What does it take to steal $2 billion from your own bank? According to a London High Court, all you need is 50 shell companies, a culture of fear, and four years to perfect the art of making money disappear.

Ukrainian oligarch Ihor Kolomoiskyi found out the hard way that his thorough looting of PrivatBank — Ukraine’s largest financial institution —has consequences. On 30 July, Justice Trower ruled that Kolomoiskyi and his longtime partner Hennadii Boholiubov (Bogolyubov) orchestrated a brazen fraud that nearly collapsed Ukraine’s entire banking system.

Ordinary oligarch theft this wasn’t. Kolomoiskyi and Boholyiubov, then Ukraine’s second and third richest persons, spent four years hollowing out Ukraine’s financial backbone while regulators watched—some bought off, others too intimidated to act.

The man behind the scheme

For international readers, Kolomoiskyi isn’t just any businessman.

He’s the oligarch who once controlled roughly 10% of Ukraine’s GDP through his Privat Group empire. His TV channel, 1+1, made Volodymyr Zelenskyy a household name long before anyone imagined the comedian would become president. His private militia helped defend Ukraine against Russian-backed separatists in 2014. His influence reached governorships, media empires, and the very heart of Ukrainian politics.

How to steal a bank in four easy steps

The London court laid out Kolomoiskyi’s playbook with forensic precision:

Step 1: Create the borrowers

Between 2010 and 2014, PrivatBank issued hundreds of loans to over 50 shell companies. These weren’t real businesses — most had no operations, employees, or purpose except to receive money. Kolomoiskyi and Boholiubov secretly controlled all of them.

Step 2: Move the money offshore

Those fraudulent loans were immediately transferred to corporate defendants in the UK and British Virgin Islands under the pretense of “prepayments” for goods. The court’s finding? None of the goods were delivered, and the payments were never returned. Cyprus was the key pipeline, with PrivatBank’s branch facilitating over $2.3 billion in foreign currency transfers.

Step 3: Recycle to hide the theft

When loans came due, new fake loans were issued to repay the old ones. This “loan recycling” created an illusion of solvency while the money flowed to accounts controlled by the oligarchs. In 2016, just before nationalization, PrivatBank issued a final $5.7 billion in “new loans” — a desperate attempt to cover the massive hole in the bank’s balance sheet.

Step 4: Create fake lawsuits for cover

In late 2014, as Ukrainian regulators began asking uncomfortable questions, 46 of the 50 shell companies filed lawsuits demanding repayment from their supposed suppliers. Courts issued favorable rulings that were never enforced. Justice Trower found that “the judgments in the 2014 Ukrainian Proceedings were collusively obtained” — legal theater designed to fool regulators.

The culture of silence

What enabled this massive theft? Fear.

The court found that senior PrivatBank employees, including top management, facilitated the scheme under direct orders from Kolomoiskyi and Boholiubov. Compliance failures weren’t accidental — they were deliberate, driven by intimidation and a culture where asking questions could end careers or worse.

Even National Bank of Ukraine officials faced threats when they tried to investigate. The court noted that Kolomoiskyi made threats against NBU deputy governor Kateryna Rozhkova, telling her he was “a hungry tiger in a cage” with “very long arms” who could reach her anywhere.

In Kolomoiskyi’s Ukraine, silence wasn’t golden — it was survival.

The oligarchs’ desperate defense

When cornered with overwhelming evidence, Kolomoiskyi and Boholiubov deployed every legal argument their top-tier counsel could muster.

Why would sophisticated oligarchs with unlimited legal resources make arguments a London judge would find “procedurally flawed”? The answer reveals just how desperate their situation had become.

Their primary defense was breathtakingly audacious: they claimed they repaid fraudulent loans through later “asset transfers” and “loan transformations.” According to this logic, you can’t defraud someone if you later “repay” them — even if that repayment comes from more fraudulent money.

Justice Trower quickly demolished this argument. The supposed “repayments” were not genuine but part of artificial schemes using further fraudulent loans.

It was circular fraud, not actual repayment.

