s foreign affairs chief Kaja Kallas that Beijing cannot allow Russia to lose in its war against Ukraine. According to several sources cited by the South China Morning Post (SCMP) on 4 July, China fears that such an outcome would allow the United States to fully pivot its attention to Beijing.

SCMP reports that during a four-hour closed-door discussion with EU officials on 2 July, Wang Yi said a Russian defeat in Ukraine was strategically unacceptable for China. This comment to Kallas — who assumed her EU role in late 2024 — echoed what many in Brussels suspected to be Beijing’s true position but contradicted China’s public statements claiming it is “not a party” to the war.

Wang rejected accusations that China is supporting Russia militarily or financially, asserting that if it had been doing so, the war would have ended already. Some EU officials saw Wang’s tone as a harsh dose of realpolitik, designed to pressure the EU to reconsider its support for Ukraine.

Diplomatic friction intensifies

EU diplomats were surprised by Wang’s bluntness, especially just weeks before the scheduled summit in China on 24 and 25 July. SCMP sources said Wang hinted the summit could be shortened, a possible warning over the bloc’s ongoing stance.

On the same day, Wang also met with European Council President António Costa and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. According to EU sources, all three European leaders shared a unified stance across all major points.

A major point of contention remains the EU’s 18th sanctions package against Moscow, which includes plans to blacklist two small Chinese banks over violations of existing Russia sanctions. Wang reportedly vowed multiple times to retaliate if these sanctions are approved by the bloc’s 27 member states.

China’s version softens the narrative

Beijing’s official account of the meeting with Kallas significantly downplayed tensions. According to the Chinese foreign ministry, “There is no fundamental conflict of interests between China and the EU, and they have broad common interests.” It emphasized mutual respect, learning, and cooperation, without addressing the contentious topics raised during the meeting.

On 4 July, Dutch and German intelligence agencies have confirmed that Russia is using banned chemical weapons in Ukraine on a large scale, with drones dropping choking agents on Ukrainian positions. The revelations, based on joint investigations, show what officials describe as a systematic and intensifying pattern of illegal chemical warfare.

Intelligence agencies confirm large-scale Russian chemical weapons program

Reuters says Dutch and German officials jointly reported that Russia is operating a coordinated program to produce and deploy banned chemical weapons in Ukraine. The Dutch Military Intelligence and Security Service (MIVD) and Germany’s BND foreign intelligence agency confirmed gathering evidence of these violations, including Russia’s use of drones to drop choking agents—such as chloropicrin—on Ukrainian trenches to force soldiers into open fire.

According to Dutch Defense Minister Ruben Brekelmans, “we can confirm Russia is intensifying its use of chemical weapons.” He added that this trend is not isolated but part of a normalization of chemical warfare tactics by Russian forces.

Thousands of chemical-related incidents and battlefield injuries

The head of the Dutch MIVD, Peter Reesink, said his agency’s conclusions were based on independent investigations.

At least three Ukrainian deaths have been tied to chemical attacks, according to Brekelmans, and more than 2,500 people have reported symptoms related to chemical exposure on the battlefield, Ukrainian health authorities report.

The United States had first accused Russia of using chloropicrin in May 2024. The compound, originally used by Germany in World War One, is more toxic than riot control agents and is banned under the Chemical Weapons Convention.

According to Reesink, Russia’s chemical weapons use is no longer a matter of improvisation:

“This isn’t just some ad-hoc tinkering at the frontline; it is truly part of a large-scale program.”

Calls for sanctions and exclusion from international bodies

Brekelmans called for increased sanctions and political pressure:

“We must further increase the pressure. This means looking at more sanctions and specifically not allowing them (Russia) to participate in international bodies like the Executive Council of the OPCW.”

The European Commission is considering adding 15 more individuals and entities to its sanctions list for suspected involvement in chemical weapons use in Ukraine. 

Ukrainian drones struck a critical military-linked facility in Russia’s Moscow Oblast that produces thermobaric warheads for Shahed drones, the Ukrainian General Staff reported on 4 July. The strike ignited a fire and caused visible black smoke, while Russian local authorities acknowledged drone-related damage in the area.

Ukrainian drones target war-linked facility

According to the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, units from the Unmanned Systems Forces, together with other Defense Forces, hit the JSC “Scientific Research Institute of Applied Chemistry” in Sergiev Posad, Moscow Oblast.

The report emphasized that the facility is currently involved in the production of thermobaric warheads for Shahed-type UAVs and plays a vital role in Russia’s ongoing war against Ukraine.

“It is confirmed that our strike assets reached the target directly. A fire and heavy smoke were recorded in the area of the facility,” the Ukrainian military stated.

The effects of the strike are still being assessed, according to the report.

Fires and explosions in Sergiev Posad

On the morning of 4 July, Oksana Yerokhanova, head of the Sergiev Posad city district, confirmed that drones had attacked the town. She reported that a fire broke out at an electrical substation, leaving six neighborhoods without power.Yerokhanova also reported that two men were allegedly injured during the incident.

Geolocation confirms strike on key industrial site

Ukrainian Telegram channel ExileNova+ geolocated the black smoke column to Substation No. 94 “Zagorsk” (110/35/6 kV), believed to be part of the “Scientific Research Institute of Applied Chemistry.”

Additional footage shared by Exilenova+ shows Liutyi drones flying past the smoke column and striking separate locations.

Despite claiming the destruction of 48 drones overnight, the Russian Ministry of Defense did not mention any incidents in Moscow Oblast in its public statements.

In the early hours of 4 July, Russia launched one of its largest air assaults of the war, targeting Kyiv with an unprecedented wave of 550 air attack assets—explosive drones and missiles—mere hours after a phone call between Presidents Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin. The Ukrainian capital and surrounding oblasts faced explosions, fires, widespread damage, one death and at least 26 injuries. Russian drones also injured two men in Kryvyi Rih, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast.

Attack began as media reported Trump-Putin phone call

According to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the Russian strike coincided with news reports of the Trump-Putin phone conversation.

“The first air raid alerts in our cities and oblasts began yesterday almost simultaneously with media coverage of President Trump’s phone call with Putin,” Zelenskyy said in a 9:40 statement. He described the strike as “one of the most massive air attacks,” calling it “demonstratively significant and cynical.”

The Air Force later reported that the aerial assault began at 18:00 on 3 July and lasted through the night, and provided more details on the aerial weapons used in the assault. According to the military, Russia’s “main strike direction” was Kyiv. 

After Russia’s attack on Kyiv, Trump says he’s “disappointed” 

After his almost one-hour-long phone conversation with Putin yesterday, Trump said early today that he’s “very disappointed”.

“I’m very disappointed with the conversation I had today with President Putin, because I don’t think he’s there, and I’m very disappointed,” Trump said, according to Reuters. “I’m just saying I don’t think he’s looking to stop, and that’s too bad.”

Explore further

Russian battlefield gains expected after US aid pause, ISW warns

Right after the phone call yesterday, Trump said he was not successful in his peace efforts with Putin:

“I didn’t make any progress with him at all,” he told reporters.

To justify the suspension of weapons to Ukraine – including vital interceptor missiles – Trump claimed the US is still sending weapons, and simultaneously blamed the Biden administration.

“We’re giving weapons, but we’ve given so many weapons. But we are giving weapons,” he said. “And we’re working with them and trying to help them, but we haven’t (completely stopped). You know, Biden emptied out our whole country giving them weapons, and we have to make sure that we have enough for ourselves.”

In his morning statement, Zelenskyy emphasized the need for sustained US aid, particularly missile defense systems like the Patriot.

“These are real protectors of life,” he said.

He urged for “massive pressure” on Russia in the form of sanctions and economic strikes.

“Russia shows it’s not going to stop its war and terror,” he warned.

