Commemorating the 1 June raid that destroyed or damaged 41 Russian strategic bombers now signals Ukraine’s growing confidence in deep-strike capabilities that fundamentally shift the strategic balance.

By turning military success into cultural artifacts, Ukraine demonstrates that Russia’s most threatening weapons — aircraft designed to deliver nuclear-capable missiles — are no longer untouchable.

The operation showcased Ukraine’s ability to coordinate precision strikes across vast distances using relatively cheap technology. Using 117 AI-trained FPV drones hidden in truck-mounted containers, Ukraine’s Security Service struck four airbases spanning three time zones: Olenya near the Arctic Circle, Ivanovo northeast of Moscow, Dyagilevo southeast of the capital, and Belaya in Siberia.

The destroyed Tu-95 and Tu-160 bombers, along with A-50 early warning planes, represented roughly one-third of Russia’s strategic bomber fleet — the very aircraft Moscow uses to threaten Ukrainian cities and NATO territory with cruise missiles. Russia invested decades and enormous resources building these strategic assets, only to watch them burn on their airbases.

Since 2022, Ukrainian postal issues have evolved from cultural resistance symbols to strategic communication tools. The famous “Russian warship” stamp and Kerch Bridge commemoratives told stories of defiance. The Spiderweb stamps tell a different story: Ukraine’s growing ability to strike deep into Russian territory.

The stamp set, priced at 150 UAH ($3.62) with first-day covers at 15 UAH ($0.36), will travel worldwide — carrying the message that Ukraine can reach targets Moscow thought safe. Each envelope becomes a reminder that Russia’s threat projection capabilities are shrinking.

The operation demonstrates that Ukraine has developed indigenous capabilities — truck-based mobile launch platforms, AI-guided swarm coordination, and continental-range strike abilities — that complement Western-supplied weapons. For Russia, the raid exposed that geography provides less protection than Moscow assumed.

The postal commemoration ensures this tactical victory becomes part of Ukraine’s strategic narrative — proof that innovation and determination can neutralize even the most expensive instruments of intimidation.

How serious is Russia about peace? While Donald Trump works to arrange a summit between Putin and Zelenskyy to push for a peace agreement, Russian forces launched another wave of attacks against Ukrainian civilians early 20 August morning.

Russian forces fired two Iskander-M ballistic missiles and Iranian-designed 93 Shahed drones across Ukraine, according to Ukrainian Air Force. Ukrainian air defense intercepted one missile and 62 drones, but strikes still hit 20 locations nationwide.

Energy infrastructure targeted in Odesa Oblast

Izmayil, a port city in southern Odesa Oblast, took direct strikes that damaged fuel and energy infrastructure, according to the Odesa Regional Prosecutor’s Office and State Emergency Service.

One person was injured and hospitalized, officials reported. The strikes sparked a massive fire that required 54 rescuers and 16 specialized vehicles to contain. Ukrainian Railways deployed a fire train, while National Guard fire units and local brigades joined the response.

The Izmayil District Prosecutor’s Office opened a war crimes investigation, while prosecutors and police are documenting damage at the scene.

14 civilians injured in Sumy border Oblast

The northern city of Okhtyrka in northeastern Sumy Oblast faced a massive attack that injured 14 people, including three children. Multiple locations were struck simultaneously across the city.

The youngest victim is not even a year old yet. The boy has an acute stress reaction, but there is no threat to his life.

Emergency workers pulled a woman from rubble and transferred her to ambulance crews, according to regional authorities. The strikes damaged an apartment building, 13 private homes, an outbuilding, and a garage. Several cars were destroyed, and fires broke out across impact sites.

Rescue teams extinguished all fires, the State Emergency Service reported. The scale of damage suggests coordinated targeting of residential areas rather than military infrastructure.

Exclusive

Russia’s cozy nuke-proof command vehicle is back in action. Russian industry only produced four or five Ladoga nuclear reconnaissance vehicles. Two wound up in Ukraine.

From ambush to alliance: Zelenskyy-Trump summit hints at revival of “peace through strength. Something fundamental shifted when the man who promised to end Ukraine’s war in 24 hours discovered Putin won’t negotiate in good faith.

Trump–Zelenskyy summit: smiles in Washington, no ceasefire, $ 100bn bill. This Oval Office meeting went better than the last—but the war continues and enforcement remains unclear.

Ukrainian soldier first fought against Russia and then against Ukraine – his story reveals forced conscription in occupation. Ukrainian defenders captured their fellow Ukrainian fighting in Russian uniform who shared that the occupying authorities had threatened him with up to 12 years in prison for allegedly fabricated charges if he did not join killing of his own people on the front lines.

Ukraine builds an army where robots die so soldiers don’t have to. A New York tech CEO is finding the answer to Russia’s three-to-one manpower advantage.

NATO banned weapons to this Ukrainian unit. Now they study its tactics.. Azov went from pariah to the territorial defense case study.

Zelenskyy demands “everything” for security while Trump hints at vague Article 5-like protection. Ukraine wants weapons, troops, and intelligence support. Trump says he will discuss the guarantees with NATO allies later today.

Military

Intelligence and technology

International

Humanitarian and social impact

New developments

Read our earlier daily review here.

In the late 1970s, Soviet officials tapped the Kirovsky Design Bureau in Saint Petersburg to develop a reconnaissance and command vehicle for nuclear warfare: a sealed, self-contained and thickly-armored turret-less tank with remote cameras and its own oxygen supply.

The Ladoga recon and command vehicle wasn’t just nuke-proof. It was also weirdly cozy.

Kirovsky produced just a handful of the tracked vehicles—maybe four or five. One spent some time in the irradiated zone around the nuclear power plant in Chernobyl, in northern Ukraine, following the plant’s catastrophic meltdown in 1986. Aside from another that ended up in a museum, the Ladogas then simply disappeared.

Until March 2024, that is—when a Ukrainian drone spotted, and struck, what appeared to be a Ladoga rolling toward Ukrainian lines near the Kreminna Forest in eastern Ukraine. Seventeen months later, another—or the same—Ladoga appeared at a repair yard somewhere in the Russian occupation zone.

It’s possible half the Ladogas Kirovsky produced—and the majority that aren’t on display or badly irradiated—have made their way to Ukraine.

It’s no secret why. The Kremlin is struggling to generate enough combat vehicles—either through new production or by fetching older vehicles from long-term storage—to make good the loss of new fewer than 22,500 vehicles and other heavy equipment along the 1,100-km front line of Russia’s 42-month wider war on Ukraine.

The “de-mechanization” of what was once arguably the world’s leading mechanized military helps to explain why some very strange vehicles have showed up along the front line. Armored vehicles are much less important in Russian doctrine as front-line regiments have shifted to harder-to-detect infantry and motorcycle assaults.

Rare vehicle of the day? Ladoga gets hit by fpv drone. Once a transport vehicle for VIPs, now a target of FPVs.https://t.co/ZAHs1kJ2M5 pic.twitter.com/MmmKwXlJPA

— Andrew Perpetua (@AndrewPerpetua) March 26, 2024

Vehicular oddities

The de-mechanization of the Russian military doesn’t mean Russia is losing wider war on Ukraine. It does mean the Russian military may struggle to exploit its battlefield victories against manpower-starved Ukrainian brigades. Russian infantry might find gaps in Ukrainian defenses. But there are precious few Russian armored vehicles on hand to rush through the gaps—and drive deep behind Ukrainian lines.

At the same time, unarmored Russian attacks are vulnerable to armored Ukrainian counterattacks. It’s telling that, after a brigade of Russian infantry marched through empty Ukrainian trenches northeast of Pokrovsk in eastern Ukraine a few weeks ago, the infiltrators clung to their 15-km salient only as long as it took a powerful Ukrainian force to mobilize its tanks and other heavy forces for a devastating counterattack.

To whatever extent Russian troops still ride under armor, they increasingly ride in vehicular oddities that, pre-war, resided in museums—or were totally unimaginable. The Ladoga may belong to both categories. It combines the armored hull of a T-80 tank with a 1,250-horespower gas-turbine engine and a voluminous crew compartment seating four or so people in padded armchairs.

The Ladoga has a mast-mounted television camera and a full suite of radios that would have allowed the vehicle to work in a doomsday command role. Imagine Soviet leaders speeding to safety inside a Ladoga, directing their own nuclear forces as NATO’s own nukes rain down.

Now imagine some Russian colonel commanding his battalion from a Ladoga’s cozy interior during an attack on Ukrainian forces around Kreminna or Pokrovsk. Or, equally likely, Russian infantry using the Ladoga as an improvised assault vehicle.

The tiny force of Ladogas got a workout around Chernobyl but never performed its primary role in an atomic apocalypse. Surely no one at Kirovsky imagined an aged Ladoga or two would eventually find a way to the front line of a non-nuclear war in 2024 and 2025.

But then, it’s hard to imagine the engineers in Saint Petersburg 50 years ago could anticipate Russia losing 22,500 armored vehicles in just three and a half years in a war with, of all countries, Ukraine.

The change of atmosphere in the Oval Office could not have been starker. In February, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy walked into what looked like an ambush, facing a hostile President Trump and Vice President Vance. On 18 August, the same office hosted a cordial and businesslike discussion between leaders coming to a common understanding of how to deal with Vladimir Putin’s aggression.

After months of education about Putin’s methods and Trump’s negotiating style—including Trump’s Alaska meeting with Putin that failed to produce the easy peace he had promised—all parties are adopting a more realistic approach away from wishful thinking toward the kind of concerted pressure that may eventually lead to ending Europe’s deadliest war since World War II.

Ukraine’s strategic evolution

The Ukrainian side clearly learned its lessons from the previous hostile encounter. President Zelenskyy expressed gratitude, emphasized that US aid didn’t come as gifts, and avoided contradicting Trump or presenting graphic war imagery that derailed the last meeting.

Instead, he arrived with maps, battlefield assessments, and specific ideas.

His message was clear: although Russia controls about 20% of Ukrainian territory, subtract areas seized in 2014-2015 during Ukraine’s weakness, and Russian gains over three and a half years of full-scale war have been remarkably limited.

Dropping NATO for Article 5-level guarantees

Ukraine made a crucial adjustment by dropping its insistence on NATO membership as the only acceptable security arrangement. This removes a major irritant for Trump and strips Russia of its stated pretext for aggression while opening space for alternative frameworks that could prove equally effective.

The proposed Article 5-level security guarantees from a coalition of 30 countries including NATO and non-NATO members such as Japan, New Zealand and Australia represent serious deterrence and deflate Russian narratives completely.

Ukraine also proved it can make deals. The recent minerals agreement with the United States demonstrated Ukrainian reliability and skill as a negotiating partner. This credibility played an important role in securing a respectful conversation in Washington rather than another steamroller attempt.

