You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Russia has released two new propaganda videos showcasing its growing drone warfare capabilities—both focused on the Geran-2 suicide drones, the Russian version of Iran’s Shahed-136. The videos, aired by Russian state media on 14 July, offer a chilling look into Moscow’s drone production and deployment—and signal a shift toward mass-scale aerial warfare.
The timing of the videos coincides with a sharp escalation in Russia’s drone attacks on Ukraine. On 9 July, Moscow launched its largest single-day aerial barrage of the war, firing 741 drones and missiles in one night.
Analysts now warn that Russia may soon be capable of launching 1,000 to 2,000 drones per day, aiming to saturate Ukraine’s air defences and wear down Western military support. The strategy is simple: overwhelm with volume, exploit cost asymmetry, and stretch Ukrainian and NATO resources to the breaking point.
Inside an underground drone factory
The first video, broadcast via Zvezda, takes viewers inside the Yelabuga factory in Tatarstan. Located more than 1,300 km from Ukraine, the facility reportedly produces over 5,000 Geran‑2s a month, with 18,000 built in the first half of 2025.
Satellite imagery and facility layout suggest large sections of the plant are underground, enhancing its resilience to long-range Ukrainian strikes. The video highlights on‑site foundries, assembly lines, electronics shops—all sealed beneath reinforced structures.
Yelabuga drone factory in Tatarstan.
Ukrainian drone strikes: Deep and determined
Despite its distance from the front lines, Yelabuga has been repeatedly targeted by Ukrainian drones:
April 2024: Strikes injured 12 people; fires were reported in a dormitory.
May–June 2025: Additional attacks, including one that killed a worker, prompted limited local damage.
Yet, despite the assaults, production appears largely unaffected, with officials insisting the plant continues to operate “stably.”
Mobile launches from US-made trucks
The second video reveals drones launched from Dodge Ram 1500 pickup trucks—vehicles that seem American-made and potentially obtained in violation of Western sanctions. This mobile launcher method signals a shift toward faster, more flexible deployment and increased launch density.
Russian drones launched from Dodge Ram 1500 pickup trucks.
A costly war of attrition
Geran‑2 drones are designed for long-range strikes:
Length: 3.5 m
Wingspan: 2.5 m
Weight: ~200 kg
Warhead: 50 kg
Range: Up to 1,800 km
Speed: Up to 300 km/h
Despite their relatively low cost—$35,000–$50,000—they place significant strain on Ukrainian defences. A single Patriot interceptor, by contrast, costs over $5 million.
Ukraine reported this week that it had shot down its 30,000th Shahed drone, based on serial number analysis of drone fragments.
Yelabuga drone factory in Tatarstan, Russia. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Why it matters
First video reveals industrial-scale drone manufacturing, likely underground, resilient to attack.
Second video highlights mobile, adaptive launch tactics using Western vehicles.
Together, they underscore a clear message: Russia is not just sustaining its drone campaign—it is scaling it.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Next month, US troops will gather at Camp Atterbury, Indiana, for a new kind of “Top Gun” school—this one focused on Ukraine-style, kamikaze first-person-view (FPV) drones, Defense One reports. The event is part of the Pentagon’s Technology Readiness Experimentation (T-REX) program, which tests cutting-edge unmanned systems under simulated urban combat conditions.
The urgency reflects Ukraine’s rapid drone advances. In late 2023, Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense ramped up production and training of FPV drones, which quickly became a cornerstone of its battlefield strategy. By February, the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) estimated these drones accounted for 70% of Russia’s battlefield losses—forcing a recalibration of US strategy.
Alexander Lovett, deputy assistant secretary of defense for prototyping and experimentation, said the US military is now building out FPV drone schools across the services. At T-REX, teams will square off in “red versus blue” drone battles, with counter-drone technologies also on display.
Ukraine’s drone playbook inspires US strategy
Ukraine’s success has shown that cheap, agile FPV drones can deliver outsized impact. While consumer drones have been used in war since Russia’s 2014 invasion, Ukraine’s scale and innovation pushed them from novelty to necessity.
Today, Ukraine is producing around 200,000 drones a month, according to CNA analyst Sam Bendett—a pace the US has yet to match.
The Pentagon’s Replicator program, launched in 2023 to scale low-cost autonomous drones, has so far fallen short of expectations. In response, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced a shift: allowing units to procure drones directly, without waiting on traditional acquisition pipelines.
“We need to be world class, and we will,” Hegseth said, calling the move a way to “open the aperture” to more suppliers and systems.
“The beginning of American drone dominance”
Emil Michael, the new undersecretary of defense for research and engineering, described the Pentagon drone showcase this week as “the beginning of American drone dominance.” But he acknowledged the US lags behind Ukraine, Russia, and especially China.
A major factor is training: Ukrainian forces regularly operate in jamming-heavy environments, something the US struggles to replicate due to FAA and FCC restrictions on jamming, which protect civilian networks.
Michael said drone manufacturers must internalize lessons from real-world conflicts like Ukraine’s. “That’s sort of endemic to becoming a drone manufacturer in the [United States],” he said.
Ukrainians to observe and advise at T-REX
To bridge that gap, Ukrainian military personnel will attend T-REX, offering firsthand feedback. One organizer told Defense One the feedback will likely be “blunt.”
“If you are not operating in Ukraine, then your stuff is not serious,” said Brandon Tseng, co-founder of Shield AI, which works with both US and Ukrainian forces. He noted many companies failed to survive Ukraine’s harsh electronic warfare environment.
Lovett echoed that challenge: “We have limited places where we can do that,” he said, referencing jamming exercises. The Pentagon is working with regulators to open more test ranges, but change will be slow.
Creative autonomy as the path forward
According to Bendett, the US will likely never replicate China’s DJI dominance, but can lead through decentralized innovation. “We have to shake loose our own creativity,” he said.
Allowing commanders to choose their own drones—and learning directly from Ukrainian combat experience—may be key.
“We’ve opened the door for rapid acquisition,” said Michael. “If you’re a smart builder… you could build to those specifications.”
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Today, there are interesting updates from the Kupiansk direction. Here, the Russians have opened a dangerous new axis to put the Ukrainian defense northwest of Kupiansk in danger. The Ukrainian command has acted decisively, sending in experienced tank units to smash the enemy and push him back over the border.
Russian forces have recently opened a new offensive axis near the Ukrainian border by swiftly capturing the village of Milove and adjacent forested areas. Having rapidly consolidated this foothold, Russian units are now attempting to advance deeper into Ukrainian-held territory, specifically targeting a line of villages culminating at Velykyi Burluk, the largest settlement in the area.
Russian forces took the border village of Milove in Kharkiv Oblast and are now advancing toward Velykyi Burluk through a series of smaller settlements. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Russia eyes Velykyi Burluk as a logistics hub
The strategic importance of Velykyi Burluk lies in its infrastructure, which offers the Russians critical space for troop accommodation, storage of munitions, and logistical hubs necessary for further pushes.
The Russian decision to initiate this new axis is driven by their broader strategic intent to sever critical communication and supply lines between Kharkiv and two key frontline cities, Kupiansk and Vovchansk. Russian forces around Vovchansk have been stuck in a stalemate for over a year, failing repeatedly to achieve significant breakthroughs. By introducing this northern axis, Russian commanders hope to renew their stalled momentum around Vovchansk, creating additional pressure from a fresh direction.
Russia opens new northern axis to pressure Vovchansk and cut supply lines to Kupiansk—its primary objective. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Ukraine acts fast to stop encirclement
However, Kupiansk remains their central objective. Russian troops have faced substantial challenges near Dvorichna, unable to sufficiently expand their limited bridgehead on the western bank of the Oskil River. Thus, a successful push from the north toward Velykyi Burluk could support renewed thrusts along the Oskil and help fulfill Russia’s stalled ambition to encircle Kupiansk.
This Russian goal is gaining urgency as half the summer campaign season has already passed without meaningful progress. Russian tactical advantages in this new direction lie primarily in their proximity to their border-based supply lines, which have allowed relatively steady reinforcement and resupply efforts.
Russia exploits thin Ukrainian defenses near Milove, using proximity to border supply lines to push forward. Ukraine responds with rapid mechanized reinforcements. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Ukrainian armor and drones strike back
Furthermore, because the region around Milove had previously been relatively calm compared to more fiercely contested sectors, Ukrainian forces deployed there were thinly spread and not immediately prepared to resist a sudden, concentrated attack. Russians have exploited precisely these gaps in Ukraine’s extensive defensive line, advancing with small, mechanized units and infantry raids to quickly establish control over key positions.
Ukrainian forces, however, have swiftly recognized the severity of this emerging threat. Despite initially limited troop presence, Ukrainian commanders promptly redeployed mechanized reinforcements from nearby positions to counter this new threat. Ukrainian units are now actively conducting tactical hit-and-run raids, effectively leveraging Russia’s assault groups’ vulnerability.
Videos of these engagements vividly document Ukraine’s response, with one clearly showing a Ukrainian T-64BV tank and a BTR-4E Bucephalus engaging Russian infantry hidden within tree lines at point-blank range, effectively neutralizing the advancing enemy assault group.
Ukrainian drones and infantry destroyed two MT-LBs, a BMP-2, and eliminated 17 Russian troops, showcasing effective drone-led defense. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Drone warfare halts Russian advance near Kamianka
Meanwhile, Russian attempts to support their northern advance by expanding their precarious bridgehead near Kamianka over the Oskil River have met fierce resistance. Ukrainian forces recently thwarted a mechanized assault there, utilizing FPV drones and drone-dropped munitions to decisively halt the advance.
In the engagement, Ukrainian drone operators and infantry destroyed two Russian MT-LB armored vehicles, a BMP-2 infantry fighting vehicle, and eliminated 17 assault troops, demonstrating again their skillful use of drones in such situations.
Ukrainian drones and infantry destroyed two MT-LBs, a BMP-2, and eliminated 17 Russian troops, showcasing effective drone-led defense. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Ukraine moves quickly to contain Russian gains
Overall, given the strategic significance of this region, it is critical for Ukrainian defensive operations that this new Russian offensive axis is decisively neutralized as early as possible. Ukrainian military leadership clearly understands the urgency and has mobilized forces to rapidly counter and contain Russian gains near Milove.
Their determined response aims to close existing defensive gaps swiftly, denying Russia further opportunities to advance toward Kupiansk, Vovchansk, or even threaten approaches to Kharkiv itself. It remains to be seen if Russian forces will simultaneously escalate their actions near Vovchansk to attempt a coordinated, multidirectional offensive to achieve the long-sought encirclement of Kupiansk this summer.
In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Ukraine has revealed a new compact naval weapon — Ursula — a tiny drone boat that can carry and launch FPV drones for attack and reconnaissance missions, Forbes tech correspondent David Hambling reports. The boat, only one meter (about three feet) long, was introduced in a video from the Association of Ukrainian Engineers and developed by startup ToviTechNet.
As Ukraine faces Russia’s full-scale invasion without access to modern fighter jets, warships, or long-range missile systems — and without formal military alliances — it has embraced asymmetric warfare. With limited conventional tools, Kyiv is turning to innovative, low-cost drone technologies to strike back across land, air, and sea.
“This robot vessel may be the world’s smallest aircraft carrier,” Hambling wrote.
What is Ursula?
Size: ~1 meter (3 feet) long
Function: Launches FPV drones or acts as a suicide drone
Uses: River patrols, swamp operations, reconnaissance, explosive delivery
The boat is designed for shallow waters, rivers, and swamps, giving Ukraine an edge in covert inland operations against Russian forces. It can also be equipped with sensors or explosives for kamikaze missions.
FPV drone attacks from the water
While Ursula’s demo video does not show a drone being launched, Ukraine has already used similar drone boats to launch FPVs in combat.
According to Militarnyi, Ukraine’s armed forces used USVs in January 2025 to strike Russian offshore platforms with drone-launched attacks. FPVs targeted defenders, while the boats deployed underwater mines and rammed the platforms, setting them on fire.
“Flying drones from USVs is already standard practice,” Hambling noted.
Black Widow 2: Ukraine’s other miniature drone boat
The Black Widow 2, another 1-meter-long USV, entered service in early 2025. It features:
Top speed of 25 mph (40 km/h)
Gimbal-mounted camera
Up to 3 kg explosive payload
“Lurking mode” to hide for days
Cost: $2,400 per unit
Production: 100 per month
Although not yet used as a drone carrier, its size and capabilities suggest it could be adapted.
Black Widow 2 river drone. Photo: Suspilne
Ukrainian USVs are already launching air strikes
Recent footage shared by Ukrainian military sources shows FPV and fixed-wing drones launched from drone boats during attacks in Russian-occupied Crimea and along the Dnipro River.
In July 2025, Ukraine released a video showing FPVs launched from USVs striking components of a Russian Nebo-M radar system, including the radar command post.
“One FPV strike is enough to destroy an aircraft on deck,” Hambling wrote. “Taking out 95% of the attacking drones and boats may not be enough.”
Long-term potential: Ocean-crossing drone boats
Ukraine’s smaller USVs like Ursula currently rely on battery power, but future systems could follow models like:
WaveGlider (US Navy) — wave + solar-powered
Saildrone — wind-powered with extreme endurance
These uncrewed platforms have already crossed oceans and could one day carry drones across the globe, enabling attacks from the sea into any coastal zone.
“They are inexpensive and stealthy… and could cover the world’s oceans,” Hambling noted.
Why this matters
Ursula might be tiny, but its implications are big: FPV drone warfare has now gone naval. What looks like a toy can silently carry deadly drones into enemy territory — from inland rivers to coastal defenses.
As Ukraine pushes drone innovation further, Ursula is a glimpse of how miniature drone boats could reshape future conflicts, one river or shoreline at a time.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Keith Kellogg got an uncomfortable look at how Western sanctions on Russia are failing. During his visit to Kyiv, the US Special Representative to Ukraine examined Western-made electronics that Ukrainian intelligence pulled from destroyed Russian weapons—the same components fueling attacks on Ukrainian cities.
The visit, during Kellogg’s multi-day mission in Kyiv on 14-16 July, also included meetings with top Ukrainian officials like President Zelenskyy and Defense Minister Rustem Umerov to discuss peace pathways, defense cooperation, and localization of weapon production in Ukraine and Europe. Kellogg was also briefed on Russia’s plans for a possible larger conflict with NATO.
The exhibition was coordinated by the War&Sanctions portal of the Main Intelligence Directorate, working alongside the Defense Forces of Ukraine and the Kyiv Research Institute of Forensic Expertise. The display featured components extracted from destroyed or captured Russian weaponry by Ukrainian military intelligence personnel.
Among the items presented to Kellogg were Western elements found in Iranian-Russian Shahed kamikaze drones, also known as “geranium” drones, and Russian “gerbera” drones. These weapons systems have been consistently deployed against civilian targets in Ukraine.
But the problem runs deeper than drone components. Ukrainian analysts identified precision microelectronics critical for manufacturing high-accuracy weapons systems. Russia’s defense industry acquired these through what intelligence officials call “gray schemes”—unofficial networks designed to bypass sanctions.
“The international community must strengthen control over compliance with sanctions imposed on Moscow,” said Cipher, a Main Intelligence Directorate serviceman. “Manufacturers should take a more responsible approach to controlling their products in international markets.”
Head of Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence Kyrylo Budanov also warned Kellogg during their meeting in Kyiv that Russia’s war ambitions extend far beyond Ukraine and are projected to last until 2036, including preparations for a major conflict not only against Ukraine but also NATO.
Earlier, President Zelenskyy highlighted a significant loophole in international sanctions that allows Russia to continue producing its nuclear-capable Oreshnik intercontinental ballistic missiles using Western technology.
In 2024, Russia increasingly relied on North Korean KN-23 ballistic missiles to strike Ukraine, while analysis of missile fragments revealed that these weapons contain significant Western-made electronic components, primarily produced by companies from the US, the Netherlands, the UK, and Switzerland, some manufactured as recently as 2023.
These foreign parts include crucial guidance system circuitry without which the missiles could not function, highlighting that the missiles are reliant on imported Western technology despite sanctions.
Experts believe China acts as an intermediary in supplying these components to North Korea, raising concerns about loopholes in export controls and the illicit trade fueling Russian missile capabilities.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Seven months after an Azerbaijan Airlines plane crashed near Kazakhstan, killing 38 people, President Ilham Aliyev has had enough of Russia’s stonewalling.
Azerbaijan is preparing legal documents for international courts, targeting Russia over what Baku calls the deliberate downing of its civilian aircraft. The move escalates a diplomatic crisis that has simmered since 25 December, when flight J2-8243 was went down near Aktau.
