Ukraine’s long-range strike drone UJ-26 Bober (“Beaver”) has been upgraded with a manual operator control system similar to that of first-person-view (FPV) drones, along with thermal imaging and a high-quality data transmission channel—marking a major advancement in the country’s drone warfare capabilities.
Drone warfare innovations have become a hallmark of the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, with unmanned vehicles of various sizes operating across air, land, and sea. Ukrainian forces have repeatedly struck Russian military, defense industry, and energy infrastructure in both occupied territories and inside Russia. The ongoing air campaign is aimed at crippling Russian military logistics and its capacity to continue the war.
Bober drone gets FPV-like manual guidance and thermal vision
Militarnyi reports that Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR) has received a modified version of the Ukrainian-made UJ-26 drone developed by Ukrjet. This upgraded strike UAV features an FPV-style manual control system, allowing operators to guide it in real-time. The drone is now equipped with a thermal imaging camera and an unspecified communication system that ensures high-quality video transmission all the way to impact.
Read more on this particular attack in our previous report:
The enhanced imagery from these drones was previously observed during missions conducted by the Prymary unit. At the time, Russian milbloggers claimed that fixed-wing drones used in those operations might have included built-in Starlink satellite communication terminals.
In its previous coverage of Prymary’s late June strike, Euromaidan Press noted the FPV-style camera angles and suggested that HUR could have deployed FPV UAVs launched from a naval carrier drone, as HUR had not provided any technical details at the time. In today’s reports, however, HUR emphasized that Bober drones were used in the attack.
Control delays hint at satellite link usage
Despite the improved image quality from the thermal camera, Militarnyi notes that the drone’s control remains relatively sluggish. This could indicate a high signal transmission delay between the UAV and the operator’s console, lending credibility to the theory of a satellite communication link, possibly Starlink, being used.
Possibly increased payload potential shown in Crimea strike
The latest attack on the Saky airfield in occupied Crimea highlighted the drone’s operational capability. The required flight distance was under half the Bober’s maximum combat radius, suggesting it may have carried a heavier warhead. The standard payload is estimated to be just 20 kilograms, Militarnyi notes.
The launch footage released shows a Bober drone being catapulted rather than taking off from a runway. This launch method requires a large launching platform but eliminates the need for landing gear. As a result, it improves the drone’s aerodynamics and extends its range. However, this approach may limit the rapid deployment of multiple UAVs, since each unit needs time-consuming setup on its launcher. A possible solution could involve pre-positioning drones already airborne, though that strategy introduces its own challenges.
From strategic to tactical: the shifting nature of drone warfare
Militarnyi notes that the introduction of upgraded UJ-26 Bober drones—alongside the Russian modifications of the Iranian Shahed-236 UAVs—marks a new phase in the drone warfare.
“The ‘drone war,’ with the increase in production of heavy long-range drones, is shifting from the strategic to the tactical level—they are increasingly being used to strike individual combat units in the rear,” Militarnyi says.
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Ukraine’s Air Force reported that 47 Russian drones were intercepted overnight on 1 July during a major air assault involving 52 UAVs launched from multiple directions. This comes as part of an ongoing Russian escalation in daily aerial assaults, with nearly 4,800 aerial targets destroyed across Ukraine in June 2025 alone.
Russia continues its deliberate daily air attacks on residential areas and civilian infrastructure, particularly targeting energy infrastructure and apartment buildings, aiming to disrupt civilian life.
Overnight drone assault targets multiple oblasts
According to Ukraine’s Air Force, Russia launched 52 drones — including Shahed-type strike drones and decoy UAVs — from Bryansk, Millerovo, and Primorsko-Akhtarsk. By 09:00 on 1 July, Ukrainian air defenses had reportedly neutralized 47 drones: 14 by firepower, and 33 suppressed or jammed by electronic warfare systems.
The attacks impacted at least three locations, with wreckage from shot-down drones falling in another, according to the report.
Fires and destruction in Zaporizhzhia
In Zaporizhzhia Oblast, four Russian drone struck Zaporizhzhia city and surrounding areas, causing a fire at an industrial site and damaging detached homes. Oblast Military Administration head Ivan Fedorov reported the damage early on 1 July, noting there were no casualties in those specific strikes.
However, later in the day, authorities confirmed several civilian injuries from other Russian strikes. A 56-year-old man was injured in a Russian attack on Polohy district. Two more civilians — a 49-year-old woman and a 55-year-old man — sustained injuries in Preobrazhenska community.
In the Stepnohirsk community, Russian artillery and FPV drone attacks disrupted critical infrastructure. As a result, the area was left without electricity, internet, or mobile communication. A power crew vehicle was damaged and two workers suffered concussions, Fedorov reported.
Over the past day, Russian forces conducted 403 attacks on 13 settlements in the oblast. These included four airstrikes on Hulyaipole, Novoandriivka, and Verkhnya Tersa, 271 drone attacks (mostly FPV), and 122 artillery shellings. Kamyanske, Hulyaipole, Shcherbaky, Novodanylivka, Mala Tokmachka, Charyvne, and Preobrazhenka were among the hardest hit.
Drone attacks in Dnipropetrovsk target farms
In Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, overnight drone strikes hit farming enterprises in the Pokrovska and Velykomykhailivska communities of Synelnykove district. According to Oblast head Serhii Lysak, fires broke out, destroying and damaging vehicles and agricultural machinery. No injuries were reported.
Further attacks in Nikopol district included artillery shelling and FPV drone strikes targeting the district center as well as Myrivska and Chervonohryhorivska communities. An unused building was damaged, with no casualties.
Air Force details June results
Ukraine’s Air Force disclosed that in June 2025, air defense forces destroyed 4,758 aerial targets, including:
2,453 Shahed-type strike drones
659 reconnaissance drones
1,479 drones of other types
93 Kh-101/Kh-55SM cruise missiles
27 Iskander-K cruise missiles
14 Iskander-M/KN-23 ballistic missiles
12 Kalibr cruise missiles
13 Kh-59/69 guided missiles
8 Kh-47M2 Kinzhal aeroballistic missiles
In addition, Ukrainian aviation conducted 895 sorties in May, including approximately 580 for fighter cover and over 220 for fire missions and air support.
Air Force aviation also reported destroying 646 aerial targets in June and conducting precision strikes on command posts, logistics hubs, and concentrations of enemy troops and equipment.
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On 1 July 2025, Ukrainian strike drones carried out a major long-range attack on Russian military infrastructure, striking the Kupol Electromechanical Plant in Izhevsk, about 1,400 kilometers from Ukraine. The facility is a major site for the production of Tor air defense systems and combat UAVs.
During the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, Russia launches daily drone and missile attacks on Ukrainian residential areas in an attempt to break the country’s will to resist. At the same time, Ukraine carries out deep strikes with drones inside Russia, targeting fuel facilities, military bases, and defense industry sites to disrupt Russian logistics and supply lines.
Ukrainian Liutyi drones target Kupol
Multiple clips from Izhevsk, shared by local residents, confirm that Ukrainian Liutyi drones struck the Kupol Electromechanical Plant in the early morning of 1 July.
Kupol is part of the Almaz-Antey defense conglomerate and is among Russia’s leading manufacturers of Tor-M2E and Osa-AKM air defense systems, onboard missile equipment, radar stations, training complexes, and gyroscopic and nanocomposite equipment. The plant also assembles Harpiya combat drones at multiple sites in the city.
Eyewitness footage captured explosions and subsequent fires at the site. Ukrainian Telegram channels Exilenova+ and CyberBoroshno geolocated the strike site based on available videos. Their analysis confirmed that the main facility of Kupol had been hit.
Based on footage, Telegram channels Exilenova+ and CyberBoroshno confirmed that the Kupol plant was the target of the attack. pic.twitter.com/sC1xOAgUiw
— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 1, 2025
Videos reveal that Russian personnel attempted to shoot down incoming UAVs using small arms fire.
This long-range attack inside Russia occurred simultaneously with Ukrainian strikes in occupied Luhansk, Donetsk, and Crimea:
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Astra confirms strike and location
According to the Russian news Telegram channel Astra, at least two drones attacked the Kupol factory five minutes apart. The videos showed a high chimney characteristic of the plant’s premises and a tall residential building at 7A 30 Let Pobedy Street, located one block away from the facility.
Telegram channel Ukraine Context shared footage showing a flyover of the Ukrainian Liutyi drones in Izhevsk, and the strikes on the military plant.
One of the clips features the sounds of secondary detonations before a larger explosion. pic.twitter.com/VnU7yk61UM
— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 1, 2025
Kupol’s strategic role and sanctions
Founded in 1957, Kupol is one of Russia’s key defense enterprises. According to its director Fanil Ziyatdinov, as cited by Rossiyskaya Gazeta in 2023, the factory also produces Samam-M1 and Adjutant training complexes and services them. In July 2023, Reuters reported that Kupol began manufacturing Garpiya-A1 strike drones using Chinese-made components.
Due to its role in supporting Russia’s war effort, the European Union added Kupol to its sanctions list on 16 December 2022. The US, Canada, Ukraine, and Switzerland have imposed similar sanctions, citing its role in supplying weapons to the Russian military.
This was the second drone strike on Kupol since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion. The first attack occurred in November 2024, as Euromaidan Press reported.
Simultaneous drone attacks across Russia
In the same early hours of 1 July, other parts of Russia came under drone attack. According to regional governors and Russian propagandist media, drones hit Rostov and Saratov oblasts.
Astra reported explosions in Saratov and Engels, and a temporary suspension of airport operations in Saratov.
Rosaviatsia spokesperson Artem Korenyako stated that airports in Ulyanovsk, Kazan, and Nizhnekamsk were also closed.
Acting governor of Rostov Oblast Yurii Sliusar claimed air defense downed drones over several areas, including Rostov-on-Don, Taganrog, Novoshakhtinsk, and multiple districts.
The Russian Ministry of Defense claimed air defenses had shot down 60 drones overnight. Reportedly, 17 were downed over Crimea, 16 over Rostov Oblast, 11 over the Azov Sea, 5 over Kursk Oblast, 4 over Saratov Oblast, and others over Voronezh and Oryol oblasts.
Missile threat declared deep inside Russia
On the same night, a missile alert was declared in Akhtubinsk, Astrakhan Oblast, hosting an air base 600 km from the front line. The city’s mayor, Oleksandr Syvakov, introduced a red alert citing a missile threat — indicating that Russia may believe Ukraine’s HRIM ballistic missiles are capable of reaching that range.
According to RIA Novosti, Astrakhan airport imposed temporary flight restrictions.
A Russian military airfield is located just two kilometers from Akhtubinsk. The site was last attacked in June 2024, when Ukrainian intelligence reported strikes on two Su-57 fighter jets — the first ever confirmed hit on these aircraft.
The missile alert was lifted at 00:18 local time, though authorities warned of a continued threat of “provocations by the enemy.”
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Police in Azerbaijan’s capital raided the local office of Russia’s state media outlet Sputnik, detaining two suspected Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) agents. The operation highlights escalating tensions between Baku and Moscow following a deadly Russian police raid on ethnic Azerbaijanis in Yekaterinburg.
Tensions between Moscow and Baku have already been simmering for months. In December 2024, an Azerbaijani plane was shot down as it approached Grozny in Russia, killing 38 of 67 passengers. In May 2025, Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev declined to attend Russia’s Victory Day parade.
Police detain FSB agents during raid
On 30 June 2025, Azerbaijani police conducted an operation at the Baku office of Sputnik Azerbaijan, a local branch of the Russian state agency Russia Today. APA reports that two Russian FSB agents working at the agency were detained during the raid. Qafqazinfo confirmed that law enforcement placed the office under control, and Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Internal Affairs verified the operation, promising further information.
The Ministry said that despite its accreditation being revoked in February 2025. According to APA, The decision aimed to ensure parity between Azerbaijani state media operating abroad and foreign journalists working in the country. In other words, the number of Sputnik Azerbaijan journalists in Baku was to be equal to that of AZERTAC journalists in Russia. However, Sputnik Azerbaijan did not comply with the decision and continued its activities throughout the period through “illegal financing,” according to WP. Local staff reportedly never ceased their activities even after the suspension was announced earlier this year.
Moscow responds angrily to arrests
According to RIA Novosti, the two detained individuals were Sputnik Azerbaijan’s editor-in-chief Yevgeny Belousov and director Igor Kartavykh. In reaction to the arrests, Russia’s Foreign Ministry summoned Azerbaijani Ambassador Rahman Mustafayev and protested what it claimed to be the “illegal detention of Russian journalists,” Interfax reports.
The raid came shortly after Russia’s own crackdown on ethnic Azerbaijanis inside its territory. On 27 June, Russian police in Yekaterinburg detained nine Azerbaijani citizens accused of murders dating back to the early 2000s. During the operation, two Azerbaijani brothers, Ziyaddin and Huseyn Safarov, were killed, and several others were seriously injured.
Media war signals deeper breakdown in ties
The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) said that Azerbaijan’s ongoing restrictions on Russian state media and cultural events “would likely further deteriorate bilateral relations and undermine Russia’s influence in the south Caucasus, particularly as the Kremlin uses its media presence and cultural soft power abroad to further its objectives in the former Soviet space.”
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In Gideon Rachman’s opinion piece for the Financial Times, the columnist argues that while both the Ukrainian and Russian militaries are approaching exhaustion, Ukraine’s position is more precarious, and the country could face military collapse within six months unless it receives urgent military support.
Now in the fourth year of Russia’s full-scale invasion, Moscow is rapidly depleting its stockpiles of armored vehicles and artillery while channeling unsustainable spending into its defense sector, as Ukraine grapples with growing frontline exhaustion, acute manpower shortages, and deepening dysfunctions in mobilization and military command.
Diplomatic optics improve, but battlefield outlook darkens
The article opens with a nod to the recent NATO summit, where European leaders expressed relief after President Donald Trump’s participation went more smoothly than feared. Trump’s meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy helped repair tensions following their strained February exchange, and NATO members pledged to raise defense spending to 5% of GDP.
Yet, the author notes, diplomatic optics from the summit cannot disguise the grim reality on the battlefield. NATO’s commitment to deterrence and increased spending may not be enough to prevent Ukraine’s collapse if material support does not arrive quickly.
Ukraine running out of men, ammo—and time
According to FT, both militaries are nearing exhaustion, but Russia’s larger population gives it an edge in sustaining operations for another year. In contrast, Ukraine could reach a breaking point within six months unless it receives substantial new Western aid. Even the possibility of new Patriot systems and HIMARS artillery rockets from the US remains uncertain, as Trump remained vague about future weapons deliveries.
Importantly, troop numbers cannot be fixed by foreign allies. Ukraine has suffered heavy casualties, and its manpower reserves are dwindling.
Rachman suggests that escalating Russian missile strikes on Kyiv and other cities are not only inflicting physical damage but also damaging Ukrainian morale. That shift is reportedly evident in private appeals by Ukrainian officials for a ceasefire. Once considered defeatist, such calls are now increasingly urgent behind closed doors, the author writes.
Some optimism remains—but the clock is ticking
According to the author, some Western officials privately warn of a risk of “catastrophic failure” if Ukraine’s military is stretched past its limits and does not receive a significant surge in aid.
Despite the grim tone, Rachman notes that some analysts believe Ukraine can still hold out. These optimists argue that Russia has gained only 0.25% of Ukrainian territory in the past year, while Ukraine’s drone warfare has effectively prevented large-scale Russian advances. Others suggest that even if Russia breaches Ukrainian lines, it lacks the mechanized divisions to exploit the gains.
Still, as Rachman concludes, if the growing pessimism is justified, then the NATO summit’s feel-good atmosphere may soon fade. Even the alliance’s ever-smiling Secretary-General, Mark Rutte, may find it hard to keep smiling by year’s end.
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Ukrainian forces launched massive strikes on Russian military infrastructure and logistical hubs in Russian-occupied Luhansk, Donetsk, and Crimea overnight on 30 June into 1 July, using drones and missiles to hit high-value targets.
Ukrainian forces have repeatedly struck Russian military, defense industry, and energy infrastructure in both occupied territories and inside Russia. The ongoing air campaign is aimed at crippling Russian military logistics and its capacity to continue the war.
Oil depot in Luhansk hit during drone barrage
Loud explosions rocked occupied Luhansk overnight on 1 July, triggering large fires reportedly caused by Ukrainian drone strikes. According to Russian occupation authorities and Russian propaganda media cited by Liga, around 20 drones were spotted over Luhansk, prompting the introduction of a “caution regime” in several cities in the region, including Khrustalnyi (formerly Krasnyi Luch), Lutuhyne, Dovzhanask (formerly Sverdlovsk), Sukodolsk, and Bilokurakyne.
Andrii Kovalenko, head of Ukraine’s Center for Countering Disinformation, stated that Ukrainian forces struck Russian logistics facilities in Luhansk.
Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ published video footage of the strike, showing night-time explosions and flames rising from what they identified as the city’s only major oil depot, located in its southern outskirts.
In one video, locals filming the strike mention that four drones directly hit the facility. Another video shared on the channel shows two distinct clusters of fires and the sound of a drone flyby, with sounds of small arms fire as the Russian forces attempted to shoot it down.