Trump’s harder-edged realism

President Trump’s evolution has been equally significant.

Trump expressed irritation with Putin’s duplicity, refused to discuss business opportunities before the war stops, and ordered two US nuclear submarines to “be positioned in the appropriate regions” in response to Russia’s nuclear saber-rattling.

Learning Putin interprets compromise as weakness

Trump appears to have learned what Ukraine discovered long ago: Putin interprets willingness to compromise as weakness. While Trump continues making public overtures toward Putin as part of his deal-making philosophy, his actions tell a different story:

• Weapons deliveries to Ukraine continue, although they’re now being paid for;
• Sanctions remain in place;
• The US participates in the Coalition of the Willing;
• There has been no condemnation of Ukrainian strikes on Russian energy and transport infrastructure that have caused fuel shortages and economic disruption.

This looks like a return to “peace through strength,” though there’s an obstacle to applying it fully. NATO countries have acknowledged they’re not ready for confrontation with Russia and are working to build up their strength in what resembles an exercise of saying “nice doggy” while looking for a stick.

Putin’s shrinking options

Putin finds himself in an increasingly difficult position. Having claimed NATO expansion was Russia’s primary concern, he now faces a situation where Trump has categorically ruled out Ukrainian NATO membership.

If Putin continues rejecting peace talks under these conditions, he loses his victim narrative and reveals himself clearly as the aggressor—exactly what Russia has tried to avoid.

Putin’s manipulation tactics, while still present, appear to be losing effectiveness. His transparent attempts to flatter Trump over the 2020 election and the humiliation of President Biden, plus the Trump portrait given as a gift, represent obvious flattery that seems to be increasingly losing grip.

More significantly, Putin’s refusal to accept Trump’s generous initial concessions demonstrated to the American president that the Russian leader may not really mean what he says.

Economic pressure mounting

Russia’s economy is heading toward recession and stagflation. Russia faces slowing production, high inflation, and high interest rates. While Moscow has managed to escape the Afghanistan effect on its society by recruiting contract soldiers from poorer regions rather than sending young conscripts to the frontline, this strategy has limitations.

Ukrainian long-range strikes disrupting Russian economic activity, plus western sanctions limit Russia’s ability to sustain the strategy for long.

European unity and coalition building

Europe is showing signs of waking up to the new security environment. Despite divisions within the European Union, particularly from countries like Hungary, a core coalition remains committed to maintaining sanctions pressure on Moscow while supporting Ukrainian security, as demonstrated in the 18 August White House meeting.

The European Commission has developed strategic documents to enhance Europe’s defense readiness and devised financial instruments to help build and modernize the European defense industrial base. Ukraine is increasingly involved as Europe’s partner.

Coalition of the Willing structure

Like traditional NATO Article 5 protections, the Coalition of the Willing comprised mostly of Europeans will commit to defending Ukraine according to their capabilities, as President Zelenskyy explained.

Some will provide military contingents, some will give financial support, others could secure Ukraine’s coastline, and still others might handle air defense. This arrangement represents a big step forward from other security arrangements Ukraine has been offered—the 1994 Budapest memorandum or the Ukraine Compact adopted at the NATO Vilnius summit.

The territorial challenge

The territorial question remains the most difficult issue, particularly regarding Crimea and Donbas. Ukraine will never formally recognize Russian sovereignty over the peninsula, but there appears to be growing acceptance that military reconquest is currently impossible.

Russian control of Crimea creates ongoing security threats extending far beyond Ukraine’s borders. Crimea serves as a southern bridgehead that Russia already used to launch its 2022 attack against Ukraine. Continued Russian presence there ensures this threat remains active.

Ukrainian shipping lanes through the Black Sea will remain vulnerable to Russian interdiction from Crimean bases.

Most critically for Western interests, Russian military positions in Crimea place Moscow significantly closer to European NATO members, creating security challenges for the entire alliance.

Ukraine’s European partners have been explicit about their red lines regarding territorial concessions achieved through force. The principle at stake—that borders cannot be redrawn through military aggression—represents a cornerstone of the international order that extends far beyond Ukraine’s specific situation.

The path forward

Recent developments suggest that substantive negotiations between Russia and Ukraine could take place. Putin’s agreement to meet Zelenskyy personally before trilateral talks with the US president, Trump’s willingness to participate in security guarantee discussions, and the emergence of a credible international coalition all point toward more serious diplomacy than we’ve seen since the war began.

But this progress remains fragile. Putin’s track record on agreements is poor, and his refusal to agree to a ceasefire indicates he still favors continued conflict.

Requirements for sustainable progress

The path forward requires sustaining economic and military pressure on Russia while building the strength necessary to enforce any eventual agreement. Sanctions should remain until concrete progress occurs, weapons deliveries to Ukraine must continue, and the coalition of willing nations must finalize security arrangements that will credibly deter future Russian aggression.

After eleven years of war, the possibility of a negotiated settlement finally appears somewhat realistic. Nobody in Ukraine is rosy-eyed about Russian intentions and Putin’s ability to continue inflicting lots of pain.

The stakes extend beyond Ukraine to the future of European and possibly even global security. Failure will invite further challenges from Russia and other authoritarian powers watching closely. Ukraine and its allies and partners must not fail.

When images of Ukraine’s new Flamingo cruise missile appeared, experts quickly pointed out the resemblance to another system.

The War Zone (TWZ) described Flamingo as “extremely similar, if not identical” to the FP-5 made by UAE-based Milanion. Its specifications — 3,000 km range, 950 km/h top speed, a one-ton warhead, and rail-trailer launchers — align almost exactly with Milanion’s brochure. Still, TWZ cautioned that “the exact relationship… is unknown,” leaving room for Ukrainian modifications.

Ukraine’s arsenal has long been defined by shortage. Western aid remains vital but insufficient, while domestic production struggles to match demand. Out of this gap came drones—not as a choice but as a necessity—allowing Kyiv to strike deep despite limited means. The Flamingo now represents a step beyond improvisation toward true strategic weapons.

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A “behemoth” by design

Like the FP-5, Flamingo is no small weapon. Defense Express called it a “behemoth” with a six-meter wingspan and six-ton takeoff weight. Its simple, straight wings make it cheaper to produce but easier to detect.

“The larger the missile, the more noticeable it becomes,” they noted, though they stressed the lack of stealth is “not a critical one.” Ukraine has already used large, non-stealthy Tu-141 drones to strike deep into Russia, proving size is not an automatic disqualifier.

TWZ, however, added a sharper caveat: with “what looks like zero attempts at signature control, the Flamingo is far from immune to interception.” Yet this vulnerability is also part of its logic — a missile that blurs the line with drones, built for mass production and salvos rather than invisibility.

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Fire Point’s bold comparison

Manufacturer Fire Point has gone further than analysts, telling Ukrinform and Kyiv Post that Flamingo is “better than the US Tomahawk.”

“Tomahawks… are outdated. They have absolutely everything worse than today’s Flamingos,” a company representative claimed, adding that Tomahawks are also “five times more expensive.”

On paper, Flamingo outranges most Tomahawk versions, carries more than double the payload, and flies slightly faster. Where Tomahawk still holds an edge is in its proven TERCOM guidance system, which allows it to resist GPS jamming — a crucial factor in Ukraine’s electronic warfare environment.

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Brief historical parallels

The Flamingo is not the first missile of its kind. Its reliance on ground-rail launchers recalls Germany’s V-1 flying bomb of World War II, while its bulk and range echo the US MGM-13 Mace fielded in Europe during the 1950s. More recently, it sits in the same strategic category as Russia’s Kalibr, which has been used extensively against Ukrainian cities.

Each of these weapons marked a shift in reach and destructive power. Flamingo may be Ukraine’s turn at the same playbook.

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Political shock potential

The Telegraph framed Flamingo as more than a technical feat. Vladimir Putin’s political stability, it argued, rests on shielding Moscow and St. Petersburg from devastation.

“The Flamingo could potentially… visit the same sort of destruction on Putin’s core cities as Russian weapons have on those of Ukraine,” wrote Lewis Page. But he cautioned that Flamingo is “essentially just a faster drone” and would need to be deployed in large salvos with decoys to get through Russia’s formidable defenses.

On the eve of Trump–Zelenskyy talks, Ukraine unveiled footage of its new Flamingo missile — 3,000 km range, 1,150 kg warhead, now in mass production and used against targets in Russia.

Defense Minister Shmyhal: “This is very powerful, long-range weaponry — and it’s here.”… pic.twitter.com/N0f8YMgzVB

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 18, 2025

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A symbol of independence

Whether Flamingo changes the battlefield will depend on production scale and its ability to survive modern air defenses. What is certain is that Ukraine now has a weapon that embodies strategic independence: a domestically produced missile, resembling Milanion’s FP-5, but aimed at taking the war much deeper into Russia than ever before.

Chinese refineries have boosted their purchases of flagship Russian crude, taking advantage of discounted cargoes that India refused, while Washington is stepping up trade tariffs against New Delhi, Bloomberg reports. 

India is one of Russia’s main economic partners, after China. Moscow continues to profit from oil supplies to India, accounting for nearly 35% of the country’s imports. Moscow’s energy exports remain its leading source of revenues, which it uses to fund its war against Ukraine.

According to Kpler, in August, Urals crude shipments from the Baltic and Black Sea ports to China averaged nearly 75,000 barrels per day. This is almost twice the year-to-date average of 40,000 barrels per day. At the same time, exports to India fell to 400,000 barrels per day from an average of 1.18 million barrels per day.

Analysts note that Chinese refineries are currently in a favorable position to continue buying Russian oil, unlike their Indian counterparts.

China buying Urals for storage

Data from Kpler and Energy Aspects suggest Chinese refineries have likely purchased 10–15 shipments of Urals for delivery in October–November.

Experts predict that Chinese buyers could acquire more cargoes in the coming days if prices remain attractive.

At present, at least two Urals tankers are idling off the Chinese coast, with several more expected to arrive in the coming weeks. Indian refiners are staying on the sidelines.

Without Chinese purchases, Russian crude may have to be sold at a discount to attract new buyers.

The meeting between Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Donald Trump on 18 August revealed the kind of peace Trump wants to build and the risks that come with it.

He offered “NATO-like” protection for Ukraine without putting Ukraine in NATO. He said Europe would be the first line of defense, and the United States would help.

That sounds strong, but strength in security talks comes from enforcement. If the guarantee has no teeth, it is a headline, not a shield.

Putin rejects ceasefire proposal

The first early test came over a ceasefire. In Alaska, Trump told Vladimir Putin to halt the fighting. Putin refused.

After that, Trump told Zelenskyy that a ceasefire was not required for talks. Europe pushed back:

• Germany said real talks need a truce;
• France called it a necessity;
• Trump still waved it off and said negotiations could run while the war goes on.

