She was killed to be silenced. On July 19, in Lviv, Ukrainians marked the first anniversary of the death of Iryna Farion. She was a prominent linguist, scholar, politician, and symbol of the fight for Ukrainian identity, UkrInform reports.

Her murder in Lviv in 2023 at the age of 60 is seen not merely as a criminal act but as part of Russia’s hybrid war.

“The enemy is trying to use every tool to divide our nation,” said Ukraine’s military intelligence chief, Kyrylo Budanov, following her death.

The attack on Farion is also regarded as a psychological attempt to intimidate its most courageous Ukrainian voices.

A year after the assassination, her family, colleagues, students, and community members gathered for a memorial service at the Saints Peter and Paul Garrison Church. Later, a procession made its way to Lychakiv Cemetery, where Farion is buried.

People will also assemble in silence in the courtyard on Masaryk Street, where she was killed, at 7:22 PM, the exact moment the fatal shot was fired one year ago. 

Farion’s daughter, Sofiia Osoba, left a powerful message on Instagram.

“A year. What is it like to live without Mom?.. I am an orphan. Ukraine is orphaned… I don’t want 19 July… This is the end of everything. 23:20. The end of your life. Now, it will be years,” she wrote.

Six days after the murder, Ukrainian law enforcement detained the suspect, 19-year-old Dnipro resident Vyacheslav Zinchenko. The court trial is currently ongoing.

Russia moves to erase Ukrainian language from schools in occupied Ukrainian territories, the UK Ministry of Defense reported in its 18 July 2025 intelligence update. A draft order from Russia’s Education Ministry outlines plans to eliminate Ukrainian from school curricula starting September 2025. The Ministry justifies the move by citing an allegedly “changed geopolitical situation.”

Kremlin prepares to ban Ukrainian in Zaporizhzhia and Kherson schools

The draft order will primarily affect children in Russian-occupied areas of Zaporizhzhia and Kherson oblasts, where Ukrainian has remained a mandatory subject despite the occupation. Under the new plan, schools will no longer be allowed to teach Ukrainian as part of the core curriculum. The order also reportedly reduces the study of Ukrainian literature to a minimal level, further cutting off cultural education.

Long-term effort to eliminate Ukrainian identity

The UK Ministry of Defense reported:

“This follows reported long-term Russian efforts to reduce and eliminate the Ukrainian language in schools in other illegally occupied Ukrainian territories, including Crimea, whilst Russia’s President Putin has simultaneously repeatedly demanded protections for the Russian language within unoccupied territories of Ukraine.”

Cultural cleansing through education policy

The UK Ministry of Defense reports that the Russian Education Ministry’s plans mark “a further addition” to the Kremlin’s “long-standing Russification policy” in occupied Ukrainian territory — a campaign that seeks to “extirpate Ukrainian culture, identity, and statehood.”

Russia is using financial incentives to recruit teachers, cultural workers, and coaches to work in occupied parts of Ukraine in a campaign aimed at reshaping local identity and fostering loyalty to Moscow’s regime, according to a report published by the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) on June 26.

The Kremlin is offering up to two million rubles (around $22,000) to Russian teachers who agree to work for five years in occupied areas of Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts, and one million rubles for positions in Crimea.

The initiative, an extension of Russia’s “Zemskyi Uchitel” (Rural Teacher) program, which originally targeted underserved regions in Russia, was formally launched in the newly occupied Ukrainian territories in 2024 — though Russian educators began arriving as early as 2022.

Over 100 teachers have relocated to Crimea through the program, according to Ukraine’s Regional Center for Human Rights/ Most of them arrived from regions including Krasnodar, Altai Krai, Tomsk, Novosibirsk, Saratov, Tyumen, Ivanovo, and the Republic of Udmurtia.

“We have documented cases of teachers — and people assigned to managerial roles, such as school principals and deputy heads — arriving as early as 2022,” said Kateryna Rashevska of Ukraine’s Regional Center for Human Rights. “The first group came from Dagestan, arriving in the occupied Zaporizhzhia region, and by 2024, there were already 37 teachers from Dagestan working there.”

According to Rashevska, these teachers often lead courses in Russian language, history, and “basics of life safety and defense of the Motherland” — classes focused on conscription and military training. “These people are also involved in reprogramming Ukrainian children, attempting to raise them as Russian patriots and future members of the Russian armed forces,” she added.

In parallel, Russia is also exerting pressure on Ukrainian teachers in occupied areas to adopt the Russian curriculum. Those who refuse face serious consequences. "In Berdiansk, a school principal was deported for refusing to open the school under Russian standards," said Mariia Sulialina, head of Ukrainian NGO Almenda. Sulialina noted that teachers are now required to praise President Vladimir Putin and report "extremist behavior" among students — often defined as pro-Ukrainian views.

Human rights experts say these efforts amount to colonization and are violations of international law, including Article 49 of the Geneva Convention and Article 8 of the Rome Statute.

“Russia plans to move another 100 teachers into occupied areas in 2025 — a clear example of colonization,” Rashevska said. Despite existing legal tools, she added, “The International Criminal Court still doesn’t prioritize colonization… even though these federally coordinated programs involving teachers, cultural workers, and coaches create a clear chain of command.”

Putin under pressure to declare war on Ukraine, but experts say Russia isn’t ready

Despite suffering over 1 million casualties, pounding Ukrainian cities nightly with missiles and drones, and committing countless war crimes, one startling fact about Russia’s full-scale invasion remains — Moscow has yet to officially declare war on Ukraine. In February 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin described what he believed was going to be a swift victory and the capture of Kyiv within days as a “special military operation.” Nearly three-and-a-half years later, the Kremlin is stuck

The Kyiv IndependentChris York