Missile strike levels Russian military HQ in Donetsk
Earlier on the evening of 30 June, Ukrainian missiles hit a Russian military target in occupied Donetsk. Kovalenko referred to the strike as “jewelry work” and described the site as “very juicy.”
Ukrainian Telegram channel Supernova+ shared footage of the attack, with one of the clips showing two consecutive explosions, and others a largefire. The channel claimed that Ukraine used Storm Shadow/SCALP-EG cruise missiles to strike the headquarters of Russia’s 8th Combined Arms Army, located at the Donetsk Institute of Non-Ferrous Metals (DonIsSM). The Dnipro-based outlet Harbuz also attributed the attack to Storm Shadow missiles.
The 8th Combined Arms Army of the Russian Armed Forces was formed in 2017 and played a key role in preparations for the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Its original headquarters was in Novocherkassk.
Some Ukrainian sources, including the Telegram page Kiberboroshno, alleged that the facility was involved in Russian drone and electronic warfare systems development. Russian channels attempted to downplay the strike by claiming no military personnel had been stationed in the building recently.
One video captured the immediate aftermath, showing several floors collapsed down to the basement. On-site rescuers speaking to people filming — presumed to be from Russia’s FSB security agency — described the scene using Russian military casualty codes — “300” for wounded and “200” for dead — confirming the presence of both.
Supernova+ commented that “the building was hit down to the basement… they’re carrying out ‘200s’ in packs.”
Meanwhile, local propaganda outlets confirmed the city had been targeted by Storm Shadow missiles and reported additional fires at the Sokol market. Unconfirmed reports suggested hits also occurred at a metallurgical plant and in the railway zone.
One of the Supernova-shared videos shows multiple strikes in Yasynuvata, Donetsk’s northern suburb, hosting a railway hub and multiple industrial facilities.
Drone strikes in Crimea knock out air defense and fighter jet
Ukraine’s Main Directorate of Intelligence (HUR) releasedexclusive footage showing its UJ-26 Bober drones targeting Russian military systems in occupied Crimea. The video captures strikes on several key air defense assets, including the Pantsir-S1 SAM system, Niobiy-SV radar, Pechora-3 coastal radar, and Protivnik-GE radar. A Russian Su-30 fighter jet was also damaged or destroyed on the runway at the Saky airbase.
HUR commented:
“Reliable weapons in the hands of Ukrainian special forces are turning the enemy’s critical military assets into worthless junk.”
The attacks reflect a broader Ukrainian strategy of targeting critical Russian military and logistical infrastructure in occupied territories amid the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine.
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Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has urged Germany to use its influence to persuade Hungary to support the European Union’s proposed 18th package of sanctions against Russia. Earlier, Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó announced that both Hungary and Slovakia have decided not to support the EU’s plan for the 18th round of sanctions against Russia.
Hungary under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has consistently acted as Russia’s closest ally within the EU since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The country has never provided military aid to Kyiv, refuses to allow military cargo transit through its territory, and has regularly obstructed EU efforts to support Ukraine.
Kyiv urges Berlin to take leadership role
Speaking ahead of a meeting with German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul on 30 June, Zelenskyy expressed gratitude for support of the latest sanctions proposal and stressed that European leaders are close to approving it. However, he acknowledged ongoing resistance from Hungary.
“We are grateful for the support of the 18th sanctions package against Russian aggression. I know that European leaders are very close to [approving] this package. I know there are still some misunderstandings with official Budapest,” Zelenskyy said, as reported by Ukrinform.
Zelenskyy emphasized that Germany, “as a European leader,” should take the initiative to engage Hungary diplomatically to help secure a united EU front.
Sanctions as a tool to pressure Russia
Zelenskyy underlined the strategic role of sanctions in holding Russia accountable. He stated that only strong economic measures can inflict real damage on the Russian economy and make Moscow feel the cost of its invasion of Ukraine.
“I believe it’s in the interest of all Europe that these packages against Russia’s aggression work — so that Russia feels the high cost of this war, and precisely through sanctions, its economy will suffer,” he stated.
Ukraine remains restrained toward Hungary
Despite Hungary’s opposition, Zelenskyy stressed that Ukraine continues to behave “very diplomatically, constructively” and constructively. He made clear that Kyiv has chosen not to retaliate against Budapest’s actions, prioritizing unity over conflict within the European bloc.
He added, “We would like to stay in a union of partners and friends. Ukraine always has something to respond with, but still, we are partners, and we have one enemy, and that is Russia.”
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Since March 2022, Russia’s military intelligence quietly infiltrated NATO supply chains. A report shows how amid Moscow’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine, Russia’s GRU military intelligence blended into infrastructure, turning Poland’s logistics points and border crossings into a live surveillance feed of the military aid for Ukraine. This is according to a report by Polish authorities, issued in late May.
The findings confirm that Russia’s 85th Main Special Service Centre — known as Unit 26165, or APT28 (also referred to as Fancy Bear) — carried out targeted cyberattacks aimed at monitoring Western military support for Ukraine.
With the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, multiple Russian state-backed groups intensified cyber operations aimed at espionage, system disruption, and influence efforts. Among them, GRU unit 26165 concentrated primarily on espionage. Amid Russian military failures and growing Western support for Ukraine, the unit expanded its focus to include logistics and technology companies facilitating aid.
Release exposes GRU campaign
The report was issued by Poland’s Military Counterintelligence Service (SKW) and the Internal Security Agency (ABW). It was “authored or endorsed” by cybersecurity and intelligence agencies from the United States (NSA, FBI), United Kingdom (National Cyber Security Centre), Germany (Federal Intelligence Service and Federal Office for Information Security), France, Canada, Estonia, the Netherlands, Czech Republic, and others.
The report says that GRU unit 26165’s cyberespionage operations have struck Western logistics and tech sectors, affecting numerous government, private, and commercial organizations across multiple domains.
Russia’s state-sponsored cyberespionage campaign exploited vulnerabilities in commercial and government systems, hacked thousand private and public IP cameras across at least 13 countries — particularly at border crossings and logistics hubs — and compromised sea, air, and rail transport, logistics center operations, and even air traffic management.
“The services and agencies authoring this publication assess that these activities will continue in the future in a similar form and manner, using comparable techniques,” the report warns.
The purpose of the report is “to warn potential victims and provide them with recommendations to help strengthen their protection against threats.”
Euromaidan Press has previously reported on the GRU operation revealed in this case. This article provides a detailed account of how Russian actors carried out the campaign and outlines steps that potential target organizations can take to protect themselves from GRU infiltration.
Logistics targeted
The GRU obtained information about delivery routes and dates, transshipment locations, and the details of senders and recipients of military equipment, aiming to “gain operational knowledge that can be used against Ukraine and its partners.”
Targeted entities across NATO, Ukraine, and international partners include:
The defense sector
Transportation and logistics hubs and centers (e.g., ports, airports)
Maritime infrastructure
Air traffic management
IT service providers
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Tactics: Phishing, Malware, and Surveillance Hijacking
According to the report, GRU hackers exploited known software vulnerabilities and conducted spearphishing campaigns—targeted email attacks crafted to appear as legitimate messages from trusted institutions. These emails impersonated government agencies, logistics firms, and cloud service portals, and were tailored to specific organizations to trick recipients into revealing their login credentials.
Once inside, they exploited known software vulnerabilities, including:
Malware including HEADLACE, MASEPIE, and tools like Impacket and PsExec were used to maintain persistent access. Attackers elevated privileges, collected credentials, exfiltrated files, and altered email permissions to intercept internal communications for a long period of time without detection.
In some instances, they used “legitimate but vulnerable applications” such as IT remote support tools to move laterally through victim networks.
Working in coordination with CERT Polska – the Polish computer emergency response team – and international partners, SKW also identified and blocked GRU activity targeting software supply chains.
Real-Time Tracking Through Civilian IP Cameras
One of the most striking aspects of the campaign was its use of hijacked IP cameras — both public and privately owned — to monitor aid shipments in real time. According to the report, since March 2022, Russian hackers targeted over 10,000 internet-connected cameras in Ukraine, Poland, Slovakia, Romania, and other nearby countries.
These devices were accessed via default or weak credentials and streamed through protocols like RTSP (Real-Time Streaming Protocol), often without the owners’ knowledge.
Footage was then likely analyzed to track the movement of military convoys, humanitarian aid, or strategic cargo.
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Widespread Targets: From Military Firms to IT Providers
The report says entities impacted included:
Logistics and freight companies involved in transporting military equipment
Air traffic management and radar communication services
Ports
IT services
Defense sector and “at least one entity involved in the production of control systems (ICS) and railway line management“
Public and private cameras, with device owners unaware of unauthorized access
Victims were identified in Poland, Ukraine, the United States, Germany, France, Italy, Bulgaria, Romania, Slovakia, and others.
Operational depth: GRU maintained long-time presense in the system
The GRU’s access was persistent and often invisible. In compromised systems, attackers manipulated:
Email inbox permissions to silently forward mail to external servers
Domain controllers and Active Directory databases
Scheduled tasks and Windows registry keys to maintain malware execution
Local administrator privileges to gain full access to system tools
Authorities say the GRU’s campaigns involved the exfiltration of sensitive data, including files, email messages, and information about shipments and transport routes related to aid deliveries to Ukraine.
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Global coordination — and a warning
The report includes over 40 pages of technical guidance, urging all organizations — particularly in transport, logistics, IT, and surveillance sectors — to:
Immediately patch known vulnerabilities
Enforce multifactor authentication and least-privilege policies
Audit remote access software and email forwarding rules
Disable insecure protocols like Telnet, SMBv1, and RTSP where not essential
Secure IP cameras with updated firmware and unique credentials
Poland’s final message: assume you’re a target
The reports has called on both public and private-sector entities to assume “that they are of interest to the GRU” and adopt zero-trust postures across networks.
“Cyberspace is now a real battlefield for national security. GRU activities target public institutions, companies, and citizens. We must speak out about this so that no one is surprised when they fall victim. It is our duty to inform, warn, and build resilience—together, across borders,” said Poland’s Minister of Digital Affairs Krzysztof Gawkowski in a statement regarding the report.
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Ukrainian forces have destroyed a rare M-1991 multiple launch rocket system (MLRS) originating from North Korea, marking the first confirmed elimination of this type of weapon in the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war. The drone strike was carried out by soldiers of the Raid battalion, which shared footage of the operation. The attack reportedly occurred in the Novopavlivka sector in eastern Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast.
The military cooperation between Russia and North Korea has intensified since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. North Korea has become a key supporter of Russia’s war effort, providing millions of artillery rounds and deploying troops in exchange for advanced military technologies. Russia’s use of the M-1991 was first visually confirmed in April 2025, when Russian troops shared several videos showing the system in action.
Precision strike leads to massive detonation
Militarnyi notes that video footage published by the Raid battalion on Telegram shows FPV drone footage, targeting the MLRS. The strike hit one of the rockets inside the launcher pack, causing an unplanned launch that pierced the crew cabin. The impact also sparked a fire, which eventually destroyed the system.
North Korean M-1991: Cold War-era weapon in modern war
The M-1991 MLRS was introduced by North Korea’s military in the late 1980s. It features a 240 mm caliber and was designed as an attempt to replicate the Soviet “Uragan” system. The launcher carries 22 rockets and is mounted on a Chinese CQ25290 truck chassis. It requires a two-person crew along with a driver and commander.
Each rocket used by the M-1991 measures approximately 5.2 meters in length. While the original maximum range was around 60 kilometers, North Korean sources claimed in 2024 that it had been extended to 80 kilometers.
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Ukrainian military intelligence reported that its drones successfully hit five valuable components of Russia’s S-400 Triumf air defense system during a covert operation in occupied Crimea. The attack was carried out by the elite Prymary (“Ghosts”) unit of the Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR) and targeted critical radar systems and a missile launcher. The agency did not share the details of the operation, but the short range of FPV drones suggests that those may have been launched from a maritime carrier drone, like in previous similar operations.
Ukraine’s naval drone carriers equipped with attack FPV drones were first publicly revealed in December 2024 during an attack on Russian-captured gas platforms in the Black Sea. Drone warfare innovations have become a hallmark of the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, with unmanned vehicles of various sizes operating across air, land, and sea.
Operation by HUR’s Prymary hits S-400 system
On 26 June, Ukraine’s HUR announced that its special unit Prymary executed a drone attack that damaged or destroyed key components of the Russian S-400 system in Crimea. HUR stated:
“Prymary returns: HUR warriors strike enemy air defense systems in Crimea.”
The operation focused on high-value and technically advanced elements of the S-400. The components targeted included two 92N2E multifunction radar stations and two 91N6E detection radars, along with one S-400 missile launcher.
According to HUR, this targeted strike further weakens Russia’s ability to control the skies over the occupied peninsula.
Video footage released by HUR showed the FPV drone strikes hitting their intended targets.
Functionality of S-400 radars hit
As reported by Militarnyi, the 92N6E radar units are responsible for target detection, tracking, and missile guidance, capable of tracking up to 100 targets and guiding as many as 72 missiles simultaneously. The 91N6E radars, also struck during the operation, are used for long-range detection and target assignment within the missile complex.
The S-400 missile launcher reportedly hit in the attack was believed to be armed with missiles at the time.
S-400’s image continues to deteriorate in Ukraine war
Originally introduced as a successor to the Soviet-era S-300 system, Russia promoted the S-400 Triumf as one of the most powerful air defense systems in the world. Russia has actively exported the system and spread propaganda emphasizing its effectiveness.
However, the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, which began in February 2022, has repeatedly challenged those claims. Ukrainian drone operations in Russian-occupied Crimea have exposed vulnerabilities in the S-400 system.
According to open-source intelligence group Oryx, Ukrainian forces have visually confirmed the destruction of at least 18 S-400 launchers, 3 radars, and 3 tractor vehicles used in the complex since the all-out war began.
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In the early hours of 27 June, Russia launched a wide-scale aerial attack on Ukraine, deploying hundreds of drones and eight missiles that targeted several oblasts. Ukrainian air defenses managed to intercept a significant number of the threats, though several cities still reported destruction and injuries.
These strikes are part of Russia’s continuing daily aerial assault on Ukrainian cities, where civilian infrastructure has been targeted repeatedly since 2022. Both major urban areas and small towns are hit with missiles, drones, artillery, and bombs. The campaign aims to disrupt everyday life, spark humanitarian crises, and force Ukraine into concessions, all while signaling Moscow’s intent to wage a prolonged war.
According to Ukraine’s Air Force, Russia launched a total of 371 aerial weapons against Ukraine overnight, including 363 strike drones—Shahed explosive drones and decoy UAVs—two Kinzhal aeroballistic missiles, and six Kalibr cruise missiles.
The Air Force says 217 of these threats were destroyed by air defense systems, including 211 Shahed drones and all six Kalibr missiles. An additional 148 drones were classified as “location lost,” likely suppressed by electronic warfare systems.
The Southern Ukraine Defense Forces reported the destruction of 22 Shahed drones overnight.
The Air Force’s data show that at least 4 Shaheds and both Kinzhals may have reached their intended targets.
Major aerial assault centered on Starokostyantyniv
According to the Ukrainian Air Force, the primary focus of the Russian attack was Starokostyantyniv in Khmelnytskyi Oblast. This city is known to host a key Ukrainian air base and has been a frequent target of Russian strikes.
Suspilne noted that the attack began with reports at 01:06 of a Kinzhal missile moving toward the oblast. By 01:58, Shahed-type drones were en route. At 03:27, the Air Force confirmed a group of Shaheds near Starokostyantyniv, followed by additional drone movements at 03:35 and again at 07:17.
During two separate air alerts — from 01:00 to 05:52 and from 07:11 to 07:34 — explosions were heard across the oblast.
Zaporizhzhia hit by drones overnight
Zaporizhzhia was also attacked by at least six Russian drones. Local authorities, including Oblast Military Administration head Ivan Fedorov, reported that the assault damaged a factory and a garage cooperative, causing a fire in the city. No casualties were reported.
Dnipropetrovsk Oblast: injuries and damage from FPV drone strikes
In Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, regional administration head Serhii Lysak reported that FPV drones targeted the Nikopol area, including the Pokrov and Marhanets communities. Four civilians were injured and received medical assistance.
Infrastructure damage included a medical outpatient clinic, an administrative building, three apartment blocks, a market, a store, vehicles, and power lines. Air defenses in the oblast managed to shoot down two missiles and five drones during the night.
In a separate update, Lysak confirmed that the death toll from the 24 June missile attack on Dnipro has risen to 21.
Poltava Oblast struck by falling drone debris
Poltava Oblast experienced damage caused by drone wreckage as air defense systems engaged Russian aerial targets. The oblast’s administration reported that drone fragments damaged vehicles and the premises of a supermarket in Kremenchuk.
Later updates confirmed damage to a healthcare facility’s building and equipment. No casualties were reported.
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At a press conference last week, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy stated that Russia continues to receive machine tools from abroad, naming eight Czech companies among the suppliers. Czech officials responded with claims of ignorance, but an investigation by a Russian outlet, The Insider, found at least twelve such firms had equipment sent to Russia during 2023 and 2024.
Amid ongoing G7 sanctions over its invasion of Ukraine, Russia continues to exploit loopholes to obtain Western industrial equipment for its military production. Russian customs data shows that Czech machine tool exports to Russia fell from $18 million in 2023 to $12 million in 2024, but deliveries of dual-use equipment continue to raise concerns. Many firms used subsidiaries and third countries to avoid direct sanctions, and some still name Russia as an export market in 2025.