Why the dramatic step? Russia’s investigation has produced nothing but bureaucratic delays, according to President Aliyev.
“Azerbaijan’s Prosecutor General keeps writing to Russia’s Investigative Committee,” Aliyev told reporters, as reported by AZERTAC. “The response is always the same: ‘the investigation continues.'”
But Azerbaijan isn’t buying it. “For us, everything is clear. We know what happened, and we can prove it. And we know that Russian officials also know what happened,” Aliyev said bluntly.
Russian air defense most likely led to plane crash
Flight J2-8243 left Baku bound for Grozny, Russia’s republic of Chechnya, that December morning. It never arrived.
Instead, after multiple course changes, the plane crashed hundreds of miles off course near Aktau, Kazakhstan, killing 38 people aboard.
Russian authorities quickly blamed bird strikes and bad weather—fog had closed Grozny airport, they said, forcing the reroute.
The explanation unraveled under scrutiny. Flight tracking data from Flightradar24 showed the plane’s GPS signal had been jammed near Grozny. More damaging: social media photos revealed puncture marks across the aircraft’s tail section that looked suspiciously like shrapnel damage.
OSINT analysts compared the damage patterns to known effects of Pantsir air defense missiles. The same morning, Grozny airport had implemented “Carpet” protocols—emergency closures during Ukrainian drone attacks.
Explore further
US confirms evidence Russia downed civilian Azeri plane that killed 38
Earlier, Azerbaijan’s President already stated that the aircraft was damaged by external fire, caused by electronic warfare systems that rendered the plane uncontrollable, and ground fire that severely damaged its tail.
Aliyev emphasized that the plane was shot down accidentally by Russian air defenses responding to threats in the area, and he condemned the poor coordination and failure to close Russian airspace.
The Azerbaijani president also dismissed Russian explanations that a Ukrainian drone was responsible. “There were two attacks on the aircraft. So imagine: a Ukrainian drone flies in, targets the Azerbaijani aircraft, hits it, falls, and then attacks again. This is a kindergarten story,” he said.
Meanwhile, Ukraine’s intelligence chief Kyrylo Budanov stated flatly that a Russian missile caused the crash, likely fired during anti-drone operations around Grozny.
Azerbaijan ready to wait for years to get justice
Baku has outlined four non-negotiable demands:
Russia must admit responsibility
punish those who fired the missile
compensate victims’ families
reimburse Azerbaijan Airlines for the lost aircraft.
Russia’s response? More delays.
Aliyev referenced the decade-long legal battle over Malaysian Airlines flight MH17, which Russia shot down over Ukraine in 2014.
“We are ready to wait ten years, but justice must prevail,” he said.
Only in 2025, after more than ten years, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) issued a historic ruling holding Russia responsible for the downing of MH17, recognizing Russia’s effective control over separatist territories.
Explore further
European court makes history: Russia guilty of Ukraine human rights violations since 2014 and plane downing MH17
In February 2025, Azerbaijan also officially expelled Rossotrudnichestvo, the main Kremlin propaganda and soft power agency, from its territory, citing the protection of national interests and refusal to tolerate external interference. Azerbaijani authorities took control of the agency’s headquarters in Baku, the so-called Russian House, after discovering it operated without proper registration.
Rossotrudnichestvo, known for orchestrating pro-Russian rallies and suspected intelligence activities, was seen as an instrument of Kremlin influence and disinformation.
Azerbaijan expressed growing tensions and openly criticized Russia, including suspending cultural events linked to Russia and detaining Russian journalists suspected of intelligence activities, so their relations have sharply deteriorated.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
An anti-aircraft vehicle from the Cold War is enjoying a dramatic second career in Ukraine—as a top killer of Russia’s Shaheds.
As the barrages of Shahed drones get bigger, more frequent and more destructive in Ukraine, it’s becoming clear which Ukrainian-operated weapons work best against the 200-kg drones, each hauling a 90-kg warhead thousands of km under satellite guidance.
German-made Gepard self-propelled anti-aircraft guns, or SPAAGs—each armed with a pair of radar-cued 35-mm Oerlikon autocannons—are some of the most efficient defenses against the Shaheds. “Automated 35-mm gun systems produce dense projectile clouds,” pointed out a Ukrainian air-defense developer who goes by their nom de guerre “Alchemist.”
Ukraine’s scores of Gepards, along with a much smaller number of more modern Skynex guns, “provide critical mid-range defense” against the devastating Shahed raids, swatting down the drones from a few kilometers away. “A German Gepard with twin 35-mm Oerlikon cannons once shot down multiple drones with a single burst,” Alchemist recalled.
A Ukrainian soldier loads 35mm ammunition into a German-made Gepard anti-aircraft gun. Photo: Lars Berg
Russia’s Shahed attack drones are relentlessly striking Ukrainian cities. Defeating the normally propeller-driven drones is “the highest priority” in Kyiv, according to Taras Tymochko, a representative of the Come Back Alive foundation.
Since launching the first Shahed at Ukraine nearly three years ago, Russia has launched tens of thousands of the explosive drones: around 29,000 in all so far, according to Ukrainian analysts. A single Shahed may cost between $50,000 and $150,000.
The pace of the drone attacks is increasing. The scale, too. An attack on July 4 involved 539 Shaheds and decoy Shaheds, according to the Ukrainian air force. The air force claimed it shot down 268 of the drones, while another 208 flew off course, likely owing to Ukrainian jamming systems, which can interfere with the radio signals connecting the drones to their navigation satellites.
Despite the defensive effort, 63 Shaheds struck, damaging buildings and killing and wounding civilians. Six days later on July 10, 397 Shaheds swarmed in. Twenty-nine got through that time. Two days after that on July 12, an incredible 597 Shaheds and decoys droned toward Ukraine. The Ukrainians shot down or misdirected 577 of them. Twenty hit.
The low hit rate doesn’t worry Russian planners. “The Kremlin is willing to lose many Shaheds—about 75% of attacks fail—because mass waves are designed to exhaust air-defense systems,” Alchemist noted.
If Ukrainian forces engaged every Shahed with a surface-to-air missile, Ukraine’s entire stock of missiles could run out in weeks or months.
The size of a Russian Shahed drone. Photo: Paul Angelsky via Facebook
US missile-maker Lockheed Martin assembles around 600 multi-million-dollar Patriot missiles a year; Ukraine wages an intensive diplomatic campaign to ensure its six or seven Patriot batteries always have access to a few of the one-ton, 145-km-range missiles.
Smaller air-defense missiles are cheaper and more numerous, but not by much: The United Kingdom has loaned Ukraine $3.4 billion to buy 5,000 Lightweight Multimission Missiles, each weighing 13 kg and ranging 8 km. That’s more than half a million dollars per missile. A Shahed is far cheaper than even an LMM.
By contrast, Ukraine’s roughly 80 Gepards and nearly identical, ex-Jordanian Cheetah SPAAGs—all German-built but some sent by the United States—are cheap. The vehicles are decades-old, surplus to their original operators’ needs and simple and reliable by today’s standards.
British LMM missile launched from shoulder-fired system. Photo: Screenshot from a Thales promotional video
The main cost of operating a Gepard is the cost of its 35-mm ammunition. After sending Ukraine all of its Cold War stocks of Gepard ammo in 2023, Germany paid munitions-maker Rheinmetall $181 million to restart production of the 1.5-kg and produce a fresh batch of 300,000. A handful of rounds is enough to down a drone.
A subsequent German contract paid for another 180,000 rounds that should arrive in Ukraine next year. Ukraine’s Gepards should have enough ammo to blast away every time Shaheds motor across the border.
For a Gepard crew, the cost of shooting down a Shahed might amount to a few thousand dollars. That, and the mobile gun’s accuracy, is why the Gepard is on the front line of Ukraine’s defensive campaign against the Shaheds.
Explore further
Gepard flak tank praised as most reliable German weapon in Ukraine
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
German Major General Christian Freuding urged Ukraine to develop more efficient air defense systems, warning that Russia aims to launch 2,000 drones simultaneously in future attacks.
So far, the largest single drone assault by Russia on Ukraine since the start of the full-scale invasion involved 728 Shahed-type and decoy drones, alongside 13 missiles, and occurred on 9 July.
Russia aims to destabilize Ukrainian society through relentless drone swarms targeting cities and critical infrastructure almost daily as the peace talks stalled and foreign support became uncertain. Ukraine continues to rely on advanced air defenses including Patriot missiles and F-16 fighters, as these systems target cruise and ballistic threats beyond drone engagement capabilities but it also began to develop interceptor drones.
Speaking on the Bundeswehr program “Nachgefragt,” General Freuding highlighted the economic disparity in current defense methods. The former chief military coordinator of German aid to Ukraine noted that using Patriot missiles costing over 5 million euros to intercept Shahed drones worth 30,000 to 50,000 euros represents an unsustainable approach.
“We must consider intelligent countermeasures,” Freuding stated, advocating for defensive systems priced between 2,000 and 4,000 euros per unit.
The general also suggested preemptive strikes targeting Russian aircraft, airfields, and military-industrial facilities as an alternative strategy. Ukraine has already demonstrated this approach works.
In response, Ukraine is rapidly accelerating the development and deployment of low-cost interceptor drones to counter increasingly frequent Russian drone attacks, especially the Iranian-designed Shahed kamikaze UAVs.
They’re capable of shooting down about 70% of incoming threats, nearly doubling the success rate of traditional mobile fire teams.
President Zelenskyy emphasized that while the technology is proven, Ukraine urgently needs international financial support to mass-produce and deploy these interceptors to defend against the escalating drone assaults.
In June, Ukraine received a significant $4 billion boost from the G7 summit to accelerate the mass production of these advanced drone interceptors. Four Ukrainian companies are engaged in developing these interceptors, two showing notable success, with large-scale production agreements secured with Germany and Canada.
The top Ukrainian UAV commander Robert Brovdi (aka Madiar) stated earlier that the war with Russia will continue beyond 2025, as Russian forces still send more infantry than Ukraine can destroy, while Ukraine faces shortages in mobilization resources and numerical inferiority.
He emphasized that “everyone who wanted to fight is already fighting,” so Ukraine’s strategy is shifting towards replacing infantry with unmanned ground-based drones and constructing a massive, multi-layered “drone wall” to intercept incoming Russian attacks. His Drone Line project aims to create a 10-15 kilometer “kill zone” to prevent enemy advances and includes boosting domestic production of drone munitions.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
On the night of 20 July, drones targeted multiple Russian regions, including Moscow, in what officials described as the most significant drone assault on the capital since early May.
Ukrainian drones typically target strategic military and infrastructure assets in Russia to disrupt military operations and put pressure on Russian war capabilities and logistics. The drone attacks also serve a political and psychological purpose by demonstrating Ukraine’s ability to reach deep into Russian territory.
Russian air defenses shot down 19 drones over the Moscow Oblast during the overnight assault, with debris igniting vehicles and striking the upper floors of a residential building in the suburb of Zelenograd, according to the Russian Ministry of Defense.
In total, 98 Ukrainian drones were intercepted across eight regions during the 20 July attack.
According to Russian news agency Agentstvo, Telegram channels linked to Russian security forces shared video footage of the burning cars and building damage. However, it remains unclear where the drones were heading exactly before their fragments hit civilian areas.
Moscow faced one of the heaviest drone attacks since May.
Russia claims: 98 drones intercepted in total across 8 regions. 19 shot down over the Moscow Oblast
Debris from the intercepted aircraft struck the upper floors of a residential building and ignited cars in the… pic.twitter.com/v4z6Jk6Wq8
“There were no serious damages or casualties,” Moscow Mayor Sobyanin stated, according to reports from Russian media outlets.
However, the attack significantly disrupted air traffic across the region, with authorities implementing flight restrictions at four major airports: Domodedovo, Sheremetyevo, Vnukovo and Zhukovsky. Additional restrictions affected airports in Yaroslavl, Nizhny Novgorod and Kaluga. Russian aviation authority Rosaviatsia reported that 134 flights were diverted to alternative airfields due to these safety measures.
According to Russian Telegram channel Astra, passenger crowds formed at Sheremetyevo airport, though Rosaviatsia’s press service disputed claims of significant passenger accumulations at Vnukovo airport.
This marks the ninth day Moscow has faced drone attacks since early July, representing a significant escalation in Ukraine’s aerial campaign against the Russian capital.
Meanwhile, Russian forces launched widespread drone attacks across several Ukrainian regions on the night of 20 July, using 57 Shahed drones and decoy aircraft, resulting in at least one civilian death and several injuries while causing extensive damage to residential areas.
The deadliest incidents occurred in Sumy Oblast, where a 78-year-old woman died and three homes were destroyed, and rescue efforts were hampered by follow-up Russian strikes targeting first responders.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
. Engineers from Ukraine’s Steppe Brigade are fielding modular plastic bridges that deploy in just 15 minutes, giving troops rapid mobility across rivers in active combat zones.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
The boxing world witnessed something special last Saturday as Oleksandr Usyk knocked out Daniel Dubois at Wembley Stadium, reclaiming his undisputed heavyweight crown with a left hook he calls “Ivan” – named after a Ukrainian farm worker. But this latest triumph is just another chapter in the wild story of the 38-year-old from occupied Crimea who’s redefined what it means to be a champion.
The knockout victory capped off a remarkable year that saw Usyk twice defeat Tyson Fury, first becoming undisputed champion in May 2024’s “fight of the millennium,” then dominating their December rematch.
After that second Fury fight, boxing fans knew they were watching something special – but Saturday’s performance against Dubois proved Usyk isn’t slowing down.
His journey to the top has been a wild ride – full of unlikely twists, perfect timing, and the kind of determination that turns sparring partners into champions.
“I am very feel”: Usyk’s bad English made a perfect meme
Before diving into his story, you need to understand something about Usyk – he’s probably the most entertaining champion boxing has seen in years.
“How do you feel?” asked a journalist before a 2015 fight. “I am very feel,” replied Oleksandr Usyk with a grin, creating boxing’s most endearing catchphrase.
Years later, when even Cristiano Ronaldo referenced this moment in conversation with Usyk, the boxer – now much better in English – smiled and repeated his famous phrase. Just for fun. Because that’s who Usyk is.
And those English gaffes? They’ve become part of his psychological warfare. At the pre-fight press conference before the Dubois rematch, Usyk mystified reporters by repeatedly telling Dubois’ team “Don’t push the horses” – a bizarre Ukrainian idiom meaning “don’t rush.” His opponent’s trainer Don Charles finally threw up his hands: “I need a translator.” Classic Usyk, turning linguistic confusion into mind games.
Usyk started as just another sparring partner
Usyk wasn’t always the star of the show. He was just a sparring partner on the Ukrainian national team back then. But then fate played its hand—one guy got caught doping, another broke his hand, and suddenly Usyk got his shot.
Oleksandr Usyk and his first boxing trophies. Photo: oboz.ua
But here’s the kicker – he was fighting guys 7-8 kilograms heavier because he didn’t have time to bulk up. And he was winning.
Oleksandr Usyk with Volodymyr and Vitalii Klitschko in 2013. Photo: klitschko-brothers.com
This pattern of turning challenges into opportunities would define his career. After a disappointing second-round loss to Italy’s Clemente Russo in the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Usyk responded by winning both European and World Championships. The story came full circle at the 2012 London Olympics, where he defeated Russo for the gold medal.
Oleksandr Usyk with the Olympic medal. Photo: Usyk via Facebook
His training methods are kind of insane
Usyk’s approach to training seems designed to redefine what’s possible. While most people struggle to hold their breath for a minute, this man casually goes without air for 4 minutes and 40 seconds—longer than some sea creatures! While larger dolphins like the bottlenose can stay underwater for 8-10 minutes, Usyk’s lung capacity actually surpasses smaller cetaceans like the Maui dolphin, which typically surfaces every 2-3 minutes.
Oleksandr Usyk in the pool. Photo: Usyk via Instagram
Before fighting Anthony Joshua in Saudi Arabia, he cycled 100 kilometers in 40-degree Celsius heat. He once swam 10 kilometers over five hours before a London press conference. Because apparently, regular training is too mainstream for Usyk.
Oleksandr Usyk on the bicycle. Photo: Usyk via Instagram
His ring walks are equally insane
If you thought Usyk’s training was unconventional, wait till you see his ring entrances. This guy doesn’t just walk to the ring – he turns every entrance into a performance art piece.
For his first clash with Fury in May 2024, he showed up dressed as a 17th-century Ukrainian Cossack warrior. We’re talking full traditional gear inspired by historical leader Bohdan Khmelnytskyi himself.