Explore further

Trump admits “no progress” after sixth call with Putin on Ukraine

Ukraine’s Air Force intercepts hundreds of aerial threats over Kyiv

Ukraine’s Air Force confirmed on 4 July that Russia had used a total of 550 air attack means, primarily aimed at Kyiv. These included:

• 539 Shahed-type drones and drone decoys
• 1 Kinzhal air-launched ballistic missile
• 6 Iskander-M ballistic missiles
• 4 Iskander-K cruise missiles

The Air Force reported 478 air threats neutralized:

• 270 aerial targets shot down using air defense systems
• 208 targets suppressed or lost from radar via electronic warfare

“Confirmed enemy air attack impacts at 8 locations (9 missiles and 63 UAVs), along with debris from downed [munitions] falling at 33 locations,” the report reads.

See also

Pentagon and State Dept defend Ukraine arms pause as “America-first agenda”

Kyiv becomes primary target in massive overnight strike

The attack began in the evening of 3 July, with the first air raid alert in Kyiv issued at 17:16, according to Suspilne. This initial alert was followed by repeated alarms throughout the night. Kyiv Mayor Vitaliy Klitschko confirmed explosions on the capital’s left bank and multiple emergency responses in districts including Obolonskyi and Solomianskyi.

Shortly after 20:00, a renewed air raid alert was declared across the city as authorities warned of incoming drone attacks. Around 21:00, explosions were reported in several areas of Kyiv. In Obolonskyi district, debris from a downed drone fell on the roof of a residential building. 

By late evening, the capital faced a new wave of more intense attacks. Around midnight, another series of loud explosions rocked various neighborhoods. Fires broke out in Solomianskyi district, where drone fragments struck residential buildings. In Darnytskyi, debris fell in open areas, some without detonation or fires, though multiple impact points were recorded.

Damage across the capital was extensive. The Kyiv City Military Administration reported that more than 30 apartment buildings had been affected, along with five educational institutions, a detached house, retail locations, a garage cooperative, and several vehicles. Fires also broke out in non-residential areas, and five ambulances responding to emergency calls were damaged.

In Kyiv Oblast, the attack continued throughout the night. In Bucha district, windows were shattered in a four-story residential building and a private house. In Fastiv district, the State Emergency Service reported fires at a high-rise building and seven private garages. Authorities documented the effects of the attack at 11 separate sites across five oblast districts.

Civilian casualties

Fires were reported in multiple neighborhoods, and officials noted elevated levels of combustion products in the air. By 03:50, eight people had been injured. That number rose rapidly in the following hours.

Update 13:00:  The number of injured in Russia’s overnight attack on Kyiv rose to 26, including a 10-year-old girl with a leg injury, the Kyiv City Prosecutor’s Office reported. Kyiv city endured two air raid alerts with a short pause in between, lasting over 12 hours in total. 

Five ambulances were damaged during the Russian attack while responding to emergency calls in Kyiv. According to Mayor Vitaliy Klitschko, the vehicles were struck as they attempted to reach injured civilians. No medics were reported wounded.

The attack also impacted the city’s railway infrastructure. Ukrzaliznytsia reported damage caused by falling debris, forcing passenger trains heading west to take alternate routes, resulting in delays of up to two hours.

Update: Casualties outside Kyiv

Russian drones injured two men in Kryvyi Rih, the Dnipropetrovsk Oblast Military Administration reported.

Ukrainian forces launched a successful maritime drone strike overnight on 2 July, destroying a high-value Russian Nebo-M radar complex near the village of Mayak on northwestern Crimea’s Tarkhankut Cape. The assault, captured on video and confirmed through satellite imagery, further highlights Ukraine’s evolving drone capabilities and further depletes Russian air defense systems on the occupied peninsula.

Footage reveals advanced maritime drone tactics

According to Krymsky Veter, a Ukrainian military-linked Telegram channel, Ukrainian naval drones carried out the attack, striking two Nebo-M radars and their command cabin. Footage, shared by the Krymskyi Veter and X account @bayraktar_1love, shows a quadcopter launch from a maritime drone platform and dropping munitions directly on their targets — a capability that had not been publicly demonstrated before.

The channel did not mention the unit responsible for the operation, but the video footage features the emblem of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, along with insignia that may belong to the 73rd Naval Special Operations Center or the Special Operations Center South — Ukraine’s naval spetsnaz unit within its Special Operations Forces (SSO). 

The @bayraktar_1love’s version of the footage includes drone launches:

Russian milbloggers express frustration

Krymsky Veter shared a screenshot from a Russian milblogger channels reacting to the incident on 2 July, reading:“We don’t want to comment on today’s attack on Tarkhankut, because we’d have to swear,” indicating clear frustration among Russian sources.

The source did not specify the target or results but stated that Ukrainian drones were reportedly launched from a maritime drone, and that a relay transmitter over the sea was extending the signal. It also noted the drones allegedly operated on 700–900 MHz frequencies, and hinted on the incompetence of Russian electronic warfare system operators who failed to jam the incoming drones, asking:

“Turns out (or didn’t turn out) that EW systems with frequencies of 1200–1600 MHz don’t neutralize them? Maybe because it’s 5 watts per band? Or maybe it has another purpose?”

Nebo-M system destroyed near Mayak village

Krymsky Veter provided further detail the next day, 3 July, confirming the destruction of the Nebo-M complex near Mayak village. The Nebo-M is a mobile radar system capable of detecting aerodynamic and ballistic objects at medium and high altitudes. The complex includes the meter-band radar module Nebo-SVU, the decimeter-band module Protivnik-GE, and a command cabin — all reportedly eliminated in the strike. Additionally, the system may also include a centimeter-band radar.

According to later update by Krymsky Veter, Ukrainian forces employed naval drones and strike UAVs “Lazar”. A 55Zh6M “Nebo-M” radar system was destroyed, consisting of three components:

• a meter-band radar module 55Zh6M “Nebo-M”;
• a decimeter-band radar module 55Zh6M “Nebo-M”;
• the command and control cabin of the 55Zh6M “Nebo-M” system.

The equipment is estimated to cost around $100 million, underlining the significance of the target. The detection radius of the Nebo-M complex spans up to 600 km, with the ability to track up to 200 targets simultaneously.

A later update from Krymsky Veter, citing satellite imagery, confirmed burn marks on the eastern outskirts of Mayak village, matching the location of the destroyed radar complex.

Become one of our 200 defense patrons!

A powerful explosion killed Manolis Pilavov, the long-serving head of the so-called “Luhansk City Administration” under Russian occupation. It remains unclear whether the deadly incident was a Ukrainian SBU special operation or the result of internal criminal infighting among Russian-controlled structures that dominate the occupied city.

Explosion strikes on central Luhansk street

The blast occurred in the heart of Russian-occupied Luhansk, reportedly on Tarasa Shevchenka Street. Russian state agency TASS confirmed the explosion and the death of Manolis Pilavov. According to early reports cited by Militarnyi, an explosive device had been planted inside a trash bin and detonated precisely as Pilavov walked past.

Footage from the explosion site shows a house on Tarasa Shevchenka about 300 meters from the museum:

Blast in occupied Luhansk reportedly kills 2

So far, it is unclear if the victims are linked to the occupation authorities and/or the incident to SBU operations.
TG/Exilenova+ pic.twitter.com/rOCePngLdt

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 3, 2025

The incident allegedly left one dead and three wounded, with one person in serious condition, according to the Russian-controlled occupation administration as of 13:00. RIA Novosti, another Russian propaganda outlet, reported that the explosion took place near the Luhansk Regional Museum, where an exhibition dedicated to the Russian military operation Pipe – Russian troops who crawled through the disused Urengoy–Pomary–Uzhhorod pipeline in Kursk Oblast to attack Ukrainian units from the rear.

A long-serving collaborator’s rise and fall

Manolis Pilavov was born in Luhansk and studied at the Luhansk Agricultural Institute. Before 2014, he worked in the city’s housing and communal services sector, served as deputy mayor, headed the municipal utility Luhanskvoda, and was elected to the city council as a member of now fugitive president Yanukovych’s Party of Regions. From September to November 2009, he also served as president of the Zorya football club.