That shift matters. Fighting during talks helps the side with more shells, more men, and more time. Russia benefits from that, not Ukraine.

Proposed diplomatic sequence

Trump then laid out a sequence. First, a Zelenskyy–Putin meeting. Then a three-way meeting with Trump. He said Putin suggested this order. Europeans repeated that claim.

Moscow did not confirm a summit. The Kremlin only said it might be worth “raising the level of representatives.” That is not a yes. It is a maybe. It keeps pressure on Kyiv while giving Moscow room to stall.

Territory discussions remain contentious

The hardest question surfaced next: territory. Trump told European leaders they would discuss possible territory exchanges based on the current line of contact.

Zelenskyy said land issues would be handled directly with Putin and that no land was being ceded in advance. He said he was ready to meet in any format and without preconditions.

A June poll showed a majority “strongly opposed to any territorial concessions.” Those numbers limit any deal that trades land for paper promises.

Ukraine’s $100 billion weapons proposal

One new element stood out. Ukraine offered to buy security, not just receive it. Zelenskyy floated a plan to purchase about $90 to 100 bn in US weapons, with Europe helping to finance it. He even pointed to US purchases of Ukrainian drones once exports begin.

This reframes the relationship. Aid becomes sales. The goal is clear: tie US industry to Ukraine’s survival and make support harder to undo.

Trump’s team welcomed the shift and contrasted it with a blank check approach they blame on the last administration. Trump also refused to rule out some limited US role on the ground as part of future guarantees, though he kept details vague and stressed that Europe should carry most of the load.

The enforcement challenge

This is foreign policy as a contract. It could make support steadier in Congress because it looks like jobs and deals. It could also push Europe to budget more for a longer war.

If Russia rejects any force that would actually defend Ukraine, then a “NATO-like” promise without NATO risks looking like the Budapest Memorandum in a new suit. The talking point is different. The outcome could be the same if there is no credible tripwire.

If Russia rejects any force that would actually defend Ukraine, a “NATO-like” promise without NATO is a Budapest Memorandum in a new suit.

Diplomatic choreography and European coordination

The tone at the White House was striking. In February, Trump had confronted Zelenskyy publicly, questioning Ukraine’s war efforts and demanding immediate negotiations.

This time, they smiled for the cameras, projecting calm and unity.

European leaders treated the day like a careful intervention. Analysts called it a “European family intervention” in Washington.

They posed for a “family photo” with Trump and Zelenskyy. They spoke in one voice about a truce and security guarantees. They worked to keep Trump close to positions they could live with. It was stagecraft with a purpose.

International reactions and momentum claims

Supporters of the meeting said it broke a three-year stalemate. NATO’s acting chief thanked Trump for joining a plan to craft real guarantees. Finland’s president said more progress had been made in weeks than in years.

Within Trump’s circle, officials echoed that line. They said the mix of talks and guarantees opened a new path.

This view places a bet on momentum. Get leaders into a room. Put the US seal on a piece of paper. Lock in Europe’s money and industry. Then rely on that web to hold the line if Russia tests it.

It might work if the web is tight and visible. It will fail if the web is loose and hidden.

The credibility test ahead

Here is the core problem to consider: you can design a plan that looks like NATO without NATO. You can write guarantees, appoint monitors, and schedule summits.

Russia said it views that kind of rule as a threat. That means any promise that truly protects Ukraine will anger Moscow.

The United States and Europe must decide if they are willing to stand behind a line that Moscow threatens to test. If the answer is yes, then the “NATO-like” label can mean something. If the answer is no, the label is a slogan.

What the meeting achieved

What, then, did this meeting achieve?

It created an outline. Security guarantees will be drafted. Talks may proceed while the war continues. A Zelenskyy–Putin meeting is being pursued, though Russia has not confirmed it. No ceasefire was agreed. There was no map to a final deal.

The near term will test whether Europe can carry more of the burden and whether Washington will turn sales into a lasting stake in Ukraine’s defense.

It will also test whether Kyiv can keep the public on side if territorial questions come to the table. The polling suggests that trading land for peace is still a red line for many Ukrainians.

That constraint is real. It will shape what any negotiator can sign and sell at home.

Combat bargaining and future challenges

By accepting negotiations while the war continues, Trump has chosen combat bargaining. That is a hard road. It tends to reward the side that can absorb more losses.

If the West wants that road to lead to a fair peace, it needs to shorten the journey. That means:

• Quicker air defenses for cities
• Faster ammunition for the front
• Tighter rules around sanctions leaks
• Clarity with Moscow: if Russia tests a guarantee, the response must be automatic.

The day it is tested is the day it proves its worth. If that is clear, a “NATO-like” plan has a chance to deter. If it is not clear, the war will pause, and then it will resume.

Motion, not movement

In short, Washington produced motion, not yet movement:

• the summit showed better tone and a larger cast;
• it aired a new economic link and a draft promise;
• ye, it did not yet solve the enforcement gap at the heart of any deal.

Until that gap closes, Ukraine will keep fighting while diplomacy tries to catch up. That is the reality after 18 August.

It is not defeat. It is not victory. It is the start of a longer test that will measure the will of Europe, the steadiness of the United States, and the patience of the Kremlin.

A relative of a State Duma deputy from the party of Russian ruler Vladimir Putin has died in the war in Ukraine. According to the pro-Kremlin outlet RBC, Oleksandr Milonov, brother of “United Russia” party’s deputy Vitaly Milonov, serving in Luhansk Oblast has been eliminated by Ukrainian troops.

He had volunteered for reconnaissance with the so-called “LNR”, the Russian-backed entity illegal in Ukraine. 

Death of a relative of a Putin deputy in Donbas

Oleksandr Milonov had been fighting against Ukraine for over a year. During the battles, he was wounded and transferred to medical service, another Russian propaganda outlet Fontanka reports. However, it is reported that his injuries “caused a sudden deterioration in his health.”

Funeral in Saint Petersburg

After being wounded, Milonov was hospitalized, but his condition worsened, and he died. His funeral took place on 19 August at a cemetery in the Pushkin District of Saint Petersburg.

Since the beginning of 2025, Russia’s war has killed four humanitarian workers and wounded 32 in Ukraine, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

“Over 100 attacks on humanitarian activity”

More than 100 incidents have been recorded in which humanitarian staff, offices, and property were affected, reflecting the growing risks faced by aid workers trying to help those in need, the UN statement says.

Two of the fatalities occurred while staff were carrying out their duties.

Worst year on record for humanitarian work

In 2024, more than 380 humanitarian staff worldwide were killed or injured, which is the highest figure ever recorded in humanitarian statistics. The UN warns that 2025 could be even worse.

Civilian casualties: worst figures since 2022

In July alone, the UN Monitoring Mission documented 286 civilians killed and 1,388 injured — the deadliest month since May 2022.

Since the start of Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, the UN has documented at least:

• 13,883 civilians killed, including 726 children,
• 35,548 wounded, including 2,234 children.

The UN stressed that Ukrainian civilians and humanitarian workers live under constant threat of attacks and destruction of critical infrastructure.

Ukraine strikes the heart of Russia’s funding machine of war. In August 2025, Ukrainian drone attacks hit Russian refineries, halting at least four major plants and depriving Russia of about a seventh of its refining capacity, The Moscow Times reports. 

Drones paralyze key refineries

• On 2 August, a UAV strike stopped Novokuibyshevsk Refinery of Rosneft with a capacity of 8.3 million tons per year.
• On 11 August, the Saratov Refinery, producing 5.8 million tons of oil was hit.
• On 15 August, drones paralyzed Volgograd Refinery of Lukoil, generating 14.8 million tons of oil and Samara Refinery of Rosneft, which brings 8.5 million tons of oil. 

Additionally, half of Ryazan Refinery’s capacity of Rosneft, which produced 6.9 million tons of oil was halted on 2 August. Over three weeks, Russian refineries lost 44.3 million tons of annual capacity—about 13.5% of the country’s total.

Sanctions complicate repairs

Repairs at Ryazan and Novokuibyshevsk refineries will take around a month. Samara Refinery is expected to remain offline at least until the end of August. Energy Minister Sergey Tsivilyov has explained that EU sanctions have delayed delivery of necessary equipment.

“For example, a four-month repair was planned, but some equipment was delayed or not delivered,” he said. 

Gasoline prices hit record highs

Due to the lack of refined oil, Russia is facing a new gasoline shortage. Prices for A-92 and A-95 fuels have risen 40% and 50% respectively since the start of the year, reaching historical records of 71,970 and 81,337 rubles per ton.

Analysis shows that Ukraine’s drone strikes not only hit Russia’s economy but also undermine the Kremlin’s ability to finance its war machine.

Earlier, Euromaidan Press reported that the Druzba pipeline, Russia’s key oil export artery to Europe, fully halted operations following a Ukrainian drone strike that disabled a key pumping station.

The Ukrainian General Staff officially confirmed the pipeline’s shutdown, marking a major blow to Russia’s fuel exports, and a hard cutoff for its EU clients, including Hungary and Slovakia.

Russia has turned stolen Ukrainian grain into a global business. Moscow is selling so-called “Russian” wheat in 70 countries, including Egypt, Turkiye, and Iran, according to the Center for National Resistance.

Kyiv has recently revealed that Russia owns 42 ships transporting stolen Ukrainian grain and coal. Every ship carrying oil or grain brings Moscow’s more funds to support its military operations. The Ukrainian Intelligence says that over 1,000 ships and 155 captains are involved in transporting weapons and stolen goods from temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories. 

Russia is stealing Ukrainian wheat from occupied Luhansk, Donetsk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts. Ukrainian officials estimate that by 2025, Russia has illegally exported around 15 million tons of grain, mostly wheat, from these territories.

“In the new season, the Kremlin is again trying to maintain its market dominance—at the expense of temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories,” says the Center for National Resistance. 

Russia collects and exports wheat from occupied Ukrainian lands under the guise of Russian origin.

“This is large-scale grain plundering—a crime for which all involved will be held accountable, from officials to international intermediaries,” adds the agency. 

Previously, Euromaidan Press reported that Ukraine plans to appeal to the EU to impose sanctions on Bangladeshi companies importing wheat from Russian-occupied territories. Intelligence reports indicate that over 150,000 tons of such grain have already been shipped from the Kavkaz port.

The Ukrainian embassy has sent multiple notes to Bangladesh’s Foreign Ministry requesting the rejection of shipments containing stolen grain, but officials in Dhaka have ignored these appeals.

Ukrainian soldier Pavlo Pshenychnyi fought Russian-backed forces in Donetsk Oblast in 2019. Six years later, he found himself fighting for Russia against his own countrymen, while Russia launched an explicit full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

How does a Ukrainian war veteran end up in enemy uniform? The answer reveals Russia’s systematic transformation of occupied territories into military recruitment grounds, where residents face a brutal choice: prison or the front lines. And often prison is not something that’s deserved but rather inflicted through fabricated charges and threats.