Zelenskyy’s remarks prompt official Czech reaction
Speaking on 21 June 2025, Zelenskyy alleged that the Russian defense industry is still being supplied with foreign machine tools, singling out Czech companies. Czech Foreign Minister Jan Lipavský replied that he does not know which companies are involved.
Meanwhile, Czech Minister for Industry and Trade Lukáš Vlček promised to investigate the possible involvement of Czech businesses in supplying Russia’s defense industry. Minister for European Affairs Martin Dvořák acknowledged that Zelenskyy “might be right” and added that the possibility of Czech companies bypassing sanctions “would not surprise” him.
12 Czech companies exported machine tools to Russia
An investigation published by The Insider on 25 June revealed that at least 12 Czech companies exported machine tools into Russia in 2023 and 2024, often through countries such as Estonia, Serbia, Türkiye, and Latvia. Based on Russian customs data, Czech machinery worth $18 million entered Russia in 2023, and $12 million in 2024. The bulk of this trade—around $8 million—came from just three manufacturers: Šmeral Brno, Varnsdorf, and TAJMAC-ZPS.
Sanction bypasses and subsidiaries used for delivery
According to The Insider, Czech tools reached Russia through indirect routes. One Russian recipient, JSC Pilous, 70% owned by Pilous-Pásové Pily, got bandsaws shipped via Serbia. Šmeral Brno still publicly lists Russia as a key export destination.
Czech machines linked to Russian drone hub
One delivery followed by The Insider went to a firm near a Shahed drone site in Russia’s Alabuga zone. The recipient, 60% owned by Czech firm Jihostroj, got a rack press built by its parent for use in gear pump production.
Russia uses the Iranian-designed Shahed drones, produced in Tatarstan’s Alabuga for daily attacks against Ukrainian cities.
Additional exporters active in 2023–2024
The Insider also identified five more Czech firms—N.Ko, Prestar, Tachtech, Stroje Zeman Trade, and Permico—that supplied metalworking equipment to Russia during 2023–2024. In total, their shipments were valued at roughly $500,000. The deliveries included pipe-cutting tools applicable to the energy sector. Several buyers were obscure entities, likely retail or specialized resellers. Among them, OOO “Takhtech Rus,” the Russian branch of Czech firm Tachtech, remains openly active in Russia as of 2025.
Permico s.r.o., another exporter, shipped a South Korean-made Doosan CNC lathe to Russia in 2024. The company denied having traded with Russia, but its public materials indicate it buys and sells used machinery across third countries.
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South Korea’s intelligence service has revealed that North Korea is preparing to send its troops into Ukrainian territory to support Russian military operations, according to Reuters. The deployment may begin as early as July or August 2025, marking a major battlefield development in the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war.
Thousands of North Korean troops have been augmenting Moscow’s forces in Russia’s Kursk Oblast since 2024, fighting against Ukrainian troops and helping Russia dislodge them from most of the once 1,000 km² of Ukraine-controlled territory in the oblast. Some reports have also pointed to a limited North Korean presence in Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast, though those individuals were reportedly not frontline troops but officers studying battlefield experience and technicians servicing North Korean-supplied weapons.
The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 26 June that while Ukrainian troops maintain a limited presence in Kursk Oblast, North Korean involvement has so far remained outside Ukrainian borders. New intelligence indicates that these foreign troops may soon cross into Ukraine itself—constituting a significant battlefield inflection. The shift would allow Russia to strengthen its ability to conduct simultaneous offensive operations.
South Korean lawmaker: Deployment expected by August
Reuters, citing South Korean member of parliament Lee Seong-kweun, reported that the National Intelligence Service (NIS) believes Pyongyang is preparing an additional deployment of forces into Russia and eventually Ukraine. Lee said,
“The timing of the additional deployment is that it could be as early as July or August,” following a new troop round-up by North Korea and a recent high-level Russian visit to Pyongyang.
The same NIS briefing revealed that North Korea continues to send artillery and missiles to Russia. In return, Moscow is believed to be providing technical support to Pyongyang for satellite launches and missile guidance systems.
Deployment seen as part of wider coordinated assault
The ISW assessed that this move may be designed to support Russia’s expanding large-scale offensive operations. According to the think tank, Russian forces are gradually advancing simultaneously in at least three major directions: Borova-Lyman (Kharkiv Oblast), Kostiantynivka, and Novopavlivka (Donetsk Oblast).
While in the past Moscow relied on staggered and more localized attacks, Russia now appears to be capable—or at least attempting—multi-front assaults. Reinforcements from North Korea could boost this effort.
“It is not possible to forecast the likely impact of North Korean support of this type without more information about the size and composition of the North Korean troop contingent that would be going to Ukraine, nor is it clear how rapidly new North Korean troops would become effective in operations alongside Russian troops in Ukraine,” ISW wrote.
Mutual defense pact underpins growing cooperation
Both North Korea and Russia recently confirmed the presence of North Korean troops and their contribution to Russia’s campaign to reclaim territory in Kursk Oblast. Their military cooperation is grounded in a treaty signed by Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in June 2024, which includes mutual defense clauses.
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Ukraine has fulfilled key conditions to open formal accession negotiations with the European Union, according to European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. She stated that it is now the EU’s responsibility to move forward and open the first negotiation cluster.
Ukraine continues its EU bid under Russian assault, while Hungary’s Orbán—the Kremlin’s top EU ally—has consistently blocked support measures, undermining Kyiv’s integration efforts.
Von der Leyen: Ukraine delivered, now it’s Europe’s move
Speaking on 27 June, Ursula von der Leyen praised Ukraine’s pace of reforms, saying, “Under relentless fire, Ukraine is passing reform after reform.” In her post on X, she emphasized that the EU accession process is merit-based and declared, “Ukraine has delivered – now we must too.”
At a press conference following a European Council session, von der Leyen reiterated the EU’s backing for Ukraine’s EU path. Suspilne reports that she confirmed Ukraine has done its share of the work, and now it is the European Union’s turn to respond by opening the first negotiation cluster.
EU Commission pushes forward, Hungary digs in
Ukrainian Vice Prime Minister Olha Stefanishyna stated that Ukraine’s partners “commended Ukraine’s pace of reforms under the most difficult circumstances” and confirmed readiness to open the first cluster of negotiations. However, for talks to begin, all 27 EU member states must agree.
According to Liga, Hungary continues to block the move. On 26 June during the EU summit in Brussels, Hungary, under its pro-Russian government of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, announced its opposition to Ukraine’s EU accession.
Ahead of the EU summit in Brussels, Viktor Orbán claimed that 95% of over 2.1 million participants in his Voks2025 anti-Ukrainian consultative referendum allegedly voted against Ukraine’s EU membership.
Despite its unofficial nature, Orbán is using the vote that is not legally binding as a tool of political leverage within the EU. Kyiv, however, dismisses the move. Stefanishyna called it a “small obstacle” that “won’t prevent the start of negotiations.”
EU funding, sanctions, and support for Ukraine
Suspilne also reports that von der Leyen confirmed €1 billion in EU funding has already been allocated to Ukraine’s defense industry, using profits from frozen Russian assets. She added that Brussels is ready to frontload €11 billion more from the G7 loan package, stressing the urgency of Kyiv’s financial needs.
Von der Leyen also mentioned the EU’s commitment to delivering 2 million artillery shells to Ukraine by 2025. Meanwhile, Brussels is preparing its 18th package of sanctions against Russia, aiming to pressure Moscow into serious talks beginning with a real ceasefire.
Ukraine’s path to EU accession
President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed Ukraine’s EU membership application on 28 February 2022, days after Russia started its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. On 23 June 2022, the European Council granted Ukraine candidate status. Ukraine was tasked with seven key reforms, including tackling corruption and strengthening the rule of law.
On 26 September 2023, Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal announced that all the Commission’s recommendations had been fulfilled. The EU Commission then formally recommended starting accession talks on 8 November 2023. EU ambassadors approved a negotiating mandate, and the European Council endorsed it on 21 June 2024.
Talks officially began on 25 June 2024 in Luxembourg, with the bilateral screening of Ukrainian legislation. However, Hungary’s ongoing blockade has stalled the formal opening of negotiation clusters since early 2025.
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A Ukrainian drone development group has created a high-altitude interceptor capable of reaching a record 11 kilometers, potentially reshaping Ukraine’s defense against Russian surveillance and attack UAVs. This is roughly the same altitude at which commercial airliners cruise, typically flying at 9 to 12 kilometers above sea level.
This comes as Russia maintains dailylong-rangeexplosivedroneattacks on Ukrainian cities, continuously adjusting its strategy to inflict greater damage. In recent months, it has focused strikes on just one or a handful of cities at a time, using high-altitude drone routes to bypass flak groups and coordinating timing to breach air defenses. In response, and amid shrinking Western anti-air supplies, Ukraine has been developing interceptor drones, Ukraine has been developing a range of interceptordrones.
Drone can reach extreme heights
According to Militarnyi, the Ukrainian combat drone developer group known as Dyki Shershni (“Wild Hornets”) developed a new drone interceptor of the copter type. In footage shared by the developers on social media, the aircraft is shown flying at a significant altitude.
“Guess at what altitude our uncodified drone is flying?” Wild Hornets wrote in the video caption, which indicates it remains in the testing or pre-approval stage.
Open-source intelligence account Osinttechnical identified the test as taking place over southern Ukraine’s Kherson Oblast, next to Krynky village.
The drone’s key feature is its impressive ceiling: up to 11 kilometers, as the developers revealed later. Such a height could give Ukrainian defenders a strategic advantage in countering Russian drones that conduct reconnaissance or strikes from high altitudes.
Design details remain classified
The developers did not reveal exact specifications or appearance of the interceptor. Dyki Shershni later claimed—though it remains unclear whether this was true or part of wartime misdirection aimed at deceiving Russian forces—that the interceptor seen flying at 11 kilometers was not a new development, but rather standard.
“All interceptors from Dyki Shershni fly at such altitudes,” they stated. “This is our regular product, delivered to the military for over a year.”
They emphasized that the push for such high performance came not from the engineers themselves but from the military, who “are always searching for the limits of physical capability,” with the team simply translating that experience into serial production. They added that “our new developments will surprise you even more.”
Strategic importance against Russian UAVs
As Militarnyi notes, the fight against Russian reconnaissance and attack drones remains a top priority for Ukraine. The availability of new tools, particularly high-altitude interceptors like this drone, boosts the chances of protecting both Ukrainian troops and civilians from aerial assaults launched by Russian occupying forces.
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Canada is evaluating a possible defense co-production agreement with Ukraine that could include manufacturing military equipment and drones together, according to Canadian Defense Minister David McGuinty.
This follows recent international moves to support Ukraine’s defense industry amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, including the Danish model of directly funding Ukrainian defense production for equipment used by its armed forces. Earlier this week, the UK and Ukraine signed an agreement on shared military technology and drone production, while France confirmed it may begin manufacturing drones in Ukraine. Canada is now evaluating how to replicate similar partnerships through its own defense and industrial base.
Production collaboration under review
Speaking to reporters on 26 June, McGuinty confirmed that the idea of how Canada could partner with Ukraine in military production is under “active consideration” by the Department of National Defense and the Canadian Armed Forces, The Globe and Mail reports. The government is looking to models already adopted by countries like Denmark and France, which have signed similar agreements with Kyiv.
“The Ukrainians have made huge strides and advances in drone technology, something that we’re actively looking at,” McGuinty said, adding that potential industrial benefits for Canadian companies are also being considered.
McGuinty explained that Ottawa is exploring two primary options: financing weapons production inside Ukraine or manufacturing equipment in Canada. The final decision would depend on what mechanism would bring the most value to both countries.
McGuinty’s European tour and defense spending talks
McGuinty’s statements came at the end of his European visit, his first as Defense Minister to Latvia. Approximately 1,900 Canadian Armed Forces members are stationed in Latvia as part of NATO’s ongoing deterrence mission.
He also attended the NATO summit in The Hague this week, where Prime Minister Mark Carney made a significant announcement: Canada will implement its largest defense budget increase since the Second World War, aiming to double military spending by 2035.
McGuinty said the new Canada-EU procurement partnership could allow Ottawa to access loans from a European pool worth approximately $240-billion. These loans are backed by the EU budget and would enable Canada to take part in bulk equipment purchases alongside European countries, allowing savings for Canadian taxpayers.
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Fresh battlefield movements indicate that both Ukrainian and Russian forces made gains in several contested areas across Kharkiv and Donetsk oblasts in recent days, according to a June 25 report by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW). Geolocated footage supports a series of advances, with Ukrainian forces regaining ground in eastern Kharkiv and southern Donetsk oblasts, while Russian troops pushed forward in key directions including Vovchansk, Pokrovsk, and Novopavlivka.
This comes amid Russia’s major escalation of ground assaults and air attacks in Ukraine, while US President Donald Trump has pushed for Kyiv-Moscow peace talks for months, allegedly to end the ongoing Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Russia’s strategic objective is to capture the entirety of Donetsk Oblast and advance into Dnipropetrovsk Oblast as part of broader territorial ambitions beyond the four oblasts – Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson – it has already claimed to have illegally annexed, yet does not fully control any of those.
Ukrainian progress near Borova and Velyka Novosilka
ISW reports that Ukrainian forces recently advanced in the Borova direction in eastern Kharkiv Oblast. Geolocated footage published on 25 June confirms that Ukrainian troops regained positions in Zelenyi Hai, located east of Borova. The footage strongly suggests that Ukrainian forces likely liberated the settlement.
Map: ISW
Meanwhile, in Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine also made headway in the Velyka Novosilka direction. Geolocated footage released on 23 June indicates Ukrainian forces advanced southeast of Novopil, southwest of Velyka Novosilka.
Map: ISW
Ukrainian counteroffensive near Lyman hits Russian regiment
Ukrainian troops operating in the Lyman direction launched a counterattack on 24 June, reportedly striking elements of the Russian 283rd Motorized Rifle Regiment, which is part of the 144th Motorized Rifle Division, 20th Combined Arms Army. The Ukrainian brigade stated that its operation “destroyed” a platoon from the Russian regiment and resulted in progress near Ridkodub, north of Lyman.
However, Russian sources counter these claims. A Russian milblogger alleged that Russian troops advanced east of Zelena Dolyna and north of Novomykhailivka, both located in the same northern part of Donetsk Oblast.
Russian gains around Vovchansk and Pokrovsk
Russian forces continued their push in northern Kharkiv Oblast. According to ISW, geolocated footage published on 23 and 25 June shows Russian troops advancing in northern and northwestern parts of Vovchansk, northeast of Kharkiv City.
Map: ISW
In the Donetsk Oblast’s Pokrovsk direction, geolocated video from 24 June depicts Russian troops advancing north of Shevchenko Pershe and into western Lysivka, both situated near Pokrovsk.
Donetsk’s Yalta fell in the Novopavlivka direction
The Russian Ministry of Defense claimed that units from the 36th Motorized Rifle Brigade, part of the 29th Combined Arms Army under the Eastern Military District, took control of central Yalta, south of Novopavlivka in Donetsk Oblast. Geolocated footage published on 25 June supports this claim, showing Russian servicemembers raising their flag in the settlement center.
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Ukrainian military intelligence has received a new-generation maritime drone, the Magura W6, as part of its continued efforts to challenge Russian naval dominance in the Black Sea. The presented unit’s production was fully funded by Ukraine’s PUMB Bank.
The W6’s predecessor, the Magura V5, played a key role in pushing the Russian Black Sea fleet out of the northwestern Black Sea, carrying out kamikaze strikes that destroyed numerous Russian naval vessels. The latest publicly known model, the Magura V7, evolved into a multirole platform capable of carrying a range of weapons, including anti-air missiles.
New addition to Ukraine’s naval drone fleet
On 26 June, Ukraine’s Main Directorate of Intelligence (HUR) reported that its Group 13 unit had taken delivery of the Magura W6, a multi-purpose maritime drone platform.
“The Magura W6 is a drone from the newest generation of maritime reconnaissance and strike platforms recently unveiled by the Main Directorate of Intelligence,” HUR wrote.
Designed for patrolling sea areas, monitoring airspace, and supporting evacuation and logistics missions, the drone represents the newest development in Ukraine’s advanced naval drone family.
Explore further
Ukraine’s Katran naval drone now armed with 100 km-range strike weapons
The drone joins a fleet that has already inflicted over half a billion dollars in losses on the Russian fleet, according to HUR. Earlier platforms from the Magura family have contributed significantly to forcing Russian naval forces to retreat from open waters and stay confined to port.
A representative from Group 13, identified by the callsign Ksena, described the drone’s significance:
“Magura W6 is our eyes, weapon, and confidence in every mission. Thank you to everyone standing beside us. Together we are stronger.”
Bank supports Ukraine’s war effort
The Magura W6 was donated by PUMB Bank, which allocated nearly 8 million hryvnias or over $190,000 to fund the drone. The bank’s Deputy Chairman Leonid Skalozub stated:
“We have supported HUR units throughout the war, because we understand the key role of intelligence in defending the country and protecting the lives of our defenders and civilians.”