After the Russian occupation of Luhansk began in 2014, Pilavov seized control of the city apparatus, becoming the de facto leader of the so-called “Luhansk City Administration.” He was formally appointed by then “LNR” head Ihor Plotnytskyi and held the post until November 2023. Over the years, Pilavov received several awards and honors from both the Russian Federation and the so-called “LNR.”

Wanted by Ukraine for terrorism

Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU) had listed Pilavov as wanted on charges including the violent overthrow of constitutional order, violating the territorial integrity of Ukraine, and creating a terrorist organization.

UPDATE

Sources within the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) told Suspilne that the SBU was behind the operation to eliminate Manolis Pilavov.

Late on 2 July, the Pentagon and the US State Department have confirmed the Trump administration’s decision to suspend certain arms supplies to Ukraine amid Russia’s ongoing invasion. Officials described the Ukraine arms pause as part of a broader capability review to prioritize US defense readiness and the President’s “America First” foreign policy.

Pentagon says weapons “review” is “common sense” step

At a Pentagon briefing on 2 July, Chief Spokesman Sean Parnell stated the Department of Defense continues to offer the president “robust options” on Ukraine aid, in line with his goal of ending the war. Parnell emphasized the pause is part of a “capability review” to align support with national defense priorities and “preserving US military readiness.”

“We will not be providing any updates to specific quantities or types of munitions being provided to Ukraine,” Parnell said, insisting the move is a “common sense, pragmatic step” towards evaluation “what munitions are sent and where.”

Explore further

Russian battlefield gains expected after US aid pause, ISW warns

He added,

“Let it be known that our military has everything that it needs to conduct any mission, anywhere, anytime.”

When questioned about the risk that the Ukraine arms pause might embolden Russia, Parnell replied that peace remains Trump’s highest aspiration, not explaining how it may stop Russia.

“Our job at the Department of Defense is to pursue the president’s America First agenda and make sure that we achieve peace through strength throughout the world,” he stated.

No clarity on timeline or weapons affected

When pressed for details about when the aid pause began or what weapons are being held back, Parnell declined to answer.

“Ultimately, the President and the Secretary will make those decisions about what happens with those weapon systems,” he said.

He also criticized the Biden administration’s prior Ukraine policy, stating it gave away weapons “without really thinking about how many we have.”

“The President’s strategic outset with regards to Ukraine and Russia has been one of peace,” Parnell said, referring to Trump’s months-long failed attempt to force Ukraine and Russia into a peace deal — once again confirming the administration’s continued reliance on an unrealistic diplomatic effort.

Explore further

FT opinion: Russia may last a year. Ukraine risks collapse within half a year without urgent aid

State Dept claims arms assistance continues

During a press briefing on 2 July, State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce echoed that diplomacy remains Washington’s focus. She stressed that the Department of Defense manages weapons decisions and repeated that the administration’s goal is a “durable, negotiated settlement” between Russia and Ukraine.

Responding to concerns over the timing and communication of the aid pause — Kyiv said it had not received any official notifications — Bruce claimed,

“Our communication lines with Ukraine have always been robust,” but declined to clarify how or when Ukraine was allegedly informed.

Bruce stated,

“This is not a cessation of us assisting Ukraine or of providing weapons. This is one event in one situation.”

Ukrainian defense forces have destroyed or damaged nearly half of the Russian drone pilot positions identified along the Zaporizhzhia frontline, according to the Main Directorate of Intelligence (HUR) of the Ministry of Defense.

Dronocide operation targets Russian drone pilots

HUR stated that Ukrainian units located 90 positions and residential locations used by Russian operators of strike and reconnaissance drones along the Zaporizhzhia front. Of those, 42 sites have been destroyed or damaged, according to the report.

The effort is part of a comprehensive counter-drone operation code-named Dronocide, focused on targeting and eliminating Russian UAV operator infrastructure.

The campaign is being executed by the Department of Active Operations of HUR, the Air Force Command, the 128th Separate Mountain Assault Zakarpattia Brigade, the 128th Separate Territorial Defense Brigade, the Flight Skull unit from the Drone Systems Forces, and the Operational-Tactical Grouping of Forces Zaporizhzhia along with the Operational-Strategic Grouping Tavria.

Month-long campaign shows results

The Dronocide operation has evolved into what HUR described as a “month of annihilation” for Russian drone pilots. Coordinated Ukrainian forces have launched precision strikes on positions housing enemy drone crews, eliminating threats to Ukrainian front-line troops and infrastructure.

HUR released dramatic video footage showing the moments Russian positions were “turned into molecules” during some of the targeted bomb and drone strikes.

An Estonian court found that Russia’s military intelligence agency, the GRU, ordered arson attacks in Estonia, including the firebombing of a Ukrainian-themed restaurant in Tallinn. The attacks were part of a wider Russian sabotage campaign aimed at destabilizing Western nations and undermining their support for Ukraine.

GRU ordered firebombing operations via Moldovan nationals

On 2 July, the Harju County Court in Estonia sentenced two Moldovan nationals, both named Ivan Chihaial, in connection to arson attacks carried out in January 2024, Euronews and ERR reported. One was convicted of directly executing the operations and received six and a half years in prison. The other, his cousin, was sentenced to two and a half years as an accomplice.

The court stated that the primary perpetrator was working on behalf of Russia’s military intelligence agency, the GRU. His first mission, according to the court, was a 2024 trial operation involving the arson of a co-op supermarket in Osula, a village in southeastern Estonia. The next day, GRU operatives instructed him to target the Slava Ukraini (“Glory to Ukraine”) restaurant in Tallinn.

Attack on Slava Ukraini restaurant executed overnight on 31 January

Court documents revealed that on the night of 31 January, the main suspect and his cousin traveled to Tallinn and set fire to the Slava Ukraini restaurant. The cousin was reportedly unaware of the GRU connection.

According to the court ruling, at 4:30 a.m. on 31 January, the older Chihaial smashed a window of the Slava Ukraini restaurant, threw in a can of gasoline, and set the building on fire. Meanwhile, the younger Chihaial filmed the arson from across the street; the footage was later uploaded to YouTube by the GRU. After the attack, both suspects left Estonia.

Estonia’s State Prosecutor Triinu Olev-Aas stated that cooperation among Latvian, Lithuanian, and Polish authorities was instrumental in tracking and arresting the men in Italy. They were extradited back to Estonia to face charges.

GRU’s use of foreign nationals signals recruitment challenges

The Estonian Internal Security Service noted that the GRU’s use of Moldovans instead of Russian citizens indicates growing difficulty in recruiting operatives from within Russia. Estonia has previously faced Russian cyberattacks and vandalism targeting vehicles of outspoken anti-Kremlin figures.

The United States has halted key weapons deliveries to Ukraine, a move that think tank Institute for the Study of War (ISW) warns could accelerate Russian battlefield gains and force Ukrainian troops to conserve dwindling resources. The suspension, which affected munitions already staged in Poland, caught Ukrainian authorities off guard and threatens to weaken Ukraine’s ability to hold the line.

Ukraine not notified before US halted weapons

Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense stated that no official notification was given prior to the US announcement about the aid suspension. The New York Times reported US officials as saying the munitions weren’t scheduled for delivery for several months, but the Wall Street Journal contradicted this, noting that deliveries already staged in Poland were halted as of 1 July. Politico cited a Trump administration official as saying no additional aid has been requested, but that remaining Biden-era packages could sustain Ukraine “several more months.”

Ukrainian forces continue to husband matériel

A deputy battalion commander told the Washington Post in a 2 July article that Ukrainian troops are now focused on holding defensive positions rather than advancing. This echoes past situations when US aid suspensions forced Ukrainian forces to ration air defense interceptors, GMLRS rockets, and artillery shells.