Oleksandr Usyk in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in May 2024.
But he wasn’t done yet. For their December rematch, Usyk took things to a whole new level. Picture this: he walks out wearing this incredibly detailed Ukrainian outfit while a live choir belts out an ancient Cossack battle hymn mixed with techno beats. His robe was decked out in blue and yellow patterns with a massive Tryzub symbol – Ukraine’s national emblem. Because apparently, regular entrance music is also too mainstream for Usyk.
The “Ivan” punch that made history
After knocking out Dubois with his signature left hook, Usyk explained the cultural significance behind his finishing move. “It’s a punch name, Ivan. Yeah, left hook,” he demonstrated.
“It’s Ukrainian name. Yeah, Ivan is, you know, it’s like a big guy who live in a village and work in a farm. It was a big guy, like a Cossack. What is your name? My name is Ivan. Yeah, it’s a hard punch, yeah.”
The punch that floored Dubois wasn’t just technique – it carried the soul of Ukrainian rural tradition, embodying the strength of countryside workers who’ve always been the backbone of the nation. Minutes after his victory, Usyk dedicated the win to Ukrainian soldiers: “I want to thank all Ukraine, all the guys, who are now defending our country. You allow me to be here now!”
First, Usyk wanted to become an actor
Here’s something most people don’t know: Usyk nearly went to theater school instead of boxing. Boxing won out, but he never abandoned his artistic ambitions. After starting with a role in a 2017 Ukrainian film, The Fight Rules, and voicing cartoon characters, he’s about to hit Hollywood big time.
Oleksandr Usyk and Vasyl Virastyuk, the winner of World’s Strongest Man 2004, in 2017. Photo: Usyk via Facebook
In 2025, you’ll see him alongside Dwayne “The Rock” Johnson in The Smashing Machine, where he portrays a Ukrainian MMA fighter.
And his first love was actually football
Growing up in Simferopol, now Russian-occupied Crimea, young Usyk dreamed of football glory until financial constraints forced him to quit the sport. But his passion never faded.
Oleksandr Usyk with his mother. Photo: Usyk via Instagram
Today, he’s not just a fan—he signed a professional contract with a Ukrainian club, FC Polissia Zhytomyr, and made his debut in 2022.
These days, he’s also a businessman
The recent bout with Fury earned Usyk $114 million, but he isn’t just about boxing money. He’s built a business empire that employs a hundred people. He’s got merchandise lines, a promotion company, and even created a social network for boxers to find sparring partners.
Oleksandr Usyk in a formal suit. Photo: Usyk via Instagram
Look for the guy with the cossack haircut
You can’t miss Usyk in the ring – his traditional Cossack hairstyle(the mohawk-like “oseledets”) has become his signature.
Oleksandr Usyk with “oseledets” haircut. Photo: Usyk via Instagram
He’s transformed the Ukrainian warrior tradition into a global brand, introducing millions to Ukrainian culture through both his appearance and his victory Hopak dance – as Ukrainian as borsch.
Beyond the ring, Usyk is a family man – a devoted father of four and a man of deep faith. He’s emerged as one of Ukraine’s most powerful voices on the global stage, especially as his country fights against Russian aggression.
******
Here’s another thing about Usyk – he could have had an easier path. When Russia occupied Crimea in 2014, many athletes from the peninsula faced a choice. Some stayed, some took Russian citizenship, some left. Usyk packed his bags and moved his family to Kyiv.
Oleksandr Usyk and his wife Kateryna Usyk. Photo: Kateryna Usyk via Instagram
It wasn’t a comfortable choice. He left behind his home, his training base, and many friends. But when asked about it, Usyk answered in his characteristically straightforward way: “I’m from Crimea. But Crimea is Ukraine.” Simple as that.
Now look at him today – strutting into the ring in wildly creative outfits that always feature Ukrainian elements, from traditional patterns to Cossack symbols. It’s not just for show. Every entrance tells the same story: this is who I am, this is what I choose to be – a Ukrainian athlete bringing his nation’s fighting spirit to the global stage.
His latest victory over Dubois at Wembley proved he’s not done making history. At 38, with his undefeated 23-0 record intact, Usyk continues showing the world what Ukrainian excellence looks like – one “Ivan” punch at a time. Very feel, indeed.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Russian forces conducted widespread drone attacks across multiple Ukrainian regions overnight on 20 July, killing at least one person and injuring several others while causing significant damage to residential areas.
The strikes targeted civilian infrastructure in what appears to be part of Russia’s ongoing campaign to terrorize the population and undermine Ukrainian morale through attacks on non-military targets.
The assault involved 57 Shahed strike drones and decoy aircraft, representing a relatively modest scale compared to Russia’s typical mass drone attacks, which often involve hundreds of aircraft and have reached over 700 drones in a single night.
According to the Air Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Ukrainian air defenses successfully intercepted 18 of the attacking drones, while electronic warfare systems suppressed or caused the loss of seven additional aircraft. The military reported that 32 drones struck targets across 10 locations, with debris from intercepted aircraft falling in six areas.
Russian strike kills one civilian, destroys three homes
The deadliest impact occurred in northeastern Sumy Oblast near the front line, where a 78-year-old woman was killed during a Russian drone attack on residential areas in Svesa community, according to the State Emergency Service. Four strike drones targeted a village, causing three residential buildings to ignite immediately upon impact.
Russian terror campaign against Ukrainian civilians continues.
On the night of 20 July, Russian drones killed a 78-year-old woman and ignited three homes in a northeastern Sumy village near the front line.
Rescue operations faced significant delays because Russian forces conducted follow-up strikes on the same locations where emergency workers needed to operate. Despite the dangerous circumstances and intense fire conditions, emergency personnel successfully extinguished all blazes and prevented the fire from reaching two nearby residential buildings.
Russian follow-up strikes delay rescue operations after drone attack ignited three houses and kills a civilian in Sumy Oblast.Photos: State emergency service
Residential areas sustain damage
Southern Zaporizhzhia and surrounding areas faced intensive attacks involving at least 14 strike drones and two multiple rocket launcher system strikes, according to Regional Military Administration head Ivan Fedorov. The bombardment damaged seven private residences and caused window and facade damage to apartment buildings, while also sparking multiple fires. A 69-year-old woman sustained injuries in the attacks.
The nearby settlement of Prymorske also came under assault, where a Russian drone directly struck a residential building, injuring two elderly women aged 64 and 73.
Zaporizhzhia hit by 14 drones and rocket strikes, injuring a 69-year-old woman and damaging multiple residential buildings.Photos: Zaporizhzhia military administration
Father and daughter injured
In southern Kherson Oblast, Russian forces targeted the settlement of Zymivnyk, resulting in injuries to a 17-year-old girl and her 51-year-old father, both of whom required hospitalization, according to Regional Military Administration head Oleksandr Prokudin.
“As a result of the enemy attack, the 17-year-old girl sustained explosive and traumatic brain injuries, concussion, and shrapnel wounds to the shin. The 51-year-old man sustained explosive trauma, thermal burns to the chest and poisoning from combustion products,” Prokudin reported. Both victims are receiving medical treatment at local hospitals.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Oleksandr Usyk knocked out Daniel Dubois in the fifth round at Wembley Stadium on 19 July 2025 to become undisputed heavyweight champion for the second time, using a left hook he calls “Ivan” after a Ukrainian farm worker.
The 38-year-old from occupied Crimea achieved something even Muhammad Ali never managed – becoming undisputed heavyweight champion twice in the modern four-belt era. Ali won the heavyweight title three times, but during simpler periods with fewer sanctioning bodies. Usyk’s achievement is rarer: undisputed championships in two different weight classes while navigating boxing’s most fragmented landscape.
Usyk’s story is kinda incredible
Everyone’s talking about Usyk’s knockout—but did you know he can hold his breath longer than dolphins?
The punch that carries Ukrainian soul
Usyk ended the fight with what he calls his signature punch: “Ivan.” Asked about it after the fight, the champion explained why he named his left hook after a Ukrainian everyman.
“It’s a punch name, Ivan. Yeah, left hook,” Usyk said, demonstrating the motion. “It’s Ukrainian name. Yeah, Ivan is, you know, it’s like a big guy who live in a village and work in a farm. It was a big guy, like a Cossack. What is your name? My name is Ivan. Yeah, it’s a hard punch, yeah.”
The left hook that dropped Dubois for the final time carried more than technique – it embodied the kind of strength Ukrainians associate with their countryside, the tough rural workers who’ve always been the backbone of the nation.
Two Crimeans on Wembley’s stage
Before Usyk entered the ring, another voice from occupied Crimea commanded the stadium. Singer Nadia Dorofeeva performed Ukraine’s national anthem before 90,000 spectators, creating one of those moments where sport becomes something bigger.
Dorofeeva, who gained fame as part of “Vremya i Steklo” before going solo, has become a vocal supporter of Ukraine during the war. Her anthem performance before the fight connected two Crimean natives on British soil, both representing their occupied homeland on a global stage.
“I want to thank all Ukraine, all the guys, who are now defending our country,” Usyk said in the ring. “I received many messages yesterday and today as well from various units, who are defending my country on the front line. Guys, Glory to Ukraine! You are incredible! You allow me to be here now!”
The champion’s words connected his boxing triumph directly to Ukraine’s broader fight for survival. While Usyk dominated at Wembley, Ukrainian forces were engaged in combat that determines whether their country continues to exist.
Ukraine’s new Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko praised Usyk’s victory as “a triumph of will and discipline,” writing on Facebook:
“Every victory charges us with a good mood. Congratulations, champion! Thank you for everything you do for Ukraine.”
Building on his Fury masterclass
This victory built on Usyk’s historic achievement in May 2024, when he defeated Tyson Fury by split decision to become the first undisputed heavyweight champion since Lennox Lewis in 1999. That fight was massive – finally unifying all heavyweight belts after 25 years of fragmentation.
But Usyk couldn’t keep all four belts. Boxing politics forced him to choose between defending against Fury in their contracted rematch or facing IBF mandatory challenger Dubois. He vacated the IBF title, allowing Dubois to claim it. Saturday’s fight put the championship back together.
The first Usyk-Dubois fight in August 2023 ended controversially when a disputed low blow in the fifth round gave Usyk time to recover before he knocked out Dubois in the ninth. This time was cleaner – Usyk dominated from the start before finishing Dubois decisively in round five.
What happens to boxing’s best
Usyk’s professional record now stands at 23-0 with 14 knockouts. He’s beaten every top heavyweight of his generation – Anthony Joshua twice, Fury twice, and now Dubois twice. His amateur record of 335 wins and 15 losses included Olympic gold in 2012 and World Championship gold in 2011.
The Ukrainian’s next move remains unclear. At 38, he’s hinted this might be among his final fights. Potential opponents include another Fury trilogy fight, or mandatory challengers from various sanctioning bodies.
From Crimea to global champion
Usyk’s journey represents something larger than boxing success. When Russia occupied Crimea in 2014, many athletes from the peninsula faced difficult choices. Usyk packed up his family and moved to Kyiv, choosing Ukrainian identity over convenience.
His ring entrances always feature Ukrainian elements – traditional patterns, Cossack symbols, his distinctive “oseledets” haircut. It’s not performance; it’s identity. Every fight becomes a statement about what he chooses to represent.
Saturday’s victory delivered another moment of Ukrainian excellence during wartime, proving that Ukrainian athletes continue performing at the world’s highest levels while their country fights for survival. For Ukrainian fans watching globally, Usyk’s left hook named “Ivan” carried the strength of their rural traditions straight through a British opponent’s guard.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Valery Gergiev, the Russian conductor and longtime ally of Vladimir Putin, is scheduled to perform on July 27 at the Un’estate da Re festival in the Royal Palace of Caserta, Italy. Tickets are already on sale.
This marks his loud and controversial return to the European stage after years of exclusion due to his vocal support for Russia’s war against Ukraine — and, astonishingly, with the help of public funding, including European Union cohesion funds, despite the fact that Gergiev has been sanctioned in several countries.
But behind the mask of the great conductor lies something far more troubling. A recent Linkiesta investigation exposes a sophisticated network of shady foundations, fictitious companies, and significant real estate holdings spanning Venice, Milan, Rome, and the Amalfi Coast.
At its center sits a monumental estate in Massa Lubrense that allegedly hosts meetings aimed at circumventing international sanctions and diffusing Russian propaganda narratives through cultural interventions.
Where Gergiev is banned vs. where he’s welcome
A protest against a concert of Gergiev in London on 12 May 2014. Screenshot from video
Unlike Germany, the UK, the Netherlands, and Scandinavian nations — where cultural institutions severed ties with pro-Kremlin artists — Italy has chosen a more “tolerant” or “neutral” approach. Some even echo the favorite mantra of Russian propaganda: “Art is above politics.”
Here’s a reminder of where Gergiev has been banned:
Germany: Fired from the Munich Philharmonic.
UK: Removed from the Edinburgh Festival and other programming.
USA: Canceled performances and tours.
France: Banned from Théâtre des Champs-Élysées and other venues.
Canada: Included in the list of individual sanctions.
But in Italy, Gergiev seems to be welcomed with open arms — all in the name of “cultural dialogue,” even as war crimes continue in Ukraine.
Putin’s conductor: A history of regime support
Gergiev, Putin’s most loyal cultural ally who received the specially revived Hero of Labour award in 2013, has never hidden his loyalty to the Putin regime.
He publicly praised the president, supported Russia’s “great revival,” and in 2014, endorsed the annexation of Crimea. That same year, he led a concert in Moscow honoring Russia’s armed forces.
After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, cultural leaders around the world called for a boycott of Gergiev, accusing him of direct complicity in the Kremlin’s aggression. Major orchestras and opera houses in Europe and the US dropped him. In 2022, La Scala dropped him from its programming after he refused to condemn the war in Ukraine.
His appointment to control both the Bolshoi and Mariinsky theaters wasn’t just ceremonial — it followed the ouster of Vladimir Urin, who had dared to sign an anti-war petition in 2022, making Gergiev’s loyalty even more valuable to the Kremlin.
His fondness for dictators and warlords predates Ukraine. In 2016, following the Russian and Syrian military seizure of Palmyra, Gergiev performed a highly publicized “liberation concert” among the ruins. Broadcast widely on Russian state TV, the concert served as cultural propaganda to legitimize Moscow’s role in Syria and reinforce Putin’s image as a “defender of civilization.”
The €100 million Italian empire and sanctions evasion network
The Palazzo Barbarigo in Venice belonging to Gergiev. Image: By Tony Hisgett, Wikimedia Commons
The financial mechanics behind his Italian operations reveal a more complex picture. As early as 2022, Alexei Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation documented that Gergiev had diverted over 300 million rubles into personal accounts, using cultural foundations funded by Gazprombank, Rosneft, and VTB.
Gergiev owns a real estate empire in Italy, reportedly worth more than €100 million, inherited from Countess Yoko Nagae Ceschina, a Japanese harpist and philanthropist. Her will granted him the Barbarigo Palace on Venice’s Grand Canal, the historic Caffè Quadri in Piazza San Marco, an 18-room villa in Olgiate, vast land holdings in Romagna, and a villa on the Sorrento Coast.
Recently, Italy’s famous Alajmo restaurant family renewed its rental agreement for Caffè Quadri — paying Gergiev €3.5 million over seven years. This means a sanctioned Kremlin-aligned figure is directly profiting from Italy’s most prestigious public spaces.
Caffe Quadri in Venice, leased to Valery Gergiev. Photo: Wikimedia Commons
Massimiliano Coccia’s Linkiesta investigation reveals something more systematic: at least a dozen satellite companies orbiting around Gergiev’s main operations, spanning real estate, cultural, and logistics sectors across Campania, Lazio, and Lombardy.
Their common trait? Opacity. A portion of the revenue from these activities is reinvested into pseudo-cultural initiatives that bolster Russian propaganda.
EU funds for Putin’s ally
And now, in July 2025, Gergiev is scheduled to perform in Campania — at a festival funded in part by the Italian government, the Campania regional administration, the Teatro Verdi in Salerno, and Italy’s Ministry of Culture. It is officially branded as a cultural initiative supported by EU Cohesion Funds (Fondi Coesione Italia 21/27).
This makes any attempt to “normalize” Gergiev’s presence even more troubling.
Art as propaganda: The Bolshoi’s latest production
Gergiev himself constantly proves art isn’t neutral. Just this month, his Bolshoi Theatre closed its season with a production of Prokofiev’s opera Semyon Kotko that ended with a message glorifying Russia’s invasion of Ukraine:
“In 2014, a junta seized power in Kyiv and began repressions against its own citizens. In response, the residents of the city and region proclaimed the Luhansk People’s Republic. Instead of negotiations, the criminal Kyiv regime began the destruction of Donbas.”