Pshenychnyi’s account, given in an interview with Ukrainian news agency Hromadske after his capture by Ukraine’s Freedom battalion, exposes the machinery behind Russia’s forced conscription in occupied areas.

His story traces a path from Ukrainian defender to unwilling Russian soldier—a journey thousands may be forced to take if Russia continues to grab new territories.

Before the full-scale invasion: he fights against the Russians

Why did Pshenychnyi join Ukraine’s military in 2018? Simple economics.

“There was no work,” he told Hromadske. His uncle knew someone at the military commissariat who mentioned openings for drivers with commercial licenses.

“Work is work—what’s the difference where you work?” Pshenychnyi reasoned.

His original enlistment in the Ukrainian army had nothing to do with patriotism or defending his homeland. It was purely economic necessity.

Pshenychnyi signed his contract in October 2018. By November, he was manning positions near Avdiivka, where he could see both Donetsk airports from his post. The war felt manageable then. Until 24 February 2019.

That day, Ukrainian snipers from nearby Pisky killed two Russian soldiers, exposing Ukrainian positions. A week later came the response. A Russian sniper’s bullet found Pshenychnyi’s back, killing his fellow soldier Serhiy Luzenko instantly.

Pshenychnyi survived, crawled to safety, and eventually made it home to southern Kherson Oblast with a disability certificate and two military medals.

He thought his war was over.

Ukrainian veteran monitored by Russian occupiers 

When Russian forces occupied Kalanchak, Kherson Oblast, in February 2022, neighbors quickly identified the local veteran.

“These are good neighbors,” Pshenychnyi said with bitter irony. “Although they’re not very good.”

The first occupiers weren’t even Russian but mostly Dagestanis and other nationalities who barely spoke Russian. They knew enough to search his apartment and confiscate his veteran documents, disability certificate, and medals.

What followed was routine intimidation. New occupying units rotated through monthly, each making their presence known.

“They’d come in on their wave, might hit or not hit, walk around the house, stomp around, look around,” Pshenychnyi recalled. “I was constantly in their field of view.”

During one visit, with his newborn daughter sleeping nearby, Russian soldiers fired two shots into his ceiling. Their message was clear: “You killed our people there.”

Failed attempts to run away with wife and infant

Could Pshenychnyi’s family escape? They tried twice.

The first attempt came eight months after his daughter’s birth in June 2022. At the Russian border, guards turned them back. The child had only a medical document from the hospital—no official birth certificate that Russian authorities would accept.

Six months later, Russian police and child services began visiting. They questioned why the child lacked Russian documents and who the parents were to her.

“They even wanted to take the child—just take her and take her somewhere,” Pshenychnyi said.

Terrified of losing their daughter, his wife obtained Russian birth papers for the child. They tried leaving again, this time through Lithuania. But Lithuanian border guards saw the mismatch: Ukrainian passports for the parents, Russian birth certificate for the child. Again, turned back.

They were stuck.

Fabricated drug charges become pathway from prison to front lines

In September 2024, police arrived claiming someone had stolen tools and appliances in the village. They’d heard a truck had delivered items to Pshenychnyi’s house the day before. Could they search?

While Pshenychnyi opened his first basement room for inspection, officers positioned themselves near the second room. “While I was opening the second one, they were already shouting: ‘Oh, found everything. No need to search anymore!'”

What did they find? “They pulled out a huge bag of grass, marijuana, brought it into the house,” Pshenychnyi recalled.

Two witnesses emerged from the police car right on cue.

He believes they planted evidence to simply force him into Russian service.

The trial stretched from late 2024 to 29 May 2025. Pshenychnyi faced 12.5 years in prison. But as the judge finished reading the sentence, military commissariat officials entered the courtroom.

“That’s it, here’s your prison. You’re going to the army,” they announced.

Former prisoners train new Russian recruits in deliberately brutal conditions

What’s Russian military training like for forced conscripts? Deliberately brutal.

At the Makiivka training facility, former prisoners, who were pardoned in exchange for surviving combat, served as instructors. These “Storm Z” veterans had already proven themselves expendable and lived to tell about it.

Training focused on basic assault tactics: how to storm buildings, shoot between ruins, apply tourniquets, spot tripwires. But the real lesson was endurance. Twenty-kilometer daily marches in extreme heat, minimal water rations, constant physical stress.

“They don’t give water during walking so you don’t die without water,” Pshenychnyi explained. The logic was twisted but clear: condition soldiers for the deprivation they’d face at the front.

Who else trained alongside him? A mix that revealed Russia’s recruitment desperation. Some volunteers who’d fought in 2014’s separatist militias. Alcoholics who’d signed contracts while intoxicated and didn’t remember agreeing. Residents from other occupied territories facing similar forced choices.

Many were HIV-positive former prisoners serving 20-plus year sentences, identifiable by red armbands on their left arms. Several died during training from heart attacks because their bodies accustomed to Siberian cold couldn’t handle the sudden heat and physical demands.

The most desperate cases served as human mine detectors. Russia would strip reluctant soldiers of body armor and weapons, point to a target, and promise equipment back if they survived the approach.

Among the most shocking elements were the foreign fighters—Somalis and others who displayed an almost inhuman indifference to casualties. Pshenychnyi witnessed this firsthand when a group of 10 Somali fighters walked ahead of his unit.

“Such people that I don’t know what could be told to them that they go like that,” Pshenychnyi said, struggling to explain their behavior.

When a mortar shell killed one of the Somalis directly in front of the group, the others simply stepped around the body and continued their advance without pause or emotion.

“That’s it, he’s dead. They bypassed him, they went further. And generally they don’t care,” he said. “They go specifically there to do the task. That’s it.”

Russian commanders leave wounded soldiers to rot in trenches

After six weeks of training, Pshenychnyi received deployment orders. Officials confiscated phones, bank cards, anything connecting soldiers to their previous lives. Then came the trip to Avdiivka in Donetsk Oblast.

The supply situation was immediately clear.

“They gave very little water – for three people per day maximum one and a half liters, and not always full,” Pshenychnyi said.

Soldiers near villages or rivers could sometimes find additional sources. Those in remote forest positions simply went without.

What were their orders? Hold positions 250 meters apart across forest strips. Shoot anyone approaching unless radio communications specifically cleared their movement.

Russian commanders showed little concern for soldier welfare. Pshenychnyi described radio communications where a territorial defense commander threatened troops under mortar fire:

“I’ll shoot you myself, I’ll get you out of the tank now and shoot you… if you don’t continue movement.”

Wounded soldiers received no evacuation.

“If you’re wounded, you have only one way. Either not to be wounded, or better immediately dead. Because you’ll rot in landings and you won’t have evacuation,” Pshenychnyi explained.

Freedom battalion fighters shocked to capture fellow Ukrainian veteran fighting for Russia

When Ukrainian Freedom battalion fighters approached their forest position near Avdiivka, Pshenychnyi and his partner were following standard orders: shoot anyone who approached their sector unless radio communications specifically cleared them.

His partner immediately grabbed his rifle and aimed at the approaching figures. But Pshenychnyi quickly assessed their situation—they were surrounded and outgunned.

“Put down the rifle, why will all this shooting start now?” he told his companion, recognizing the futility of resistance. “What can I do if they’re already standing with rifles? I won’t even have time to take it, whether they’re ours or not, whoever they are.”

Initially, Pshenychnyi couldn’t tell who was approaching their trench. “Well, maybe ours, maybe they’re coming from somewhere. Russians, I think, what’s the difference?” he recalled thinking.

The soldiers called out something, but he couldn’t immediately recognize their identification marks. Only when he got a clear view of their uniforms did recognition dawn.

“Then I look, pixel camouflage, I say: ‘Oh, Ukraine, give us water!'” he called out.

The Ukrainian soldiers were shocked to discover they’d captured a fellow veteran. One asked directly:

“What do you think your guys you fought with since 2014 would say if they found out you’re here now?”

The way Ukrainian soldiers treated Pshenychnyi as a prisoner of war (POW) surprised him.

“I imagined that I would sit there tied up somewhere, and here it’s completely different. And they give food… And they brew coffee,” he shared. “I was glad that I surrendered—otherwise in a few days I would have simply died of dehydration.”

More people in occupation face forced conscription if Russia is not stopped

How many others face Pshenychnyi’s dilemma? His account suggests thousands.

The recruitment system extends beyond fabricated criminal cases. All men under 30 in occupied territories face conscription for military service in Russia. Some serve domestically, others get sent to combat zones.

Those who initially refuse face calculated deception. They’re allowed to live normally at base for weeks, even permitted shopping trips. Just when they think they’ve escaped combat duty, orders arrive: join the assault units or face consequences.

When asked about the common saying among Ukrainians that “if you don’t serve in your own army, you’ll serve in someone else’s,” Pshenychnyi’s response was stark:

“That’s how it will be. If they capture territories, then there will be no choice for anyone, like here.”

Can residents of occupied territories avoid this fate? Pshenychnyi’s assessment left little hope: “There will be no choice at all.”

Russia isn’t just occupying Ukrainian territory. It’s systematically converting Ukrainian citizens into weapons against their own country, using fabricated criminal cases, manipulations and threats to families. 

Ukraine’s new Flamingo cruise missile, developed by the defense technology company FirePoint, has been deployed in combat and used against targets in Russia, according to reports from ZN.ua. The domestically produced missile has a flight range exceeding 3,000 km and carries a 1,150 kg warhead.

Flamingo combat launches shown in exclusive video

ZN.ua reports that it received exclusive footage from FirePoint showing both test and combat launches of the Flamingo missile. 

The videos reveal the missile being launched in a training environment and then in actual battlefield conditions, targeting sites inside the Russian Federation.

According to ZN.ua, the missile has already been used in combat for some time, and the provided footage shows that it successfully struck designated targets on Russian territory. These claims are presented by the company through the video documentation given to the outlet.

Developed in secret forest-based workshops and now scaling up

The production and testing of the Flamingo missile reportedly took place in protected facilities located in the Carpathian forests. ZN.ua states that FirePoint conducted successful test launches several months ago. After those trials, the missile entered serial production. The company is now scaling up manufacturing and expanding production capacity.

During development, FirePoint focused on three main parameters: maximum range, large warhead capacity, and rapid deployment from compact platforms. ZN.ua reports that FirePoint says all three objectives were successfully achieved in the current version of the missile.

Key specs: over 3,000 km range and 1,150 kg warhead

Militarnyi reports that, according to FirePoint, the Flamingo has a flight range of over 3,000 km and carries a 1,150 kg warhead. A company representative told Ukrinform that the missile’s top speed reaches 950 km/h. The company also claims that the missile is protected against Russian electronic warfare systems.