Boholiubov throws Kolomoiskyi under the bus

Boholiubov claimed complete independence from his longtime partner in a move that backfired spectacularly. He suggested the scheme involved bank management acting without his knowledge or approval, essentially throwing Kolomoiskiy and PrivatBank’s management under the bus.

The court wasn’t buying it. Justice Trower examined Boholiubov’s reaction to devastating NBU audit reports that exposed massive related-party lending consuming over 70% of the bank’s assets.

A truly uninvolved chair would have demanded investigations and fired management. Instead, Boholiubov voted to reappoint the same Management Board and praised their “satisfactory” performance.

“I think that the Bank is correct to submit that Mr Boholiubov’s reaction to this highly critical report was the opposite of what a person in his position with no prior knowledge of these deficiencies would have done,” Justice Trower wrote. The judge found that Boholiubov’s lack of surprise at the audit findings “reflects and corroborates the other circumstantial evidence that they knew and approved of lending in the form of the loan recycling scheme.”

The silence that spoke volumes

Perhaps most damaging was what the oligarchs didn’t do. When confronted with evidence of massive fraud, neither demanded investigations nor took disciplinary action against management, which they now claimed had acted without their knowledge. They withdrew their witness statements, and neither appeared in court to testify under oath.

The court found “it is inherently unlikely that any of the steps in the Misappropriation were not known and approved by both of them.” The judge drew adverse inferences from their refusal to testify and their behavior throughout the proceedings.

The nationalization defense that never was

Kolomoiskyi attempted one final gambit: arguing that PrivatBank’s new management after nationalization had “consciously decided” to treat certain fraudulent transactions as valid when they signed off on 2016 financial statements. This “free-choice extinction” defense suggested the bank had voluntarily accepted the fraud.

Justice Trower noted this argument was never properly pleaded and would have been rejected for causing prejudice anyway. It revealed the desperation of oligarchs grasping at procedural technicalities.

Document destruction and deliberate obstruction

The court found that both oligarchs had destroyed documents that could have been evidence in the case. Justice Trower noted that Kolomoiskyi admitted in his disclosure certificate that his “general practice has been not to retain hard copy documents” and his “practice has been to dispose of the document immediately or once any action points have been completed.”

More damning, the judge found that “Mr Kolomoiskyi took deliberate decisions to procure the destruction of data which was capable of being relevant to the current proceedings.” The court determined that Kolomoiskyi’s approach to disclosure was to “delay and obfuscate for as long as possible in the hope that these documents would not come out.”

This behavior fits a pattern. The court found that Kolomoiskyi “seems to have regarded himself as above the law,”A while Boholiubov’s attempts to claim ignorance were undermined by his actions as chairman of the supervisory board.

From kingmaker to pariah

This judgment captures Kolomoiskyi at a remarkable inflection point.

The transformation has been swift.

• In 2019, Kolomoiskyi’s media empire helped propel Zelenskyy to the presidency.
• By 2021, the US State Department had banned him and his family from American soil due to “significant corruption.”
• The US Department of Justice has filed four separate civil forfeiture cases since 2020 through its Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative, targeting hundreds of millions in American real estate allegedly purchased with laundered PrivatBank funds.
• Ukrainian prosecutors have reopened local investigations, and Kolomoiskyi was arrested in September 2023 on separate embezzlement charges.

Meanwhile, Ukrainian investigators report that Boholiubov illegally fled the country in July 2024 using forged documents and was temporarily residing in Vienna. Both maintain their innocence, but their legal options are rapidly narrowing — any appeal of the London judgment has been adjourned until October 2025.

How Boholiubov fled

The Great Escape: How Ukraine’s ninth-richest man slipped out of the country amid fraud allegations

Zelenskyy, meanwhile, has carefully distanced himself from his former media patron — a political necessity as Ukraine seeks international legitimacy and aid.

What this means beyond Ukraine

This isn’t just a Ukrainian story. The London judgment establishes crucial precedents for international asset recovery, applying Ukrainian civil law through English commercial courts. It creates a roadmap for other countries whose oligarchs have hidden stolen assets abroad.