Bolshoi Teatr airs Russian propaganda. Source: La Stampa
Immediately following that, the next paragraph was projected:
“In February 2022, the Russian army came to the aid of the people of Donbas, who had been fighting for their lives and freedom for eight years. As a result of a nationwide referendum, Luhansk has forever returned to being part of Russia.”
This wasn’t art — it was state propaganda using opera as a delivery system, reversing historical facts to justify war crimes. As La Repubblica noted in its coverage, Gergiev’s own theater made it explicitly clear that the opposite of “art is outside politics” is true.
Why cultural neutrality during wartime is complicity
And now — after three years of genocide, missile strikes on residential buildings, torture and executions of prisoners, and mass atrocities documented by international bodies — this concert in Campania becomes part of a broader trend: the normalization of brutality through culture.
At this point, let’s be clear: art is never apolitical — especially during a war. We cannot ignore the fact that Valery Gergiev is not merely a world-class conductor, but a public ally of a regime internationally accused of war crimes. His return to the European stage is not a neutral cultural gesture — it is a political act.
Gergiev’s return to the European stage is not a neutral cultural gesture — it is a political act.
Yes, in peacetime, one might argue for “separating art and politics.” But in wartime — especially a war of conquest launched in 2014 and escalated into full invasion in 2022 — such neutrality becomes complicity.
Allowing figures like Gergiev — whose regime is bombing cities, deporting children, and jailing dissidents — to perform on publicly funded stages is not just tone-deaf. It is an ethical failure.
The unanswered question about local facilitators
Inviting Gergiev to Campania — with European funds — is a dangerous appeasement of Russia’s cultural offensive, which seeks to blur the line between art and propaganda.
As EU Parliament Vice President Pina Picierno rightly noted, publicly funding Putin’s allies is unacceptable. It sends the wrong signal — a signal of surrender.
While De Luca tries to mask this performance under the guise of tolerance, peace, and dialogue, Picierno confronts him with a point that is hard to refute: among the many equally famous and talented Russian musicians who have condemned the war, the Campania Region chooses Putin’s faithful friend and ally.
But the crucial question raised by investigators remains unanswered: which local entrepreneur or company proposed Gergiev’s engagement to the Campania Region? Who acted as facilitator for an event that showcases Russian power while a war rages?
A protest against a concert of Gergiev at the Brooklyn Academy of Music in 2015. Photo: Arts against Aggression
The protests growing internationally
The announcement has ignited protests across Italy and abroad.
Over 700 intellectuals—including Nobel laureates—signed an open letter declaring the event “a gift to the dictator.”
Yulia Navalnaya, widow of the Russian opposition leader killed in a Russian prison camp, stressed that Gergiev is part of the regime that killed her husband.
The Europa Radicale party launched its own petition and started buying tickets to bring protests inside the venue.
Italy’s Culture Minister withdrew approval for the concert, warning that using cultural platforms to amplify propaganda is unacceptable. Despite mounting criticism, the concert remains scheduled for 27 July, with the Caserta Police Headquarters monitoring the event through DIGOS (Italian Special Operations Unit).
There are fears that the protest, promoted by Ukrainian associations as well as Russian dissidents, could spill over into the Royal Palace. Many of the tickets for the front rows have sold out, and those who purchased them were representatives of Italian and Ukrainian associations, as confirmed by the president of one of these.
Deputy Prime Minister Antonio Tajani responded to criticism by noting that Gergiev holds a Dutch passport, so he can travel freely within the EU. The questions about how Gergiev obtained his Dutch passport while maintaining Russian citizenship have remained unanswered for almost a decade.
Russian state media celebrates the “return to Europe”
Russian state media is already hailing the concert as Gergiev’s triumphant “return to Europe,” claiming Italy will not cancel the event.
Once again, culture is weaponized. Since Soviet times, music, ballet, and the arts have been key tools of Kremlin messaging. The KGB had entire departments focused on shaping the regime’s image through culture.
This is not about freedom of expression. It’s about responsibility. Art can either support humanism or whitewash violence. When Gergiev conducts in war zones or imperial ruins, he’s not just waving a baton. He’s legitimizing state terror.
What message is Italy sending by supporting Ukraine politically, but welcoming Kremlin propagandists culturally?
When sanctions are among the few peaceful forms of pressure we have left, any cultural compromise becomes a form of complicity. Those who claim “art is above politics” must ask: above whose politics? Above human rights? Democracy? Solidarity?
And in the end — as always — it is the innocent who pay the price.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
For their love for Ukraine, Tigran and Mykyta paid the highest price, their lives. President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy has signed a decree awarding the Order of Freedom to 16-year-olds Tigran Ohannisian and Mykyta Khanganov, Ukrainian teenagers killed by Russian soldiers in occupied Berdiansk.
On social media, Ohannisian managed to publish a video reportedly before being shut down by snipers, in which he says: “Two for sure. That’s it, this is death. Guys, goodbye! Glory to Ukraine!”
After the full-scale invasion and occupation of the city, the boys stayed home. They were friends, and both openly supported the Ukrainian cause.
Ohannisian was repeatedly persecuted by the occupying authorities: he was abducted from his home, tortured, abused, subjected to electric shocks, and mock executions. He was arrested, beaten, and forced into silence.
Khanganov was targeted for arrest as early as October 2022. The occupiers interrogated him and his father, fabricated a case accusing him of “railway sabotage,” and searched their home. He was charged with a crime punishable by up to 20 years in prison in Russia.
In 2023, both boys were accused of “preparing sabotage.” Tigran was interrogated and tortured for five days as the occupiers tried to force a confession.
The European Parliament passed a resolution demanding the release of Tigran and Mykyta, but the occupiers ignored the calls of the international community. On 24 June 2023, Russian forces executed the boys.
Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets reported that Russia still refuses to return their bodies to the parents or to Ukraine. Available information suggests the occupiers buried the teenagers in secret, without notifying the families.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
The Ukrainian community in Italy has called to cancel the concert of Russian conductor Valery Gergiev, scheduled for 27 July at the Royal Palace of Caserta, a UNESCO World Heritage site. Gergiev publicly supports the Russian regime and its military aggression against Ukraine.
Russia has always made art and culture highly politicized, using past accomplishments as reflections of its power. Earlier, Peter Gelb, General Manager of the Metropolitan Opera in New York, said that art is a symbol and expression of civilization, whereas Russia has treated it as a propaganda tool.
The community has sent a letter to UNESCO Director-General Audrey Azoulay, Dr. Antonio Patuelli, Chair of the Italian National Commission for UNESCO, and the Italian Minister of Culture, Alessandro Giuli.
The activists emphasize that Gergiev’s support “goes beyond the realm of art” and includes public acts that legitimize a regime responsible for war crimes, the deportation of children, attacks on civilian infrastructure, and on Ukraine’s cultural heritage, which is also under UNESCO protection.
“Ukrainians view UNESCO as the last line of defense for fundamental values: memory, truth, and respect, all of which the Russian government blatantly disregards,” the letter continues.
The Ukrainian community continues, “How can an institution that safeguards the dignity and memory of nations allow one of its protected sites to host an artist who has become a global symbol of military propaganda?”
“How can it ignore how deeply offensive this decision is to the victims of the conflict, to the Ukrainian people, and to all those fighting for peace and justice worldwide?” the activists say.
The letter also argues that holding Gergiev’s concert at a historical site like the Palace of Caserta contradicts UNESCO’s principles of protecting peace, cultural heritage, and solidarity among peoples.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Engineers from Ukraine’s Steppe Brigade are fielding modular plastic bridges that deploy in just 15 minutes, giving troops rapid mobility across rivers in active combat zones. This rapid frontline bridge deployment offers a major tactical edge as Ukrainian units face constant maneuver demands on the front.
Plastic cubes reshape how Ukraine crosses rivers under fire
Militarnyi reports that the 61st “Steppe” Mechanized Brigade has begun using a new system of plastic pontoon bridges composed of modular floating cubes. The brigade reported that the system has already shown its effectiveness at multiple positions along the frontline. It was first used during the Kursk operation in Russia, where it allowed fast movement of infantry and light vehicles.
Brigade engineers say the system’s greatest strengths are its speed and adaptability. The plastic pontoon bridge is designed to transport infantry and light equipment.
“Mobility, fast deployment, and structural reliability let our units stay one step ahead of the enemy,” the brigade noted.
A van crosses the modular plastic bridge reinforced with wooden decking. Source: 61st Mechanized Brigade.
Each pontoon crossing is constructed from interlocking plastic modules that float independently and connect through a specialized fastening system. This design makes it easy to change the length or shape of the bridge and replace any damaged cubes after shelling.
According to the engineers, the longest bridge they have assembled so far reached 30 meters. Despite the size, a full crossing can be deployed in about 15 minutes.
Stormproof, fast, and modular — built to survive war zones
The plastic cubes are produced by a Ukrainian manufacturer, which emphasizes the system’s ability to work in any location and under any weather conditions.
“Our floating structures can be used in any region and on any water body. They are easy to assemble, even in adverse weather,” the manufacturer stated.
The construction is resistant to freezing, tidal surges, and storm conditions. It also does not freeze into ice during winter, a key feature for year-round combat use. For vehicle crossings, engineers add wooden decking to support the weight of light military equipment.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
The European Parliament has declared that Georgia will not be able to join the European Union until its government abandons its authoritarian path.
The bloc does not recognize the country’s current government, the ruling party Georgian Dream, as legitimate due to widespread violations during the parliamentary elections on 26 October 2024. According to the EU, these elections were rigged and did not meet democratic standards. Consequently, Georgia’s EU accession process is effectively suspended until free and transparent elections take place.
“Georgia cannot join the EU until its government changes its authoritarian course. The European Parliament stands with the Georgian people. Parliament does not recognise Georgia’s current government and says its EU path is effectively suspended until fair elections happen,” it says in a statement on X.
The authorities have harshly suppressed protests that erupted after the elections and have continued for over eight months, employing repression against activists and political opponents.
The country’s power remains concentrated in the hands of the pro-Russian Georgian Dream party. The European Parliament also supports former President Salome Zourabichvili as the legitimate leader.
Despite an official pro-European integration stance, the government is working to deepen relations with Moscow, particularly in the security and economic spheres. Approximately 20% of Georgia’s territory is currently occupied, namely Abkhazia and South Ossetia, where Russian troops are present.
Georgian society has been actively protesting since late 2024 for more than eight months against a regime that fails to meet European and democratic standards. People demand new, honest elections, the release of political prisoners, and the country’s return to the European path.
The European Parliament continues to support the people of Georgia, but stresses clearly that without fundamental changes in the political system, including a rejection of authoritarianism and the restoration of democracy, the EU cannot admit Georgia as a member.
In response to the protests and European statements, Russia publicly accuses the West of interfering in Georgia’s internal affairs, supporting “color revolutions,” and attempting to increase informational and political pressure to maintain its influence.
Thus, without transforming the Georgian government and conducting free elections, Georgia’s prospects for EU membership remain blocked indefinitely, while its society continues to fight for a European future.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Despite US President Donald Trump’s ultimatum, Russian ruler Vladimir Putin shows no intention of abandoning his objectives in Ukraine or ending the war. Even under the threat of new sanctions, he appears ready to go to extremes, Foreign Affairs writes.
Trump has set a 50-day “deadline” for Russia to reach a peace deal or agree to a ceasefire in its war against Ukraine. Otherwise, Moscow will face economic restrictions. Countries that continue buying Russian oil would also be subject to sanctions.
Meanwhile, Russia itself is entering a full-fledged economic crisis, something even the Kremlin is now publicly admitting. However, analysts are convinced that Putin still has tools to continue the war, the ones he has so far chosen not to use.
In particular, he could launch a brutal mobilization campaign with harsh penalties for those who refuse to serve. Experts note this would shatter the myth of stability that Putin has carefully built over the years, but destroying Ukraine still takes priority for him.
They point out that after 25 years in power, Putin has created an almost sinister calm in Russia: there is no meaningful political opposition, and public criticism of the government is virtually nonexistent. As a result, Russians are expected to adapt to the new reality.
“Russia’s rise to greatness may be Sisyphean for Putin, but he will go to extreme lengths to avoid defeat. In Ukraine, Putin will risk everything,” the report says.
Still, the situation does not yet look catastrophic for Ukraine. The territories captured by Russia are not strategically vital for Ukraine’s survival, and all major cities remain out of reach for the Russian military.
Even if Trump ultimately fails to follow through on his own ultimatum, Ukraine continues to receive growing support from Europe.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
The US Air Force has announced a search for contractors to develop a new air-launched cruise missile under the working title LACM (Lugged Affordable Cruise Missile). Aviation Week reports, the project is largely based on the concept of the ERAM missile, which is being developed specifically for Ukrainian fighter jets.
According to the requirements, the missile will carry a 227 kg (500 lb) warhead with a multi-mode fuse capable of high penetration. It must be able to strike targets over 450 km away with an accuracy margin of no more than ten meters, even without satellite navigation, flying at around 0.6 Mach.
What sets the LACM apart is its focus on low-altitude flight, no higher than 300 meters, with the ability to strike at angles exceeding 70 degrees. A critical requirement is the ability to mass-produce the missile within two years of the contract’s start, at a cost not exceeding $300,000 per unit.
The missile will be compatible with standard external pylons on fighter jets or internal weapons bays, according to Militarnyi.
At least three potential companies are being considered in the early phase of the LACM program: Anduril (with its Barracuda-500M missile), Zone 5 Technologies (Rusty Dagger), and CoAspire, which is already working on the Rapidly Adaptable Affordable Cruise Missile. However, other manufacturers, including L3Harris, may also join the competition.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
She was killed to be silenced. On July 19, in Lviv, Ukrainians marked the first anniversary of the death of Iryna Farion. She was a prominent linguist, scholar, politician, and symbol of the fight for Ukrainian identity, UkrInform reports.
Farion served as a Member of Parliament from 2012 to 2014, lectured at the university, and spent decades leading the movement to revive the Ukrainian language after centuries of Russification. Her political stance was openly anti-Russian, making her a frequent target of Kremlin propaganda and hate.
Her murder in Lviv in 2023 at the age of 60 is seen not merely as a criminal act but as part of Russia’s hybrid war.
“The enemy is trying to use every tool to divide our nation,” said Ukraine’s military intelligence chief, Kyrylo Budanov, following her death.
The attack on Farion is also regarded as a psychological attempt to intimidate its most courageous Ukrainian voices.
A year after the assassination, her family, colleagues, students, and community members gathered for a memorial service at the Saints Peter and Paul Garrison Church. Later, a procession made its way to Lychakiv Cemetery, where Farion is buried.
People will also assemble in silence in the courtyard on Masaryk Street, where she was killed, at 7:22 PM, the exact moment the fatal shot was fired one year ago.
Farion’s daughter, Sofiia Osoba, left a powerful message on Instagram.
“A year. What is it like to live without Mom?.. I am an orphan. Ukraine is orphaned… I don’t want 19 July… This is the end of everything. 23:20. The end of your life. Now, it will be years,” she wrote.
Six days after the murder, Ukrainian law enforcement detained the suspect, 19-year-old Dnipro resident Vyacheslav Zinchenko. The court trial is currently ongoing.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
A Ukrainian drone strike on Russian air defenses has disabled multiple radar systems and surface-to-air missile launchers in the Donetsk sector, eastern Ukraine, Defense Intelligence of Ukraine (HUR) reported. The latest footage released by HUR shows their elite Prymary (“Ghosts”) unit destroying key Russian military hardware during precision drone attacks in the occupied part of the oblast.
Ukraine continues to degrade Russia’s air defenses, paving the way for safer operations by Ukrainian drones, missiles, and aircraft. Last month, as Euromaidan Press reported, Ukrainian intelligence drones reached occupied Crimea and struck five components of a Russian S-400 Triumf air defense system. That operation was also conducted by the Prymary unit of HUR. The same unit also destroyed several S-300 components in Crimea in May.
Prymary strikes radar systems and S-300V launchers near occupied Donetsk
HUR released video footage of the operation on its official YouTube channel, showing accurate drone strikes on two S-300V launchers and five radar systems, supporting these launchers and other Russian air defense assets. The S-300V is primarily designed to intercept operational-tactical missiles and serves as a key element of Russia’s anti-missile defense network. However, Russian forces have been also using such launchers in a secondary role — to fire on ground targets, including residential areas in Ukrainian cities.