While European partners are increasing support and Ukraine’s domestic defense industry is expanding, ISW assessed that only the United States can provide some crucial systems at the necessary scale and speed.

“Ukrainian forces very likely will have to conserve materiel again should the United States continue to suspend weapons deliveries,” ISW wrote.

Russian offensives benefit from past US aid delays

According to ISW, past pauses in US assistance have created openings for Russian forces. During the fall 2023 and winter-spring 2024 suspensions – when the US Congress Republicans delayed approving the Ukraine aid funding for six months.

During this period, Russian troops intensified offensives, particularly around Avdiivka in Donetsk Oblast. In January 2024, Russia ramped up its assault on the settlement, eventually capturing it in February while Ukrainian troops were constrained by artillery shortages. These conditions allowed Russia to sustain offensive momentum, aiming westward and launching further attacks toward Pokrovsk during spring 2024, when aid was still delayed.

ISW assessed that between 6 December 2023, when the US aid pause began, and 24 April 2024, when it resumed, Russian troops advanced roughly three kilometers per day — especially in Donetsk Oblast.

In contrast, during the previous six months, Russia had lost around 203 square kilometers due to Ukraine’s 2023 counteroffensive, which was heavily supported by US and allied military aid.

Why the pause happened: US reviews global commitments

Politico reported that the Trump administration made the decision in early June 2025 to hold off on certain deliveries, but the effect only became clear in early July. White House Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly confirmed on 1 July that the decision followed a Department of Defense review of US global military assistance. NBC, citing six defense and congressional officials, said the Pentagon ordered the pause while it reassessed stockpiles, and that the delay could be extended if stock levels remain low or if US needs elsewhere take precedence.

Kyiv urges resumption of aid

Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs emphasized on 2 July that timely delivery of allocated US defense aid remains critical, especially to bolster air defenses. The Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs warned that delays would embolden Russia to continue its war and avoid negotiating peace. Ukrainian diplomats noted ongoing talks with Washington to find a path forward that supports Ukraine’s defense needs.

In the early hours of 3 July, Ukrainian drones targeted multiple sites across four Russian oblasts and occupied Crimea, including a confirmed strike on the Energiya defense battery factory in Yelets and an attempt to strike the military airfield in Lipetsk. Local officials and eyewitness footage confirm explosions and fires, while Moscow claims to have downed 69 UAVs in total.

Drone strike hits defense battery manufacturer in Yelets

According to eyewitness footage published news Telegram channels, Ukrainian drones hit the Energiya plant in Yelets, Lipetsk Oblast. The factory is the largest producer of sealed lead-acid, nickel-cadmium, and lithium-ion batteries for Russia’s military, including systems ranging from UAVs to intercontinental ballistic missiles.

Russian Telegram channel Astra reports that a drone struck the factory’s parking area, igniting several vehicles and damaging nearby infrastructure. Explosions and heavy smoke were seen in the area. The Lipetsk Oblast Governor Igor Artamonov confirmed a drone fell near an enterprise parking lot, causing a fire and triggering the evacuation of nearby plant workers. Footage of this fire also shows that windows were shattered in the nearby building of the plant.

One of the clips, featuring the black smoke rising from the parking lot, captured an additional strike on the plant. 

Drones target Russia's military-grade batteries maker and airbase

Energiya factory in Yelets was last hit in May. In Lipetsk, drones seem to have been intercepted before reaching the airfield.https://t.co/q8IyqvZFCL
TG/Exilenova+ pic.twitter.com/GANUZnyEFs

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 3, 2025

Airfield in Lipetsk targeted

Local authorities did not provide specifics on the airfield impact, but explosions were reported in Lipetsk city and across the oblast.

Artamonov claimed that drone fragments allegedly hit a detached house, killing one civilian and injuring two more. Another UAV ostensibly hit a section of an under-construction apartment building in Yelets.

Explore further

Videos show Russian ammo stockpile spectacularly destroyed in occupied Donetsk Oblast’s Khartsyzk

Voronezh Oblast also targeted

Voronezh Oblast Governor Alexander Gusev stated via Telegram that drone fragments damaged the roofs of two detached houses in Voronezh. The strike also knocked down a power line, leaving a local village without electricity. 

Russia claims mass drone interception

The Russian Ministry of Defense stated in the morning that air defense systems allegedly shot down 69 Ukrainian drones: 27 over Belgorod Oblast, 22 over Voronezh, 10 over Lipetsk, 8 over Kursk, and 2 over occupied Crimea.

Despite the scale of the incident, Belgorod Governor Vyacheslav Gladkov and acting Kursk Governor Alexander Khinshtein made no public comment on the attacks.

Flight restrictions and fire in Tambov

Astra reported that Russia’s Federal Air Transport Agency temporarily restricted flights at airports in Tambov, and Samara amid the drone threat.

Separately, acting Tambov Oblast Governor Yevgeny Pervyshov reported a fire at an unspecified enterprise in the city of Kotovsk overnight on 3 July. He said the blaze, believed to have been caused by a technological malfunction, killed three employees and injured three others.

Kotovsk hosts several industrial plants, including facilities for plastics, equipment, and a gunpowder factory.

Pervyshov did not connect the incident to any drone activity.

Powerful explosions and detonation erupted in the Russian-occupied city of Khartsyzk, Donetsk Oblast, late on 2 July. Multiple reports and videos from local sources point to a possible Ukrainian strike targeting an ammunition depot deep behind Russian lines.

Nighttime blast and detonation captured on video

Loud explosions occurred in Khartsyzk, accompanied by a strong detonation. Local residents shared videos showing the moment of impact and the subsequent fire. The footage, widely circulated on Telegram, depicted a large blast, followed by intense flames and a heavy smoke column.

The town has been under Russian control since 2014. 

Possible Ukrainian strike on Russian ammunition depot

OSINT Telegram channel KiberBoroshno believes that the strike hit a former industrial storage facility. They stated,

“The area was marked as an ‘abandoned industrial warehouse for explosives,’ covered by a Tor air defense system, but it didn’t help.”

More footage of the last night's attack.

Occupied since 2014, Khartsyzk is a key logistics hub for Russian forces and has seen previous attacks in 2022 and January 2025.
TG/Supernova+ pic.twitter.com/kGPWb726BY

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 3, 2025

Although the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine has not issued an official confirmation, the nature of the explosion strongly suggests a successful strike on a key Russian military site.

The head of Ukraine’s Center for Countering Disinformation, Andrii Kovalenko, also indicated that the location likely housed a Russian ammunition depot. The Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ echoed that claim, captioning the shared clips as “Strike on an ammo storage in Khartsyzk.”

More footage of the last night's attack.

Occupied since 2014, Khartsyzk is a key logistics hub for Russian forces and has seen previous attacks in 2022 and January 2025.
TG/Supernova+ pic.twitter.com/kGPWb726BY

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 3, 2025

Quisling official’s claims

Victoria Zhukova, a representative of Russia’s occupation administration in the Khartsyzk district, acknowledged that many residents reported shattered windows in apartment buildings. She also noted complaints about heavy smoke in the aftermath of the explosion.

This incident is not the first strike on Russian targets in Khartsyzk. In January 2025, Ukrainian forces reported hitting a Russian army command post in the city. Earlier, in 2022, another ammunition warehouse in the occupied city exploded.

Overnight on 3 July, Russia launched a massive drone attack across Ukraine, hitting multiple civilian locations including a residential building in Odesa, injuring five people—among them two children. The Ukrainian Air Force says air defenses have downed 40 of 52 Russian Shahed and decoy drones. At the same time, Russia continues its “human safari” in Kherson: a Russian drone dropped explosives, injuring a civilian man this morning. 

Russia conducts drone and missile attacks against Ukrainian residential areas every night.