The video shows that Flamingo uses a small solid-fuel booster for initial thrust and altitude gain, followed by a jet engine for sustained cruise. Launches are conducted from small mobile platforms, allowing for fast setup and increased operational flexibility.

FirePoint also produces FP-series long-range drones

FirePoint is also the manufacturer of the FP-series drones. According to Militarnyi, the company is now actively scaling the Flamingo project alongside its drone production. FP-1 drones have been used against targets in Russia since at least 2024. 

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy openly challenged a territorial map presented in the Oval Office during his 18 August meeting with US President Donald Trump and several European leaders, arguing that the displayed 20% figure of Russian-occupied Ukrainian territory was misleading. Zelenskyy insisted that during the first 1000 days of full-scale war, Russian forces had actually taken only around 1% of Ukraine’s land. 

Zelenskyy to Trump and allies: Russia took 1% in 1000 days, not 20%

Zelenskyy said the US-prepared map overstated Russian gains and distorted global perceptions of Ukrainian military strength. According to him, the real figures painted a very different picture, Suspilne reported.

“People think 20% or 18%, but it was up to 1%,” he said, explaining that “this slightly changes the balance of how strong Russia’s army is and how strong Ukraine’s army is.” He emphasized that Ukraine’s priority remained “truth and reality.”

Speaking to reporters after the summit, Zelenskyy described the exchange over the map as “slight disagreement,” but noted that the conversation was “warm, good, and substantive.” He said both sides brought their own versions of battlefield maps to the Oval Office. 

Zelenskyy also argued that the occupation of territories like Crimea and parts of eastern Ukraine in 2014 did not result from conventional military clashes.

“There were no military operations, for example, in Crimea—no large-scale ones,” he said. “So you cannot say that such a large part was occupied over that period because Russia had a strong army.”

According to Liga, Zelenskyy stressed that explaining when and how each part of Ukrainian territory was seized was essential for helping allies like the US understand battlefield shifts. He noted that such discussions were long but necessary for an accurate joint understanding.

Sensitive territorial issues off-limits to Western allies, Zelenskyy says

Zelenskyy made it clear that any negotiations regarding Ukrainian territory will take place solely between him and Russian dictator Vladimir Putin.

“We’ll leave the question of territories between me and Putin,” he said, according to Liga.

He added that Trump “heard and saw” the important information, presented by the Ukrainian side.

“That’s why the issue of territories is one that we will leave between me and Putin,” he repeated.

Trump-Zelenskyy meeting

As reported by BBC and others, the Oval Office meeting on 18 August included leaders from across Europe, among them UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, Finnish President Alexander Stubb, and NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte. The leaders discussed security guarantees for Ukraine, military aid, and future diplomatic steps.

Following the summit, Trump phoned Putin and said the US was preparing for a possible trilateral summit involving Washington, Kyiv, and Moscow. According to Zelenskyy, such a meeting would follow any bilateral contact between the US and Russia.

“We are ready for bilateral with Putin,” Zelenskyy said outside the White House fence.

He confirmed that no date had been set for those talks but said that discussions were ongoing.

Macron said European forces may join peacekeeping operations in Ukraine and warned that peace talks could not be delayed for weeks or months. Merz compared Russia’s territorial demands to forcing the US to surrender Florida. Meanwhile, EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen called again for Russia to return abducted Ukrainian children.

Meanwhile, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio told Fox News that territorial compromises from both sides may be necessary to end the war.

Russian ruler Vladimir Putin has proposed holding a meeting with US President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Moscow, Agence France-Presse reports. According to one source, Zelenskyy has declined to travel to Russia’s capital.

Editorial: The summit that peacewashed genocide

 

Negotiations without preconditions

On 18 August, Ukrainian President Zelenskyy arrived at the White House, where he was welcomed by US President Trump. The leaders first held a bilateral meeting in the Oval Office, followed by talks with European leaders and NATO’s Secretary General Mark Rutte. 

The discussions focused on security guarantees for Ukraine, details of which remain largely undisclosed, though they may include a $90 billion US package for air defense systems and aircraft.

Zelenskyy stated that he is ready for a bilateral meeting with Putin without any preconditions.

Russia does not reject talks

Following the meetings, Trump announced that preparations had begun for a potential meeting between Zelenskyy and Putin. He later called Putin directly, TASS reports. Subsequently, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov declared that Russia does not refuse either bilateral or trilateral negotiations with Ukraine regarding peace.

Russia has concentrated 100,000 troops on Ukraine’s Pokrovsk front in Donetsk Oblast. According to experts, this number is enough to attack a European country. However, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine Oleksandr Syrskyi says that Russian forces attempting to advance in the sector lost their momentum after Ukrainian counteractions, RBC reports. 

Russia’s “thousand cuts” tactic

According to Syrskyi, Russia has been employing the tactic of “a thousand cuts” — advancing with small assault groups across a broad front. Recently, the occupiers managed to push 10–12 km deep. However, the situation changed after the elite units were redeployed.

“We cleared settlements and key areas, and the enemy’s victorious mood turned into despair. Their social media posts once had the tone of ‘forward, victory,’ but now it’s ‘surrounded, the end,’” Syrskyi stresses.

Ukrainian counteractions and Russia’s failure in Sumy Oblast

Ukrainian troops continue clearing villages in the Pokrovsk direction, including with the use of robots with machine guns with by the 93rd Separate Mechanized Brigade. 

In the Sumy Oblast, Syrskyi notes, Russian forces has also suffered a major setback.

“There was a Russian grouping there composed of their best units — airborne troops, marines, and motor rifle brigades. Yet Russia has had no success in the past two months,” he underlines.

Weapons of the future

Syrskyi emphasizes that the top priority for Ukraine’s armed forces now is drones and robotic systems.

“First and foremost, we are talking about aerial drones, especially those with elements of artificial intelligence. In addition, this year 15,000 ground robotic platforms of various types will enter service,” he said.

Commenting on Kremlin claims that Russia could fight for “three, five, or ten more years,” Syrskyi concluded: “I think that’s just bravado.”

On 19 August, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced that Ukraine’s security guarantees are expected to be formalized on paper within the next 7–10 days. Speaking at a briefing in Washington, he said the document will include a US weapons package worth $90 billion.

At the same pace of weapons supply, this funding could last for 4.5 years of military support in the event of a new attack.

“Security guarantees will be coordinated with our partners and officially signed in the near future,” Zelenskyy stressed.

He noted that the second key element of the guarantees is an American defense package worth $90 billion, which includes aircraft, air defense systems, and other weaponry. He added that more details on the future agreements will emerge daily.

Zelenskyy emphasized that Ukraine does not need a “pause in the war,” but real peace. He highlighted the important role of the US in the process.

“Washington is sending a clear signal that it will be among the countries helping to coordinate and participate in Ukraine’s security guarantees. This is a significant step forward,” he said. 

After the meeting with US President Donald Trump, which Zelenskyy called “the best” he ever had, he also stated that Ukraine is ready for any format of meeting with Vladimir Putin.

What else is known?

• During Putin’s conversation with Donald Trump, Russia proposed holding a bilateral meeting with Kyiv first, followed by a trilateral one with the US,
• The issue of territories will be settled directly between Ukraine and Russia,
• During a lengthy discussion with Trump, they reviewed a map of temporarily occupied territories,
• An agreement was reached with the US on the purchase of drones for Ukrainian forces.

Ukrainian Security Service drones obliterated two Russian ammunition depots in occupied Bilokurakyne on 19 August, triggering massive fires visible from space and severing a critical supply artery feeding Moscow’s Pokrovsk offensive.

The nighttime strike landed seven direct hits on the rail and road hub, 60 kilometers behind Russian lines in Luhansk Oblast. NASA satellite data confirmed multiple thermal anomalies, marking another successful penetration of Russia’s supposedly secure rear areas.

The targeted settlement is a crucial logistics node where railways and roads converge to supply Russian forces grinding toward Pokrovsk in Donetsk Oblast.

This attack represents Ukraine’s evolved battlefield strategy — rather than matching Russia shell for shell, Kyiv systematically dismantles the infrastructure sustaining Russian operations. Each depot eliminated means fewer artillery rounds reaching Ukrainian positions.

“The SBU continues to launch systematic strikes against the enemy’s rear in order to reduce the offensive capabilities of the Russian army on the front line,” the agency stated.

The Bilokurakyne strike coincided with a third fire recently at Lukoil’s Volgograd refinery, illustrating how Ukraine’s campaign now spans from ammunition depots to energy infrastructure. This coordination suggests sophisticated operational planning designed to strain Russia’s war economy simultaneously on multiple fronts.

These operations demonstrate how precision technology allows smaller militaries to offset numerical disadvantages.

Ukraine’s success in penetrating Russian-controlled territory with relatively inexpensive drones offers lessons for defense planners worldwide facing similar asymmetric challenges.

The burning depots in Bilokurakyne represent more than tactical success – they show how sustained pressure on supply networks can degrade even a larger military’s operational capacity.

As Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and European leaders met with US President Donald Trump in Washington on 18 August, Russia launched a massive overnight air assault on Ukraine. The attack, which began in the evening and continued into 19 August, struck at least six oblasts, leaving civilians wounded and civilian infrastructure in ruins.

280 air weapons launched

The Ukrainian Air Force reported Russia’s 270 Shahed-type drones and 10 missiles launched from multiple directions, including Kursk, Millerovo, Primorsko-Akhtarsk, occupied Crimea, and the Caspian Sea. These included five Iskander-M ballistic missiles and five Kh-101 cruise missiles. Ukrainian air defense shot down 230 drones, 2 Iskander-Ms, and 4 Kh-101s, but 40 drones and four missiles still hit their targets across 16 confirmed sites.

Poltava: power cut, energy sites hit

In Poltava Oblast, Russian drones and missiles struck energy sector facilities in Kremenchuk and Lubny districts, local authorities said. Damage to utility buildings left 1,471 households and 119 legal entities without power. No injuries were reported. Repairs began immediately.

Donetsk Oblast: Five civilians killed in separate attacks

Sloviansk Military Administration chief Vadym Liakh reported that Russian forces fired two Iskander-M missiles at Sloviansk around 21:00 on 18 August. Both missiles struck the industrial zone in the Lisnyi microdistrict, injuring one woman. She was hospitalized in moderate condition. Fires broke out after the impact.

Earlier that day, the Donetsk Oblast Military Administration said that Russian shelling killed five civilians: three in Kostiantynivka, one in Dobropillia, and one in Novodonetske. Eight others were injured across the oblast.

Kharkiv Oblast: Russian drone injures family in Peremoha

Mayor of Lozova Serhii Zelenskyy reported that Russian drones — for some reason, identified by the regional prosecutor’s office by Shahed-136’s Russian designation Geran-2 type — struck a residential building in the village of Peremoha around 04:58 on 19 August. The blast injured a woman, who was hospitalized with a leg injury. Her husband and two children — an 8-year-old boy and a 2-year-8-month-old girl — suffered psychological shock and cuts from broken glass. The family remains in emotional distress, according to community leader Tetiana Kukhmeister, who spoke to Suspilne.