For Ukraine’s international backers — the EU, IMF, and bilateral donors —this ruling sends a clear signal: foreign courts can hold influential figures accountable even when domestic institutions struggle to do so.

The bigger question

While PrivatBank can now pursue enforcement actions to recover assets in the UK and beyond, a fundamental question remains: can Ukraine’s courts deliver similar justice?

The London ruling proves the facts were there all along. The evidence was overwhelming. The legal framework existed. What was missing was the political will and institutional independence to act.

This oligarchic reach seemed to extend even to London.

According to the Law Gazette, Justice Trower expressed alarm after discovering that a draft judgment had been leaked to Ukrainian social media and Cypriot corporate service providers before the official announcement.

The judge told the court he was “very alarmed by some correspondence I received last night,” noting that the draft “seems to have been leaked in such a manner that it would become available on social media sites in Ukraine” and to “one of the corporate service providers in Cyprus.”

He added: “On the face of it, if there has been a leak which looks like it might have been, the court takes that very seriously indeed.” The Law Gazette reported that the source of the leak remains under investigation.

The London victory proves oligarchs can be held accountable—somewhere. Whether Ukraine can build that capacity at home remains the crucial test for a country still battling Russian aggression while trying to build a genuine rule of law.

Kolomoiskyi’s London defeat might be the beginning — or it might remain an exception that proves the rule about where real justice happens for Ukraine’s oligarchs.

Timeline: From fraud to judgment

• 2010-2014: PrivatBank issues over $2.3 billion in fraudulent loans via 50 shell borrowers
• 2014: Bogus repayment lawsuits filed in Ukrainian courts to create cover
• December 2016: National Bank of Ukraine declares PrivatBank insolvent and nationalizes it to prevent financial system collapse
• 2017: UK court grants freezing orders; PrivatBank files civil fraud claim in London
• 2018-2019: Legal disputes over jurisdiction; UK Court of Appeal allows case to proceed
• 2023: Full trial held in London High Court
• 30 July 2025: Final judgment confirms Kolomoiskyi and Boholiubov liable for $1.91 billion

This article was amended after publication to include the Forbes Ukraine data on why Privatbank was unable to sue Kolomoiskyi in Ukraine

What’s happening to PrivatBank now?

Ukraine nationalized its way out of crisis—now it can’t stop making money

At the international Sea Breeze 2025 exercises in the UK, Ukrainian marines surprised NATO instructors with their skill and combat experience. Some units had arrived directly from the front lines, and their expertise made an impression even on proficient partners, TSN reports.

“We managed to surprise our partners and neighbors. The experience of modern warfare that we unfortunately have is unique, and for now, it’s the most relevant,” says Navy spokesman Captain 2nd Rank Dmytro Pletenchuk.

Ukraine not only learns but teaches allies

As part of the land component of Sea Breeze, Ukrainian troops not only trained with new technologies and mine countermeasure equipment but also shared their battlefield experience.

This year, four Ukrainian minehunters took part in the drills, as mine warfare remained the central focus.

“We had something to show our partners,” Pletenchuk emphasizes, stressing the importance of joint efforts for the future demining of the Black Sea.

NATO coordination is critical for Ukraine

Ukraine is actively working on interoperability with NATO member states

, especially those with direct access to the Black Sea — Romania, Bulgaria, and Türkiye.

“We hope our partners will join efforts to demine the Black Sea,” adds the Ukrainian Navy spokesperson.

On 30 June, the second phase of the multinational Sea Breeze exercises officially began in Portland, UK, with the participation of Ukraine’s Navy.

Ukraine has participated in Sea Breeze since 1997, now for 28 years. With the onset of the all-out war in 2022, the format of Sea Breeze changed. While the drills have continued, parts of them have been relocated outside Ukraine to the UK and Romania.