Mass drone assault across Ukraine

According to Ukraine’s Air Force, the Russian military deployed 52 drones—mostly Iranian-made Shahed strike UAVs along with decoy drones—from the directions of Oryol, Millerovo, and Primorsko-Akhtarsk in Russia. The attack began around 21:30 on 2 July and continued into the early hours of 3 July.

Ukrainian air defenses reportedly neutralized 40 of the drones: 22 were shot down by firepower, and 18 were suppressed or lost through electronic warfare.

The Air Force confirmed drone impacts in seven separate locations and the fall of downed drones in at least one additional area.

Odesa: civilians injured, high-rise damaged

In Odesa, one of the most heavily affected cities, a Russian drone strike damaged a nine-story residential building. The State Emergency Service (DSNS) of Odesa Oblast report that the fire spread across apartments on the seventh, eighth, and ninth floors.

Five people were injured in the strike, including a seven-year-old boy and a nine-year-old girl. The Odesa Oblast Military Administration stated that the children were hospitalized with smoke inhalation, while the other three victims received outpatient care.

Rescue teams evacuated 50 residents from the damaged building, including 11 people from the upper floors. DSNS spokesperson Maryna Averina confirmed the collapse of structural elements, and that specialized equipment is being used to monitor the building for further risks.

Mayor Hennadii Trukhanov said that significant damage was observed in at least one entrance of the high-rise, adding that a full assessment will follow after emergency crews remove dangerous debris.

According to the Odesa Oblast Military Administration, six apartments were destroyed, 36 more were partially damaged, and other civilian infrastructure in the area also sustained impact.

Update: Poltava targeted

On the morning of 3 July, Poltava came under a Russian air attack, with local media reporting a strike on the so-called Territorial Recruitment and Social Support Center – the regional draft office.

Poltava Oblast Military Administration head Volodymyr Kohut reported an air raid alert at 08:04 and the all-clear at 09:04. Between those times, he confirmed explosions in the city but gave no further details.

Local Telegram channel “We Poltava” said the building of the draft office was likely hit, sharing footage from the site. No casualties have been reported so far.

Kherson: Russian reconnaissance drone attacks civilian

In Kherson, Russian drones continued their ongoing pattern of deliberately targeting civilians, known as “human safari.” The Kherson Oblast State Administration reported that early in the morning, a drone struck a 74-year-old man in the Dniprovskiy District. The victim sustained an explosive injury, concussion, and shrapnel wounds to his face and leg. He was hospitalized in moderate condition.

Air defense activity in Zaporizhzhia

At 02:20, air defense systems were active in Zaporizhzhia Oblast. This was confirmed by the head of the regional military administration, Ivan Fedorov. No additional details were given regarding damage or injuries in that oblast at the time.

Three former US ambassadors to Romania have written that Russian President Vladimir Putin’s failed attempt to manipulate the country’s 2024 presidential election through digital warfare represents a new battleground for democratic sovereignty. In a Politico opinion piece, the retired diplomats argue that Romania’s successful resistance offers a blueprint for defending Western democracies against authoritarian interference.

Former diplomats describe Putin’s digital invasion strategy

Mark Gitenstein, Adrian Zuckerman and Jim Rosapepe write that Putin spent millions of dollars attempting to install a pro-Russian president in Romania through what they characterize as a sophisticated social media manipulation campaign.

The diplomats contend that Putin’s strategy involved boosting candidate Călin Georgescu from complete obscurity to capturing 21% of the vote in just two weeks through TikTok, Telegram and other platforms. They describe this “social media blitzkrieg” as a “Leninist-style effort to destroy democracy in Romania” designed to undermine US, NATO, and EU security interests.

Ex-ambassadors argue intelligence intervention proved crucial

The former diplomats write that Romanian and Western intelligence services successfully uncovered what they call a “stealth invasion” of the country’s electoral process. They argue that the discovery of serious violations of electoral law and foreign interference led to the constitutional court’s extraordinary decision to annul the first round and order a complete do-over.

According to the opinion piece, Georgescu violated Romanian law by claiming he neither raised campaign contributions nor incurred campaign expenses while benefiting from the multimillion-dollar Russian operation. The authors contend this exposed the candidate as having “a malevolent benefactor in Putin.”

Former ambassadors claim voter surge demonstrated democratic resilience

The retired diplomats write that when the second round was held, Romanian citizens responded to the crisis with “clarity and courage,” driving turnout from the average 51% to nearly 65%. They argue that voters chose the democratic, pro-NATO path by a decisive 54% to 46% margin, effectively rejecting Putin’s interference.

The three former ambassadors reveal they had publicly urged Romanians to reject the Russia-backed candidate in what they describe as an unprecedented intervention. “We couldn’t silently stand by and allow the patently false Russia-driven propaganda to go unchallenged,” they write, explaining their decision to issue an open letter with four other former US ambassadors.

Ex-diplomats argue Putin adapted KGB tactics for digital age

The opinion piece argues that Putin’s approach evolved from his KGB background after failing to capture Kyiv militarily. The authors write that “never far from his KGB roots, the Russian president realizes public opinion can be manipulated and shaped by political proxies and propaganda beholden to Russia’s strongman.” They contend this represents a long-standing Soviet strategy to destroy Western democracies from within, now deployed through social media platforms.

Ex-ambassadors warn about upcoming European election threats

The retired diplomats argue that “Putin’s war on democracy continues” beyond Romania, writing that fall elections in Moldova, Estonia, Georgia, the Netherlands, the Czech Republic and other European nations “are all ripe for interference.” They contend that cracking down on violations of election laws is imperative before propaganda can take hold.

Ukraine’s long-range strike drone UJ-26 Bober (“Beaver”) has been upgraded with a manual operator control system similar to that of first-person-view (FPV) drones, along with thermal imaging and a high-quality data transmission channel—marking a major advancement in the country’s drone warfare capabilities.

Bober drone gets FPV-like manual guidance and thermal vision

Militarnyi reports that Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR) has received a modified version of the Ukrainian-made UJ-26 drone developed by Ukrjet. This upgraded strike UAV features an FPV-style manual control system, allowing operators to guide it in real-time. The drone is now equipped with a thermal imaging camera and an unspecified communication system that ensures high-quality video transmission all the way to impact.

Read more on this particular attack in our previous report:

Ukrainian drones just lit up Russian-occupied Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk — here’s how (video)

The enhanced imagery from these drones was previously observed during missions conducted by the Prymary unit. At the time, Russian milbloggers claimed that fixed-wing drones used in those operations might have included built-in Starlink satellite communication terminals.

Control delays hint at satellite link usage

Despite the improved image quality from the thermal camera, Militarnyi notes that the drone’s control remains relatively sluggish. This could indicate a high signal transmission delay between the UAV and the operator’s console, lending credibility to the theory of a satellite communication link, possibly Starlink, being used.

Possibly increased payload potential shown in Crimea strike

The latest attack on the Saky airfield in occupied Crimea highlighted the drone’s operational capability. The required flight distance was under half the Bober’s maximum combat radius, suggesting it may have carried a heavier warhead. The standard payload is estimated to be just 20 kilograms, Militarnyi notes.

Catapult launch boosts range, raises deployment questions

The launch footage released shows a Bober drone being catapulted rather than taking off from a runway. This launch method requires a large launching platform but eliminates the need for landing gear. As a result, it improves the drone’s aerodynamics and extends its range. However, this approach may limit the rapid deployment of multiple UAVs, since each unit needs time-consuming setup on its launcher. A possible solution could involve pre-positioning drones already airborne, though that strategy introduces its own challenges.

From strategic to tactical: the shifting nature of drone warfare

Militarnyi notes that the introduction of upgraded UJ-26 Bober drones—alongside the Russian modifications of the Iranian Shahed-236 UAVs—marks a new phase in the drone warfare. 

“The ‘drone war,’ with the increase in production of heavy long-range drones, is shifting from the strategic to the tactical level—they are increasingly being used to strike individual combat units in the rear,” Militarnyi says.