Sumy Oblast: Russia shells town, follows with drone strikes

Head of the executive committee of the Seredyna-Buda city council Ksenia Piatnytsia told Suspilne that Russian forces shelled Seredyna-Buda with tanks around 01:00 on 19 August and followed up with FPV drone strikes around noon. The attacks damaged local infrastructure.

Acting head of the Sumy community Artem Kobzar reported that Russian drones attacked the Pishchanske community twice — first with a Shahed drone that shattered 34 windows and damaged a slate roof, then with a Molniya-type drone that damaged six more windows and a door.

On 18 August after 17:00, the Sumy Oblast Military Administration said that five Russian drones targeted the Sumy community. Three drones struck civilian infrastructure; two were intercepted. According to Suspilne reporters, one drone exploded near a shopping center in the city of Sumy. No casualties were reported.

Dnipropetrovsk Oblast: Man wounded, school burns after drone strikes

Dnipropetrovsk Oblast Military Administration head Serhii Lysak reported that Russian FPV drones and artillery struck Nikopol, Marhanets, and Pokrovsk communities overnight on 19 August. The attack injured a man, who was hospitalized. Fires destroyed a greenhouse and a utility structure. A residential building, another utility building, and a car were also damaged.

In the Vasylkivska community of Synelnykove district, Russian drones hit a school, setting it on fire. Lysak confirmed that Ukrainian air defense shot down seven Russian drones over the oblast during the night.

Kherson Oblast: Child, pensioners injured in Russian attacks

The Kherson Oblast Military Administration reported that Russian forces injured six civilians in the oblast over the past 24 hours. These figures do not include additional victims reported later this morning.

On the morning of 19 August, officials confirmed that a 71-year-old resident of Kozatske, who was attacked by a Russian drone on 16 August, had been hospitalized with abdominal blast trauma and shrapnel injuries. He remains under medical supervision.

Later that morning, Russian artillery struck residential areas of Chornobaivka. An 11-year-old boy, who was walking down the street at the time, suffered a concussion, a shrapnel wound to his shoulder, and a closed traumatic brain injury. Neighbors gave him first aid before emergency services transported him to a hospital.

In Kherson city, a 61-year-old man was also wounded in a Russian drone attack. He sustained a blast injury and shrapnel wounds to his arm and leg and is receiving medical treatment.

 

Ukraine’s government projects average monthly salaries will climb to nearly UAH 40,000 ($970) by 2028, almost doubling from current levels as the country signals economic resilience.

The forecast, released in Kyiv’s official socio-economic outlook for 2026-2028, shows wages rising from UAH 25,000 ($606) this year to UAH 39,800 ($964) by 2028 — a key metric for donors and investors evaluating Ukraine’s post-war recovery potential.

A consumer base earning nearly $1,000 monthly represents a compelling investment target for Western companies eyeing Ukraine’s eventual reconstruction.

“Given the high uncertainty, the Government’s forecast estimates are close to the forecasts of the European Commission and the IMF, which indicates a shared view of the key development trends,” the government stated in its forecast.

Ukraine’s wage progression timeline shows steady growth if stability holds:

• 2025: UAH 25,000 ($606) average monthly salary
• 2026: UAH 30,200 ($733)
• 2027: UAH 35,200 ($855)
• 2028: UAH 39,800 ($964)

The government projects inflation will ease from 8.6% in 2026 to 5.3% in 2028, meaning real purchasing power should grow alongside nominal wages.

The forecast presents two scenarios based on when hostilities end. Early stabilization in 2026 versus prolonged conflict until 2027 creates significant wage differentials — potentially thousands of hryvnia difference in workers’ pockets.

The wage projections target international audiences who are considering Ukraine’s economic future. A market of 35 million educated, digitally connected consumers earning close to $1,000 monthly represents a substantial opportunity for consumer goods, housing, and services companies.

European Commission and IMF alignment on these projections strengthens Ukraine’s case for continued financial support and private investment, showing Western institutions view the country’s economic fundamentals as sound despite wartime pressures.

Higher wages matter for Ukraine’s broader recovery strategy. Increased domestic consumption drives tax revenue, supports local businesses, and demonstrates the economy’s capacity to sustain long-term growth — key factors in maintaining international confidence.

The forecast, which depends on wage growth, reflects Ukraine’s broader argument: this economy remains viable for investment and support, with a population still earning, spending, and building for the future despite the war.

Whether these projections materialize depends heavily on military developments and sustained international backing. But the government’s confidence in publishing them sends its signal — Ukraine is planning for economic success, not just survival.

Ukrainian forces are reversing Russia’s attempted breakthrough near Dobropillia. The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 18 August that Russian troops are struggling to turn their limited infiltration into a deeper advance as Ukrainian counterattacks reclaim settlements and cut off the penetration base.

This comes as Russia continues its all-out war against Ukraine, focusing on capturing the rest of eastern Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast. 

Ukrainian forces retake key settlements

Ukrainian military observer Kostyantyn Mashovets said Ukrainian troops had liberated Zapovidne (formerly Nykanorivka) and Dorozhnie, both southwest of Dobropillia. These villages were at the base of Russia’s push into the area. Geolocated footage published on 14 August and verified on 18 August shows Ukrainian forces detaining Russian soldiers in a windbreak southwest of Petrivka, northeast of Dobropillia. Additional footage published on 17 August shows Ukrainian troops raising a flag in Zolotyi Kolodyaz, confirming they had retaken the area after Russian forces previously entered it.

Russia unable to support or widen the penetration

ISW noted that Russian forces are struggling to turn their initial tactical gains into a wider breakthrough. Colonel Viktor Trehubov of Ukraine’s Dnipro Group of Forces said Ukrainian troops collapsed the Russian salient by cutting off infiltration elements from their main force, preventing supplies and reinforcements from reaching them.

Ukrainian flanks move faster than Russian forces

Mashovets reported that elements of Russia’s 150th Motorized Rifle Division, part of the 8th Combined Arms Army, attempted to bypass Volodymyrivka from the east. The move aimed to flank Ukrainian forces pressing on Russian units of the 51st Combined Arms Army between Zapovidne and Novotoretske. However, Ukrainian forces on the western side of the breach are advancing faster than Russian units in the east.

Russian brigades under pressure inside a narrow corridor

Mashovets said Russian forces inside the penetration — specifically the 5th, 110th, and 132nd Motorized Rifle Brigades — are fracturing under pressure and only holding a 2.5-kilometer-wide strip. A Russian milblogger warned the depth of the advance is too great for such a narrow width, making it vulnerable to counterattacks.

Russian focus shifts to another direction

ISW observed that Russian milbloggers are now focusing on the Rodynske direction, north of Pokrovsk and southeast of Dobropillia. This shift suggests a loss of confidence in the Dobropillia axis after failure to reinforce the original infiltration.

 

A new drone attack on 19 August triggered large fires at a Lukoil oil refinery and another site in Russia’s Volgograd. The local officials claim drone debris caused the fires despite what they described as a “massive” UAV assault being repelled by military forces.

Twin fires break out in Volgograd after drone strike

Russian Telegram news channel Astra reported that explosions were heard in Volgograd overnight on 19 August, followed by a major fire outbreak in the city. Photos began circulating online, allegedly showing a blaze after a drone strike. While Astra shared these images, the outlet noted it could not independently verify the authenticity of the visuals.

In response to the incident, Russia’s aviation agency Rosaviatsia temporarily closed Volgograd’s local airport. No further details were released regarding flight disruptions.

Later the same morning, the Governor of Volgograd Oblast officially confirmed that two separate fires broke out following a drone attack — at the Lukoil-Volgogradneftepererabotka refinery and allegedly on a hospital’s rooftop. According to his statement, the fires erupted in southern Volgograd after wreckage from unmanned aerial vehicles ostensibly fell onto key infrastructure sites. He claimed that the Ministry of Defense’s forces were actively repelling a “massive” drone assault targeting the oblast.

Astra stated that the refinery and hospital buildings hit on 19 August are located several kilometers apart.

Lukoil refinery struck for the second or third time in days

The Ukrainian drones had already attacked the same refinery during the night of 14 August, when at least eight drones targeted the Lukoil facility in Volgograd’s Krasnoarmeiskyi District. That earlier strike damaged parts of the plant’s infrastructure, including two pipelines and a primary oil processing unit. As a result, the refinery was forced to halt operations.

Two days later, a major fire erupted again at the facility, but the second drone attack was not confirmed.

The Druzba pipeline, Russia’s massive oil export artery to Europe, has fully halted operations following a Ukrainian drone strike that disabled a key pumping station. As of 18 August, Ukrainian General Staff officially confirmed the pipeline’s shutdown, marking a major blow to Russia’s fuel exports—and a hard cutoff for its EU clients, including Hungary and Slovakia.

 Militarnyi reported that the attack responsible was conducted by Ukraine’s Unmanned Systems Forces (SBS) overnight on 18 August. Kyiv’s precision strike disabled the Nikolskoe-1 oil station in Russia’s Tambov Oblast, 400 km from the frontline. The pipeline has now ceased pumping on an “indefinite” timeline, according to Ukrainian sources.

Ukraine disables Russia’s oil flow to the EU

The General Staff stated on 18 August that pumping of oil through the Druzba pipeline had stopped completely. The shutdown came as a result of a fire triggered by a direct drone hit on the infrastructure. 

SBS strike made Russian upgrades irrelevant

Commander of Ukraine’s Drone Systems Forces, Robert “Madyar” Brovdi, stated that the 14th SBS regiment carried out the attack on the Nikolskoe-1 station. In a 18 August Facebook post, he confirmed the strike and mocked the outcome:

“The Druzba pipeline is resting. Full stop of oil pumping for an indefinite period. Greetings from the SBS Birds.”

Madyar also noted the station was “deflowered” by the unit’s UAVs.

Militarnyi noted that Russia had only recently upgraded safety systems at the facility, completing the latest overhaul in late July 2025. The update included new valves and modernized equipment—none of which stopped the site from going up in flames after Ukraine’s drone hit.

Budapest lashes out, Kyiv hits back

Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó confirmed the disruption of oil supply in a public statement on 18 August and sharply criticized Ukraine’s actions. In response, Ukrainian Deputy Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said Hungary had long ignored Kyiv’s warnings about relying on Russian energy, and should now “file complaints with their friends in Moscow.”

Hungary, a consistent outlier in the EU on Russia policy, has maintained crude oil imports from Russia since the full-scale invasion began. The Druzba pipeline was one of its main sources of supply.