Ukrainian forces confirmed that a russian colonel killed in Kharkiv fighting was taken out while directing attacks near the border. The Operative-Strategic Group of Forces Khortytsia, a Ukrainian military command on the eastern front, said Col. Lebedev, commander of the 83rd motorized rifle regiment of the 69th motorized rifle division, died as he tried to push assaults forward in the Velykyi Burluk direction.

Russian colonel killed in Velykyi Burluk sector clashes

The Ukrainian command reported late on 26 July that defenders destroyed the officer who had led storming operations aimed at widening Russia’s small foothold west of the Kupiansk front. The command’s report mentions only the last name of the eliminated colonel, Lebedev.

Earlier, Oleksii Rozumnyi from the 13th brigade of the National Guard unit Hartiia said Russian forces are using these border attacks to pull Ukrainian reserves into the area. According to him, the occupiers have shifted tactics since the time of the Kursk offensive. They now focus more on logistics strikes and use drones equipped with fiber optics to hit deep, sometimes almost reaching Kharkiv city.

Escalating fighting east of Vovchansk

Reports also describe heavy clashes east of Vovchansk — a border town further west of Velykyi Burluk, where Russian troops have tried to break through Ukrainian defenses and move in the direction of Velykyi Burluk.

The prime minister is nervous at the prospect of possibly having to play golf with Donald Trump, but he will have much bigger problems on his mind when they meet at Turnberry, political editor David Maddox reports

UK intelligence has exposed how Russian GRU sabotage units have carried out a global campaign of subversion, disinformation, and covert attacks. In its 23 July defense intelligence update, the British Defense Ministry has named the Russian units and outlined their years-long operations across Europe, Africa, and Ukraine.

On 18 July, the UK sanctioned three Russian GRU units and one interference agency, along with 18 military intelligence officers, for targeting the UK, its allies, and Ukraine. 

British report reveals global GRU operations

According to the UK Defense Ministry’s Intelligence update published on 23 July 2025, Russia is “escalating its global campaign to subvert its adversaries and increase Russian influence.”

“Whilst Russian military intelligence (GRU) is at the forefront of these efforts, Russia has also turned to an increasing variety of non-state actors to conduct a full spectrum of overt to covert activities, including espionage, assassination, sabotage, and electronic, cyber and information operations,” the update reads.

The UK identified Unit 29155, also known as the 161st Specialist Training Center, as a key actor. Its cyber wing launched the WhisperGate attack—deploying destructive malware—in Ukraine in 2022. The wider unit was behind multiple sabotage and assassination operations, including the 2018 attempted murder of Yulia and Sergei Skripal in Salisbury, the 2011 ammunition warehouse bombing in Bulgaria, and a 2014 blast in Czechia.

Unit 26165, or the 85th Main Special Services Center, has run widespread espionage operations. It also provided targeting intelligence for Russian missile strikes, including the 2022 bombing of the Mariupol theater that killed hundreds of civilians, including children.

Unit 74455, part of the Main Center for Special Technologies, has carried out cyberattacks on democratic elections, national infrastructure, and financial control systems.

The fourth entity, the African Initiative, is a Kremlin-linked interference agency. UK intelligence says it conducts information operations in Africa, including the spread of conspiracy theories aimed at undermining global health efforts.

It comes after US president Donald Trump gave Putin a 50 day deadline to agree to a ceasefire

Oleksandr Usyk knocked out Daniel Dubois in the fifth round at Wembley Stadium on 19 July 2025 to become undisputed heavyweight champion for the second time, using a left hook he calls “Ivan” after a Ukrainian farm worker.

The 38-year-old from occupied Crimea achieved something even Muhammad Ali never managed – becoming undisputed heavyweight champion twice in the modern four-belt era. Ali won the heavyweight title three times, but during simpler periods with fewer sanctioning bodies. Usyk’s achievement is rarer: undisputed championships in two different weight classes while navigating boxing’s most fragmented landscape.

Usyk’s story is kinda incredible

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The punch that carries Ukrainian soul

Usyk ended the fight with what he calls his signature punch: “Ivan.” Asked about it after the fight, the champion explained why he named his left hook after a Ukrainian everyman.