He emphasized that Ukrainian business remains a reliable partner to the state during its most difficult challenges.
Explore further
Ukrainian maritime drones destroy two Russian helicopters near Crimea for the first time ever
A growing maritime advantage
The addition of the Magura W6 enhances Ukraine’s operational flexibility at sea. As Russian naval forces remain boxed into ports due to past losses inflicted by previous drone operations, the new drone may further restrict their ability to maneuver in the Black Sea.
The HUR expressed gratitude to PUMB’s team, clients, and partners for contributing to the defense effort:
“Your help is a vital contribution to the safety of Black Sea shipping and our shared victory.”
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Australia has issued new sanctions targeting dozens of Russian individuals and entities, while also expanding its military and strategic cooperation with NATO to bolster Ukraine’s defense against Russia’s ongoing invasion.
Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, Australia has provided over 1.5 billion AUD (about $1 billion) in support to Ukraine. This includes humanitarian assistance, military aid, and diplomatic action, such as aligning with NATO and imposing sweeping sanctions.
New sanctions target Russian war economy
On 26 June, the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) announced sanctions against 37 individuals and 7 entities under the Autonomous Sanctions Regulations 2011. These listings have been added to DFAT’s Consolidated List, references 8155 to 8198.
The sanctioned parties fall under the “Russia Criteria,” which include individuals or entities engaged in activities of strategic or economic significance to Russia, current or former Russian government officials, and their immediate family members. The sanctions include targeted financial restrictions and travel bans. Designated persons are prohibited from entering or remaining in Australia, while any dealings with their controlled assets without ministerial authorization constitute an offense.
The penalties also extend to anyone indirectly providing assets to the sanctioned parties. Those affected may apply to have the listing revoked or seek permits for legal dealings via DFAT’s online Pax portal.
New NATO partnership and defense industry access
According to Asia-Pacific Defence Reporter (APDR), Australia also signed an agreement with the NATO Support and Procurement Organisation (NSPO) at the NATO Leaders’ Summit in The Hague. This move allows Australia’s defense forces to collaborate with NATO allies in procurement, systems support, and logistics. The agreement opens NATO’s supply chains to Australian defense companies, offering them broader market access and strategic alignment.
Australia’s ongoing efforts to hold Russia accountable
APDR reported that Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs Penny Wong reinforced Australia’s position:
“Australia remains steadfast in our support for Ukraine and in our commitment to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace.”
She added that the latest sanctions reflect coordination with NATO partners such as the UK, Canada, and the EU.
“Australia has now imposed more than 1,500 sanctions in response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine,” Wong said. “We will continue to work with partners to disrupt Russia’s ability to fund its illegal and immoral war.”
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A Ukrainian-designed aerial bomb with a 60 km strike range has successfully passed flight tests, with plans underway to increase its range to 80 km. The development comes amid growing domestic demand for long-range guided munitions, as Western supplies fall short.
Russia has been actively using UMPK — cheap guidance modules for aerial bombs — since 2023, significantly increasing the horizontal range of its strikes and enabling aircraft to operate from safer positions behind the front lines. Meanwhile, Ukraine relies on a very limited supply of Western-delivered weapons, such as the JDAM kit or the AASM Hammer.
Ukrainian “KAB” flies 60 km in tests
The Ukrainian design bureau Medoid is developing a domestic version of the Russian Unified Gliding and Correction Module (UMPK), known in Ukraine as KAB. According to Defense Express, the new system transforms a conventional aerial bomb into a precision-guided gliding weapon. Video footage of the trials, cleared for public release, shows the KAB being deployed from a Su-24 bomber during level flight.
The bomb successfully achieved a 60 km flight and accurately hit its target, according to the report. Developers told Defense Express that this range meets current military requirements as determined in coordination with Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense. Work is ongoing to push the system’s capabilities further, potentially up to 80 km. Theoretically, with a drop altitude of 10 km, the range could reach 100 km, depending on deployment tactics.
Russian looks, Ukrainian core
While the external appearance mirrors the Russian UMPK to expedite development, its internal systems are distinct.
“We didn’t waste time reinventing the wheel. The outer look is similar, but inside it’s ours — designed for better precision,” said Oleh Vostrykh from KB Medoid, speaking to Defense Express.
The bomb features a domestically developed guidance and planning module compatible with 500-kg bombs. The modular wings are designed for quick attachment, requiring only minutes for full setup. Most components are made in Ukraine, although some parts still need to be imported.
The navigation module is Ukrainian, though the developers are also testing a new system from a leading French company. That tech aims to maximize resistance to electronic warfare (EW) disruptions.
Ukrainian KAB released from a pylon on a Su-24M bomber during testing in June 2025. Source: Defense Express
Tests continue, but funding needed
Tests have so far shown positive outcomes for flight range and targeting performance. According to Vostrykh, about ten more test drops are required before approval by the Ministry of Defense. However, development progress now largely depends on funding.
A “Charity Fund for Advanced Technologies” tied to the bureau is now seeking donations to complete the testing cycle. Each bomb costs around 1,200,000 UAH, or approximately $25,000. That cost is already lower than Western equivalents, even at the prototype stage.
High demand outpaces Western supply
Ukrainian forces currently require at least 100 long-range guided bombs daily. That need is only partially met by Western weapons such as JDAM-ER, AASM Hammer, or GBU-39/B SDB. This shortfall makes the Ukrainian KAB a critical asset moving forward.
Su-24M bomber of Ukraine’s Air Force with a domestic glide bomb. August 2024. Source: Ukraine’s Air Force via Militarnyi
According to Militarnyi, there are likely several similar munitions under testing in Ukraine. The Air Force reportedly trialed another version of the UMPK-style bomb back in September, and there are indications of their use in actual combat — such as in the Kherson direction — where a weapon of over 100 kg struck Russian positions.
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Several explosions shook a handful of Russian cities overnight on 26 June in what local sources describe as a wave of drone attacks. Air defense systems were reportedly activated in the Moscow area and Rostov Oblast, and emergency aviation protocols were enforced at major airports.
While Russia often claims to intercept or neutralize UAVs during such attacks, official details on damage or casualties are rarely disclosed. This time, however, local sources have not provided any visual confirmation of successful drone strikes, and it remains unclear why Ukraine continues to expend drones on targeting Moscow — the most heavily defended Russian city — rather than focusing on more valuable objectives elsewhere.
Explosions in Taganrog and nearby areas
Russian pro-Kremlin Telegram channel Shot reported that at least five explosions were heard over Taganrog in Rostov Oblast shortly after midnight. Citing a local resident, Shot stated they saw bright flashes and heard the sound of drones flying overhead.
Explosions were also reported in the nearby villages of Lakedemonivka and Sambek. According to eyewitnesses, drones appeared to be approaching from the direction of Matveev Kurgan. There was no official confirmation of casualties or damage.
Later, Shot updated that residents of Taganrog and surrounding areas had heard approximately 15 explosions within an hour. No injuries or structural damage were reported.
Drone activity and explosions near Moscow
Two Russian Telegram channels, Mash and Shot, reported multiple explosions in Moscow Oblast, including Zelenograd, Komunarka, Dedovsk, Prokshino, Krasnogorsk, Istra, and Nakhabino.
Shot cited Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin, who claimed:
“A Ministry of Defense air defense unit destroyed a drone attacking Moscow. Emergency service teams are working at the site of the drone debris.”
He later stated that another drone was shot down in the region:
“Another UAV attacking the Moscow region was destroyed by the Ministry of Defense air defense system. Emergency specialists are working at the site of the wreckage,” Sobyanin added.
Airport shutdowns
Mash reported at 1:06 that the Kovyor plan had been implemented at Vnukovo airport in response to the drone threat. The Kovyor plan is the standard security protocol, grounding and diverting flights in case of emergency.
This led to delays in four outbound and seventeen inbound flights. The same protocol was enacted in five airports across the Volga Federal District: Kazan, Nizhnekamsk (Begishevo), Penza, Samara (Kurumoch), and Ulyanovsk (Baratayevka).
Later, Shot reported that at least 18 incoming flights and 11 departures were delayed due to the situation near the capital, with four aircraft circling while waiting for clearance. Restrictions on arrivals and departures at Vnukovo were eventually lifted.
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Europe must rapidly scale up drone production and readiness to prepare for potential Russian aggression, European Commissioner for Defense and Space Andrius Kubilius warned. His comments come amid rising concerns that Moscow could strike a NATO member within five years.
Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, dominated by drones, the EU has recently approved a €150 billion loan scheme to support defense production across the bloc. Kubilius and other leaders see such efforts as essential to counter Russia’s growing drone capabilities. As he warned, the only battle-tested drone forces in Europe today are Russian and Ukrainian.
Kubilius told Sky News that Russia may be able to deploy as many as five million drones in the event of Russia’s attack against a NATO country. He emphasized that to successfully deter or defend against such an assault, Europe would need to exceed that capacity.
“We need to have capacities bigger than those in order to prevail,” he said.
Citing lessons learned from Ukraine’s battlefield experience, Kubilius highlighted the increasing dominance of drones in modern warfare.
“Nothing can move. Everything is controlled by drones,” he said, describing Ukraine’s drone-dominated front line, which spans 1,200 km.
According to him, traditional tanks in those zones last just six minutes.
Ukraine’s example shows scale of drone warfare
Ukraine is expected to produce more than four million drones this year. Drawing comparisons, Kubilius said his home country Lithuania, which borders Russia and Belarus over roughly 900 km, would need at least three million drones annually if conflict broke out.
Drone warfare innovations have become a defining feature of the Russo-Ukrainian war. Unmanned vehicles of various sizes, operating in the air, on land, and at sea, play a central role, with technology advancing rapidly. Meanwhile, anti-drone electronic warfare is rapidly evolving as well, as both sides advance their technologies.
Rather than stockpile outdated technology, Kubilius urged European states to focus on training and readiness:
“We need to learn a lot from Ukraine… how to organize defenses against millions of drones, and also how to make your defense industry innovative.”
German companies rush to meet demand
Start-ups like Germany’s STARK and Alpine Eagle are already racing to supply Ukraine with cutting-edge drones. Josef Kranawetvogl, STARK’s senior vice president and a former soldier, said the fast-paced evolution of drone warfare demands constant innovation.
Alpine Eagle CEO Jan-Hendrik Boelens showcased interceptor drones capable of engaging targets up to 5 km away. He warned that NATO members are vastly underprepared.
“We are absolutely not ready in my view,” he said, noting that while Ukraine consumed 1.3 million drones last year, NATO members may have purchased just a fraction of that.
UK and Germany pivot toward drone warfare
According to Sky News, the UK’s new defense plan embraces a “20-40-40” strategy prioritizing drones. British Defense Secretary John Healey confirmed an additional £2 billion will be invested in army drones during this parliament.
Germany and Denmark have also signed drone co-production deals with Ukraine. Berlin has pledged to rapidly increase procurement, with two attack drone contracts signed recently.
NATO drone priorities
Sky News says NATO has made drone defense a priority. At the latest summit days ago, member states pledged to increase defense spending to 5% of GDP by 2035. NATO chief Mark Rutte said air defenses must be boosted fivefold, noting the devastating impact of Russian drone attacks on Ukraine.
At the same summit, all the members of the alliance, including the US, recognized Russia as a long-term threat.
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Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has called on US President Donald Trump and NATO allies to apply the same level of determination shown in securing a ceasefire between Israel and Iran to bring a truce in the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war.
While Trump has been pushing for peace talks between Kyiv and Moscow, Russia has shown no interest in even a ceasefire and continues escalating both aerial and ground attacks in Ukraine. At the same time, the Trump’s administration did not approve any new military aid for Ukraine, and even did not response to Kyiv’s requests to buy Patriot surface-to-air missiles for protection against Russian air strikes.
Speaking at a press briefing on 25 June following the NATO summit in The Hague, Meloni stated:
“I told President Donald Trump and the summit that ‘the same determination’ used in the war between Israel and Iran ‘must also be used for two other ceasefires, for Ukraine and for Gaza. The situation in Gaza is unsustainable’,” she said, as reported by La Repubblica.
On 24 June, Trump claimed that a ceasefire between Iran and Israel had taken effect following US airstrikes on Iranian nuclear infrastructure.
As the only EU head of government to attend Trump’s 2025 inauguration and his closest mainstream European ally, Giorgia Meloni has previously positioned herself as a potential bridge between the United States and a divided European Union.
Explore further
Bloomberg: How NATO leaders are trying to save Ukraine — by flattering Trump
Backing NATO unity and defense boost
At the same summit, all 32 NATO members agreed to a significant defense spending goal—raising allocations to 5% of GDP by 2035. Meloni welcomed this move, calling it a clear sign of alliance unity.
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Russia has significantly reduced its military forces in Kaliningrad Oblast, according to Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski. The statement was made during the NATO summit in The Hague on 24 June 2025, as reported Belsat. Kaliningrad is a Russian exclave, geographically cut off from mainland Russia and its ally Belarus by Poland and Lithuania.
Western security assessments warn that Russia poses a continuing threat of future aggression against EU countries, with concerns growing over its long-term strategic intentions beyond Ukraine. Kaliningrad, Russia’s heavily militarized exclave, is central to fears about the vulnerability of the Suwałki Gap—a narrow land corridor between Poland and Lithuania—seen as a key target in any potential attempt by Moscow to connect its territory through Belarus.
Polish FM: Most Russian troops withdrawn from Kaliningrad
Speaking to Belsat on the sidelines of the summit, Sikorski stated that “from what I know, a large part of the troops have been withdrawn from Kaliningrad Oblast.”
The Polish minister suggested that the redeployment was part of a broader pattern reflecting Russia’s stretched military resources.
“Russia’s best military units are [tied up] in Ukraine,” he added.
Doubts over Russia’s Zapad-2025 drill claims
Sikorski also addressed Russia’s reported decision to move its upcoming Zapad-2025 military exercises in Belarus further inland from the Polish border. Citing Polish intelligence signals, he acknowledged that the drills may have been relocated deeper into Belarus, but expressed skepticism, saying he doesn’t know how true it is.
He noted that Russia organizes its military drills in a three-year cycle across its different military districts.
“This is nothing new,” he said, adding that the upcoming exercises would likely be on a smaller scale due to ongoing war in Ukraine.
Russia shifting focus to Finland border
According to Sikorski, Russia is also in the process of forming new military formations along the border with Finland. He emphasized that this dispersion of troops forces Moscow to stretch its capabilities thin.
“This is not a success,” Sikorski commented, adding that Russian President Vladimir Putin turned out “a fairly skillful tactician who has used the West’s mistakes to his advantage, but a terrible strategist paying a huge price for a war he cannot win.”
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At the NATO summit in The Hague on 25 June, European leaders chose silence, flattery, and submission to avoid offending Donald Trump — a decision Bloomberg columnist Max Hastings believes was driven by one desperate objective: keeping US arms flowing to Ukraine.
Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, Trump’s grip over Ukraine’s fate extends beyond logistics. Hastings warns that the president’s “infatuation” with Russian President Vladimir Putin and disdain for Ukraine could lead to further setbacks.
Flattery as survival tactic
According to the Bloomberg piece, the entire summit revolved around not provoking Trump. The meeting “made little pretense of discussing global strategy,” Hastings writes, and was instead about “preventing the most impulsive and erratic US president in history from throwing NATO’s toys out of his pram.” NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte praised Trump’s “decisive action” in Iran and even sympathized with his “public use of four-letter language,” signaling the tone.
Every leader in the room, Hastings notes, played along — even as Trump claimed that recent US-Israeli strikes had set back Iran “by decades,” a statement none reportedly believed. Their silence wasn’t weakness, Hastings argues, but a calculated move to avoid triggering Trump’s unpredictable anger — because Ukraine’s survival may depend on it.
Zelenskyy’s lifeline in danger
Trump has already suspended arms deliveries to Ukraine once. Hastings warns he might do so again at any moment. Ukraine survives “only at his pleasure,” he states.
Russian forces are escalating ground offensives and intensifying attacksoncities. As air-defense systems deplete, Ukraine faces critical shortages. Hastings says Ukrainian morale could collapse if they lose the means to repel Russian terror strikes.
The problem, he explains, is that Europe can’t replace what the US provides. If Washington doesn’t act — if Trump cuts Ukraine off again — the consequences may be dire.
European submission to an unpredictable partner
All NATO allies understand this. The Bloomberg piece describes the summit as a performance of submission — not to Russia, but to the United States. European nations, including Germany and the UK, are boosting defense spending and offering gestures of solidarity. Germany plans to spend €62.4 billion in 2025. Chancellor Friedrich Merz insisted in parliament:
“We are not doing that as a favor to the US and its president… because Russia is actively and aggressively endangering the security and freedom of the entire Euro-Atlantic area.”
A necessary humiliation
Despite their discomfort, no leader pushed back publicly. Hastings argues this silence may be shameful, but it is strategic.
“Those of us who don’t hold public office,” he writes, “seem to have a responsibility to be frank.”
In conclusion, Hastings believes Europe must continue this game of appeasement. It may cost dignity and self-respect. But if it helps Ukraine hold the line, he argues, it might be a price worth paying.
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Ukraine has upgraded its sea-based Katran drone with strike capabilities reaching targets up to 100 kilometers away, according to the drone’s operator from Ukraine’s HUR military intelligence agency speaking to Militarnyi. The unmanned vessel, originally designed as a kamikaze platform, has evolved into a strategic multi-role system capable of deep and extended operations.