Ukraine’s Air Force reported that 47 Russian drones were intercepted overnight on 1 July during a major air assault involving 52 UAVs launched from multiple directions. This comes as part of an ongoing Russian escalation in daily aerial assaults, with nearly 4,800 aerial targets destroyed across Ukraine in June 2025 alone.

Overnight drone assault targets multiple oblasts

According to Ukraine’s Air Force, Russia launched 52 drones — including Shahed-type strike drones and decoy UAVs — from Bryansk, Millerovo, and Primorsko-Akhtarsk. By 09:00 on 1 July, Ukrainian air defenses had reportedly neutralized 47 drones: 14 by firepower, and 33 suppressed or jammed by electronic warfare systems.

The attacks impacted at least three locations, with wreckage from shot-down drones falling in another, according to the report.

Fires and destruction in Zaporizhzhia

In Zaporizhzhia Oblast, four Russian drone struck Zaporizhzhia city and surrounding areas, causing a fire at an industrial site and damaging detached homes. Oblast Military Administration head Ivan Fedorov reported the damage early on 1 July, noting there were no casualties in those specific strikes.

However, later in the day, authorities confirmed several civilian injuries from other Russian strikes. A 56-year-old man was injured in a Russian attack on Polohy district. Two more civilians — a 49-year-old woman and a 55-year-old man — sustained injuries in Preobrazhenska community.

In the Stepnohirsk community, Russian artillery and FPV drone attacks disrupted critical infrastructure. As a result, the area was left without electricity, internet, or mobile communication. A power crew vehicle was damaged and two workers suffered concussions, Fedorov reported. 

Over the past day, Russian forces conducted 403 attacks on 13 settlements in the oblast. These included four airstrikes on Hulyaipole, Novoandriivka, and Verkhnya Tersa, 271 drone attacks (mostly FPV), and 122 artillery shellings. Kamyanske, Hulyaipole, Shcherbaky, Novodanylivka, Mala Tokmachka, Charyvne, and Preobrazhenka were among the hardest hit.

Drone attacks in Dnipropetrovsk target farms

In Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, overnight drone strikes hit farming enterprises in the Pokrovska and Velykomykhailivska communities of Synelnykove district. According to Oblast head Serhii Lysak, fires broke out, destroying and damaging vehicles and agricultural machinery. No injuries were reported.

Further attacks in Nikopol district included artillery shelling and FPV drone strikes targeting the district center as well as Myrivska and Chervonohryhorivska communities. An unused building was damaged, with no casualties.

Air Force details June results

Ukraine’s Air Force disclosed that in June 2025, air defense forces destroyed 4,758 aerial targets, including:

• 2,453 Shahed-type strike drones
• 659 reconnaissance drones
• 1,479 drones of other types
• 93 Kh-101/Kh-55SM cruise missiles
• 27 Iskander-K cruise missiles
• 14 Iskander-M/KN-23 ballistic missiles
• 12 Kalibr cruise missiles
• 13 Kh-59/69 guided missiles
• 8 Kh-47M2 Kinzhal aeroballistic missiles

In addition, Ukrainian aviation conducted 895 sorties in May, including approximately 580 for fighter cover and over 220 for fire missions and air support.

Air Force aviation also reported destroying 646 aerial targets in June and conducting precision strikes on command posts, logistics hubs, and concentrations of enemy troops and equipment.

On 1 July 2025, Ukrainian strike drones carried out a major long-range attack on Russian military infrastructure, striking the Kupol Electromechanical Plant in Izhevsk, about 1,400 kilometers from Ukraine. The facility is a major site for the production of Tor air defense systems and combat UAVs.

Ukrainian Liutyi drones target Kupol

Multiple clips from Izhevsk, shared by local residents, confirm that Ukrainian Liutyi drones struck the Kupol Electromechanical Plant in the early morning of 1 July.

Eyewitness footage captured explosions and subsequent fires at the site. Ukrainian Telegram channels Exilenova+ and CyberBoroshno geolocated the strike site based on available videos. Their analysis confirmed that the main facility of Kupol had been hit.

Exilenova+ and Ukraine Context Telegram channels shared videos from Izhevsk showing a Liutyi flyover, strikes, and the aftermath, including fires at the facility.

Based on footage, Telegram channels Exilenova+ and CyberBoroshno confirmed that the Kupol plant was the target of the attack. pic.twitter.com/sC1xOAgUiw

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 1, 2025

Videos reveal that Russian personnel attempted to shoot down incoming UAVs using small arms fire.

This long-range attack inside Russia occurred simultaneously with Ukrainian strikes in occupied Luhansk, Donetsk, and Crimea:

Explore further

Ukrainian drones just lit up Russian-occupied Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk — here’s how (video)

Astra confirms strike and location

According to the Russian news Telegram channel Astra, at least two drones attacked the Kupol factory five minutes apart. The videos showed a high chimney characteristic of the plant’s premises and a tall residential building at 7A 30 Let Pobedy Street, located one block away from the facility.

Telegram channel Ukraine Context shared footage showing a flyover of the Ukrainian Liutyi drones in Izhevsk, and the strikes on the military plant.

One of the clips features the sounds of secondary detonations before a larger explosion. pic.twitter.com/VnU7yk61UM

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 1, 2025

Kupol’s strategic role and sanctions

Founded in 1957, Kupol is one of Russia’s key defense enterprises. According to its director Fanil Ziyatdinov, as cited by Rossiyskaya Gazeta in 2023, the factory also produces Samam-M1 and Adjutant training complexes and services them. In July 2023, Reuters reported that Kupol began manufacturing Garpiya-A1 strike drones using Chinese-made components.

Due to its role in supporting Russia’s war effort, the European Union added Kupol to its sanctions list on 16 December 2022. The US, Canada, Ukraine, and Switzerland have imposed similar sanctions, citing its role in supplying weapons to the Russian military.

This was the second drone strike on Kupol since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion. The first attack occurred in November 2024, as Euromaidan Press reported.

Simultaneous drone attacks across Russia

In the same early hours of 1 July, other parts of Russia came under drone attack. According to regional governors and Russian propagandist media, drones hit Rostov and Saratov oblasts.

Astra reported explosions in Saratov and Engels, and a temporary suspension of airport operations in Saratov.

Rosaviatsia spokesperson Artem Korenyako stated that airports in Ulyanovsk, Kazan, and Nizhnekamsk were also closed.

Acting governor of Rostov Oblast Yurii Sliusar claimed air defense downed drones over several areas, including Rostov-on-Don, Taganrog, Novoshakhtinsk, and multiple districts.

The Russian Ministry of Defense claimed air defenses had shot down 60 drones overnight. Reportedly, 17 were downed over Crimea, 16 over Rostov Oblast, 11 over the Azov Sea, 5 over Kursk Oblast, 4 over Saratov Oblast, and others over Voronezh and Oryol oblasts.

Missile threat declared deep inside Russia

According to RIA Novosti, Astrakhan airport imposed temporary flight restrictions.

A Russian military airfield is located just two kilometers from Akhtubinsk. The site was last attacked in June 2024, when Ukrainian intelligence reported strikes on two Su-57 fighter jets — the first ever confirmed hit on these aircraft.

The missile alert was lifted at 00:18 local time, though authorities warned of a continued threat of “provocations by the enemy.”

Police in Azerbaijan’s capital raided the local office of Russia’s state media outlet Sputnik, detaining two suspected Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) agents. The operation highlights escalating tensions between Baku and Moscow following a deadly Russian police raid on ethnic Azerbaijanis in Yekaterinburg.

Police detain FSB agents during raid

On 30 June 2025, Azerbaijani police conducted an operation at the Baku office of Sputnik Azerbaijan, a local branch of the Russian state agency Russia Today. APA reports that two Russian FSB agents working at the agency were detained during the raid. Qafqazinfo confirmed that law enforcement placed the office under control, and Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs verified the operation, promising further information.