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“It’s a punch name, Ivan. Yeah, left hook,” Usyk said, demonstrating the motion. “It’s Ukrainian name. Yeah, Ivan is, you know, it’s like a big guy who live in a village and work in a farm. It was a big guy, like a Cossack. What is your name? My name is Ivan. Yeah, it’s a hard punch, yeah.”

The left hook that dropped Dubois for the final time carried more than technique – it embodied the kind of strength Ukrainians associate with their countryside, the tough rural workers who’ve always been the backbone of the nation.

Two Crimeans on Wembley’s stage

Before Usyk entered the ring, another voice from occupied Crimea commanded the stadium. Singer Nadia Dorofeeva performed Ukraine’s national anthem before 90,000 spectators, creating one of those moments where sport becomes something bigger.

Dorofeeva, who gained fame as part of “Vremya i Steklo” before going solo, has become a vocal supporter of Ukraine during the war. Her anthem performance before the fight connected two Crimean natives on British soil, both representing their occupied homeland on a global stage.

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Fighting for those who can’t watch

Right after winning, Usyk delivered the message that mattered most to him – acknowledging the soldiers who make his career possible.

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“I want to thank all Ukraine, all the guys, who are now defending our country,” Usyk said in the ring. “I received many messages yesterday and today as well from various units, who are defending my country on the front line. Guys, Glory to Ukraine! You are incredible! You allow me to be here now!”

The champion’s words connected his boxing triumph directly to Ukraine’s broader fight for survival. While Usyk dominated at Wembley, Ukrainian forces were engaged in combat that determines whether their country continues to exist.

Ukraine’s new Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko praised Usyk’s victory as “a triumph of will and discipline,” writing on Facebook:

“Every victory charges us with a good mood. Congratulations, champion! Thank you for everything you do for Ukraine.”

Building on his Fury masterclass

This victory built on Usyk’s historic achievement in May 2024, when he defeated Tyson Fury by split decision to become the first undisputed heavyweight champion since Lennox Lewis in 1999. That fight was massive – finally unifying all heavyweight belts after 25 years of fragmentation.

But Usyk couldn’t keep all four belts. Boxing politics forced him to choose between defending against Fury in their contracted rematch or facing IBF mandatory challenger Dubois. He vacated the IBF title, allowing Dubois to claim it. Saturday’s fight put the championship back together.

The first Usyk-Dubois fight in August 2023 ended controversially when a disputed low blow in the fifth round gave Usyk time to recover before he knocked out Dubois in the ninth. This time was cleaner – Usyk dominated from the start before finishing Dubois decisively in round five.

What happens to boxing’s best

Usyk’s professional record now stands at 23-0 with 14 knockouts. He’s beaten every top heavyweight of his generation – Anthony Joshua twice, Fury twice, and now Dubois twice. His amateur record of 335 wins and 15 losses included Olympic gold in 2012 and World Championship gold in 2011.

The Ukrainian’s next move remains unclear. At 38, he’s hinted this might be among his final fights. Potential opponents include another Fury trilogy fight, or mandatory challengers from various sanctioning bodies.

From Crimea to global champion

Usyk’s journey represents something larger than boxing success. When Russia occupied Crimea in 2014, many athletes from the peninsula faced difficult choices. Usyk packed up his family and moved to Kyiv, choosing Ukrainian identity over convenience.

His ring entrances always feature Ukrainian elements – traditional patterns, Cossack symbols, his distinctive “oseledets” haircut. It’s not performance; it’s identity. Every fight becomes a statement about what he chooses to represent.

Saturday’s victory delivered another moment of Ukrainian excellence during wartime, proving that Ukrainian athletes continue performing at the world’s highest levels while their country fights for survival. For Ukrainian fans watching globally, Usyk’s left hook named “Ivan” carried the strength of their rural traditions straight through a British opponent’s guard.