According to the description accompanying the HUR video, Prymary fighters continue to “systematically weaken Russian air defense — now in the Donetsk direction.” The agency confirmed the destruction of:
three 48Ya6-K1 Podlyot radar stations, designed to detect targets at low and extremely low altitudes in complex electronic warfare conditions;
two Niobiy-SV radar stations, used to track aerial targets at medium and high altitudes at distances of up to 200–300 kilometers;
two S-300V launchers, part of a surface-to-air missile system primarily used to intercept operational-tactical missiles, and also employed by Russian forces in a secondary ground-strike role;
and one P-18 radar station, a Soviet-era two-coordinate system capable of determining only azimuth and distance, but not altitude.
Official footage shows direct drone hits on Russian systems
The video published by HUR shows direct drone strikes on the listed radar systems and missile launchers. However, the FPV footage cuts off at the moment of impact, and the aftermath is not shown. Still, the accuracy of the strikes indicates that the targeted Russian air defense assets were at least damaged, if not destroyed.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
When Russia kills Ukrainian heroes, Ukraine doesn’t forgive. The intelligence war between Ukraine and Russia won’t end with the hot phase of the war. It will continue in the shadows, in hotel hallways, parking lots, and spy offices across the globe, The Times reports.
The Ukrainian colonel of the Security Service (SBU), Ivan Voronych, who was assassinated in Kyiv, may have been targeted by Russian intelligence for his role in some of Ukraine’s boldest covert operations in recent years, say intelligence sources.
On 10 July, FSB agents executed the colonel in broad daylight, when five precise shots from a pistol struck him on a Kyiv street. Just three days later, Ukrainian special services eliminated the perpetrators. It was a swift and targeted response.
Voronych was involved in big numer of operations, including the sabotage of the Nord Stream gas pipeline. Major General Viktor Yahun says the upcoming retaliation from the Ukrainian side will be compared to the Operation Spiderweb, when Kyiv hit 41 Russian aircraft.
Voronych served as a deputy in the unit commanded by Roman Chervinsky, the same figure The Washington Post described as the “coordinator” of the Nord Stream attack. He also oversaw naval drone strikes against Russia’s Black Sea Fleet.
The SBU colonel was a calm and quiet man who kept himself in excellent physical shape, his colleagues recall. He had served in the elite Alpha unit and carried out missions deep behind enemy lines, including in Russia’s Kursk Oblast.
Some sources claim it was Voronych who initiated the ambush and elimination of Oleksiy Mozgovoy in 2015, the leader of the “Prizrak” group and one of the key commanders of Russian proxy forces in Donbas.
Any one of these actions could have sealed his fate, and, according to intelligence sources, his assassination in Kyiv was the direct result of a long list of high-risk operations where Voronych played a pivotal role.
Ukraine has already avenged his murder by eliminating the killers, but that’s just the beginning. Former SBU officer Ivan Stupak says that such assassinations will continue worldwide for many years. Ukrainians won’t want to operate on allied territory, but perhaps in Thailand, Africa.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
The full-scale war in Ukraine will continue beyond 2025, said Robert Brovdi, also known as Madiar, the commander of the Ukrainian Armed Forces’ Unmanned Systems, during the LANDEURO conference in Germany’s Wiesbaden, UNIAN reports.
Russia shows no sign of willingness to stop the war against Ukraine. On the contrary, it has begun launching 700 drones per night on civilians and killing more people than during the last three years of fighting. Russian ruler Vladimir Putin has recently said that Ukraine and Russia are one people, while his aides directly claim the war will continue until Kyiv’s capitulation.
“We don’t see the end of the war coming tomorrow — or likely even this year. Putin is sending more infantry than we can destroy,” Madiar stated.
According to him, the main threats include massive Shahed drone attacks, Ukraine’s shortage of mobilization resources, and the enemy’s numerical advantage.
“Everyone who wanted to fight is already fighting,” he noted.
However, the Ukrainian Armed Forces are already working on solutions: plans include replacing infantry with ground-based drones and building a multi-level “drone wall” to intercept everything coming from Russia.
“This wall, taller than the Great Wall of China, is already being built,” the commander concluded.
Brovdi became the commander of the Ukrainian Armed Forces’ Unmanned Systems in June. After taking the position, he announced he would work on the new Drone Line project, a 10-15 kilometer “kill zone” where enemy forces cannot advance without suffering significant losses.
His program also includes:
Increasing domestic production of munitions and creating a unified supply depot for critical components such as Starlink, batteries, electronic warfare systems, and FPV parts;
Deploying ground robotic platforms for the logistics of munitions, drones, and peripheral equipment;
Launching a unified recruitment campaign and establishing a dedicated training network for drone pilots and operators of various systems.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
A Ukrainian cyberattack on Gazprom systems has reportedly crippled the Russian state gas monopoly’s digital infrastructure, Suspilne reports, citing a source in Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence (HUR). The hackers wiped data from physical servers, cloud platforms, and all backups, targeting critical control systems that manage Russia’s gas flows, finances, and internal operations.
Gazprom, Russia’s state-controlled gas monopoly, has been central to both the Kremlin’s foreign “gas blackmail” strategy and war funding machine. Known as “Russia’s second budget,” it has funneled billions into state coffers. Even after sanctions slashed its revenues by trillions of rubles, Gazprom’s profits continue to support Russia’s war machine amid Moscow’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine. Thus, any disruptions in Gazprom’s operations may benefit Ukraine.
Gazprom’s entire infrastructure breached before data wipe
Suspilne reported earlier that the attack took place on 17 July. Now, Suspilne’s HUR source said Ukraine’s intelligence operatives obtained full access to all of Gazprom’s information systems, reaching a depth of penetration that the source described as “unprecedented.” The access reportedly included internal analytics, core servers, digital platforms, and user credentials from across Gazprom’s operational hierarchy.
According to Suspilne’s reporting, the operation began with full infiltration and ended with a coordinated deletion of all available data — including security systems, server control modules, and support networks that kept Gazprom’s infrastructure running.
Before erasing the systems, the hackers reportedly downloaded hundreds of terabytes of data, including over 20,000 user profiles with electronic signatures. These accounts spanned every level of Gazprom’s structure, giving Ukraine’s operatives full visibility into the gas giant’s digital framework.
Explore further
Europol dismantles pro-Russian cyber army flooding Ukraine and its allies with attacks
390+ Gazprom subsidiaries compromised, SCADA and GIS systems destroyed
Suspilne reports that more than 390 subsidiaries and branches were affected, including Gazprom Teplo Energo, Gazprom Obl Energo, and Gazprom Energosbyt. The breach extended into Gazprom’s SCADA and GIS systems, which control gas and oil pressure, distribution flows, well data, and infrastructure networks.
These platforms were completely wiped from both servers and cloud environments, the source said.
The HUR source also claimed that Gazprom’s financial records, tax data, contract logs, and legal documents were destroyed. Among the deleted systems were modules managing supply schedules, customer volumes, tariffs, payments, licensing, and regulatory files.
Explore further
Russian oil flows through Hungary unchecked—investigation traces deals to PM Orbán’s closest allies
System collapse may impact gas supply, contracts, and bank stability
The scale of the operation, Suspilne’s source stated, could lead to a partial or total collapse in Gazprom’s ability to function. Without operational systems, the state corporation may be unable to sign new contracts, manage its gas supply network, or maintain stable financial operations.
The source further suggested that the consequences could include regional disruptions to gas transport and delivery, a potential default on corporate obligations, and sharp devaluation of Gazprom’s stock, possibly triggering instability in banks that finance the energy conglomerate.
HUR source says hackers deleted all backup data using custom tools, Suspilne reports
Using custom-developed software, Ukrainian cyber operatives reportedly deleted all data stored on Gazprom’s physical servers and cloud infrastructure, including backup copies.
The attack also targeted automated control systems, administrative platforms, internal orders, official documents, and 1С server clusters, which housed corporate files for both Gazprom and its subsidiaries.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
The full-scale war in Ukraine will continue beyond 2025, said Robert Brovdi, also known as Madiar, the commander of the Ukrainian Armed Forces’ Unmanned Systems, during the LANDEURO conference in Germany’s Wiesbaden, UNIAN reports.
Russia shows no sign of willingness to stop the war against Ukraine. On the contrary, it has begun launching 700 drones per night on civilians and killing more people than during the last three years of fighting. Russian ruler Vladimir Putin has recently said that Ukraine and Russia are one people, while his aides directly claim the war will continue until Kyiv’s capitulation.
“We don’t see the end of the war coming tomorrow — or likely even this year. Putin is sending more infantry than we can destroy,” Madiar stated.
According to him, the main threats include massive Shahed drone attacks, Ukraine’s shortage of mobilization resources, and the enemy’s numerical advantage.
“Everyone who wanted to fight is already fighting,” he noted.
However, the Ukrainian Armed Forces are already working on solutions: plans include replacing infantry with ground-based drones and building a multi-level “drone wall” to intercept everything coming from Russia.
“This wall, taller than the Great Wall of China, is already being built,” the commander concluded.
Brovdi became the commander of the Ukrainian Armed Forces’ Unmanned Systems in June. After taking the position, he announced he would work on the new Drone Line project, a 10-15 kilometer “kill zone” where enemy forces cannot advance without suffering significant losses.
His program also includes:
Increasing domestic production of munitions and creating a unified supply depot for critical components such as Starlink, batteries, electronic warfare systems, and FPV parts;
Deploying ground robotic platforms for the logistics of munitions, drones, and peripheral equipment;
Launching a unified recruitment campaign and establishing a dedicated training network for drone pilots and operators of various systems.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Explosions erupted across Moscow and Rostov oblasts in the early hours of 19 July. Local reports described drone flyover sounds, fires, damaged infrastructure, and halted train services following a large-scale drone attack. However, no reports confirm any damage to key military or military-industrial infrastructure.
Ukrainian forces continue to target Russian military, industrial, and energy infrastructure—both in occupied areas and deep inside Russia—in an effort to disrupt supply lines and weaken Moscow’s war capabilities. However, it remains unclear why Ukraine frequently expends drones attempting to breach Moscow’s heavily defended airspace instead of focusing on “softer,” yet more economically and militarily valuable targets elsewhere.
Drone attack on Moscow
In Moscow Oblast, residents of Dmitrov and Zelenograd heard multiple explosions overnight. Russian news Telegram channel Astra posted footage showing burning debris in a field near Dmitrov. Locals wrote that “something fell in the field and exploded.” Messages in community chats described blasts from several locations within the Dmitrov district.
Astra quoted local officials saying a drone had been shot down, and its wreckage damaged a high-voltage power line in the area. Mikhail Shulavov, acting head of the Dmitrov district, confirmed the fall of debris, noted there were no injuries, and said repair crews were already fixing the line.
Pro-Kremlin Telegram channel Mash also reported explosions in Mozhaisk and Dmitrov. Baza, another Telegram channel, said six explosions occurred in Zelenograd.
Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobianin claimed Russian air defenses shot down 14 drones targeting the Russian capital.
Drone attack on Rostov, and railway disruptions
In Rostov Oblast, acting head Yurii Sliusar claimed fires in Kamensk-Shakhtynskyi. Falling drone debris allegedly set multiple detached houses on fire and ostensibly injured one person.
Sliusar added that a transformer caught fire in Kamenskyi Raion, disabling a high-voltage line. As a result, five settlements lost power. According to Sliusar, about 2,000 people live in the blackout zone.
The drone strikes triggered major rail disruptions in Rostov Oblast. Passenger service was halted after the attack disabled power infrastructure on the Lykhaya–Zamchalovo railway segment or the Russian Railway (RZhD).
Astra cited passengers at Rostov station claiming they sat for hours in trains without ventilation or air conditioning. One said that “everything is immobilized” after a strong strike at Lykhaya station.
Russian Railways later confirmed that over 50 long-distance trains were delayed. Several regional electric trains were also canceled. Delays ranged from 1.5 to 3.5 hours. Later reports from RZhD said train service on the damaged line had resumed.
Russia’s Ministry of Defense claimed its air defenses allegedly downed 71 drones across multiple oblasts overnight. The ministry stated 24 UAVs were downed over Rostov Oblast and 16 over Moscow Oblast, including 13 directed at the capital. It also stated the interception of 11 drones over Bryansk, 10 over Kaluga, three over Kursk, and two each over Oryol, Tula, and Lipetsk oblasts. One UAV was reportedly downed in Krasnodar Krai.
Drone strike reported in occupied Tokmak
Ukrainian Telegram channel Supernova+ posted footage of a fire in Russian-occupied Tokmak in Zaporizhzhia Oblast. The caption reads:
“In Tokmak … after a UAV attack there is a healthy glow.”
Distant fire seen in occupied Tokmak following a reported drone strike on 19 July 2025. Source: Telegram / Supernova+.
Fire at military base in Rostov-on-Don
On the evening of 18 July, a fire broke out at a military facility in central Rostov-on-Don. Astra verified the location as military unit 74330 on Krasnoarmeiska Street, near Sokolova Avenue.
Local media had earlier reported a fire in the same area.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
“I want my children to grow up in Ukraine”.James, an American volunteer known as “Sonechko” or Sun, has voluntarily joined the 154th Separate Mechanized Brigade of the Ukrainian Armed Forces.
He is a part of the International Legion of Ukraine, a military unit within the Ukrainian Ground Forces, composed of foreign volunteers. Formed in 2022, the legion has attracted thousands of foreign volunteers from over 50 countries, including the US, UK, and Canada, to fight against Russian aggression.
He has been living in Ukraine for a year now and plans to stay there.
“I want to help Ukraine as much as I can. That’s why I’m here. Maybe after the war, my children will grow up here,” James said in a comment shared by the brigade on social media.
His native language is Italian, and although he’s only just learning Ukrainian, James can already communicate freely with his fellow soldiers. He says the decision to become a fighter was thoughtful and deliberate.
“This is my life. I did everything I could to be here, and now I am. The people here are quite professional. It’s not bad at all,” he continued.
Earlier, Chief of Staff of the 2nd International Legion, Pavlo Slavyntskyi, explained that the distinguishing feature of foreign volunteers units is that all of them came to Ukraine of their own volition. No one recruited or persuaded them, Dzerkalo Tyznia reports.
Inside the units, there’s no pomp or patriotic slogans. Slavyntskyi stated that some of the figters want to earn money, while others — to boost their CVs, gain experience, learn military affairs, equipment, or tactics of warfare. Some want to fight for freedom and justice, and some simply want to kill Russians.
He said that Americans, Brits, Europeans are mostly men over 40, who came to finish the war they didn’t finish in Afghanistan or Iraq.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Last night, Russia resumed full-scale aerial strikes after several quieter days, launching almost 350 drones and 35 missiles in one night. Ukraine intercepted more than 200 Russian drones and missiles overnight, but dozens still broke through, hitting homes, schools, and civilian infrastructure in several regions, according to local authorities. The Russian drone assault killed a woman in Odesa and injured six more civilians, including a child. Meanwhile, Russian forces continued their “human safari” in Kherson, injuring two civilian men with a small drone.
Moscow carries out massive drone attacks against Ukrainian civilians daily, often launching hundreds at a time. Last night’s combined assault with hundreds of drones and dozens of missiles followed several quieter days, during which Russia appeared to stockpile its explosive drones for a larger strike.
Russia overwhelms air defenses with 379 aerial weapons
According to the Ukrainian Air Force, Russia launched a total of 379 aerial weapons overnight on 18–19 July. The strike included 344 Shahed-type drones and decoys, 12 Iskander-M ballistic missiles, eight Iskander-K cruise missiles, and 15 Kh-101 cruise missiles. Launches came from multiple directions: Bryansk, Kursk, Orel, Millerovo, Shatalovo, Primorsko-Akhtarsk, occupied Crimea, and from Russian aircraft over Saratov Oblast.
Ukraine’s air defenses downed 208 targets, including 185 Shahed drones, seven Iskander-M ballistic missiles, seven Iskander-K cruise missiles, and nine Kh-101 cruise missiles. Another 129 drones and seven cruise missiles were suppressed or diverted by electronic warfare.
Despite the heavy interception effort, five missiles and 30 drones struck civilian and infrastructure targets in 12 locations, while drone debris fell and caused additional damage in at least seven more, the AF says.
Odesa drone strike kills woman, injures six
In Odesa, over 20 Shahed drones approached from different directions, local authorities reported. One hit a nine-story residential building, sparking a fire that engulfed the upper floors. Emergency services rescued five people from the building. One of the rescued victims, a woman, died from her injuries.
In total, the attack injured six civilians, including a child. Prosecutors opened a war crimes case under Article 438 of Ukraine’s Criminal Code.