The Ministry said that despite its accreditation being revoked in February 2025. According to APA, The decision aimed to ensure parity between Azerbaijani state media operating abroad and foreign journalists working in the country. In other words, the number of Sputnik Azerbaijan journalists in Baku was to be equal to that of AZERTAC journalists in Russia. However, Sputnik Azerbaijan did not comply with the decision and continued its activities throughout the period through “illegal financing,” according to WP. Local staff reportedly never ceased their activities even after the suspension was announced earlier this year.

Moscow responds angrily to arrests

According to RIA Novosti, the two detained individuals were Sputnik Azerbaijan’s editor-in-chief Yevgeny Belousov and director Igor Kartavykh. In reaction to the arrests, Russia’s Foreign Ministry summoned Azerbaijani Ambassador Rahman Mustafayev and protested what it claimed to be the “illegal detention of Russian journalists,” Interfax reports.

The raid came shortly after Russia’s own crackdown on ethnic Azerbaijanis inside its territory. On 27 June, Russian police in Yekaterinburg detained nine Azerbaijani citizens accused of murders dating back to the early 2000s. During the operation, two Azerbaijani brothers, Ziyaddin and Huseyn Safarov, were killed, and several others were seriously injured.

Media war signals deeper breakdown in ties

The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) said that Azerbaijan’s ongoing restrictions on Russian state media and cultural events “would likely further deteriorate bilateral relations and undermine Russia’s influence in the south Caucasus, particularly as the Kremlin uses its media presence and cultural soft power abroad to further its objectives in the former Soviet space.”

In Gideon Rachman’s opinion piece for the Financial Times, the columnist argues that while both the Ukrainian and Russian militaries are approaching exhaustion, Ukraine’s position is more precarious, and the country could face military collapse within six months unless it receives urgent military support.

Diplomatic optics improve, but battlefield outlook darkens

The article opens with a nod to the recent NATO summit, where European leaders expressed relief after President Donald Trump’s participation went more smoothly than feared. Trump’s meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy helped repair tensions following their strained February exchange, and NATO members pledged to raise defense spending to 5% of GDP.

Yet, the author notes, diplomatic optics from the summit cannot disguise the grim reality on the battlefield. NATO’s commitment to deterrence and increased spending may not be enough to prevent Ukraine’s collapse if material support does not arrive quickly.

Ukraine running out of men, ammo—and time

According to FT, both militaries are nearing exhaustion, but Russia’s larger population gives it an edge in sustaining operations for another year. In contrast, Ukraine could reach a breaking point within six months unless it receives substantial new Western aid. Even the possibility of new Patriot systems and HIMARS artillery rockets from the US remains uncertain, as Trump remained vague about future weapons deliveries.

Importantly, troop numbers cannot be fixed by foreign allies. Ukraine has suffered heavy casualties, and its manpower reserves are dwindling.

Rachman suggests that escalating Russian missile strikes on Kyiv and other cities are not only inflicting physical damage but also damaging Ukrainian morale. That shift is reportedly evident in private appeals by Ukrainian officials for a ceasefire. Once considered defeatist, such calls are now increasingly urgent behind closed doors, the author writes.

Some optimism remains—but the clock is ticking

According to the author, some Western officials privately warn of a risk of “catastrophic failure” if Ukraine’s military is stretched past its limits and does not receive a significant surge in aid.

Despite the grim tone, Rachman notes that some analysts believe Ukraine can still hold out. These optimists argue that Russia has gained only 0.25% of Ukrainian territory in the past year, while Ukraine’s drone warfare has effectively prevented large-scale Russian advances. Others suggest that even if Russia breaches Ukrainian lines, it lacks the mechanized divisions to exploit the gains.

Still, as Rachman concludes, if the growing pessimism is justified, then the NATO summit’s feel-good atmosphere may soon fade. Even the alliance’s ever-smiling Secretary-General, Mark Rutte, may find it hard to keep smiling by year’s end.

Ukrainian forces launched massive strikes on Russian military infrastructure and logistical hubs in Russian-occupied Luhansk, Donetsk, and Crimea overnight on 30 June into 1 July, using drones and missiles to hit high-value targets.

Oil depot in Luhansk hit during drone barrage

Loud explosions rocked occupied Luhansk overnight on 1 July, triggering large fires reportedly caused by Ukrainian drone strikes. According to Russian occupation authorities and Russian propaganda media cited by Liga, around 20 drones were spotted over Luhansk, prompting the introduction of a “caution regime” in several cities in the region, including Khrustalnyi (formerly Krasnyi Luch), Lutuhyne, Dovzhanask (formerly Sverdlovsk), Sukodolsk, and Bilokurakyne.

Andrii Kovalenko, head of Ukraine’s Center for Countering Disinformation, stated that Ukrainian forces struck Russian logistics facilities in Luhansk.

Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ published video footage of the strike, showing night-time explosions and flames rising from what they identified as the city’s only major oil depot, located in its southern outskirts.

In one video, locals filming the strike mention that four drones directly hit the facility. Another video shared on the channel shows two distinct clusters of fires and the sound of a drone flyby, with sounds of small arms fire as the Russian forces attempted to shoot it down.

Missile strike levels Russian military HQ in Donetsk

Earlier on the evening of 30 June, Ukrainian missiles hit a Russian military target in occupied Donetsk. Kovalenko referred to the strike as “jewelry work” and described the site as “very juicy.”

Ukrainian Telegram channel Supernova+ shared footage of the attack, with one of the clips showing two consecutive explosions, and others a large fire. The channel claimed that Ukraine used Storm Shadow/SCALP-EG cruise missiles to strike the headquarters of Russia’s 8th Combined Arms Army, located at the Donetsk Institute of Non-Ferrous Metals (DonIsSM). The Dnipro-based outlet Harbuz also attributed the attack to Storm Shadow missiles.

Some Ukrainian sources, including the Telegram page Kiberboroshno, alleged that the facility was involved in Russian drone and electronic warfare systems development. Russian channels attempted to downplay the strike by claiming no military personnel had been stationed in the building recently.

One video captured the immediate aftermath, showing several floors collapsed down to the basement. On-site rescuers speaking to people filming — presumed to be from Russia’s FSB security agency — described the scene using Russian military casualty codes — “300” for wounded and “200” for dead — confirming the presence of both.

Supernova+ commented that “the building was hit down to the basement… they’re carrying out ‘200s’ in packs.”

Meanwhile, local propaganda outlets confirmed the city had been targeted by Storm Shadow missiles and reported additional fires at the Sokol market. Unconfirmed reports suggested hits also occurred at a metallurgical plant and in the railway zone.

One of the Supernova-shared videos shows multiple strikes in Yasynuvata, Donetsk’s northern suburb, hosting a railway hub and multiple industrial facilities.

Drone strikes in Crimea knock out air defense and fighter jet

Ukraine’s Main Directorate of Intelligence (HUR) released exclusive footage showing its UJ-26 Bober drones targeting Russian military systems in occupied Crimea. The video captures strikes on several key air defense assets, including the Pantsir-S1 SAM system, Niobiy-SV radar, Pechora-3 coastal radar, and Protivnik-GE radar. A Russian Su-30 fighter jet was also damaged or destroyed on the runway at the Saky airbase.

HUR commented:

“Reliable weapons in the hands of Ukrainian special forces are turning the enemy’s critical military assets into worthless junk.”

The attacks reflect a broader Ukrainian strategy of targeting critical Russian military and logistical infrastructure in occupied territories amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine. 

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has urged Germany to use its influence to persuade Hungary to support the European Union’s proposed 18th package of sanctions against Russia. Earlier, Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó announced that both Hungary and Slovakia have decided not to support the EU’s plan for the 18th round of sanctions against Russia. 

Kyiv urges Berlin to take leadership role

Speaking ahead of a meeting with German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul on 30 June, Zelenskyy expressed gratitude for support of the latest sanctions proposal and stressed that European leaders are close to approving it. However, he acknowledged ongoing resistance from Hungary.