The spies are also blamed for a prolonged campaign of cyberattacks across Europe

SBU Colonel Ivan Voronych’s killers — a foreign man and woman working for Russia’s FSB security service — resisted arrest and died in a firefight with law enforcers during a special operation led by the Security Service of Ukraine.

Foreign assassins tracked after bold murder of SBU officer

On 13 July, the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) and National Police reported the elimination of a foreign hit squad in Kyiv Oblast. This occured days after they murdered SBU Colonel Ivan Voronych in the capital on 10 July. The SBU reports that the man and woman — both foreign nationals — had been sent to Ukraine by Russia’s FSB with clear instructions to assassinate the SBU officer.

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According to the investigation, the FSB handler instructed the duo to surveil Voronych, identify his daily routine and routes, and later provided them with coordinates of a stash containing a pistol with a suppressor. In Kyiv’s Holosiivskyi District, one of the assailants approached Voronych on the morning of 10 July near his residence and fired several point-blank shots. The officer died on the spot. The foreign hit squad in Kyiv had tried to go into hiding following the assassination.

The case was registered under Article 348 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine — attempted murder of a law enforcement officer, military serviceman, or public order official.

Special operation ends with foreign suspects killed

The head of the SBU, Lieutenant General Vasyl Maliuk, personally oversaw the special operation to identify and locate the foreign hit squad in Kyiv, the agency said. The operation involved covert investigative and counterintelligence measures. Ukrainian forces discovered the suspects’ hideout and moved in early morning on 13 July.

“When they were being detained, they resisted. There was an exchange of fire, and the scum were eliminated,” said Maliuk. He added, “Let me remind you: the only future for the enemy on Ukrainian territory is death.”

Maliuk thanked National Police officers for their professional cooperation and emphasized that countering Russian intelligence operations remains a core priority for the SBU. He stated that the service successfully prevents 85% of crimes the enemy attempts to commit in Ukraine.

SBU colonel targeted for role in cross-border operations

The New York Times has previously reported that Colonel Ivan Voronych played a role in Ukrainian military operations in Russia’s Kursk Oblast. He served in the SBU since 1997 and was part of the elite Alpha Special Operations Center.

Ukrainian intelligence officer and former SBU operative Roman Chervinskyi described Voronych as one of the initiators of the SBU’s field of activity that has “caused many problems for the Russians.”

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In an interview with The Telegraph, General Sir Patrick Sanders warned that the government needs to act swiftly to improve national resilience

Ukraine’s allies prepare real countermeasures against Russian terror at the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome. On 10–11 July in Italy, the Ukraine Recovery Conference brought together a broad and high-level international delegation of over 6,000 to 8,000 participants from around 70 countries and 100 government delegations.

Key outcomes of bilateral meetings in Rome:

• Patriot Systems. Palisa says a dialogue with the US regarding the purchase and transfer of ten air defense systems to Ukraine is ongoing, including at the presidential level. Germany is already prepared to fund two systems, and Norway another one. Once the manufacturer gives formal confirmation, other European partners are expected to join as well.
• Joint defense production. Ukraine discussed cooperation and investment in scaling up domestic drone production with the prime ministers of Italy, Poland, and the Netherlands, as well as with the German Chancellor Friedrich Merz.
• Interceptor drones. According to Palisa, this topic came up in nearly every meeting as “everyone understands the importance of technological solutions in modern warfare.” Ukraine is working to attract large investments to boost the production scale.
• The UK–Ukraine agreement. At the conference, Britain and Ukraine signed a 19-year agreement that unlocks financing for over 5,000 Thales missiles for air defense systems.
• Increased payments for Ukrainian soldiers. Palisa says EU leaders are responding positively to this matter. Ukraine will seek solutions together. 

Not all decisions and agreements were announced publicly. Some remained classified due to the risk that Russia could exploit this information.

Also, during the Ukraine Recovery Conference, the “Coalition of the Willing” met. Around 30 key countries and partners participated, including French President Emmanuel Macron and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, who joined remotely via video.