Pavlohrad hit by most massive strike since invasion
In Pavlohrad, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, Russian forces launched over 100 drones and missiles at the city. Officials described it as the most massive strike on Pavlohrad to date. Explosions damaged a fire station, multiple industrial sites, a school, and a five-story residential building.
Regional head Serhii Lysak later confirmed that nine apartment buildings, a private home, and an educational facility were damaged. No injuries were reported.
Kyiv rooftop struck, but no casualties
In Kyiv, falling debris from an intercepted drone damagedthe roof of a residential building in the Darniytskyi district. The Kyiv Military Administration reported no fire or injuries.
In Kyiv Oblast, the air defenders intercepted more than 20 drones. In the Vyshhorod district, a civilian car was damaged. No casualties were reported.
Shostka bombed with drones and guided munitions
In Sumy Oblast, Shostka came under attack for nearly four hours overnight, injuring locals. In the morning, Russian forces added guided air-dropped bombs to the assault. Six bomb strikes were confirmed on the Shostka community.
Mayor Mykola Noha confirmed infrastructure destruction, with damage to two apartment buildings and four private homes. No injuries were reported.
Infrastructure hit in Chernihiv Oblast
In Chernihiv Oblast, Shahed drone strikes damaged infrastructure in Nizhyn and the village of Vypovziv. Local officials confirmed three direct drone hits. No casualties were reported.
Blast shakes Zaporizhzhia
Suspilne reported an explosion, heard in several districts of Zaporizhzhia this morning.
Russia’s “human safari” targets civilians in Kherson
Separate from the mass long-range drone and missile strike, a Russian drone deliberately attacked a private home in Kherson’s Korabelnyi district around 04:00. Two civilian men, aged 28 and 34, were wounded and hospitalized in moderate condition.
This targeted drone attack in Kherson fits a pattern of daily Russian use of small UAVs to hunt individual civilians, a tactic now widely referred to as a “human safari.”
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
On 17 July 2025, Ukraine received a new government—the first full reshuffle since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. The transition brought in a new prime minister, merged key ministries, and rebalanced power at the top of Ukraine’s wartime state. It was quiet but decisive—though not without raising eyebrows at home and abroad.
At the center of the overhaul is Yulia Svyrydenko, 39, who replaced Denys Shmyhal as prime minister. Shmyhal—who had held the post for a record five years—was appointed Minister of Defense, replacing Rustem Umerov, who in turn became Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council.
With the Cabinet now reduced to just 16 ministers, and several ministries merged or dissolved, it is one of the most compact governments in Ukraine’s modern history. The restructuring reflects not only a push for efficiency, but also a response to internal pressures and external scrutiny during wartime governance.
Under martial law, with no elections
The reshuffle was controversial not only because of its scope, but because of its legal context. Under Ukraine’s law on martial law, dismissing or appointing the Cabinet is explicitly prohibited, and elections are suspended indefinitely. The move was, at best, a legal gray zone.
It also raised concerns beyond legality. The opposition pointed to consolidation of power in the hands of the President’s Office. One well-known political joke was revived to express that fear: “It’s like rearranging the beds in a brothel—nothing really changes.” The point wasn’t just that the personnel might be the same—it was that the same people behind the scenes remain in control, with limited checks from outside the executive.
So why now? With no elections and wartime restrictions in place, the question of timing loomed large—and demanded an answer.
Yulia Svyrydenko and Denys Shmyhal in the Ukrainian parliament. Photo: Svyrydenko via X
Delayed, not sudden
Political analyst Volodymyr Fesenko believes the change had been planned much earlier. “I think this is the implementation of a previously delayed decision. The reshuffle was already agreed in June, but it was delayed because the president had a full international schedule.”
Zelenskyy is known for periodic Cabinet changes.
“Last year, he didn’t replace the prime minister but changed half the government,” Fesenko told Euromaidan Press. “This time, the head of government was changed too. He rotates people when he feels something isn’t working.”
Another factor may have been Svyrydenko’s recent diplomatic success. According to Fesenko, she played a key role in managing sensitive economic negotiations with US counterparts related to the so-called “mineral deal”, helping to neutralize difficult political conditions. “That strengthened her standing,” he said.
However, Fesenko cautions against reading too much into a single cause. “There is no one particular reason for this reshuffle,” he said. “It is a combination of delayed plans, administrative adjustments, and political opportunity.”
Volodymyr Fesenko, Head of the Penta Center for Applied Political Studies. Photo: UNIAN
Elections off the table
According to Ihor Chalenko, another political analyst, the government shakeup reflects growing consensus within the presidential camp that elections are not likely to happen any time soon. With martial law in place and war still ongoing, political updates must come from within the system.
“This is a reset without elections,” Chalenko told Euromaidan Press. “It signals change, rebalances power, and rebrands the government—without a vote.”
The timing allowed for a “reset” without major political risk—and provided a moment to address festering problems that had not been resolved by the existing team. The restructuring also comes amid increasing concern that Ukraine must refocus its executive branch to better coordinate diplomacy, economic recovery, and military production.
Andriy Yermak and Keith Kellogg in Kyiv, July 2025. Photo: Yermak via X
A calculated balancing act
Much attention has focused on whether the change represents a power play by Andriy Yermak, head of the President’s Office, over David Arakhamia, the leader of the governing Servant of the People faction. Svyrydenko is widely seen as a close ally of Yermak; Shmyhal had been backed by Arakhamia.
But according to both Fesenko and Chalenko, the final result reflects power balancing, not a power grab.
Fesenko acknowledged that tensions between Arakhamia and the president had been real, particularly about six months ago, when Arakhamia traveled to the US and presented himself as a potential point of contact with the Trump camp. “He told people he was arranging meetings, even with Giuliani. That really irritated the president. Since then, he’s stepped back.”
Chalenko emphasizes that the government as reshaped remains a coalition of internal power centers. “Take Mykhailo Fedorov,” he said. “He’s now First Deputy Prime Minister. And he’s had friction with Yermak. If this reshuffle was purely about consolidation, that wouldn’t have happened.”
The civilian part of the government—especially economic and social portfolios—is now clearly under the coordination of the President’s Office. But the military sector, particularly defense procurement and arms production, includes other political influences and interest groups that remain outside Yermak’s full control. According to Chalenko, this division is what keeps the new government politically “balanced,” despite external perceptions of top-down centralization.
Ihor Chalenko, Head of the Center for Analysis and Strategies. Photo: Chalenko via Facebook
Scandals as opportunity
While the reshuffle wasn’t caused by scandal, recent events made it easier to justify.
In June, Oleksiy Chernyshov, then Deputy Prime Minister — Minister for National Unity, was accused of abuse of office and receiving unlawful benefits on an especially large scale. He was released on ₴120 million (about $3 mln) bail. As Fesenko notes, this allowed for a smooth exit. “He’s gone, and so is his ministry. The moment was convenient.”
More serious were the problems inside the Ministry of Defense under Rustem Umerov. In late 2024, it emerged that mortar shells manufactured in Ukraine were defective. A public battle followed between Umerov and Maryna Bezrukova, head of the Defense Procurement Agency, raising questions of internal sabotage and political interference. NATO and G7 partners were said to be deeply concerned.
Fesenko called the situation “ministerial chaos.” He added: “Key professionals were sidelined. There was no clear strategy. Shmyhal was never a big political figure, but he was a very effective coordinator inside the government. Now he’s tasked with bringing that skill to the defense sector.”
Chalenko agrees, though from a different angle. He sees the appointment as “a mark of personal recognition from Zelenskyy himself,” noting that Shmyhal had preserved balance in the Cabinet throughout his unusually long term as prime minister. “That continuity is now being transferred to the defense sector—along with added responsibility.”
NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte and Ukraine’s Defense Minister Rustem Umerov at the meeting in Ramstein format. Credit: nato.int
War economy, shrinking budget
The reshuffle also served as a vehicle for long-delayed administrative reform. Plans to merge ministries and reduce overhead had existed since 2023. Now, with fewer ministers and larger portfolios, implementation became politically possible.
The Ministry of Economy now includes portfolios previously managed by the agriculture and environment ministries, forming what some analysts describe as a “superministry” at the heart of civilian administration.
But perhaps most pressing: Ukraine’s economy is under enormous strain. With American budget support drying up, and European aid increasingly tied to complex conditions, the country faces rising deficits and mounting fiscal pressure. Stabilization is now a core priority.
In this environment, Svyrydenko is expected to focus on economic management. She is considered a trusted figure among Ukraine’s Western partners, particularly in financial and trade negotiations. But she will also need to confront deepening structural problems: declining industrial output, sluggish recovery in private investment, and ballooning social spending.
Fesenko said: “She knows what parts of the system can be influenced—and what parts are off-limits. That gives her some room in the economic sphere, where Yermak is less hands-on.”
Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Yulia Svyrydenko. Photo: Svyrydenko via X
A reset in wartime
Ultimately, the reshuffle represents a wartime recalibration. It allowed the president to respond to internal disorder, public fatigue, and Western concern—without elections, and without open crisis.
It is not a dramatic political transformation. But it resets the executive without destabilizing the system. As Chalenko put it, “the government remains balanced—and therefore, it can be called Zelenskyy’s government.”
Whether that’s enough will depend not only on Svyrydenko’s performance, but on how long the war—and martial law—lasts.
In effect, this reshuffle functioned as a reset without elections—a shift in power that maintains political control while responding to pressure for change.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
A global law enforcement campaign has dealt a blow to the pro-Russian cyber army known as NoName057(16). Europol confirmed that about 20 countries helped dismantle the network behind thousands of attacks on Ukraine’s supporters.
Russia’s massive cyberattacks against Ukraine escalated shortly before the full-scale invasion in 2022. Since November 2023, Germany has documented recurring attacks tied to NoName057(16). Investigators also linked the group to incidents in 2023 and 2024 that targeted Ukrainian diplomatic efforts. While Ukraine remains a central target, the group increasingly strikes at Kyiv’s allies. These include several NATO and EU members actively supporting Ukraine’s defense against the Russian war of aggression.
Europol targets ideological cyber group tied to Russia’s war
Europol reported that between 14 and 17 July, authorities from 12 countries launched Operation Eastwood. Europol and Eurojust coordinated the joint crackdown. The effort reportedly dismantled major parts of the pro-Russian cyber army’s infrastructure, including hundreds of systems.
The network, NoName057(16), had attacked Ukraine and NATO member states. It used distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks to flood websites and services with traffic. These cyber strikes targeted public services, including defense, government, energy, and financial infrastructure.
Germany issued six arrest warrants for suspects based in Russia. Two are accused of leading the group’s activities. Spain issued another arrest warrant. France and Spain also reported one arrest each. All suspects are internationally wanted.
Authorities carried out 24 house searches and questioned 13 individuals across Europe. In Spain alone, 12 searches took place. Investigators also notified over 1,000 individuals believed to support the cyber group. Fifteen of them were administrators.
Attacks tied to political and military events across Europe
Europol reports that the group’s cyberattacks were timed to coincide with high-profile political moments. In Germany, authorities experienced 14 separate attack waves since November 2023, affecting more than 250 institutions. Targets included arms factories, energy companies, and government agencies.
Other attacks struck during the European elections. Swedish government and banking websites were affected. In Switzerland, NoName057(16) launched attacks in June 2023, during a speech by Ukraine’s president to the Joint Parliament. Another wave occurred in June 2024 during the Peace Summit for Ukraine at Bürgenstock.
The most recent attack linked to the group targeted the NATO summit held in the Netherlands in June 2025. Europol notes that although the attacks caused disruption attempts, none led to substantial outages.
Recruitment tactics built on crypto rewards and gamified propaganda
Europol identifies NoName057(16) as an ideological cyber network that operated without formal leadership. The group recruited mostly Russian-speaking sympathizers, many with little technical knowledge. Its structure relied heavily on gamified propaganda and incentives.
Volunteers received cryptocurrency payments and recognition through online shout-outs, badges, and leaderboards. Europol notes this method especially appealed to younger users who felt emotionally involved in Russia’s political narratives.
The group used pro-Russian forums, messaging apps, and gaming channels to recruit and coordinate. Europol says it also developed its own botnet made up of several hundred servers. These were used to amplify DDoS attacks against selected targets.
To simplify participation, NoName057(16) distributed guides and tools like DDoSia. Europol also launched a prevention campaign warning suspected supporters of their criminal liability, delivered via the same communication platforms.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
As the EU ramps up economic pressure, the Kremlin scrambles to downplay sanctions by pushing claims of immunity and resilience. But behind the bravado, top Russian officials are quietly conceding the growing toll on the country’s economy, according to the think tank Institute for the Study of War (ISW).
Despite Western sanctions and growing geopolitical isolation since its 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Russia has maintained a militarized economy powered by energy revenues and expanded public and defense spending. The increasing sanctions are designed to curb foreign income and block tech imports to weaken Moscow’s capacity to wage war.
Russian officials claim immunity while signs of economic damage emerge
ISW reported on 18 July that Russian officials are continuing to falsely claim that the European Union’s newest sanctions have no significant impact on the Russian economy. Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov alleged for no reason that the EU’s sanctions are illegal, and insisted Russia had already adapted to life under restrictive measures. He stated that the Kremlin would analyze the effects of the latest sanctions package and minimize their impact. Peskov also stated that the sanctions ostensibly ultimately harm those who imposed them.
Russian Security Council Deputy Chairperson Dmitry Medvedev responded to the EU’s newest package by asserting that Russia’s stance remains unchanged and that the country’s economy will endure. He went further, threatening to increase strikes on Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities — which has already been happening for years. Medvedev declared that Russia must learn to “hate” the EU and what he described as its “Russophobia” as much as its ancestors did.
Kirill Dmitriev, CEO of the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) and Putin’s Special Representative for Investment and Economic Cooperation with Foreign Countries, echoed similar showy defiance. He claimed that the sanctions hurt Europe more than Russia by closing Russian markets to European businesses and disrupting the continent’s energy supply. Meanwhile, Head of the Russian State Duma Committee on Financial Markets Anatoly Aksakov dismissed the new financial sanctions as insignificant, calling them “just a fluctuation in the air,” since Russian banks were already operating under EU restrictions.
Top Russian ministers admit critical sanctions impact
Despite these bold public statements, ISW highlighted that some senior Russian officials are now quietly admitting that sanctions are taking a toll on the economy. The Moscow Times reported on 17 July that Russian Energy Minister Sergei Tsivilev recently told the Russian Federation Council that Western sanctions are making it difficult for Russian oil companies to obtain parts needed to repair refineries.
Explore further
NYT: Putin believes Ukraine’s collapse is near — and he’s acting like it
Russian Central Bank Chairperson Elvira Nabiullina openly stated on 19 June that Russia has “exhausted many of its free resources” since the start of the full-scale invasion and must now search for a new growth model. Minister of Economic Development Maxim Reshetnikov also acknowledged during SPIEF that the Russian economy stands “on the brink of recession.”
Kremlin relies on evasive schemes to soften sanctions blow
ISW underscored that sanctions evasion through the People’s Republic of China and other third-party networks is now a key pillar of Moscow’s strategy. The Kremlin has built a network of actors designed to bypass Western restrictions, and has started reconfiguring its economic policies and business models to survive sanctions in the long run. However, ISW wrote, hinting on Washington’s hesitation to adopt news sanctions against Russia:
“The EU’s newest sanctions are a positive step, but wider Western compliance and enforcement are necessary to inflict maximum economic pressure on Russia.“
The EU’s 18th sanctions package, approved on 18 July by the European Council, sharply undercuts Russian oil revenues. It slashes the oil price cap to $47.60 per barrel, bans Nord Stream pipeline transactions, and blacklists 105 more shadow fleet tankers—bringing the total to 444. It also targets entities tied to Rosneft and ends Czechia’s exemption for Russian oil.
Refined products from Russian crude are banned unless processed in select Western countries. Though the Kremlin budgeted for losses, these sanctions are expected to cut far deeper—threatening the third of federal revenue tied to oil.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Ukrainian factories building drones to down Russian aircraft are changing the face of modern air defense — one low-cost interceptor at a time. On 18 July, the New York Post published a reportage about its journalists visiting two drone production facilities in Kyiv. The publication got an inside look at how Ukraine is confronting drone warfare with ingenuity and affordability.
Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, Moscow continues launching daily drone strikes against Ukrainian cities, often deploying hundreds of Iranian-designed Shahed explosive drones to target civilians. Each Shahed can carry up to 90 kg of explosives. With limited access to foreign air defense systems, Ukraine has focused on developing and scaling up production of interceptor drones to counter Russia’s growing Shahed onslaught.