“We are grateful for the support of the 18th sanctions package against Russian aggression. I know that European leaders are very close to [approving] this package. I know there are still some misunderstandings with official Budapest,” Zelenskyy said, as reported by Ukrinform.

Zelenskyy emphasized that Germany, “as a European leader,” should take the initiative to engage Hungary diplomatically to help secure a united EU front.

Sanctions as a tool to pressure Russia

Zelenskyy underlined the strategic role of sanctions in holding Russia accountable. He stated that only strong economic measures can inflict real damage on the Russian economy and make Moscow feel the cost of its invasion of Ukraine.

“I believe it’s in the interest of all Europe that these packages against Russia’s aggression work — so that Russia feels the high cost of this war, and precisely through sanctions, its economy will suffer,” he stated.

Ukraine remains restrained toward Hungary

Despite Hungary’s opposition, Zelenskyy stressed that Ukraine continues to behave “very diplomatically, constructively” and constructively. He made clear that Kyiv has chosen not to retaliate against Budapest’s actions, prioritizing unity over conflict within the European bloc.

He added, “We would like to stay in a union of partners and friends. Ukraine always has something to respond with, but still, we are partners, and we have one enemy, and that is Russia.”

Since March 2022, Russia’s military intelligence quietly infiltrated NATO supply chains. A report shows how amid Moscow’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine, Russia’s GRU military intelligence blended into infrastructure, turning Poland’s logistics points and border crossings into a live surveillance feed of the military aid for Ukraine. This is according to a report by Polish authorities, issued in late May.

The findings confirm that Russia’s 85th Main Special Service Centre — known as Unit 26165, or APT28 (also referred to as Fancy Bear) — carried out targeted cyberattacks aimed at monitoring Western military support for Ukraine.

Release exposes GRU campaign

The report was issued by Poland’s Military Counterintelligence Service (SKW) and the Internal Security Agency (ABW). It was “authored or endorsed” by cybersecurity and intelligence agencies from the United States (NSA, FBI), United Kingdom (National Cyber Security Centre), Germany (Federal Intelligence Service and Federal Office for Information Security), France, Canada, Estonia, the Netherlands, Czech Republic, and others.

The report says that GRU unit 26165’s cyberespionage operations have struck Western logistics and tech sectors, affecting numerous government, private, and commercial organizations across multiple domains.

Russia’s state-sponsored cyberespionage campaign exploited vulnerabilities in commercial and government systems, hacked thousand private and public IP cameras across at least 13 countries — particularly at border crossings and logistics hubs — and compromised sea, air, and rail transport, logistics center operations, and even air traffic management. 

“The services and agencies authoring this publication assess that these activities will continue in the future in a similar form and manner, using comparable techniques,” the report warns.

The purpose of the report is “to warn potential victims and provide them with recommendations to help strengthen their protection against threats.”

Explore further

Pro-Palestinian activists cause $ 1.1 mn damage to Ukraine-bound military vehicles in Belgium

Tactics: Phishing, Malware, and Surveillance Hijacking

According to the report, GRU hackers exploited known software vulnerabilities and conducted spearphishing campaigns—targeted email attacks crafted to appear as legitimate messages from trusted institutions. These emails impersonated government agencies, logistics firms, and cloud service portals, and were tailored to specific organizations to trick recipients into revealing their login credentials.

Once inside, they exploited known software vulnerabilities, including:

• Microsoft Outlook (CVE-2023-23397)
• WinRAR (CVE-2023-38831)
• Roundcube Webmail (CVE-2020-12641, CVE-2020-35730, CVE-2021-44026)

Malware including HEADLACE, MASEPIE, and tools like Impacket and PsExec were used to maintain persistent access. Attackers elevated privileges, collected credentials, exfiltrated files, and altered email permissions to intercept internal communications for a long period of time without detection.

In some instances, they used “legitimate but vulnerable applications” such as IT remote support tools to move laterally through victim networks.

Working in coordination with CERT Polska – the Polish computer emergency response team – and international partners, SKW also identified and blocked GRU activity targeting software supply chains.

Real-Time Tracking Through Civilian IP Cameras

One of the most striking aspects of the campaign was its use of hijacked IP cameras — both public and privately owned — to monitor aid shipments in real time. According to the report, since March 2022, Russian hackers targeted over 10,000 internet-connected cameras in Ukraine, Poland, Slovakia, Romania, and other nearby countries.

These devices were accessed via default or weak credentials and streamed through protocols like RTSP (Real-Time Streaming Protocol), often without the owners’ knowledge.

Footage was then likely analyzed to track the movement of military convoys, humanitarian aid, or strategic cargo.

Explore further

Germany says Russia behind massive cyberattack last year after Berlin decided to send Ukraine tanks

Widespread Targets: From Military Firms to IT Providers

The report says entities impacted included:

• Logistics and freight companies involved in transporting military equipment
• Air traffic management and radar communication services
• Ports
• IT services
• Defense sector and “at least one entity involved in the production of control systems (ICS) and railway line management“
• Public and private cameras, with device owners unaware of unauthorized access

Victims were identified in Poland, Ukraine, the United States, Germany, France, Italy, Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia, and others.

Operational depth: GRU maintained long-time presense in the system

The GRU’s access was persistent and often invisible. In compromised systems, attackers manipulated:

• Email inbox permissions to silently forward mail to external servers
• Domain controllers and Active Directory databases
• Scheduled tasks and Windows registry keys to maintain malware execution
• Local administrator privileges to gain full access to system tools

Authorities say the GRU’s campaigns involved the exfiltration of sensitive data, including files, email messages, and information about shipments and transport routes related to aid deliveries to Ukraine.

Explore further

Hackers linked to Russia target UK Ministry of Defence staff with fake news emails

Global coordination — and a warning

The report includes over 40 pages of technical guidance, urging all organizations — particularly in transport, logistics, IT, and surveillance sectors — to:

• Immediately patch known vulnerabilities
• Enforce multifactor authentication and least-privilege policies
• Audit remote access software and email forwarding rules
• Disable insecure protocols like Telnet, SMBv1, and RTSP where not essential
• Secure IP cameras with updated firmware and unique credentials

Poland’s final message: assume you’re a target

The reports has called on both public and private-sector entities to assume “that they are of interest to the GRU” and adopt zero-trust postures across networks.

“Cyberspace is now a real battlefield for national security. GRU activities target public institutions, companies, and citizens. We must speak out about this so that no one is surprised when they fall victim. It is our duty to inform, warn, and build resilience—together, across borders,” said Poland’s Minister of Digital Affairs Krzysztof Gawkowski in a statement regarding the report.

Ukrainian forces have destroyed a rare M-1991 multiple launch rocket system (MLRS) originating from North Korea, marking the first confirmed elimination of this type of weapon in the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war. The drone strike was carried out by soldiers of the Raid battalion, which shared footage of the operation. The attack reportedly occurred in the Novopavlivka sector in eastern Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast.

Precision strike leads to massive detonation

Militarnyi notes that video footage published by the Raid battalion on Telegram shows FPV drone footage, targeting the MLRS. The strike hit one of the rockets inside the launcher pack, causing an unplanned launch that pierced the crew cabin. The impact also sparked a fire, which eventually destroyed the system.

North Korean M-1991: Cold War-era weapon in modern war

The M-1991 MLRS was introduced by North Korea’s military in the late 1980s. It features a 240 mm caliber and was designed as an attempt to replicate the Soviet “Uragan” system. The launcher carries 22 rockets and is mounted on a Chinese CQ25290 truck chassis. It requires a two-person crew along with a driver and commander.

Each rocket used by the M-1991 measures approximately 5.2 meters in length. While the original maximum range was around 60 kilometers, North Korean sources claimed in 2024 that it had been extended to 80 kilometers.