For the first time, US representatives took part: Special Presidential Envoy Keith Kellogg, and Senators Lindsey Graham and Richard Blumenthal. They are co-authors of the bipartisan Sanctioning Russia Act of 2025 (S.1241), which aims to increase sanctions pressure on Russia.

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The main idea of the bill is to impose 500% tariffs on imports into the US from countries that continue to purchase Russian energy resources, such as oil, gas, uranium, and other raw materials. The goal is to economically isolate Russia and force countries around the world to stop supporting its war machine.

France says Storm Shadow missile production at MBDA’s UK site restarts this year. The long-range air-launched missile has been actively used by Ukraine in strikes against Russian targets. 

SCALP/Storm Shadow production to resume in 2025 after long pause

France is restarting production of the Storm Shadow missile—known in France as SCALP EG—in partnership with the United Kingdom. French Armed Forces Minister Sébastien Lecornu announced that manufacturing will resume in 2025, 15 years after the last order. The missiles will be produced at MBDA’s facility in Stevenage, England.

Lecornu made the statement during a visit to the UK site alongside his British counterpart, John Healey on 9 July.

“Supplied to Ukraine, the Franco-British SCALP/Storm Shadow missile has demonstrated its effectiveness in modern high-intensity combat, in decisive situations,” he said.

The SCALP/Storm Shadow has played a prominent role in Ukraine’s defense against Russia, striking hardened targets far behind the front line.

MBDA reactivates line for joint missile project

The missile is manufactured by MBDA, a joint venture of France, the UK, Italy, and Germany. 

France’s Senate had outlined plans to order new munitions, including SCALP missiles, in December 2024.

Air-launched weapon designed to hit fortified targets

SCALP/Storm Shadow is a long-range air-launched cruise missile designed for deep strikes against heavily defended and fixed targets such as command bunkers. The missile weighs up to 1,300 kg, including a 450 kg warhead, and measures 5.1 meters in length.

The export version has a declared range of over 250 km, while domestic variants used by France and the UK can reach up to 560 km. The French and British models differ slightly in software and aircraft compatibility, but are otherwise identical.

Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Ruslan Stefanchuk said on June 28 that Ukraine's parliament is preparing a draft bill to hold elections following the end of the martial law period enacted as a result of the war.

"We are working on this draft law, because for the next elections, a new special draft law is needed that will regulate the so-called post-war elections," Stefanchuk said on Ukraine's marathon TV broadcast.

"We are preparing various basic scenarios so that people can exercise their fundamental constitutional right to vote. And this must take place in Ukraine. And I believe we will be able to find the right legislative compromise," he added.

The reason for separate legislation on a post-war election, Stefanchuk previously said, was due to the fact that Ukraine's Constitution does not not provide clarity on the details of holding elections following the end of a martial law period.

No details on the bill or timeline for implementation were provided.

Russia's full-scale invasion and the subsequent declaration of martial law in Ukraine meant elections have been impossible to hold, and President Volodymyr Zelensky's term has been extended, something constitutional lawyers say is allowed under Ukrainian law.

Despite criticism, Ukraine's parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, passed a resolution on Feb. 25 to hold elections after "a comprehensive, just, and sustainable peace is secured" in the country.

While polling shows a vast majority of Ukrainian citizens do not support holding elections before a full peace deal, the lack of elections has stirred some controversy with Ukraine's allies.

At the start of his second term in office, U.S. President Donald Trump urged Ukraine to hold elections — something that Ukraine has thus far refused to do citing the difficulties of holding elections amid active warfare, as well as security implications.

Zelensky has previously said he is willing to step down in exchange for a peace agreement.

Russian propaganda has widely used the issue of elections in Ukraine to discredit the Ukrainian leadership. Mocow has repeatedly claimed that Zelensky is no longer a legitimate president, as his first term was originally meant to end on May 20, 2024.

Russia has amassed 111,000 troops near Pokrovsk, Syrskyi says

Pokrovsk remains the “hottest spot” along the front line but “the situation is under control” and Russia has not crossed the administrative border from Donetsk to Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi said.

The Kyiv IndependentAbbey Fenbert