Kyiv engineers race to scale drone interceptors
The New York Post says Nomad Drones and a second, anonymous company are leading a new surge in Ukrainian factories building drones. These interceptors are crafted specifically to neutralize Russian-launched Shaheds, which cost around $50,000 apiece. Meanwhile, Ukraine’s new models are dramatically cheaper — priced between $3,000 and $7,000, depending on type and size.
Nomad Drones co-founder and CEO Andrii Fedorov explained the concept to the NYP.
“In Ukraine, there is a phrase people have been using — that ‘quantity’ becomes ‘quality,’” he said.
According to Fedorov, deploying a $1 million missile to destroy a $50,000 drone makes no economic sense.
“If you have 20 drones, then the capacity costs you, say, $40,000 to shoot it down.”
Cost-effective jamming-proof drones
Nomad’s aircraft are designed for cost-effective lethality. Equipped with fiber-optic cables, they avoid jamming and reach enemy drones undetected by radars. Each unit carries explosives and can be detonated remotely on approach. That ability is critical against fast-moving targets like Shaheds, often launched in swarms across Ukrainian airspace.
A second firm — unnamed in the report due to repeated Russian strikes on its facility — builds a meter-long missile-style interceptors. That company continues operating despite multiple attacks.
“It’s all about cost-effectiveness,” an employee said. “Western technologies are so cool and modern — they are expensive at the same time.”
Built for war, priced for survival
The strategy centers on affordability, speed, and scalable output. Nomad Drones and others now produce tens of thousands of interceptors monthly. These low-cost systems are not meant to endure — they’re made to fly once, explode midair, and protect civilian lives.
Tis model contrasts sharply with existing Western air defense systems, which rely heavily on expensive precision strikes. With Russia launching over 700 drones in a single night last week, Ukrainian engineers have prioritized high-volume production as the only viable path forward.
Ukrainian-made drones may soon bolster US forces trailing China in tech. As the NYP reported earlier, Ukraine’s president confirmed a “mega deal” under discussion with the Trump administration to trade battle-tested UAVs for American weapons.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Russian saboteurs tried to infiltrate Ukrainian lines in Pokrovsk, Donetsk Oblast. Ukrainian troops intercepted and eliminated them, Ukraine’s top general Syrskyi confirmed. The attack came amid intensifying fighting across Donetsk, Sumy, and Kharkiv oblasts, as Russian forces press multiple axes of advance.
Amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, Moscow’s military operations aimed at seizing all of Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast intensified around Pokrovsk in February 2025, with multiple units redeployed to reinforce this direction. The focus then shifted toward Kostiantynivka, but the main push now appears to have returned to Pokrovsk.
Russian saboteurs in Pokrovsk eliminated during failed incursion
Ukrainian Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi reported that Russian saboteurs in Pokrovsk attempted to breach Ukrainian defenses on 18 July. The group, described as a DRG — diversionary and reconnaissance group, failed to reach the city. Ukrainian defenders spotted them in time and destroyed the entire group.
According to Syrskyi, Russia continues using small infantry groups to try and seize Pokrovsk. Russia mostly switched to these tactics after years of costly frontal “meat-wave” attacks.
Syrskyi posted the update at 22:07 on 18 July via Telegram. He said Ukrainian troops “courageously repel intensified pressure and destroy the Russian aggressor” along the Pokrovsk and Novopavlivka axes. These fronts in Donetsk Oblast were the main focus of his report to President Zelenskyy, who also serves as Ukraine’s supreme commander.
Ukrainian units credited with stopping Russian sabotage team
Syrskyi named several units that contributed to Ukraine’s recent defensive success. He highlighted the 59th Assault Brigade and Special Operations Forces operating on the Pokrovsk axis.
Situation in the area of Pokrovsk as of 18 July 2025, according to Deep State. The reported Russian advancements are further south from Pokrovsk.
He also praised units on other fronts. These include the 225th Separate Assault Regiment and 95th Air Assault Brigade in the Siversk direction (northeastern Ukraine), the 3rd Assault Brigade near Kupiansk (Kharkiv Oblast), and the 82nd Air Assault Brigade and 14th National Guard Brigade near Dobropillia (Donetsk Oblast).
Additionally, the 5th Assault Brigade and elements of the 225th Regiment fought in the Novopavlivka direction, which Syrskyi also called a high-pressure area.
Ukrainian forces counter Russian gains across several fronts
According to an 18 July report by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), Russian forces “recently advanced near Pokrovsk” and in northern Sumy Oblast. ISW classifies Pokrovsk as part of Russia’s Subordinate Main Effort—aiming to capture all of Donetsk Oblast and potentially push into Dnipropetrovsk Oblast.
The ISW also noted that the Ukrainian forces have advanced near Novopavlivka, while the Russians in northern Sumy Oblast.
Ukrainian OSINT project DeepState reported similar activity. On 18 July, it noted Russian advances near Voskresenka, Zelenyi Hai, and Yablunivka—all in Donetsk Oblast.
On 19 July, DeepState added that Russian troops had occupied a different Yablunivka in Sumy Oblast. They also advanced near Yunakivka (Sumy Oblast), Khatnie (northeastern Kharkiv Oblast), as well as Romanivka and Toretsk (Donetsk Oblast).
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Every time I look at my bank card, I smile. Not because I have so much money, but because the bank is called PrivatBank.
A “private” bank. Except it’s not. Founded in 1992 by future oligarchs Ihor Kolomoyskyi, Hennadii Boholiubov, and Serhiy Tihipko, it was nationalized in 2016 after it emerged that just 5% of its loans had gone to stable, well-known companies. The rest went to offshores or hastily formed shell companies.
Since then, PrivatBank has stayed in state hands. So every time I make a payment, I’m making a small contribution to the state budget.
From market reform to wartime statism
Despite the fate of PrivatBank, before Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukraine had been moving slowly but steadily toward a leaner government. Some of the old Soviet-style giants had been cut down to size. The farmland market had opened. Selling minority stakes in key state-owned firms was on the table.
Then the full-scale war started—and changed everything. Over the past three years, Ukraine’s public sector has grown to its largest size since the 1990s.
By the third quarter of 2024, the National Bank of Ukraine reported that state-owned banks controlled 53% of all banking assets and held over 60% of all retail deposits.
Government spending has grown dramatically, too: Ukraine’s Finance Ministry announced the 2025 state budget allocates 26.3% of GDP to defense and security. The state now controls not only banking and defense production but also energy and much of the digital economy.
It’s easy to see why—survival trumps ideology—but without a clear plan for scaling back later, this state-heavy approach could become a problem in itself.
A department of Privatbank, a private bank that was privatized in 2016, in Zdolbuniv, Rivne Oblast. Credit: Depositphotos
Geese that lay golden eggs
Ukraine’s banks have earned nearly UAH 255 billion (€6 billion) since the start of the full-scale war, Ukrainian Business News calculated.
In 2024 alone, Opendatabot found banks made a record UAH 104 billion (€2.5 billion) in net profits—20% more than in 2023—and paid UAH 83.7 billion (€2 billion) in taxes on those profits, almost twice as much as the year before.
Seven state-owned banks made UAH 67.2 billion (€1.6 billion), accounting for 65% of the sector’s total profits.
PrivatBank alone made up 39% of all banking profits in 2024 and contributed UAH 40.9 billion (€980 million) in taxes—almost half the total for the sector.
International funding advantage
Part of this success comes from access to cheap international loans. The country’s second-largest bank by assets after PrivatBank, Oschadbank, for instance, uses funds from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development to finance solar and wind energy projects that help stabilize the grid—often at below-market rates. That gives state-owned banks a big advantage.
Even the IMF has taken notice. In its June 2025 report, the International Monetary Fund warned that expanding state control in banking should only happen when necessary for stability or national security—and only during martial law. It also advised Ukraine to reduce state ownership once the war ends.
Strategic sectors under state command
A destroyed DTEK power plant following a Russian missile attack in Ukraine, on 2 April 2024. Russia is attacking Ukraine’s energy sector with renewed intensity and alarming accuracy, signaling to Ukrainian officials that Russia is armed with better intelligence and fresh tactics in its campaign to annihilate the country’s power generation capacity. (Photo Evgenii Maloletka)
Banking isn’t the only sector under government control. In energy, the state-run company Ukrenergo keeps the grid running despite regular Russian attacks—allowing every other part of the economy, from heavy industry to small service providers, to continue operating.
Because of this, even private households can maintain a semblance of normality under wartime conditions. Ukrenergo does this with the help of low-interest loans from European donors.
Critical infrastructure rebuilding
Oschadbank, for instance, channels donor finance into 30-megawatt battery farms and hybrid solar-wind parks—critical infrastructure the country urgently needs more than ever.
Solar Generation’s Merefa solar power plant in Kharkiv Oblast, damaged by a Russian missile strike.
Photo by Stanislav Ihnatiev
Russian forces have destroyed 70% of Ukraine’s available generation capacity since the start of the full-scale war, and the key to keeping the lights on lies in decentralization: smaller, distributed energy sources are harder to hit and easier to repair than large centralized power plants.
In defense, the old Ukroboronprom group has been turned into a new company called Ukrainian Defense Industry. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute reported its revenue rose 69% in 2023 to $2.2 billion (€2 billion).
German-made Marder infantry fighting vehicles in the Rheinmetall-Ukroboronprom newly-opened facility at an undisclosed location in Ukraine. June 2024. Photo: Telegram/zalizni_zminy.
Tech sector under special regime
Agriculture is still mostly private, but the World Bank documented how the state controls grain exports and fuel allocation across the country.
Even the IT sector works under a special government regime. The Diia City programme—a virtual free economic zone that offers a flat 9% profit tax—now includes more than 1,640 companies and nearly 100,000 tech professionals, according to Ukraine’s Ministry of Digital Transformation.
Controversial seizures
Not all government takeovers are popular. One high-profile case was the seizure of IDS Ukraine, which makes the beloved Morshynska mineral water. Interfax Ukraine reported that the entire company was confiscated because of minority Russian ownership.
Morshynska mineral water was a Ukrainian market leader; then it was seized by the state due to Russian ownership. Photo: IDS Ukraine
Critics say that such moves, while understandable during wartime, create risks for private business—especially when a brand controls 40% of the market.
Moves like this can shake consumer confidence, but more critically, they deter potential investors. Who would risk their capital in a country where an entire company might be seized simply because another shareholder has a questionable ownership structure?
These actions also raise uncomfortable questions: are such practices compatible with democracy? Is Ukraine truly the democratic state it claims—or aspires—to be?
Missing exit strategy
All things considered, Ukraine’s wartime economy has so far held up pretty well. The Kyiv School of Economics forecast GDP growth around 3% this year, inflation dropped below 10% in early 2025, and the banking sector is stable and profitable.
But all that success has its downsides. A major one is that state-owned companies now generate so much revenue that political leaders might be reluctant to give them up.
Talk of privatization has gone quiet. The Ministry of Economy has mentioned the idea of selling small stakes in state companies after the war, but there’s no clear plan or timeline. And most foreign investors remain hesitant—especially those who aren’t prepared to take big risks.
At the same time, Ukraine’s international allies are growing impatient. The IMF warns that permanent state dominance is bad for competition.
Brussels, eyeing EU accession, wants governance standards that private capital can trust. Kyiv faces a tightrope: keeping scarce capital flowing while signaling that the state’s wartime reach is temporary.
Undoing the emergency state
There are ways forward. One idea is to introduce “sunset clauses”—laws that would require the government to reduce its ownership in major companies to less than 25% within five years of the end of martial law, unless parliament votes to delay.
Another idea is to issue war bonds that could later be converted into shares in state firms. That would help prepare these companies for privatization by spreading ownership more broadly.
The oligarch problem
The richest Ukrainian oligarchs in 2016, from left to right: Dmytro Firtash, Rinat Akhmetov, Viktor Pinchuk, Petro Poroshenko, Ihor Kolomoyskyi. Since then, Kolomoisky has lost his positions in Ukraine and lives abroad. Graphics by: Ganna Naronina, Euromaidan Press
Still, even that comes with challenges. Ukraine’s economy is still influenced by a small group of powerful oligarchs. The government has tried to reduce their power by limiting “vertical integration”—a polite way of saying monopolistic control—but progress is slow.
Selling off large, profitable state companies could risk strengthening the old oligarchs or creating new ones.
Above all, Ukraine needs a clear strategy. Without it, the strong wartime state could become a barrier to post-war recovery.
When even a “private” bank becomes a symbol of government control, it’s time to ask: where does wartime necessity end, and long-term dependency begin?
Whether the new government will chart a different course—or simply manage the status quo—remains an open question.
Explore further
“Just 16 people”: Ukraine’s new wartime cabinet is now smaller than many startups
Key financial figures
Total profit by Ukrainian banks during 3.5 years of war
UAH 255 billion (€6 billion)
2024 profit of the banking sector
UAH 104 billion (€2.5 billion)
2024 profit taxes paid by banks
UAH 83.7 billion (€2 billion)
Share of profits from 7 state-owned banks
UAH 67.2 billion (€1.6 billion)
PrivatBank’s tax contribution in 2024
UAH 40.9 billion (€980 million)
Defense and security spending in 2025
26.3% of GDP
Share of banking assets held by state-owned banks (Q3 2024)
53%
Share of retail deposits held by state-owned banks (Q3 2024)
60%
Projected GDP growth in 2025
~3%
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Russia moves to erase Ukrainian language from schools in occupied Ukrainian territories, the UK Ministry of Defense reported in its 18 July 2025 intelligence update. A draft order from Russia’s Education Ministry outlines plans to eliminate Ukrainian from school curricula starting September 2025. The Ministry justifies the move by citing an allegedly “changed geopolitical situation.”
This policy deepens Moscow’s Russification drive, which seeks to erase Ukrainian culture and identity in occupied areas. The Kremlin’s goal is to make Ukrainians identify as Russians — a pattern seen throughout centuries of occupation.
Kremlin prepares to ban Ukrainian in Zaporizhzhia and Kherson schools
The draft order will primarily affect children in Russian-occupied areas of Zaporizhzhia and Kherson oblasts, where Ukrainian has remained a mandatory subject despite the occupation. Under the new plan, schools will no longer be allowed to teach Ukrainian as part of the core curriculum. The order also reportedly reduces the study of Ukrainian literature to a minimal level, further cutting off cultural education.
Long-term effort to eliminate Ukrainian identity
The UK Ministry of Defense reported:
“This follows reported long-term Russian efforts to reduce and eliminate the Ukrainian language in schools in other illegally occupied Ukrainian territories, including Crimea, whilst Russia’s President Putin has simultaneously repeatedly demanded protections for the Russian language within unoccupied territories of Ukraine.”
Cultural cleansing through education policy
The UK Ministry of Defense reports that the Russian Education Ministry’s plans mark “a further addition” to the Kremlin’s “long-standing Russification policy” in occupied Ukrainian territory — a campaign that seeks to “extirpate Ukrainian culture, identity, and statehood.”
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Australia’s Abrams tanks have arrived in Ukraine, but reports differ on whether this is the first batch or the majority of the 49 pledged. Sky News and The Guardian describe the shipment as the first tranche, but then noted that “the majority” has been delivered. In contrast, Reuters reports that Ukraine has received most of the pledged Australian tanks, with the rest to follow.
The tanks arrive in Ukraine as Russia escalates attacks on civilians. According to the United Nations Human Rights Office, June was the deadliest month for civilians in over three years. Russian missile and drone strikes are hitting residential areas at record levels.
Media differ over scale of Australian tank delivery to Ukraine
Australia’s retired Abrams tanks arrive in Ukraine as part of a 245 million AUD (about $160 million) military aid package promised last October. Reuters reports that Canberra has already handed over most of the previously pledged 49 M1A1 Abrams, with the rest due in the coming months. Sky News Australia, however, states this is the first arrival, noting a nine-month delay since the tanks were pledged. The Guardian, citing the Australian Associated Press, also calls it the “first tranche,” but then adds:
“A majority of the tanks have been delivered and a final tranche will arrive in the coming months, but actual numbers have not been released.“
Australia’s Defense Minister Richard Marles said the Abrams tanks “will make a significant contribution” to Ukraine’s effort to repel Russia’s invasion. He emphasized their role in boosting Ukrainian firepower alongside other Western-supplied equipment. The country’s Defense Industry Minister Pat Conroy added, “Australia stands shoulder-to-shoulder with Ukraine.”
Tank support part of larger Australian aid commitment
Australia’s Abrams tanks arrive in Ukraine alongside broader support totaling more than 1.5 billion AUD or $980 million since February 2022.