Ukrainian missile and drone strikes from 2022 to 2024 destroyed up to one-third of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet, forcing remaining vessels to relocate from occupied Crimea to Russian ports beyond Ukraine’s missile range. Since 2023, Ukraine has deployed at least fifteen different types of unmanned surface vessels across the Black Sea. These drones have successfully disrupted the Russian naval presence and secured maritime grain corridors critical for Ukrainian exports.
A new strategic weapon in Ukraine’s Black Sea
In an interview withMilitarnyi, a special forces operative from the HUR’s Black Sea Legion with the call sign Devyatyi (“Ninth”) described the Katran as a strategic tool and revealed major performance upgrades. He confirmed the drone can operate for up to six days on water and reach targets as far as 3000 kilometers—nearly tripling the publicly stated range of 1,000 kilometers that had been reported back in March.
“The system allows operations beyond 2,000 kilometers. Although we officially state 1,600 km, we’ve already seen examples of 3,000 km missions,” Ninth told Militarnyi.
The Katran is now armed with weapons that strike targets up to 100 km away, guided by artificial intelligence for high precision, according to him.
The special forces officer, call sign “Ninth,” from the “Black Sea Legion” of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine’s Main Directorate of Intelligence. Screenshot: Youtube/Militarnyi
A sea drone built for versatility and reach
The Katran—named after a type of spiny dogfish a.k.a. mud shark—is a multi-role platform developed by Ukrainian defense manufacturer Military Armored Company HUB. It belongs to a broader family of Ukrainian unmanned surface vessels (USVs) capable of hitting targets in the air, at sea, and far into enemy-controlled territory.
The weapons systems, including FPV drones and missile payloads, are housed in the superstructure built above the drone’s main hull. This modular design enables the platform to carry a diverse set of payloads depending on mission needs.
Operator-centered design
Katran’s control interface includes a custom operator seat modeled after aircraft cockpits. It features an aviation-style yoke and throttle lever, along with multiple control buttons. One of those buttons, according to Militarnyi, likely controls the bow trim of the unmanned vessel during maneuvers.
Naval drone control station. Source: Naval Battle. Era of Drones movie, via Militarnyi
Operators receive real-time visual data through augmented reality goggles linked to both day and night cameras onboard the drone. This live feed is simultaneously displayed on a rear monitor—presumably to assist command officers at the control station.
From kamikaze boats to reusable strike drones
Ukraine’s naval drone program has rapidly evolved. As Ninth explained, the Katran is no longer a simple kamikaze craft but a long-endurance, reusable platform capable of multiple operations. This marks a dramatic transformation from the first Ukrainian USVs used in the Black Sea in June 2023, which were loaded with explosives and designed for one-way attacks.
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Ukraine’s Katran naval drone now armed with 100 km-range strike weapons
The HUR has invested heavily in expanding a flotilla of unmanned maritime systems. These include launch platforms for kamikaze drones and strike systems capable of engaging both land-based and maneuvering maritime targets.
Ukraine’s Deputy Prime Minister Mykhailo Fedorov officially revealed the Katran drone in March through his Telegram channel.
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Senior Lieutenant Ihor Shutyi, commander of the electronic warfare (EW) company of Ukraine’s 56th Separate Motorized Infantry Brigade, describes how frontline EW systems are struggling to keep up with the rapid evolution of Russian and commercial drone technologies. From early losses near Donetsk to the arrival of fiber-optic FPV drones in 2025, his account reveals how the drone war is steadily pushing traditional jamming systems toward obsolescence.
Drone warfare has become a key feature of the Russo-Ukrainian war. Unmanned systems—airborne, ground-based, and naval—are playing an increasingly central role, with technology evolving quickly. At the same time, electronic warfare tools designed to counter drones are advancing just as fast. However, Shutyi notes that Russian drone tech is currently outpacing Ukraine’s anti-drone EW capabilities.
From silence to saturation: EW enters the battlefield
In his detailed firsthand account titled “Has the era of EW come to an end?“, Shutyi notes that electronic warfare wasn’t always a factor on Ukraine’s front lines. In late 2022, during operations near Donetsk, EW was barely present. Ukrainian units operated Chinese-made commercial drones such as Mavic quadcopters and the larger Matrice 300 RTK with little interference. The officer recalls one veteran Mavic that survived for six months, conducting reconnaissance and dropping munitions without issue.
That changed in January 2023 after the unit relocated to Huliaipole in Zaporizhzhia Oblast. Within just two weeks, three Mavics were lost or disabled, and a jammed Matrice crashed into a snow-covered field. According to Shutyi, this marked the first real impact of Russian EW on their operations.
As the unit redeployed near Donetsk Oblast’s Bakhmut, drone operators adapted to worsening conditions—using pickups fitted with Starlink, adjusting launch positions based on signal strength, and reacting quickly to jamming attempts. But losses mounted.
“Drones were often lost during the very first flight,” Shutyi wrote in his public account.
Senior Lieutenant Ihor Shutyi. Photo: Shutyi via Facebook
Reluctant beginnings of EW inside Ukraine’s own ranks
In the early stages, Ukrainian forces did not universally embrace electronic warfare tools. Shutyi notes that the first EW devices, introduced to his brigade around September 2023, were largely offloaded to reconnaissance platoons because infantry commanders “saw no use for them” and didn’t want the burden of managing extra gear or assigning operators.
That began to change in December 2023, when front-line units started receiving relentless attacks from Russian first-person view (FPV) kamikaze drones. One position, Shutyi reports, was struck by 11 such drones in a single day. Suddenly, commanders began urgently requesting EW tools—signing requisition forms “without even reading them.”
At this point, Ukrainian forces began improvising: adding signal boosters like Alientech, modifying chips, and using captured Russian firmware. A dedicated EW platoon was formed, and within a month, Shutyi was leading a full EW company.
The EW backpack, developed by the Ukrainian company Kvertus. Photo: Kvertus via Instagram
In early 2024, there was cautious optimism. Mounted EW systems like omnidirectional jammers installed on vehicles were effective against FPV drones. Shutyi recalls drivers reporting how enemy drones dropped in front of their pickups, unable to withstand the jamming signal.
But the progress was short-lived. Drone frequencies diversified rapidly. By spring, the standard 900 MHz module was no longer enough. Russian drones began operating in a range from 750 to 1050 MHz. By summer, countering them required four to five modules; by autumn, seven.
A component of the Ukrainian “Nota” EW system developed by Tritel. October 2021 (Photo: General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine).
This increase in frequency bands brought multiple problems:
Size and weight: A single frequency module might be manageable, but multiple modules created heavy, bulky kits that infantry could barely carry. “We tried modular kits for infantry,” Shutyi wrote, “but it only partially solved the problem.”
Power demands: Seven 50W modules couldn’t be supported by a pickup truck generator alone. Vehicles needed additional power battery systems like EcoFlow for sustained operation.
A fatal shift: The arrival of fiber-optic FPVs
Shutyi marks the end of 2024 as a turning point—the moment when conventional EW systems began to collapse. The reason: unjammable fiber-optic FPV drones.
Initially dismissed for their cost, lack of maneuverability, and terrain limitations, these drones proved devastating. During Russia’s 2025 winter operations in Kursk Oblast, fiber-optic drones overwhelmed Ukrainian logistics routes.
“There was , in fact, nothing to counter them,” Shutyi admitted.
A Russian fiber-optic-guided drone captured on camera by a Ukrainian UAV. January 2025, Ukraine (Source: Ptakhy Madyara unit).
By spring, Russian FPV drones were reaching 10 km deep into Ukrainian-controlled territory—up from 3 km just months earlier. The depth and scale of their operations grew steadily.
DJI’s next move: The Mavic 4 and Matrice 4T challenge
As if that weren’t enough, commercial drone giant DJI released the Mavic 4 Pro and Matrice 4T. According to Shutyi, citing the manufacturer’s specs, these drones introduced major improvements:
Multiple operating bands (2.4, 5.2, and 5.8 GHz)
Enhanced low-light imaging
Autonomous pathfinding through signal interference zones
Smoke-penetrating optics
Integrated laser rangefinders and loudspeakers (“Surrender, you’re surrounded!”)
Although three operating frequencies are officially listed, Shutyi suspects more can be activated via firmware. He also warns about a possible DJI ecosystem that includes dedicated amplifiers, relay drones (e.g., Matrice 30T), and plug-and-play integration—all without the need for custom tinkering.
These drones are already appearing at the front, and their suppression—based on available tools—is currently ineffective.
EW pushed to the rear: The decline of ground-based jammers
As multirotor drones with extended range and stronger connections proliferate, Ukraine’s large vehicle-based EW systems like Bukovel-AD, Nota, Ay-Petri, Damba, Beton, and others are being forced to retreat from front-line positions.
A Ukrainian Bukovel-AD EW system mounted on an off-road vehicle chassis, 2019 (Photo via Militarnyi).
These systems, Shutyi argues, won’t disappear but will become more like helmets or body armor—potentially lifesaving in some moments, but offering no guarantees of protection. The deeper these systems are moved into the rear, the less relevant they become in fast-evolving combat zones.
Toward a new doctrine: Russia’s standardized drone war
Shutyi predicts Russia will eventually phase out manually operated FPV drones in favor of factory-standardized fiber-optic models. These are easier to produce, don’t require operators highly trained for various types of UAVs, and eliminate the need for multiple ground control systems with varying antennas.
In this model:
Mavic/Matrice 4 will handle reconnaissance and targeting
FPV bombers will carry out immediate strikes on front-line positions
Fiber-optic FPVs with varying ranges (5 to 30 km) will attack deeper logistical and artillery targets
This streamlined, cost-efficient system mirrors the ethos of the Kalashnikov rifle: simple, consistent, and deadly.
“Overall, it appears that EW is gradually losing the battle against frontline quadcopters,” Shutyi says, later adding: “The drone-vs-antidrone arms race continues, and simple setups like ‘antenna + jammer + power source’ no longer deliver the needed results.”
With conventional jamming tools falling short, Shutyi emphasizes that the most effective countermeasure may now be eliminating enemy reconnaissance drones.
“If we take out the Mavics, the enemy loses their ‘eyes’,” he writes.
Without real-time aerial visibility, artillery accuracy, drone strikes, and even infantry assaults become far less effective. Shutyi views FPV-kamikaze strikes against enemy Mavics as a cost-effective tactic, even if the economics aren’t perfect. In his view, “trading one FPV for even the cheapest Mavic is worth it.”
The bigger picture: Adapting to the drone age
The war in Ukraine has already rewritten several military doctrines:
A shift from mobile to positional warfare
Disappearance of traditional foot reconnaissance in favor of airborne surveillance
Tanks and BMPs reduced to fire support roles
Phasing out heavy machine guns on the line of contact due to their vulnerability to drones
And now, the likely fading of infantry mortars and grenade launchers
In that context, the slow disappearance of EW from the tactical level is no surprise.
“Its visibility, its impact, and even its presence in media will fade,” Shutyi warns.
Still, new tactics are emerging. One example: using FPV drones to target and destroy enemy fixed-wing reconnaissance UAVs like Zala, Orlan, and Molniya—a method successfully implemented by Ukrainian forces in mid-2024.
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On 23 June 2025, Norway’s Ministry of Defense confirmed it will fund and jointly produce maritime drones on Ukrainian territory as part of a NOK 6.7 billion or $665 million initiative under the UK-Norway-led maritime coalition.
Ukraine has been a pioneer in sea drone technology. Ukrainian maritime drones have played a key role in forcing much of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet to retreat from the northwestern Black Sea and waters near occupied Crimea. Drone warfare—across air, land, and sea—has become a defining feature of the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war. As both sides race to advance unmanned technologies, Russia is closing the gap in naval drones, and Ukraine’s allies are now working to catch up with the pace of innovation.
Production of uncrewed vessels on Ukrainian soil
According to the Norwegian Ministry of Defence on X on 23 June,
“Norway to develop and produce uncrewed surface vessels (USVs) on Ukrainian soil.”
The Norwegian Minister of Defense, Tore O. Sandvik, specified that “parts of this funding will be used to develop and produce uncrewed maritime vessels using KDA technology, with production based in Ukraine.” The announcement confirms Norway’s direct investment in the Ukrainian defense sector.
In January, the UK had announced its own development of a universal maritime drone for Ukraine.
Kongsberg to partner with Ukrainian defense industry
Kongsberg Defence & Aerospace (KDA) has signed an agreement with a Ukrainian industrial partner to co-develop and manufacture USVs using Norwegian technology. The Naval News report states that these drone boats will be equipped with weapon stations from KDA and built in Ukraine.
KDA president Eirik Lie noted:
“Unmanned vessels play a major role in helping Ukraine to defend its territory, and neutralize the Russian navy in the Black Sea.”
Additional missile development agreement
Alongside the sea drone initiative, Kongsberg signed a separate agreement with another Ukrainian company to develop and produce low-cost, high-volume missiles compatible with the NASAMS air defense system.
According to Naval News and Militarnyi, these missile projects are aimed at enhancing Ukraine’s anti-air capabilities and deepening cooperation between Norwegian and Ukrainian defense sectors.
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On 22 June, a Russian missile struck a temporary training ground used by Ukraine’s Ground Forces, killing three soldiers and injuring 14 others, according to multiple official statements. The site was located in Kherson Oblast and used for periodic exercises by a mechanized brigade.
Strike on temporary camp during active exercises
The Ground Forces reported that the missile hit during scheduled exercises on a temporary site used by one of their mechanized brigades.
“Today, 22 June, the enemy launched a missile strike on a training ground of one of the mechanized brigades of the Ground Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, where training sessions were underway,” the official statement read.
According to spokesperson Vitalii Sarantsev, the missile was likely an Iskander-M ballistic missile. He told national television that the location was not a permanent deployment zone, but a temporary site used specifically for training tasks.
Sarantsev added that nearly all personnel had taken shelter following the air raid alert.
Partial non-compliance with safety protocols
Sarantsev stated that while the majority of troops responded quickly to the alarm and reached shelters, “some servicemen neglected safety measures—and most of those who did were the ones who got injured.” He emphasized that troops had been dispersed to shelters just minutes before the missile landed.
Casualties, response, and medical aid
Ukraine’s Ground Forces reported that prompt implementation of safety protocols helped prevent greater casualties. Still, three deaths were confirmed, and by 19:27, the number of injured had climbed to 14. Medical facilities provided urgent treatment to all wounded, the military said.
A special commission has been set up by the Ground Forces Command to investigate the circumstances of the strike. Law enforcement agencies are also working at the site. Military officials confirmed that additional protective measures are being implemented to safeguard personnel from potential future attacks.
Leadership change follows earlier strike
This is not the first time Russian forces have targeted Ukrainian training grounds. Earlier in June, after a missile strike on a training area in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, General-Major Mykhailo Drapatyi resigned as commander of the Ground Forces, citing personal responsibility.
He was later appointed Commander of the Joint Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, responsible for military operations. Brigadier General Shapovalov took over as Ground Forces commander on 19 June.
Zelenskyy reacts to latest strike
President Volodymyr Zelenskyy addressed the missile strike in his 22 June evening video message.
“I am expecting a full report on the consequences and all circumstances of the Russian missile strike on the training ground in southern Ukraine,” he stated. “There were casualties, there were wounded. Full accountability is required.”
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Hungary and Slovakia blocked the European Union’s 18th sanctions package against Russia, Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó confirmed on 23 June. Despite never supporting Kyiv militarily, Hungary also declared it would no longer support Ukraine militarily or financially, as Budapest continues aligning itself with Moscow’s interests inside the EU.
Hungary under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has consistently acted as Russia’s closest ally within the EU since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The country has never provided military aid to Kyiv, refuses to allow military cargo transit through its territory, and has regularly obstructed EU efforts to support Ukraine.
“We, together with Slovakia, prevented the adoption of the sanctions package today.”
The move came in direct response to the European Commission’s ongoing push to reduce EU dependency on Russian energy.
Szijjártó justified the veto by referencing the EU’s June 2022 decision that had granted Hungary and Slovakia a full exemption from the Russian oil embargo introduced in the sixth sanctions package. Hungary believes that the ban on purchasing cheap Russian gas and oil violates previous agreements.
“The European Union decided unanimously that Hungary and Slovakia would receive a full exemption for an unlimited time from the oil embargo on Russian crude,” he claimed.
Veto used to counter Commission’s energy plan
Hungary cannot directly veto the Commission’s energy strategy, which only needs a qualified majority vote, so it blocked the sanctions package instead. Szijjártó described this majority-voting mechanism as allegedly “a very serious violation of European legal norms.”
He also warned that restricting access to Russian energy now, amid rising instability in the Middle East and threats to the Ormuz Strait, would lead to major losses and a supply crisis in Europe.
Hungary says ‘no more’ to Ukraine
Szijjártó condemned what he called “increasingly pro-Ukrainian military sentiment” among EU foreign ministers. He noted that the EU has already provided Ukraine with 10 trillion forints—about €25 billion—this year alone.
“But today it was said that even that is not enough,” Orbán’s minister complained.