Russian President Vladimir Putin is not ready to end the war, French President Emmanuel Macron said on 19 August in an interview with NBC News. The remarks followed a high-level White House meeting involving President Donald Trump, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and top European leaders.

This comes as Russia continues its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, while Trump pushes for Ukraine-Russia negotiations to end the war. 

Macron: Putin shows no intent to end war

“I don’t see President Putin very willing to get peace now,” Macron told NBC. He added, “Perhaps I’m too pessimistic,” but pointed to the facts on the ground.

He said Trump’s optimism about securing a deal should be taken seriously.

“If he considers he can get a deal done, this is great news, and we have to do whatever we can to have a great deal,” Macron said.

Russia launched deadly strikes in Kharkiv and Zaporizhzhia overnight before the Trump-Zelenskyy talks in Washington.

Macron said it was “impossible” for Ukrainian leaders to negotiate peace while the country is being destroyed and civilians are being killed.

France calls for pressure, warns of more sanctions

Macron stressed that the United States must pressure Russia to find a resolution. He said that if no progress is made in the Trump-announced meeting between Putin and Zelenskyy, or if a trilateral format fails, Russia should face increased primary and secondary sanctions.

“There is an aggressor, which is Russia,” he said. “There is a country which decided to kill people, stole children and who refused a ceasefire and peace, so we cannot just create an equivalent situation between Ukraine and Russia.”

No peace without guarantees, no land swaps

Macron said Ukraine must receive security guarantees to prevent future Russian attacks. Without them, he warned, Russia would not respect any agreement. He said Trump told him that during his 16 August meeting with Putin, the Russian president accepted the need for such guarantees.

He firmly opposed any territorial concessions to Russia.

“I don’t see any swap in the proposal of the Russians, except a swap in comparison with what they wanted at the beginning,” Macron said. He emphasized that territorial issues are for Ukraine and its people to decide.

Exclusive

Ukraine builds an army where robots die so soldiers don’t have to. A New York tech CEO is finding the answer to Russia’s three-to-one manpower advantage.

NATO banned weapons to this Ukrainian unit. Now they study its tactics.. Azov went from pariah to the territorial defense case study.

Zelenskyy demands “everything” for security while Trump hints at vague Article 5-like protection. Ukraine wants weapons, troops, and intelligence support. Trump says he will discuss the guarantees with NATO allies later today.

Triptorelin peptide: A scientific overview. Researchers have theorized that Triptorelin may interact with receptor sites involved in pituitary signaling, potentially affecting gonadotropin secretion and broader physiological responses in the observed research models

Ukraine’s Flamingo missile is for blasting Russian factories. Ukraine has a new cruise missile. It may be one of the hardest-hitting missiles in the world. But it’s unclear how many Kyiv can afford.

Military

Ukraine’s strike disrupts oil supplies to three EU countries still purchasing Russian oil. Ukraine’s 950km strike completely halted Russia’s Druzhba pipeline, cutting oil supplies to Hungary, Czech Republic, and Slovakia while targeting infrastructure that funds Moscow’s 6.3% GDP war spending.

Syrskyi: Russian troops defeated near Sumy, redeploying to other direction. Russian forces abandoned their offensive in Sumy Oblast after two months without territorial gains, with elite paratroopers and marines now redeploying to the Zaporizhzhia direction

Frontline report: Azov corps encircles 800 Russian soldiers after 18-kilometer breakthrough collapses. Azov command reports an additional 101 Russian soldiers wounded and 13 taken prisoner during the rapid response operation that mobilized Ukraine’s 1st national guard army corps.

Russian soldiers apparently parading with American flag in occupied Ukraine. Propaganda video emerges days after Trump welcomed Putin in Alaska.

Intelligence and technology

Ukraine gains access to the EU’s €1 billion defense contracts. Ukraine transforms from aid recipient to partner as EU opens €1 billion in defense contracts to battle-tested Ukrainian companies.

Post-war Ukraine set to supply military equipment across Europe, says US diplomat.

Frontline report: Azerbaijan is mass-producing 122mm and 155mm shells — Ukraine wants them all. Russia hit Azerbaijan’s oil sites in Ukraine. Baku answered by threatening to send weapons.

International

Ambassador resigns over Trump-Zelenskyy shouting match in Oval Office. Brigitte Brink revealed that a 28 February tense argument between Trump and Zelenskyy, during a meeting meant to seal a mineral resources deal, was a key reason she stepped down as US Ambassador to Ukraine.

US journalist apologizes to Zelenskyy after February suit controversy sparks in Oval Office

. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy delivered a response that highlighted the contrast between changing clothes and changing positions on the war.

EU increases its imports of Russian liquefied natural gas in six months.

President Zelenskyy meets Trump’s special envoy for Ukraine, before Trump’s office visit. Seven European leaders accompanied President Zelenskyy to Washington for 18 August meetings with Trump administration officials

Live updates: Zelenskyy meets with Trump, European leaders to stop Russia’s mass killings in Ukraine. Since 2022, Russia has killed nearly 14,000 civilians and committed nearly 160,000 war crimes in Ukraine.

Trump reportedly threatened to end talks in Alaska when Putin wanted entire Donetsk Oblast – media. Negotiations between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin reached a critical juncture in Alaska when Putin demanded for complete control over Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast

Humanitarian and social impact

Ukraine says Russia teaches children from occupied territories to hate democratic world in brainwashing military camps

. Russian investment in teenage military camps reveals preparation for extended war rather than peace.

Russia kills family with five drones in Ukrainian region, which is under Washington’s negotiation agenda. Moscow’s coordinated drone assault on sleeping civilians tests whether targeted family killings can influence the peace talks in Washington.

Russian missiles hit Zaporizhzhia infrastructure, casualties mount to 17 in 24 hours. Russian ballistic missiles struck Zaporizhzhia on Sunday morning, injuring six people including two in serious condition

Azerbaijan oil depot SOCAR hit by 10 Russian drones in second Odesa attack this month. The same SOCAR oil depot targeted by Russian drones on 8 Aug. came under attack again overnight, igniting fires that required over 100 emergency responders and a railway fire train to extinguish

Death toll from Russian attack on residential area in Kharkiv rises to 5, including toddler and teenager. The youngest victim was just 18 months old when Russian Geran-2 drones struck a five-story apartment building in Kharkiv’s Industrial district, killing five people and injuring 20 others in the dawn attack.

Political and legal developments

Ukraine exposes 1,000-ship Russian “shadow fleet” using fake flags to fund war. Ukraine’s new tracking portal reveals how Moscow transforms stolen grain and oil into weapons funding,

Russia gunpowder plant explosion kills 20, injures 134 in Ryazan Oblast safety breach. Russia’s military explosives plant Elastik suffered another deadly blast Friday, killing 20 workers in one of the region’s worst industrial accidents.

Read our earlier daily review here.

Energy Minister Svitlana Hrynchuk announced that Ukraine will make nuclear power the cornerstone of its energy strategy. The country aims to transform from energy victim to Europe’s next major electricity supplier.

“Personally, I believe that we must develop nuclear power generation. Because it ensures the stability of our energy sector; it is the type of generation that has allowed us to survive,” Minister Hrynchuk said.

The announcement signals Ukraine’s most ambitious wartime gamble: building enough nuclear capacity to replace Russian energy exports across Central and Eastern Europe while still under missile attack.

Dozens of coal and thermal plants lie destroyed or occupied, including the massive Zaporizhzhia thermal facility. The Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant — Europe’s largest — remains under Russian control, with all six reactors shut down and about six gigawatts of Ukraine’s generating capacity unusable.

But Ukraine’s four remaining nuclear plants generated 26.8 billion kilowatt hours in the first half of 2025 — more than half the country’s electricity. According to Energoatom, the operator, they ran at over 75% capacity, proving nuclear facilities can operate effectively during wartime.

Since March 2022, Ukraine’s grid synchronization with European networks has allowed power exports when surpluses exist. More nuclear capacity would enable Ukraine to capture significant market share from Russian energy exports that previously earned Moscow roughly €100 billion annually.

Ukraine will complete two Soviet-era reactors at Khmelnytskyi Nuclear Power Plant that have been unfinished since the 1980s. Bulgaria agreed this year to sell Ukraine two VVER-1000 reactors to finish units 3 and 4, which are 75% and 28% complete, respectively.

Additionally, Ukraine plans two entirely new reactors at Khmelnytskyi using American Westinghouse AP1000 technology, permanently breaking from Russian nuclear designs. The expansion would quadruple generating capacity at the facility.

Officials say new reactors will feature reinforced containment structures and integrated air defense systems. Plants like Khmelnytskyi sit far from current front lines, offering some protection.

Energoatom, reorganized this summer as a joint-stock company, received renewed licenses following regulatory inspections. Officials say the corporate overhaul meets European standards and opens doors to international financing for the expansion projects.

Ukraine’s nuclear expansion for Europe offers clean, reliable power that could replace Russian energy imports. The timeline creates pressure — nuclear construction typically takes a decade, while Ukraine must defend facilities throughout a protracted conflict. Success would prove countries can break free from Moscow’s energy dependence while under active attack.

The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 18 August that the Kremlin has not publicly confirmed US President Donald Trump’s announcement of a planned bilateral meeting between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Russian President Vladimir Putin, followed by a trilateral summit with US participation. ISW noted that Trump stated he had called Putin after the 18 August summit and began arranging such meetings, but Russian officials gave no direct confirmation.

According to ISW, Russian Presidential Aide Yuri Ushakov said that Putin and Trump “expressed support for the continuation of direct negotiations between the delegations of Russia and Ukraine” and mentioned the possibility of “raising the level of representatives of the Ukrainian and Russian sides.” ISW emphasized that this language did not amount to a commitment to leader-level meetings.

ISW also noted that Zelenskyy stated after the summit that he is ready to meet with Putin “without any conditions” and that it was Russia who first proposed a bilateral meeting, followed by a trilateral format with the United States. He said territorial matters would remain a subject “between [himself] and Putin.”

ISW: Security guarantees discussed, US role remains unclear

During the 18 August summit, Trump and Zelenskyy met at the White House before joining talks with European leaders, including NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, French President Emmanuel Macron, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Italian President Giorgia Meloni, and Finnish President Alexander Stubb. According to ISW, the leaders emphasized the importance of security guarantees to ensure a lasting peace and deter future Russian aggression.

ISW noted that von der Leyen, Meloni, and Starmer expressed support for guarantees modeled after NATO’s Article 5. Trump stated that the United States would support these guarantees in a coordination role, while “various European countries” would provide the main commitments. This was echoed in Trump’s readout posted on Truth Social.

Zelenskyy said in a joint press conference with Trump that Ukraine needs not only guarantees from partners but also continued access to weapons, training, and intelligence. Zelenskyy added that Ukraine and its European allies have launched a program to purchase weapons from the United States, and that a strong Ukrainian military is itself a security guarantee.