Canberra also plans to send a Wedgetail surveillance aircraft to Europe in August. The aircraft will help safeguard aid corridors delivering supplies into Ukraine. At the same time, Australia maintains export bans on alumina and aluminum ores to Russia. About 1,000 Russian individuals and entities remain under Australiansanctions.
Alongside military support, Australia is negotiating a non-binding security pact with Ukraine. More than two dozen nations have signed similar agreements with Kyiv. These arrangements focus on political and military cooperation but do not include formal defense guarantees.
A second bilateral deal aims to eliminate double taxation between the two countries. Officials expect it to encourage foreign investment in Ukraine’s postwar reconstruction.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
They set out believing Russian aggression didn’t exist. Then they saw missiles and mass graves.Three Czech conspiracy theorists who had publicly questioned the scale and even the existence of Russia’s war traveled to Ukraine as part of a documentary project, according to Gromada.cz.
What began as a skeptical “fact-finding mission” became a confrontation with a reality they could no longer deny. The resulting film, Velký vlastenecký výlet or The Great ‘Patriotic’ Trip, will premiere on 21 August.
The participants, two men and one woman, had openly supported the Kremlin’s position, calling the invasion a “special operation,” spreading disinformation about a media conspiracy, disputing casualty numbers, and blaming everything from President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to liberals and even the EU’s Green Deal.
They responded to an open call by Czech director Robin Kvapil themselves, who used social media to invite skeptics to witness the war firsthand. The film crew accompanied them from Prague to Kharkiv and Donbas, capturing their raw reactions as they came under missile fire, met wounded civilians, visited mass graves, and descended into underground schools in metro stations where children study amid constant danger.
Kvapil said one of the defining moments came when they arrived at the site of a children’s oncology hospital in Kyiv just hours after a Russian missile had struck it. This scene further solidified his intent to confront denial with unfiltered truth.
The team also included security analyst Petr Pojman, psychiatrist Petr Piot, and interpreter Lucie Řehořiková, former head of the Czech Centre in Kyiv, to ensure security and mental support. The production was coordinated with the Czech Interior Ministry and Ukraine’s Security Service.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
As of 18 July 2025, the approximate losses of weapons and military equipment of the Russian Armed Forces from the beginning of the invasion to the present day:
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
London and Brussels jointly cut the Kremlin’s oil revenues. The UK government decided to lower the price cap on Russian oil from $60 to $47.60 per barrel after the EU adopted the 18th EU sanctions package on 18 July.
The new Russia sanctions package will include a formal ban on the Nord Stream 1 and 2 pipelines. It will also target 105 ships from Russia’s shadow fleet and the entities enabling their operations. In addition, 22 Russian banks will face new financial restrictions aimed at cutting their access to international funding. Brussels will also ban the export of European technologies used in Russian drone production.
According to Western analysts, Moscow’s oil profits have already dropped by 35% compared to last year. The new lower price cap will further restrict the Kremlin’s financial resources used to fund its aggression against Ukraine.
“The UK and its EU allies are turning the screw on the Kremlin’s war chest by stemming the most valuable funding stream of its illegal war in Ukraine even further,” said UK Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves.
The official added that this decisive step to lower the crude oil price cap will target Russia’s oil revenues and intensify pressure on Russian President Vladimir Putin by exploiting his greatest vulnerability.
London emphasized that the sanctions are intended to punish the aggressor and preserve the stability of the global energy market.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
The US plans to invest in the production of Ukrainian drones. New Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko has announced that Ukraine intends to sign a drone agreement with American partners, Reuters reports.
Drone warfare has defined the Russo-Ukrainian war, with unmanned systems deployed across air, land, and sea. Ukraine and Russia remain locked in a fast-paced arms race, constantly advancing their drone technologies and testing new offensive and defensive systems.
“We plan to sign a ‘drone deal’ with the United States. We are discussing investments in the expansion of production of Ukrainian drones by the US,” says Svyrydenko.
The official has clarified that the deal involves the purchase of a large batch of Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicles.
Svyrydenko added that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and US President Donald Trump made the political decision on the agreement earlier, and officials are now discussing its details.
Earlier, Euromaidan Press reported that both leaders were considering what’s being called a “mega deal.” Under the proposed agreement, Kyiv would sell its combat-hardened drone systems to Washington. In return, it would sell Ukraine a significant array of American weapons.
Zelenskyy emphasized that Ukraine is ready to share its knowledge gained from over three years of fighting against Russia’s full-scale invasion.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
The UK is forming a new military alliance that mirrors NATO’s Article 5. Within a single week, London signed two defense agreements with key players, Germany and France, reports Defense Express.
Previously, US Army Europe and NATO Allied Forces Supreme Commander General Alexus Grynkewich has warned that American and its European allies likely have only a year and a half to prepare for a potential global military conflict with China and Russia. According to Bild, the two dictatorships may launch a coordinated strike in 2027.
Experts are already calling this the emergence of a trilateral military bloc that could either supplement NATO or act as its insurance policy.
The UK-Germany agreement outlines deep mutual defense commitments, including military assistance in case of an attack. Meanwhile, the declaration with France explicitly states that while the nuclear forces of both countries remain independent, they can be coordinated in case of an extraordinary threat.
“It’s clear that the UK is effectively creating an additional trilateral defense arrangement centered around itself,” notes Defense Express.
This is happening despite all three nations already being bound by obligations within NATO. Analysts believe such an initiative signals a “need to reaffirm mutual commitments.”
The core of the signed documents essentially duplicates NATO’s famous Article 5, a collective response to aggression. Across Europe, there is growing concern that relying solely on NATO in the event of a large-scale crisis may no longer be sufficient.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
The UK hits a Russian military intelligence unit behind the destruction of the Mariupol Drama Theater with the largest-ever sanctions package in history. It is also responsible for prolonged malicious hybrid operations worldwide.
On 16 March 2022, at least 600 people were killed as a result of a Russian airstrike on the Mariupol Drama Theater. Many of the victims were civilians sheltering inside the building, where the word “Children” was clearly written in large letters on its roof. Around 400 more people were injured. The exact number of casualties remains difficult to determine due to the city’s occupation.
“In 2022, Unit 26165, sanctioned today, conducted online reconnaissance to help target missile strikes against Mariupol, including the strike that destroyed the Mariupol Theatre, where hundreds of civilians, including children, were murdered,”says the UK government.
The restrictions hit three units of Russia’s military intelligence (GRU) and its 18 officers accountable for conducting a sustained campaign of cyberattacks over many years, including attacks inside the UK.
“The GRU routinely uses cyber and information operations to sow chaos, division and disorder in Ukraine and across the world with devastating real-world consequences,” the UK government said.
Sanctions also target GRU officers responsible for hacking a device of Yulia Skripal, a daughter of former Russian military officer Sergei Skripal, using the malicious software known as X-Agent. This happened five years prior to the failed attempt by GRU officers to assassinate them with the deadly nerve agent “Novichok” in Salisbury.
Russian operatives have also attempted to disrupt UK media outlets, telecom providers, political and democratic institutions, as well as critical energy infrastructure.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Russia has begun using artificial intelligence-based bots for spreading propaganda on social media, especially on Telegram, according to a joint investigation by OpenMinds and the Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab).
The tactic is part of Russia’s broader strategy to dominate the information space in occupied areas, which began by forcibly switching residents to Russian telecom providers, cutting off Ukrainian media, and launching dozens of Telegram channels posing as local news outlets.
Researchers have uncovered over 3,600 bots that posted more than 316,000 AI-generated comments in Telegram channels linked to Ukraine’s temporarily occupied territories. Another three million messages were spread in broader Ukrainian and Russian Telegram groups. These bots used human-like language, adapting replies to the context of each conversation to promote pro-Kremlin narratives and undermine Ukraine.
Unlike traditional bots that spam identical messages, these accounts simulate real users. They reply directly to other users, shift tone and content, and tailor messages to appear authentic. On average, a bot posts 84 comments per day, with some exceeding 1,000 daily.
The goal is not just to spread fake news, but to create the illusion of widespread public support for the occupation regime, filling comment sections with praise for Russia and attacks on Ukraine. In an environment of information isolation, this becomes a potent tool of mass manipulation.
AI-generated bots often give themselves away through:
absurd usernames,
unnatural or AI-generated profile pictures,
overly formal or awkward phrasing,
and highly diverse language: one in three comments is uniquely generated by AI.
Even when bot accounts are deleted, their influence lingers. Locals repeatedly exposed to these comments may perceive Kremlin propaganda as the majority opinion, especially in regions where Ukrainian news is inaccessible.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Russian Shaheds now carry napalm and break through Ukrainian electronic warfare systems. Moscow continues to upgrade its Shahed attack drones, enhancing their warheads, engines, and protection, says Serhii “Flash” Beskrestnov, a military expert, in an interview with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.
“Recently, we discovered a fluid in a Shahed’s warhead that resembled napalm. It not only spreads but keeps burning even in sand. This is terrorism, when drones attack residential areas with incendiary mixtures that cannot be extinguished,” explains Beskrestnov.
According to him, such weapons are absolutely inappropriate for warfare in large cities. Russia is also using at least 4–5 different types of warheads on Shahed drones, expanding their operational roles, from striking industrial targets to deliberate terror against civilians.
Flash reports that Russian engineers have upgraded Shahed engines, allowing them to reach speeds of up to 220 km/h in favorable weather conditions. However, the expert notes that this speed increase is not a decisive advantage: “Globally, whether it’s 180 or 200 km/h. It doesn’t change much.”
The most serious threat now comes from the improved Shahed defense systems against Ukrainian electronic warfare.
“We are increasingly seeing the same target being hit repeatedly. This indicates electronic warfare’s failure to disrupt navigation,” says Beskrestnov.
According to him, Chinese reinforced antennas have been found among the drone wreckage, successfully breaking through Ukrainian electronic warfare defenses.
“Our electronic warfare systems simply aren’t designed to handle such a number of elements. That’s why urgent modernization is needed,” the expert emphasizes.
Beskrestnov separately emphasized that electronic warfare systems do not physically destroy drones but only help protect targets and give air defense systems time to strike them.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
The Kremlin has once again erupted in threats and vitriol. Following the adoption of the EU’s 18th sanctions package against Moscow’s aggression, Dmitry Medvedev, the Russian former president, lashed out, calling European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen a “disgusting old hag”and branding Europeans as “imbeciles.”
Medvedev is often called the Kremlin’s “mouthpiece” for his apocalyptic social media statements reflecting Moscow’s official position. The former Russian president has frequently issued nuclear threats aimed at the West.
“European imbeciles have approved the 18th package of sanctions against our country. There’s no point in writing that it will change Russia’s stance any more than the previous seventeen did,” Medvedev said on social media.
He believes the Russian economy would endure and stated that the destruction of Ukraine would continue.
“Strikes on targets in the so-called Ukraine, including Kyiv, will be carried out with increasing force,” he stressed.
Medvedev then escalated his tirade, launching insults at EU nations including Poland, Germany, France, the Baltic states, and the UK. He urged maximum detachment from the EU, which he claimed is now home to “Brits mired in their own shit.”
He went further, stating that Russians should learn to hate Europeans, just as their ancestors once did.
“Hatred is the most powerful weapon, allowing us to move most effectively toward its opposite—love. Naturally, toward those who deserve it,” he claimed.
Von der Leyen received particular scorn, with Medvedev attempting to mock her medical background.
“I’m not sure she even knows where the heart is. Though it seems she’s always thought with the part of her body she used during her failed medical career,” he said.
Medvedev’s outburst once again illustrates the tone of official Russian rhetoric amid intensified missile strikes on Ukrainian civilians, Russia’s answer to US President Donald Trump’s recent peace efforts.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Romania wants to build drones with Ukraine, but production is delayed until 2026 due to lack of military funding. Digi24 reports that Romania’s Defense Ministry wants to launch a joint drone-manufacturing project, but no funds are available this year to begin construction or procurement.
Drone warfare has shaped the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, with Ukraine deploying UAVs across all domains. The ongoing Russian invasion has driven a surge in Ukrainian drone production, and the Ministry of Defense recently stated it could produce up to 10 million drones a year if properly funded.
Romania wants to build drones with Ukraine, but budget delay blocks start
Romania wants to build drones with Ukraine, aiming to manufacture UAVs inside Romania and eventually export them to other European countries. Digi24 reports that the Romanian Ministry of Defense has confirmed it is set to negotiate with officials from Kyiv. The two sides aim to establish a co-production plan for drones, following models already used by Ukraine in partnerships with Denmark and Norway.
According to Digi24, the business plan is not complex: Romania would purchase the technical specifications of drones that Ukraine has developed during its war experience. Those designs, proven in combat, would serve as the base for production inside Romania.
The proposed facility would likely be located in Brașov, Transylvania. Romanian and Ukrainian engineers would cooperate on-site to assemble the UAVs. Most of the drones would enter service with the Romanian army, but many would also be intended for sale across Europe, per the reported plan.
Factory plan awaits funding, likely in 2026
Despite alignment on the concept, the project faces a major obstacle: Romania currently lacks the funding to implement it. Digi24 notes that while Ukraine is willing to move forward and eager to secure income from such cooperation, Romania cannot commit to payments this year.
The next opportunity to fund the drone partnership would come with Romania’s 2026 defense budget. Until then, the joint production initiative remains in the planning phase.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Ukrainian pilots to gain greater chances in the sky due to Paris’s support. After an hour-long meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron on 18 July, Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed that France is ready to continue training Mirage fighter jet pilots on its own territory.
In February 2025, Ukraine received the first batch of Dassault Mirage 2000-5 fighter jets, modified to carry the powerful SCALP-EG cruise missiles and Hammer glide bombs. The SCALP-EGs are crucial to Ukraine’s strategy. With a range of up to 155 miles and bunker-busting warheads, these 2,900-pound missiles are designed to target Russian command posts, disrupting military coordination and weakening their resistance.
“I want to specifically highlight our agreement on Mirage pilot training: France is ready to accept additional pilots for training on additional aircraft,”said Zelenskyy.
Among other key issues was the strengthening of Ukraine’s air defense system. The two leaders discussed the supply of missiles for modern SAMP/T systems and the launch of a joint project to fund interceptor drones. Zelenskyy noted that relevant decisions will be prepared at the level of both countries’ defense ministries.
The Ukrainian president also thanked France for its active role in promoting the EU’s 18th package of sanctions and confirmed that Kyiv and Washington are working together so that “Russia feels truly global pressure.”
The EU agreed on a new package after the bloc’s ambassadors reached consensus on restrictions targeting key sectors of the Russian economy. Malta and Slovakia reportedly lifted their vetoes after receiving critical assurances.
The new Russia sanctions package will include a formal ban on the Nord Stream 1 and 2 pipelines. EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas said the bloc would also reduce the oil price cap as part of efforts to cut the Kremlin’s war revenues.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
They paid the highest price for Ukraine’s freedom. British journalist Colin Freeman, in his book The Mad and the Brave, told the stories of foreign volunteers who joined Ukraine’s International Legion, writes The Telegraph.
The International Legion of the Ukrainian Defense Forces, a military unit established in 2022, brings together volunteers from over 50 countries, including the US, Canada, and the UK, to help Ukraine fight off Russian aggression.
Freeman compares the influx of volunteers who rushed to aid Ukraine in the early weeks of the all-out war to the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939 when thousands from around the world fought fascism.
He portrays a variety of individuals, from veterans of the Syrian war against ISIS to adrenaline seekers and those fleeing heartbreak.
One striking story is that of British combat medic John Harding, who joined the Azov Battalion in 2018. He disproved Russian propaganda about “national extremists” and endured the horrors of the battle for Mariupol, the siege of Azovstal, and months of torture in captivity.
Another hero is Briton Christopher Perryman, a veteran of wars in Iraq, Somalia, and Bosnia, who left behind a young son to fight the Russian aggressor.
Perryman believed he had no moral right to abandon millions of Ukrainian parents in distress, given his extensive military experience. Sadly, he was killed by artillery fire at the end of 2023.
After more than three years of war, the fates of foreign volunteers vary: some died, some cope with PTSD, and others continue fighting alongside Ukrainians.
Earlier, Euromaidan Press published a story about a former paramedic from Colombia, known as Miguel, who came to Ukraine intending to serve as a combat medic. However, due to the language barrier, he was assigned to the infantry.
Despite this, he never abandoned his mission. Every day on the front line, he saves the lives of his comrades. He is learning Ukrainian by singing Chervona Kalyna, the country’s patriotic anthem, and surviving tactics against Russian artillery.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Connexion
98 drones intercepted in total across 8 regions.