Hungary, he said, will block any further attempts to support Kyiv:
“We will not allow Hungarian money to be sent to Ukraine. We are not ready to support any new financial aid, any new arms deliveries, or any new military operations.”
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An early morning fire engulfed fuel storage tanks at the Atlas facility in Russia’s Rostov Oblast, following what appears to be another Ukrainian drone strike. The site is considered a critical part of the Russian military’s fuel logistics in its war against Ukraine.
Ukrainian forces have repeatedly struck Russian military, defense industry, and energy infrastructure in both occupied territories and inside Russia. The ongoing air campaign is aimed at crippling Russian military logistics and its capacity to continue the war.
Fire confirmed by satellite data
Militarnyi reports that NASA’s FIRMS satellite service recorded an abnormal temperature spike over the Atlas industrial facility in Kamensk district at 3:41 UTC or 06:41 Kyiv Time on 23 June 2025. The site houses 32 fuel tanks, many of which were reportedly engulfed in flames.
NASA FIRMS data on fires at the Atlas fuel facility north of Rostov Oblast’s Kamensk-Shakhtinsky on 23 June 2025.
Local sources reported a “series of powerful explosions, so strong they triggered car alarms” in Kamensk district around 4 a.m.
The Russian Ministry of Defense claimed that 14 drones were shot down in Rostov Oblast. Local governor Yuri Slyusar confirmed a fire, but did not name the affected facility:
“Air defense is still responding to an aerial attack in the northern part of Rostov Oblast. So far, UAVs have been destroyed in the Millerovsky, Kamensky, Tarasovsky, Bokovsky, and Milyutinsky districts. As a result of the attack, a fire broke out at an industrial facility in Kamensky district,” he wrote at 3 a.m., later updating that as of 7:50 the fire was allegedly extinguished.
At the time of publication, no footage from the scene is available to confirm the new damage to the facility.
Not the first possible attack on the Atlas
This is not the first time the Atlas fuel complex has been struck. A similar drone attack caused a massive fire overnight on 29 November 2024. Another strike in August 2024 also targeted the same facility, damaging fuel storage units and triggering a fire.
The depot, located at coordinates 48.457086, 40.330746 near Kamensk-Shakhtinsky, lies just 100–150 km from the front lines. Its proximity to the battlefield and its logistical role make it a high-value target in the ongoing war.
Previous strikes on fuel infrastructure
Earlier in June, Ukrainian drones hit industrial areas near the Lukoil oil refinery in Kstovo, Nizhny Novgorod Oblast. That attack marked a renewed campaign against Russia’s fuel and energy infrastructure after a pause in such operations.
Just one day prior, on 6 June 2025, the Rosrezerv Kristall fuel depot used by a Russian strategic bomber base in Engels, Saratov Oblast, also suffered a drone strike.
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Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on 22 June that Russian authorities are actively seeking to weaken international sanctions and are preparing new military operations in Europe, citing intelligence reports he received the same day.
Despite Western sanctions and geopolitical isolation triggered by its 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Russia has maintained a militarized economy—driven by surging energy revenues and expanded public and military expenditures. US President Donald Trump has pushed for negotiations between Moscow and Kyiv in hopes of restoring business ties with Russia. However, with Moscow insisting on maximalist demands that amount to Ukrainian capitulation, and continuing strikes on civilians and infrastructure.
Moscow’s main goal: dismantling sanctions pressure
According to Zelenskyy’s eveningaddress on 22 June, Russia’s current focus is to combat international sanctions. He stated that the Kremlin is attempting to not only block new sanctions but also soften those already imposed.
“They are trying by every means to bargain not just for the non-application of new sanctions, but also for the weakening of existing ones. We understand how and whom they are using in Europe and in other parts of the world. We are countering this,” Zelenskyy said.
Zelenskyy expressed gratitude to those promoting the sanctions agenda, calling it “the agenda that brings peace closer.”
Intelligence reports on Russian plans and economic pressure
Earlier the same day, Zelenskyy also referred to a separate report from Defense Intelligence chief Kyrylo Budanov regarding the situation inside Russia and its military-industrial complex. He reiterated that “the key thing Moscow is trying to do is fight sanctions.” The President said Ukrainian intelligence clearly sees Russia’s critical vulnerabilities and is preparing corresponding actions to diminish Moscow’s aggressive potential.
Zelenskyy also claimed that Ukraine has evidence that Russia is preparing new military operations on European territory.
“We see very significant damage caused by sanctions to the Russian economic system, which confirms that our strategy of pressuring Russia to end the war is the correct one,” he said.
Middle East tensions and nuclear nonproliferation
Zelenskyy also commented on recent US strikes on Iranian-linked nuclear facilities and condemned Iran’s support for Russia, citing the use of Shahed drones in attacks on Ukraine.
“There must be no proliferation of nuclear weapons in the modern world,” Zelenskyy stressed, noting the need for global diplomatic resolve and stronger collective security.
He welcomed US leadership on the issue and underlined the urgency of coordinated international diplomacy.
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New Zealand has committed 16 million New Zealand dollars (approximately $9.5 million) in new aid to Ukraine, combining military and humanitarian support as the country’s Prime Minister Christopher Luxon prepares to attend a NATO Summit in The Hague. The package is split between battlefield assistance and relief for war-affected civilians, and builds on New Zealand’s ongoing backing of Ukraine’s defense against Russia’s invasion.
This comes amid Russia’s major escalation of ground assaults and air attacks in Ukraine, while US President Donald Trump has pushed for Kyiv-Moscow peace talks for months, allegedly to end the ongoing Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Although Moscow’s wartime economy is under pressure from G7 sanctions, it continues to find ways to circumvent them, while Trump has delayed the imposition of new US sanctions against Russia.
This latest assistance brings New Zealand’s total aid to Ukraine to more than NZD 168 million (approx. $100 million) since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. That support includes up to 100 New Zealand Defense Force personnel deployed to train Ukrainian troops.
Breakdown of funding: Military and humanitarian support
As reported by 1News and RNZ, the NZD 16 million package includes two contributions of NZD 4 million each to multinational military aid initiatives: the NATO Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine fund and the UK and Latvia-led Drone Coalition. These funds are intended to provide both lethal and non-lethal equipment and support.
An additional NZD 7 million (around $4.1 million) will fund humanitarian relief for communities inside Ukraine, while NZD 1 million ($600,000) is allocated to help Ukrainians displaced in neighboring countries.
The announcement came just before Luxon’s scheduled participation in the NATO Summit in The Hague. Speaking to media in Brussels, he emphasized New Zealand’s principled stance.
“Its war of self-defense is well into its fourth year and our condemnation of Russia’s illegal full-scale invasion remains undiminished,” he said, as quoted by 1News.
Luxon told reporters,
“There’ll be a lot of conversation, obviously, about the Middle East, but there’ll also be a lot of conversation about Ukraine as well. We may be a long way from these conflicts, but it’s important, if you’ve got values, that you stand up for them, you articulate them, and, where you can, put support to them.”
Foreign Minister Winston Peters said that New Zealand would continue collaborating internationally “to uphold a rules-based order that serves all our interests.”
The aid also follows recently announced sanctions on Russian maritime logistics and supply actors, including what RNZ describes as Russia’s “shadow fleet”—a network of vessels and operations circumventing global restrictions.
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Russian forces carried out a massive nighttime aerial assault on Kyiv and surrounding areas from 22 to 23 June, killing at least seven civilians and injuring over 30, according to local authorities. Ukraine’s Air Force confirmed that the capital was the main target in what they described as one of the largest air raids in recent weeks.
These attacks are part of Russia’s ongoing daily aerial warfare against Ukrainian urban centers, with civilian infrastructure repeatedly targeted since 2022. Both large cities and smaller towns endure strikes involving missiles, drones, artillery, and aerial bombs. Russia seeks to disrupt daily life, trigger humanitarian crises, and pressure Ukraine into concessions, even as it signals long-term commitment to the war. Meanwhile, US President Donald Trump, while expressing hope for an unrealistic peace deal, has not approved new military aid for Ukraine and redirected Ukraine-bound anti-drone missiles to the Middle East.
Air raid begins, drones launched from multiple directions
Suspilne reported that air raid sirens began in Kyiv Oblast at 22:52 on 22 June and in Kyiv city minutes before midnight. According to Ukraine’s Air Force, Russian forces launched 368 aerial weapons overnight including 352 Shahed explosive drones and decoy UAVs, as well as 16 Iskander ballistic and cruise missiles, from several locations across Russia.
Explosions across Kyiv, drone debris cause fires and injuries
As the Russian Shaheds neared the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv mayor Vitaliy Klitschko said air defense systems were activated as explosions were heard in multiple city districts. In Solomianskyi, drone debris struck residential and commercial buildings. Two people were hospitalized and a fire broke out in a private housing area. In Holosiivskyi district, an office building was damaged. In Darniytskyi, wreckage fell on a two-story residential house. In Sviatoshynskyi, windows shattered and drone parts landed on a stadium, though no injuries were reported.
Waves ballistic missile attack
At approximately 2:30 a.m., Ukraine’s Air Force reported high-speed targets moving from Russian territory toward Bila Tserkva in Kyiv Oblast. Monitoring channels indicated that Russian forces had launched ballistic missiles. A series of explosions followed in Kyiv. The second wave of the missile assault came an hour later.
Shevchenkivskyi: Apartment building hit, at least six dead
According to Ukraine’s Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko, an entire section of a multi-story residential building in Shevchenkivskyi district collapsed due to a direct hit.
As of 8:42 on 23 June, emergency services reportedsix fatalities, with the bodies of a couple retrieved from under the rubble. The State Emergency Service (DSNS) said“10 people, including two children and a pregnant woman,” were rescued from the wreckage. Thirteen others were injured, and search efforts continue.
Update: The Russian air attack injured at least 22 civilians in Kyiv city, with 12 of them hospitalized, Suspilne reported.
Kyiv metro, cars and bus stops damaged
Kyiv’s city administration said a metro entrance at Sviatoshyn station and a nearby bus stop sustained damage. Fires broke out in multiple areas, including on vehicles and urban infrastructure. Three people injured in Sviatoshynskyi and more in Shevchenkivskyi.
Kyiv Oblast also hit: Homes, hotel, hospital damaged
In Kyiv Oblast, Governor Mykola Kalashnyk reported damage across three districts outside Kyiv city. In Bila Tserkva, a missile hit a two-story hotel containing a private hospital. One woman born in 1957 died from injuries, while two others were hospitalized. Kalashnyk added that fires erupted in residential areas in Bucha and Boryspil, destroying several one-family homes and vehicles.
The DSNS stated that two rescuers were injured during response efforts. Overall, eight people were injured in Kyiv Oblast alone, with most damage centered in Bila Tserkva and Bucha. Emergency services evacuated six critically ill patients from the burning hospital-hotel facility. Over 1,500 square meters burned, and multiple fire teams remain on scene.
“Russia has once again shown that the concept of a civilian object means nothing to it,” the Emergency Service wrote.
Air Force: 354/368 Russian aerial targets neutralized
By 09:00 on 23 June, the Air Force said it had neutralized 354 targets of 368 Russian aerial weapons.
Of 352 drones launched from five locations in Russia, the air defenders took out 146 by direct fire and 193 through electronic warfare or radar suppression.
Russia launched a total of Iskander-M/KN-23 ballistic missiles, according to Ukraine, which reports shooting down seven, while three others were “locationally lost” — likely crashing after disappearing from radar.
Additionally, all five Iskander-K cruise missiles were reportedly downed.
Operational Command North of Ukraine’s Ground Forces reported that its area of responsibility also saw action. Twenty Russian drones were reportedly shot down, six of them by the Siversk task unit and the rest by air defense components, including mobile teams and electronic warfare.
Update:
The Kyiv City Administration updated that as of 14:30, 33 people were injured in the city, including 25 in Shevchenkivskyi District, where a Russian missile strike brought down an entire section of a five-story apartment building. Later, it reported that rescuers had recovered the body of the ninth victim—an 11-year-old girl. Her mother’s body had been pulled from the rubble earlier. As of 20:00, search and rescue efforts continued in Shevchenkivskyi District.
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Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence Directorate (HUR) reported on 22 June that Russia is systematically deploying educational and infrastructure projects in Burkina Faso, Ghana, South Africa, and Egypt to entrench its political control under the pretense of development aid. These “soft power” operations involve Russian state corporations RZD and Rosatom, and are described by HUR as a destabilizing strategy masked as humanitarian engagement.
Russia is building a growing military and political footprint across Africa, deploying personnel and weapons in countries like Mali, Niger, and the Central African Republic while backing juntas and securing access to resources like gold and uranium. Through a mix of arms deals, mining ventures, disinformation, and diplomatic outreach, Moscow is positioning itself as an alternative to Western powers and expanding its long-term influence on the continent. Politically, Moscow is leveraging security ties, mining partnerships, diplomatic summits, and youth‑focused soft power programs seeking long‑term influence
State rail company RZD expands reach across four African nations
According to HUR, the Kremlin-controlled railway giant RZD or Russian Railways is planning projects in Burkina Faso, Ghana, and South Africa. In May, RZD approved a strategic concept for expanding its humanitarian presence abroad through 2030.
The plan reportedly includes opening Russian-language schools and specialized lyceums (a type of secondary school with a focus on specialized or advanced studies, – Ed.), as well as offering scholarships to bring foreign students to Russian universities.
Joint university in South Africa part of broader loyalty-building effort
Another major initiative involves establishing a joint university in South Africa with Russian cooperation. The goal, according to HUR, is to attract students from across the African continent, indoctrinating them with pro-Kremlin narratives and forging long-term loyalty among future regional elites.
Rosatom drives ideological control through nuclear-linked education
The Russian state nuclear corporation Rosatom is also advancing plans targeting Egypt and the broader region. While it focuses on training nuclear power plant personnel, Rosatom’s scope extends further—toward building a loyal technological elite.
Ukraine’s intelligence notes that part of the plan includes creating a national education system aligned with Russian interests. Notably, the Kremlin is exploring the establishment of Russian university branches near nuclear sites in Egypt’s Alexandria, to facilitate long-term influence and personnel pipelines.
Andrii Yusov, a representative of Ukraine’s military intelligence, warned of the Kremlin’s true motives:
“Russian influence on Africa through infrastructure projects is a destabilizing factor, which under the cover of development aid leads to dependence on Moscow. Russians use this approach on a global scale.”
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A Ukrainian drone strike led by military intelligence has destroyed a Russian train carrying fuel in Russian-occupied Zaporizhzhia Oblast. The attack, confirmed on 22 June by Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR), marks the second such strike in less than a month on a key railway corridor supplying Russian forces in southern Ukraine.
Ukraine has been conducting an air campaign against Russian strategic targets such as ammunition depots, command centers, military factories, oil processing and storage facilities in Russia and the Russian-occupied territory. In the first half of December 2024, multiple sabotage acts targeted rail infrastructure inside Russia, including the destruction of railway tracks and the burning of five locomotives. Last month, another fuel train was struck in Zaporizhzhia Oblast.
Fuel train hit near Molochansk
On 21 June, Petro Andriushchenko’s Telegram channel reported a Ukrainian attack on a Russian fuel train in the occupied part of Zaporizhzhia Oblast, and later published a photo showing the aftermath of the attack near the railway stretch between Levadne and Molochansk in Tokmak district, about 35 km behind the lines.
“Right now (16:43, – Ed.), Defense Forces have struck and are finishing off a Russian train with tankers,” he wrote, noting that several fuel tankers caught fire.
Andriushchenko later reported that by 21:16, 11 tankers were ablaze and smoke was visible from up to 20 km away. According to him, “the rail track is destroyed — will take weeks to fix — meaning no fuel to the front lines for two weeks.”
Andriushchenko claimed on 22 June that the fire covered 18–20 tankers and was not extinguished by Russian forces as of 13:11. He wrote that Russia attempted to salvage some of the cargo by sending a locomotive to retrieve 15–20 tankers, pulling them toward Melitopol, but others were left to burn.
He added that Ukrainian drone operators struck the convoy “like a bowling alley,” destroying car after car during the night.
Ukrainian drones destroy Russian fuel train near occupied Molochansk over 35 km behind the lines
On 22 June, HUR officially confirmed the attack. The agency reported that its Kabul 9 unit carried out the strike in cooperation with Southern Ukraine Defense Forces, Alfa unit, and the Next group of the State Special Communications Service.
“The black smoke soared to the skies,” HUR wrote, noting that the burning tankers contained diesel and other fuel materials meant for Russian troops.
HUR’s video shows at least three points of conflagration and a large patch of scorched vegetation beside the train, but the distance and low clarity make it difficult to determine which and how many tank cars were damaged.
Previous attacks on same rail line
This is not the first Ukrainian strike on Russian military trains in the area. On 24 May, HUR’s strike drone pilots hit another Russian fuel train on the railway line between Verkhniy Tokmak, Molochansk, and Fedorivka.
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Ukrainian forces continue to hold around 90 square kilometers of territory in Russia’s Kursk Oblast, according to Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, General Oleksandr Syrskyy. He claims that the operation has blocked a planned Russian assault on the Pokrovsk direction in Donetsk Oblast by forcing the redeployment of enemy troops.
Liga reports on 22 June that General Syrskyy, speaking to journalists, has confirmed that Ukrainian forces remain in control of approximately 90 km² in the Glushkovo district of Kursk Oblast. He explained that the operation prevented a large-scale Russian advance toward Pokrovsk by anchoring enemy troops in place.
“Our active operations in the Glushkovo district of Kursk Oblast disrupted these plans. As a result, those units were not relocated to other directions. One of the brigades already moving toward the Pokrovsk direction was returned to Kursk,” Syrskyy said.
Syrskyy also highlighted that the Kursk operation had earlier drawn in nearly 63,000 Russian soldiers and about 7,000 North Korean troops, reducing pressure along other fronts and enabling Ukrainian forces to regroup.
The Ukrainian battlefield monitoring project Deep State’s map shows only 5.5 km² in Kursk Oblast as controlled by the Ukrainian forces.
Russia concentrates forces but stalls at Ukrainian border
Currently, roughly 10,000 Russian troops are engaged in combat within Glushkovo, according to Syrskyy. Meanwhile, near the Northeastern border in the Pivnichnoslobozhanskyi direction – north of Kharkiv and Sumy oblasts, Russia has amassed around 50,000 personnel, including two airborne divisions, four main brigades, the 177th Marine Regiment from the Caspian Flotilla, and other units.
Despite the buildup, Russian forces advancing from Kursk into Sumy Oblast have been stopped just several kilometers inside Ukraine, along the line of Kindrativka, Andriivka, Yablunivka, and Yunakivka.
Syrskyy noted progress on the border:
“The situation there is stabilized. During this period, we reclaimed Andriivka, and in Yunakivka we advanced between 200 to 700 meters over the past week.”
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Ukrainian defense forces have destroyed two high-value Russian radar systems — the Buk-M3 system’s anti-air radar and a Zoopark counterbattery radar — in targeted FPV drone strikes, according to official reports and video footage, Militarnyi reports.
Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, Moscow’s anti-air and counter-battery radars have been among the priority targets for the Ukrainian forces. With the battlefield dominated by drones and artillery, such losses create exploitable gapes in the Russian defenses.
UAV regiment strikes Buk-M3 radar
The 14th Separate UAV Regiment of Ukraine’s Drone Forces reported that it struck a radar system belonging to a Russian Buk-M3 air defense system. The radar, identified as the 9S36M Viking, was hit with two FPV drones.
The attack reportedly rendered the radar nonfunctional and immobile. Following the strike, footage was released by Ukrainian military units confirming the precision hit on the Russian radar equipment.
Zoopark radar destroyed mid-deployment
In a separate operation, the Ukrainian unit UA_REG TEAM reported hitting a Russian Zoopark-1 counterbattery radar, also with an FPV drone. The strike took place during the deployment of the radar, with the drone impacting directly into the antenna array of the 1L219 Zoopark system.
The published video shows the moment of impact. According to the unit, the hit caused such extensive damage that a full replacement of the radar components would be required for any potential restoration.
UA_REG TEAM of the 8th Separate Special Purpose Regiment confirms, among hitting other heavy equipment and personnel, the destruction of a Russian 1L219 "Zoopark" counter-battery radar. pic.twitter.com/noE61ZfRVr
Citing the OSINT project Oryx, tracking visually confirmed equipment losses, current Russian losses include 24 radar reconnaissance stations of the 1L219/1L261 Zoopark/M types. Additionally, 11 units of the low-altitude radar detection systems 9S36M “Viking” have now been lost, with six belonging to Buk-M2 systems and five to Buk-M3 systems.
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Russia’s top officials have revived unproven allegations that Ukraine may use a “dirty bomb,” coinciding with ongoing discussions in the US and Europe on increasing military assistance to Ukraine. At the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF) on 20 June, Russian President Vladimir Putin responded to a moderator’s question by issuing new nuclear-tinged threats—despite acknowledging there is no evidence behind the claim, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reports.
Russian officials have previously deployed nuclear blackmail to shape Western discourse around Ukraine. The earlier waves of the dirty bomb narrative, particularly in 2022, coincided with moments of high-stakes decision-making in the West regarding Ukraine. The current timing once again points to Moscow’s strategic use of disinformation and fear tactics.
Speaking at SPIEF, Putin warned that a Ukrainian use of a dirty bomb—a conventional explosive laced with radioactive material—would be a “colossal mistake.” He stated,
“Russia will respond proportionately to all threats,” and emphasized that such a response would be “catastrophic” for Ukraine.
However, he also admitted that “there is no evidence” that Ukraine plans to use such a weapon.
Medvedev resorts to nuclear blackmail, amplifying non-existing threat
The day after Putin’s comments, on 21 June, Russian Security Council Deputy Chairperson Dmitry Medvedev escalated the rhetoric further. According to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), Medvedev stated that Russia would respond with a tactical nuclear weapon if Ukraine used a dirty bomb against Russian targets. His remarks followed the same narrative outlined by Putin, despite the lack of substantiating evidence.
Narrative aims to disrupt Western military support
The ISW noted in its 21 June assessment that the Kremlin’s reintroduction of the dirty bomb narrative mirrors similar tactics used in March and October 2022. At those times, Russian officials also intensified nuclear threats, which ISW assessed were designed to slow down Western military aid to Ukraine and weaken allied unity.
“Russian officials are likely reintroducing this narrative amid ongoing debates in the United States and Europe about further aiding Ukraine,” ISW wrote.
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A nationwide poll shows that only about one in three Poles believe president-elect Karol Nawrocki will sustain strong ties with Ukraine, while concerns also loom over his readiness to act as commander-in-chief.
These findings come amid heightened attention to Poland’s position toward Ukraine, its wartime neighbor and ally. Though Poland has remained one of Ukraine’s strongest supporters since Russia’s 2022 invasion — providing weapons and shelter for millions of refugees — Nawrocki’s stance has raised questions. The election come amid several electoralsuccesses of pro-Russian anti-Ukrainian politicians in several other European countries.
The survey, conducted for news outlet Onet on 13–14 June among 1,017 adults, found just 32.6% of respondents expected Nawrocki to “definitely” or “rather” maintain good relations with Kyiv, Polskie Radio reports. By contrast, 40.3% said they believed he “rather not” or “definitely not” would. Another 27% had no opinion.
Among voters of the conservative opposition Law and Justice (PiS) party, which endorsed Nawrocki’s presidential run, 61.2% expressed confidence in his ability to manage ties with Kyiv. Meanwhile, only 34.8% of Third Way voters agreed, with sharp skepticism among centrist Civic Coalition (KO) supporters — 65.3% of whom anticipated poor relations under Nawrocki. A majority of Left voters (57.6%) echoed that concern, while Confederation supporters were more optimistic, with 47.5% expecting smooth relations.
Public opinion is also split over Nawrocki’s capability as Poland’s commander-in-chief. According to the poll, 44% of respondents said he would perform well in the role, compared with 36% who said he would not. Another 20% remained undecided.
Support again varied across the political spectrum. An overwhelming 86.9% of PiS voters and 81.3% of far-right Confederation supporters expressed confidence in his leadership of the armed forces. In contrast, just 16% of KO voters and 20.2% of those aligned with the Left shared that sentiment.
A narrow election win and polarized expectations
Karol Nawrocki narrowly won that presidential run-off on 2 June, with 50.89% of votes, defeating liberal Warsaw mayor Rafał Trzaskowski and is set to be sworn in on 6 August for a five-year term.
Despite supporting continued military assistance to Ukraine, Nawrocki’s opposition to Kyiv’s EU and NATO aspirations and his proposal to curb refugee aid have fueled doubts.
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Ukraine has acquired its first lightweight two-seater SHARK aircraft from Czech-Slovak firm SHARK.AERO, equipped with an electronic warfare system specifically tailored to counter drone threats like Shahed and Orlan. This aircraft should not be confused with the Ukrainian high-resolution reconnaissance drone Shark, developed by Ukrspecsystems.
This comes amid Russia’s daily explosive drone attacks on Ukrainian cities, with strikes often involving up to several hundred drones targeting residential areas. As air defenses grow increasingly strained and US anti-air supplies halted under the Trump administration, Ukraine is turning to every available means to counter the threat — from mobile fire teams with machine guns and interceptor drones to anti-air missiles. Despite these efforts, dozens of drones have recently breached defenses, damaging apartment buildings and injuring civilians.
Aircraft unveiled at Paris Air Show
According to Militarnyi, French aviation analyst Ate Chuet reported the delivery after meeting a SHARK.AERO representative during the 2025 Paris Air Show. The company spokesperson explained their design approach:
“We decided to create a SHARK focused on electronic warfare in Ukraine. We simply equipped it with an antenna for detecting and tracking drone threats. We can detect the electromagnetic profiles of different drones such as Shahed, Orlan, etc. Once detected, we can neutralize them with jammers mounted under the aircraft.”
The Shark’s electronic warfare (EW) suite consists of two components: one targets the GNSS positioning system, and the other jams the video and control links of drones. The jamming container is mounted under the aircraft’s fuselage, aligned with its center of mass. Operating at an altitude of 1800 meters, it can suppress enemy systems within a 4.5-kilometer radius.
Tactical capabilities against guided drones
While Shahed drones also use inertial navigation systems in addition to GNSS, such systems are primarily intended to compensate for deviations in small, jamming-affected zones. Since these systems accumulate error over time, extended jamming via airborne platforms like the Shark can significantly divert drones from their intended paths, even if it does not cause immediate failure.
The aircraft’s cruising range at 270 km/h is approximately 2,000 kilometers, and in fuel-saving mode, it can stay airborne for nearly 12 hours. The maximum speed is 300 km/h.
The Shark is also equipped with a parachute system capable of safely landing the entire aircraft in emergencies, which can be triggered by either the pilot or navigator. For high-altitude operations, it includes an oxygen generator, allowing it to fly up to 5,500 meters.
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Russia’s wartime economy—once portrayed by the Kremlin as resilient in the face of Western sanctions—is now faltering, Fortune reports. A key minister warned the country is “on the brink” of recession amid labor shortages, inflation nearing 10%, and a steep downturn in industrial output, all fueled by years of massive war spending following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Despite Western sanctions and geopolitical isolation triggered by its 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Russia has maintained a militarized economy—driven by surging energy revenues and expanded public and military expenditures. Since taking office in January, Trump has pushed for negotiations between Moscow and Kyiv in hopes of restoring business ties with Russia. However, with Moscow insisting on maximalist demands that amount to Ukrainian capitulation, and continuing strikes on civilians and infrastructure, Trump’s initiative has failed—and he now appears to recognize the flaws in his original approach.
At the St. Petersburg Economic Forum on 19 June, Russia’s economy minister Maksim Reshetnikov publicly acknowledged the looming crisis. “On the brink,” he warned, confirming warnings from analysts who had long predicted that Russia’s war-dependent economy would face structural collapse.
His remarks mark a rare admission from within the Russian government that the invasion of Ukraine and the militarization of the economy are causing more harm than officials had let on.
After launching its full-scale invasion in 2022, the Kremlin turned to what economists described as “military Keynesianism”—funneling massive funds into the defense sector to keep GDP growing. In 2021, Russia spent 3.6% of GDP on defense. By 2025, that figure had surged to 6.3%, exceeding the US share.
The strategy temporarily boosted wages and industrial production, with the defense sector reaching a value of $167 billion last year. But the short-term growth masked deeper problems—chief among them, a chronic labor shortage and vanishing productivity.
Analysts like Nicholas Fenton of the Center for Strategic and International Studies point to Russia’s severe workforce deficit. The problem worsened drastically due to war: hundreds of thousands of combat deaths, over one million people fleeing the country, and mass mobilizations have drained the labor force.
In 2022 alone, the number of workers aged 16 to 35 dropped by 1.33 million. This demographic collapse is the worst since at least 1996.
Economist Elina Ribakova of the Peterson Institute compared the situation to “a game of musical chairs,” where inflated wages make war seem materially appealing even as long-term consequences mount. “You want the music going,” she said, calling the situation “morbid.”
Real wages have increased in war-related sectors, but without any matching rise in productivity. That imbalance has triggered widespread inflation, which hit 9.52% last year—up from 7.42% in 2023.
The manufacturing sector—closely tied to defense—saw its steepest decline in nearly three years this spring. Industrial production rose just 0.2% year-on-year, the lowest in two years.
With prices surging, the central bank raised interest rates to 20% in June. Yet even with tight monetary policy, its growth forecast for 2025 remains between just 1% and 2%.
Oil revenues offer temporary relief
Russia’s dependence on oil and gas remains a core vulnerability. These exports account for roughly 20% of GDP, but falling global oil prices and reduced exports in early 2025 forced the Kremlin to revise its budget deficit.
Geopolitical shifts have briefly improved outlooks. The escalation between Israel and Iran has driven up oil prices, offering Russia short-term fiscal breathing room. But analysts say that won’t last.
Even with oil revenue fluctuations, Russia remains shut out of global capital. Sanctions persist, and the exodus of US and other Western companies continues to leave a void in investment and innovation.
Charles Kupchan, senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, said even with Donald Trump’s friendlier stance on Russia, any economic restoration would come at a political price.
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Ukrainian Defense Forces launched an assault toward Yunakivka in Sumy Oblast after liberating the village of Andriivka earlier in June, top Ukrainian general Oleksandr Syrskyi says, according to Militarnyi. Units reportedly advanced between 200 and 700 meters over a week, dislodging Russian troops from several positions.
Russian forces launched a fresh incursion into Sumy Oblast on 19 February 2025, crossing the international border from the north in an alleged effort to preempt a Ukrainian offensive in Russia’s Kursk and to establish a buffer zone west of Russian territory. The move aimed to force Ukraine to divert troops from Donetsk and reinforce Kursk, while positioning Russian forces close enough to threaten Sumy city with artillery and drones. However, ISW earlier noted that Russia had not enough troops to seize Sumy city. Over the four months, the Russians advanced only a few kilometers.
Claimed tactical gains along the northern frontline
According to Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine Oleksandr Syrskyi, Ukrainian troops initiated offensive operations near Yunakivka, a key logistics hub halway between Sumy city and the Russian border. He made the statement during a press event attended by a Miliatarnyi correspondent on 22 June. The assault reportedly builds on momentum after Andriivka was reclaimed in early June by the 225th Separate Assault Battalion, located about 5 kilometers from the Russian border.
Syrskyi emphasized that the Russian military’s reliance on small assault units lacking heavy equipment created a window for Ukraine’s counteroffensive. Despite the limited nature of the enemy’s firepower, Ukrainian forces have made measurable progress in pushing them back.
Ukrainian forces declared Andriivka liberated on 14 June. A day earlier, on 13 June, Deputy Head of Sumy District Council Volodymyr Bitsak said Russian attacks in the area had been halted, paving the way for a counterstrike. Soon after, the 225th Separate Assault Battalion published a photo of documents belonging to a killed Russian major, Andrey Yartsev. Born in 1974, Yartsev had commanded a battalion within Russia’s 30th Motor Rifle Regiment operating in the area.
Continued resistance and complex conditions on the ground
The Ukrainian frontline monitoring project DeepState reports that the situation remains tense. Their analysis highlights particularly challenging conditions on the Novomykolaivka–Varachyne–Yablunivka–Yunakivka axis, where Russian forces are attempting to consolidate control.
DeepState also pointed to Russian activity near the village of Loknia.
“Special attention should be paid to the Loknia area, where the enemy is trying to push east of the village and establish positions in the forest toward Sadky. If their infantry enters this area, it will be extremely difficult to drive them out,” analysts warned.,
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On 20 June, Freedom House called for democratic governments to prioritize the rights and dignity of civilians living under Russian occupation in Ukraine, particularly in Crimea, where repression, forced assimilation, and abuse continue to escalate.
This comes amid Russia’s major escalation of ground assaults and air attacks in Ukraine, while US President Donald Trump has pushed for Kyiv-Moscow peace talks for months, allegedly to end the ongoing Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Although Moscow’s wartime economy is under pressure from G7 sanctions, it continues to find ways to circumvent them, while Trump has delayed the imposition of new US sanctions against Russia.
Freedom House presented its first-ever Alfred Moses Liberty Award on 20 May to Crimean Tatar human rights defender Server Mustafayev. A cofounder of the Crimean Solidarity movement, Mustafayev supported victims of political persecution in Crimea after Russia’s 2014 occupation and annexation. Russian authorities imprisoned him in 2020 on terrorism charges widely considered fabricated. He is currently serving a 14-year sentence in Russia.
In a 2023 letter published by Freedom House, Mustafayev described the situation in occupied Crimea:
“The Russian Federation actively, without wasting time, destroyed all dissent, activism, journalism, and justice in Crimea. […] Dozens of people disappeared, hundreds were arrested, thousands were forcedly expelled from their native home (Crimea), homes they returned to after the genocide and deportation of 1944.”
Suppression of identity and indoctrination of children
The report highlights Russia’s ongoing campaign to forcibly Russify occupied territories. In Crimea, this includes cultural suppression and indoctrination of Ukrainian children through militarized camps. These practices, according to Freedom House, threaten to leave generational scars.
The 2025 Freedom in the World report gave Russian-occupied Ukrainian territories a score of −1 out of 100, indicating near-total denial of civil liberties and political rights.
Despite systemic persecution, many human rights defenders continue their work. Freedom House emphasized the importance of resistance efforts, even under extreme conditions where individuals risk arrest for small acts such as posting a Ukrainian song or wearing national colors.
People-centered diplomacy essential for peace
Freedom House argued that any peace deal must not merely focus on land but prioritize the people affected. It warned that recognizing Russian sovereignty over occupied Ukrainian territories would violate the core principle of international law that borders cannot be changed by force.
The group added that legitimizing occupation could send a message that “the democratic world had sided with the aggressor and abandoned them to their fate.”
Freedom House noted that Moscow has consistently undermined peace negotiations with escalating attacks and a lack of genuine engagement. The organization believes only strong military and diplomatic pressure, including enhanced sanctions, might force Russia into serious negotiations.
Calls for global action and support
To support those under occupation, Freedom House proposed several measures:
Nonrecognition of Russia’s claim to Ukrainian territories, akin to the West’s stance during the Soviet occupation of the Baltics.
Support for activists, including sanctions on Russian officials and direct aid via Ukrainian partners.
Aid for families of political prisoners, who face severe financial and legal burdens.
Amplification of Ukrainian advocacy by international NGOs and governments.
Documentation of abuses, including torture, disappearances, and destruction of cultural heritage.
Cultural preservation, particularly of Crimean Tatar language and history, through education and partnerships.
“However the war or peace negotiations unfold,” Freedom House stressed the importance of upholding sovereignty, rule of law, and human rights.
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On 18 June, the Argentine government publicly accused five Russian nationals residing in the country of being involved in a covert influence operation directed by Moscow. Officials claim the group was part of a broader strategy orchestrated by the Kremlin to sway public opinion abroad, La Nación reported.
Russia is running coordinated propaganda and influence operations across the Global South to undermine support for Ukraine and shift global narratives in its favor. These efforts include spreading anti-Western disinformation, promoting pro-Russian talking points through local media, influencers, and diplomatic channels, aiming to portray Russia as a victim of Western aggression and Ukraine as a Western puppet.
Suspicious activities traced to Russian citizens linked to Moscow
Argentina’s Presidential spokesperson Manuel Adorni announced that the Secretariat of State Intelligence (SIDE) had uncovered a group of Russian citizens living in Argentina suspected of conducting activities in support of Russia’s geopolitical interests. He stated that their work involved close coordination with Argentine collaborators.
According to the report, these individuals belonged to an entity known as La Compañía, which he described as connected to the Russian government. He associated this group with Lakhta – the infamous Russian “troll factory,” a previously known operation reportedly led by the late oligarch Yevgeny Prigozhin, who died in August 2023 after his failed mutiny against the Russian government.
Disinformation campaigns targeting Argentine public discourse
Adorni elaborated that the goal of La Compañía was to “form a group of people loyal to Russian interests” to implement disinformation and influence operations aimed at the Argentine state. The activities included producing and spreading online content, influencing local NGOs, conducting focus groups with Argentine citizens, and collecting political information deemed useful to Russia.
He named Lev Konstantinovich (Konstantinovich is a patronymic and hardly ever a last name. Other sources mention his surname as Andriashvili. – Ed.), a Russian citizen living in Argentina, as the individual in charge of financing the project and fostering ties with local collaborators. His wife, Irina Iakovenko, was also mentioned as part of the network.
Adorni did not clarify whether the identified individuals had been arrested or remained in Argentina at the time of the announcement.
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A dramatic UN vote back on 24 February exposed a widening rift between the United States and Europe over Russia’s war in Ukraine, with US President Donald Trump aligning with Moscow and leaving key allies blindsided, according to Le Monde columnist Sylvie Kauffmann.
A decade of hesitation: From Crimea to full-scale war
According to the Le Monde article, the fracture did not begin with Trump. In 2014, during Russia’s seizure of Crimea, then-President Barack Obama reportedly sent a message to Kyiv discouraging resistance, offering no military support. Ukrainian soldiers surrendered without a fight. In 2023, Obama defended his actions, arguing that Crimea’s Russian-speaking majority made a different response impractical.
In 2022, President Joe Biden attempted to prevent a full-scale invasion, sending warnings to both European allies and Ukraine. Vice President Kamala Harris privately warned Zelenskyy at the Munich Security Conference on 19 February. According to Bob Woodward’s 2024 book War, Zelenskyy responded with frustration: “If I acknowledge it… will you impose sanctions?” Harris said punishment would come only after the crime.
With Trump back in office in January 2025, the United States took a starkly different stance. On 21 February, US chargé d’affaires Dorothy Shea informed French and British ambassadors that the US was asking Ukraine to withdraw its draft UN resolution condemning Russian aggression. Instead, the US proposed its own resolution focused on “peace rather than war.” Shea confirmed that this had been discussed with Russia in advance.
The reaction from European diplomats was one of betrayal. In crisis talks, they rallied to defend Ukraine’s draft and split responsibilities: Britain would lead at the Security Council, France at the General Assembly. The French introduced amendments emphasizing territorial integrity—rejected by the US—but Ukraine’s version passed, while the US abstained on its own resolution.
At the Security Council, the US voted alongside Russia and China. The five European members abstained.
Zelenskyy ambushed in Washington
On 28 February, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy faced a confrontational meeting with Trump and Vice President JD Vance. According to European sources cited by Le Monde, the exchange was heated, with Trump accusing Ukraine of starting the war and calling Zelenskyy a dictator. Days earlier, Macron and Starmer had met Trump with the aim of calming tensions.
Biden’s regrets and limits
Despite his support for military aid to Ukraine post-2022, Biden was reportedly frustrated with the Obama administration’s failures. “They f**cked up in 2014,” he told a friend, as cited in Woodward’s book. Yet even Biden was constrained.
According to an official cited by Le Monde, Biden’s fear of nuclear escalation led advisors to avoid presenting options that might provoke Russia. This hesitation disheartened Ukrainian officials and alienated committed Europeans.
Le Monde says that the 24 February 2025 UN vote “sealed the divorce” of the US and Europe. From Obama’s caution, to Biden’s hesitations, to Trump’s overt realignment with Russia, Ukraine has been left to Europe. The US no longer sees Ukraine as vital, while Europe faces an existential threat. A new era in Western diplomacy has begun—and it may be one without America.
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Russian President Vladimir Putin continues to pursue a long-term strategy of grinding attritional warfare in Ukraine, according to a 19 June assessment by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW). Speaking at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF), Putin reiterated claims of Russian advances along the entire frontline and warned of worsening terms if Ukraine rejects Russian “peace” proposals. “The West has failed to convince Russian President Vladimir Putin to reevaluate his theory of victory in Ukraine in the past year,” ISW says.
This comes amid Russia’s major escalation of ground assaults and air attacks in Ukraine, while US President Donald Trump has pushed for Kyiv-Moscow peace talks for months, allegedly to end the ongoing Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Although Moscow’s wartime economy is under pressure from G7 sanctions, it continues to find ways to circumvent them, while Trump has delayed the imposition of new US sanctions against Russia.
During a session with foreign journalists at SPIEF on 19 June, Putin stated that Russian troops have a “strategic advantage” and are “still advancing” daily, even if progress is slower on some days. He contrasted the current situation with the March 2022 Istanbul peace talks, arguing that Russia’s demands have since grown stronger. Putin warned that Ukraine’s refusal to negotiate on Russia’s terms could lead to more severe consequences.
He claimed that Russia remains prepared to achieve its objectives through military force if diplomacy fails.
These goals, ISW notes, include regime change in Ukraine, the installation of a pro-Kremlin government, the demilitarization of Ukraine, enforced neutrality, and NATO’s retreat from its open-door policy.
ISW highlights strategic assumptions and risks
ISW assessed that Putin’s strategy hinges on the belief that Ukrainian forces will fail to regain lost ground and that Russian manpower and materiel advantages will outlast Ukraine’s resources and Western support. However, ISW notes that Russia is incurring disproportionately high losses for marginal gains, calling such a strategy unsustainable in the medium to long term.
Economic challenges and defense industry limitations are likely to impede Moscow’s ability to continue the war indefinitely. While higher oil revenues from rising prices — partly due to Israeli strikes against Iran — may help fund the war, this benefit is conditional on global oil trends and potential sanctions.
Putin adapts reflexive control campaign
ISW observed that Putin used the SPIEF platform to escalate Russia’s reflexive control campaign aimed at deterring Western military aid and NATO rearmament. He argued that NATO poses no real threat to Russia and claimed that Russia is capable of managing all potential dangers. Nevertheless, he warned that Germany’s potential delivery of Taurus missiles to Ukraine would damage bilateral ties — a marked shift from earlier Kremlin assertions that Western weapons would have no battlefield impact.
Putin also claimed that the idea of Russia planning to attack NATO were “nonsense,” despite recent Russian threats targeting the Baltic States and Finland.
Threats to supply adversaries and shift narrative
At SPIEF, Putin warned that Russia might begin supplying long-range weapons to unspecified Western enemies if Ukraine uses Western-supplied arms to strike Russian territory — a direct threat not present in his latest 2025 comments but previously made in June 2024. ISW notes that this reflects the Kremlin’s evolving messaging, adapted for different audiences.
Putin again attacks Zelenskyy’s legitimacy
Putin declared on 19 June that he would not sign any peace agreement with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, repeating the false claim that Zelenskyy’s term has expired without legal basis for extension. He stated that Russia will only sign agreements with “legitimate” authorities, and further alleged that if the president is illegitimate, then so is the entire Ukrainian government. These claims contradict Ukrainian law, which allows for martial law to delay elections while national security is threatened.
Kremlin doubles down on old narratives
According to ISW, Putin used his appearance with Western journalists to recycle standard Kremlin narratives — including blaming the West for starting the war and violating the Minsk agreements. Kremlin spokesman Peskov said on 18 June that Putin sought to “accurately” present Russia’s viewpoint to international audiences. ISW assessed that this outreach aims to influence ongoing Western debates on future military aid to Ukraine.
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Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that Russia’s alignment with Iran, including its public defense of Tehran’s government and nuclear ambitions, highlights the urgent need for tougher global sanctions against Moscow.
Russia’s all-out war in Ukraine is now in its fourth year. This year, Moscow signed a strategic partnership with Tehran, condemned Israeli strikes on Iran, and positioned itself as a mediator in the Iran-Israel conflict. Meanwhile, US President Donald Trump hesitates to greenlight Senate-drafted sanctions on Russia. He keeps pushing for a Russia-Ukraine peace deal, while Moscow rejects ceasefire calls and steps up its attacks.
Zelenskyy links Russia-Iran ties to global inaction
In his evening video address on 19 June, Zelenskyy described the aftermath of a recent Russian deadly missile strike that destroyed a residential apartment block’s section in Kyiv.
“The missile went through every floor, all the way down to the basement,” he said, adding that 23 civilians were killed and rescue operations lasted nearly 40 hours.
In total, Russia’s 17 June air attack, referred to by Zelenskyy, killed 30 people died and injured 172 across Ukraine.
“Deliberate terror”
Zelenskyy emphasized that the strike had no military objective and called it “deliberate terror.” He linked this kind of violence to previous Russia’s aggression in places like Chechnya and Syria.
“The same thing Russia’s army under Putin has done everywhere, from Chechnya to Syria. This is the only thing Putin and his Russia truly know how to do well – kill and destroy,” he said.
The Ukrainian President denounced not just the attack, but what he described as Moscow’s growing alignment with aggressive regimes like Iran and North Korea.
Russia’s alliances with Iran and North Korea draw fire
Zelenskyy accused Moscow of trying to “save Iran’s nuclear program,” claiming there could be “no other possible explanation” for recent Russian actions and statements. He argued that when one of Russia’s partners loses the ability to “export war,” Moscow suffers and intervenes. He condemned this behavior as “cynicism at its worst” and warned that “aggressive regimes must not be allowed to unite and become partners.”
He cited the use of Iranian-designed Shahed drones and North Korean missiles as evidence of Russia’s reliance on authoritarian allies.
“It is a clear sign that global solidarity and global pressure are not strong enough,” Zelenskyy said.
Call for stronger international response
The Ukrainian leader called for significantly tougher sanctions on Moscow and increased cooperation, particularly in technology, among countries “defending life.”
He referred to recent agreements at the G7 summit in Canada and upcoming discussions within the “Coalition of the Willing” as avenues to deepen such collaboration.
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A Ukrainian family who fled to Israel seeking life-saving treatment for a child with cancer were killed when an Iranian missile struck their apartment in Bat Yam, a city near Tel-Aviv, on 13 June. The victims included 7-year-old Nastia Buryk, her mother, grandmother, and two cousins.
The Iranian attack followed Israel’s preemptive strikes on 12 June, which targeted Iran’s nuclear program. In response, Iran launched daily missile and drone strikes on Israel beginning 13 June, leading to multiple civilian casualties.
Medical escape from Ukraine ends in tragedy
Nastia Buryk, originally from Odesa, was diagnosed with acute lymphoblastic leukemia in August 2022, shortly after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Her mother, Maria Pashkurova, had shared the heartbreaking news publicly:
“Since that day, I have been living in a parallel reality, where the main thing is to save. To breathe. To not give up.”
Nastia initially received chemotherapy in Ukraine, but after a relapse, her family sought more advanced care. They relocated to Israel in December 2022 with the help of donations, hoping to access treatment unavailable during wartime in Ukraine. Nastia underwent a bone marrow transplant in Israel, but the procedure failed. Facing mounting medical bills, her father Artem—who joined Ukraine’s 95th Airborne Assault Brigade—continued raising funds from the frontline.
By spring 2025, Maria pursued an experimental treatment in Israel to reactivate the failed transplant. Her mother Olena and two nephews—9-year-old Kostiantyn and 13-year-old Illia—joined her in Israel, where the boys enrolled in school.
On 13 June, just a day after Israel launched Operation Rising Lion, targeting Iran’s nuclear and missile infrastructure, Iran began daily retaliatory strikes. One of its missiles struck the family’s apartment in Bat Yam on the first night of the Iranian assault. According to Ynet News, all five members of the Ukrainian family were killed.
In addition to the Ukrainian family, four other people reportedly died in the Bat Yam missile strike, and more than 100 people were injured in the blast.
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Andrii Yermak, head of Ukraine’s presidential office and one of the country’s most powerful officials, is drawing bipartisan frustration in Washington, further straining Ukraine’s diplomatic standing with its most crucial ally as the war with Russia rages on, according to Politico.
The diplomatic turbulence comes as US President Donald Trump applies pressure on Ukraine to enter talks with Russia, allegedly to end the ongoing Russian invasion. In March, he temporarily cut off military and intelligence support after a confrontation with Zelenskyy. Even under the former US president, Joe Biden, the relationship with Kyiv was rocky at times, with Biden himself once reportedly expressing frustration at Ukraine’s relentless demands for aid.
Yermak’s strained relations with Washington insiders
Politico reports that senior Trump administration officials and even former Biden administration figures have grown weary of Yermak’s conduct. The Ukrainian presidential aide, who frequently visits Washington as an intermediary for President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, has reportedly irritated both Republicans and Democrats with his abrasive tone, lack of knowledge about US politics, and what some perceive as an unclear diplomatic agenda.
Fourteen sources — including congressional aides, former US and Ukrainian officials — told Politico of Yermak’s increasingly problematic image in Washington. One person labeled him a “bipartisan irritator.” Others expressed concern that he might not be accurately relaying US positions back to Kyiv, further undermining the already fragile diplomatic rapport.
Yermak’s early June 2025 visit to Washington, according to five people familiar with it, was marked by scheduling issues and canceled meetings. The Trump administration appeared particularly unwilling to engage. Secretary of State Marco Rubio canceled a scheduled meeting, although the two reportedly crossed paths at the White House. Trump’s Chief of Staff Susie Wiles is said to have kept Yermak waiting before ultimately canceling their session. Vice President JD Vance’s office did not respond to a meeting request.
A White House official contradicted claims made by Yermak’s spokesperson, who said the meetings with Rubio and Wiles did take place. The official confirmed that Wiles had not met with Yermak.
Despite a closed-door Senate briefing and meetings with General Keith Kellogg and Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau, Yermak left Washington “extremely frustrated,” one source told Politico. Another described the visit as “a disaster from the Ukrainian perspective.”
Sources say Yermak, a former movie producer, continues to struggle with Washington’s political mechanics nearly six years after assuming his role. According to one source, he mistakenly believed that Ukraine’s critical minerals agreement could win it security guarantees from Trump — a notion dismissed as “ludicrous.”
In private conversations, Yermak has reportedly accused senior Trump officials, including the Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff, of being Russian assets — further worsening already tense relations.
Mixed reception in past US administrations
Even during the Biden presidency, frustrations with Yermak existed, Politico says. Although the administration made efforts to work closely with him, former Secretary of State Antony Blinken and ex-US Ambassador to Ukraine Bridget Brink reportedly requested that Yermak not be present in some meetings with Zelenskyy — requests that Zelenskyy rejected, according to a former Ukrainian security official and a former minister.
One source told Politico that Yermak’s continued involvement could encourage Republican voices pushing to cut off US aid to Ukraine.
Currently, only the military aid previously approved by the Biden administration is still being delivered to Ukraine, while President Trump has not authorized any new assistance and has avoided responding to Ukraine’s requests to purchase US weapons.
“All the people here who want to withdraw and abandon Ukraine are thrilled to have Yermak around,” the source said.
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