Financial Times: Ukraine proposed US arms and drone deals tied to guarantees

The Financial Times (FT) reported on 18 August that Ukraine offered to purchase $100 billion worth of US weapons, financed by European partners, in exchange for American security guarantees. FT stated that the document it obtained did not specify which weapons were involved.

FT also reported that Ukraine proposed a $50 billion plan to manufacture drones through Ukrainian companies, but the share of procurement versus investment was not defined. FT cited four people familiar with the matter and noted these proposals were included in Ukraine’s talking points shared with European leaders ahead of the summit.

Russia rejects NATO troop involvement in peace process

According to ISW, Trump stated during the 18 August summit that Putin had earlier expressed openness to security guarantees for Ukraine during the 15 August Alaska summit. However, ISW noted that Russian Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Maria Zakharova said on 18 August that Russia “categorical[ly] reject[s]” any plan involving a military contingent in Ukraine with participation from NATO countries. Her statement applied both to formal NATO missions and independent deployments by NATO member states. ISW says this mirrors earlier Russian threats to treat such deployments as legitimate military targets.

Trump and other European officials clarified that any future deployment of peacekeeping forces would not be part of a NATO mission.

Leaders voice support for ceasefire, but prospects remain uncertain

Trump said all leaders attending the 18 August summit “would obviously prefer an immediate ceasefire while we work on a lasting peace,” but added, “as of this moment, it’s not happening.” Trump stated he supports a ceasefire because it could halt casualties “immediately.”

ISW noted that Macron and Merz expressed support for a ceasefire either ahead of or after a potential trilateral meeting. Trump added that both Zelenskyy and Putin “can talk a little bit more” about the matter.

The math is brutal: Russia has three times Ukraine’s population and pays soldiers twice as much. Moscow can afford to send wave after wave of troops to die on Ukrainian soil. Ukraine cannot match those numbers.

So Ukraine is building something else entirely—an army where robots handle the dying.

When Russia launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022, Ukrainians across the globe mobilized to defend their homeland. Some picked up weapons, while others contributed with their technical abilities.

Now well in the fourth year of the war, Ukraine’s resilience endures, thanks in large part to its volunteers and tech pioneers racing to out-innovate Russia on the battlefield.

Among them is Lyuba Shipovich, a software engineer and tech entrepreneur who had been running a tech company in New York City. She left the United States and returned to Ukraine in the beginning of the full-scale invasion to join the resistance.

By 2023, she founded Dignitas, a nonprofit dedicated to training soldiers and integrating cutting-edge technologies into Ukraine’s military operations.

“We’re different from traditional charities as we don’t just fundraise and donate gear,” Shipovich said. “We build and test solutions, prove their value, and then advocate for government adoption.”

Why robots matter more than rockets

After nearly three years of grinding warfare, Ukraine faces a stark mathematical reality. Russia’s oil and gas revenues let it offer higher pay to attract new recruits, giving Moscow a significant advantage in replenishing its ranks. Ukraine must turn to technology—as it’s done throughout the war.

But bringing battlefield robots to the front isn’t simple. Resistance remains, particularly among Soviet-trained officers who often struggle to understand or trust these new capabilities.

This is where Shipovich plays an important role. Every month, she travels to brigades across the front, listening to commanders, identifying their pain points, and finding ways to support the deployment of ground robots. Dignitas helps train the army on how to use these technologies, such as ground robots.

“We train the military on tech, provide them with tech, and push for systemic adoption of battlefield innovation,” Shipovich explained.

Dignitas has already spearheaded major initiatives like Victory Drones, which is led by Maria Berlinska, and has helped drone operators scale across Ukraine’s army.

Now, Shipovich is turning her focus to ground robotics—working to ensure Ukraine’s military can rapidly adopt and deploy unmanned ground systems (UGVs) across the frontlines.

Their latest initiative is Victory Robots.

In a June social media post, the project team wrote that Dignitas Ukraine is “building a tech-driven advantage for Ukraine’s defenders” and that “it’s all about giving Ukraine every possible advantage to win—while protecting lives and reducing human losses.”

Ground robots already saving lives

Last month, I had the opportunity to join Shipovich and Stepan Nehoda from Dignitas visiting brigades working on robotics across various fronts. At each base we visited, every commander was eager to speak with her.

“The people we work with love us. Some officers hate us because we push them to do more work,” she said.

I was told that Shipovich can influence the General Staff of the Ukrainian Army and plays a role in shaping planning and resource allocation at the highest levels.

Each robotics unit was quick to show off their homemade battlefield tools and the innovations they had built in garages and workshops. I joined Lyuba on some of these visits and saw firsthand the kind of ingenuity that is helping Ukraine stay in the fight.

Some brigades are better resourced than others. But even those with very limited support are doing impressive work, hacking together solutions on a daily basis to stay operational.

Operators from the 3rd Assault Brigade told me that ground robots are now being used for medical evacuations almost every day. Other units are relying on robots to handle more of the logistical burden, delivering supplies and reducing the risks to human soldiers.

Oleksandr, the Platoon Commander of Ground Robotic Complexes (GRC) with the Antares Battalion of the Rubizh Brigade, described how volunteers are helping Ukraine adapt on the battlefield.

“Volunteers like Dignitas serve as a bridge between tech developers and the military,” he said. “They help rapidly test new solutions, adapt them to real battlefield conditions, and quickly deliver what actually works on the front lines.”

“This isn’t just humanitarian support,” he added. “It’s the real-time development of combat capabilities.”

Oleksandr, known as Ghost, has seen firsthand how ground robotic platforms are reshaping the war.

“Ground robotic platforms are already proving their effectiveness in logistics, evacuation, and fire support,” he said. “Over the next year, their role will only grow. They reduce risks for personnel, automate routine or dangerous tasks, and enhance the overall tactical flexibility of units.”

Ruslan, callsign “Light,” a UGV operator with the Bulava Battalion of Ukraine’s 72nd Mechanized Brigade, said his unit has avoided driver fatalities recently, though some have been wounded.

Before adopting robots, they lost four vehicles in May alone, with several more damaged. Losses have increased as the enemy now targets logistics deeper in the rear, focusing on FPV drone operators as higher-value targets than infantry.

Russian forces use fiber-optic FPV drones to ambush supply routes, hiding until vehicles appear.

“This is no longer science fiction,” said Oleksandr. “It’s a tool of war.”

The first robot-only assault in modern warfare

One recent operation showed just how far the technology has come. In the Kharkiv Oblast, soldiers from the 3rd Assault Brigade carried out a successful mission without a single infantryman on the ground.

Using only FPV drones and ground robots, they attacked enemy positions, destroyed fortifications, and captured Russian soldiers who surrendered to the machines.

The remaining Russian troops were directed toward Ukrainian positions by drones overhead and were then taken prisoner. “This is the first confirmed successful assault in modern warfare conducted exclusively by unmanned platforms,” the 3rd Assault Brigade noted.

At a recent demonstration of robotic systems near Kyiv, Volodymyr Rovensky, an officer in the Department for the Development of Ground Control Systems for Unmanned Systems under the Land Forces Command of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, provided a broader view. He noted that 22 combat units are already deploying ground robots.

According to Rovensky, 47% of all missions carried out by these systems involve logistics and evacuation, 25% focus on engineering tasks, 12% are combat operations, and the rest are special tasks. He emphasized that technological superiority will determine the next phase of the war.

“Our primary task,” Rovensky said, “is to provide the army with robotic complexes that can replace the infantry.”

The ultimate goal is to see ground robots deployed at scale across the entire frontline.

Building the future of warfare

Shipovich stated that “the idea that robots can fully replace infantry is both true and false. Today, they cannot, but that should be our goal.” She added, “We must get people out of the trenches and off the front line. Robots can do the dirty, dangerous work.”

“Today, 99% of ground drones in military use are Ukrainian-made,” she said.

“Other countries are studying our approach because what worked in US labs or fields is not viable in war. Ukrainian engineers are creating the future of warfare, not just for Ukraine, but for the world.”

Shipovich isn’t just focused on robots. She spends a lot of time thinking about artificial intelligence and how to apply it more widely across drones on the battlefield and to integrate into the ground robots to make them even more effective.

“Technology is everything,” she told me.

Shipovich envisions a wider technological shield that will protect Ukraine in the future, where drones and ground robots hold the frontline.

What comes after victory

When asked what she plans to do once the war is over, she replied that first, she needs to survive until it ends.

Key developments in Ukraine’s robotic warfare:

• 22 combat units now deploy ground robots regularly
• 47% of robot missions involve logistics and evacuation
• First successful robot-only assault completed in Kharkiv Oblast
• 99% of military ground drones are Ukrainian-made
• Victory Robots initiative aims for frontline-wide deployment

Oleksandr described the transformation: “This is no longer science fiction. It’s a tool of war.”

When NATO militaries examine effective territorial defense, they keep running into an uncomfortable problem: one of the best examples comes from a unit they refused to arm for years.

The 1st Azov Corps was synonymous with far-right extremism. NATO countries wouldn’t send weapons. Today, those same militaries study how Ukraine systematically purged the extremists while keeping the effectiveness.

Why does this matter beyond Ukraine? Because territorial defense just became essential for every democracy with an authoritarian neighbor. And Azov shows it’s possible to transform controversial volunteer forces without losing what makes them effective.

When armies collapse, volunteers fill the gap

Ukraine’s regular army was falling apart in 2014. Corruption, no equipment, units that wouldn’t fight. Russian forces and their proxies grabbed footholds in Luhansk and Donetsk while Ukrainian brigades crumbled.

Someone had to step up. On 5 May 2014, Russian-speaking Ukrainians formed Azov during the initial phase of the Donbas war. Initially called the “Black Corps” for their black masks and urban combat gear, they weren’t your typical volunteer battalion.

They got results fast. Azov helped retake Mariupol in September 2014 and Marinka in June 2015. Effective fighters who could actually push Russian forces out of key cities.

But here’s the thing: effectiveness came with baggage. Among the nationalists and patriots were members with alleged ties to far-right extremists. The Kremlin seized on this, turning Azov into a propaganda goldmine for justifying future aggression.

The weapons embargo that backfired

NATO countries slapped weapons embargoes on Azov. Understandable, given the extremist connections. The problem? Ukraine now had some of its most effective fighters inadequately armed, just as Russia planned something much bigger than the Donbas.

By late 2014, Azov was restructured into a regiment within Ukraine’s National Guard. The unit continued training and recruitment, becoming one of the most formidable fighting forces in the Ukrainian military. However, the weapons restrictions remained.

Meanwhile, Russia was preparing for a full-scale invasion.

How to purge extremists without losing fighters

Can you clean house without destroying effectiveness? Ukraine decided to find out.

Starting in 2017, the remaining far-right elements got systematically discharged, according to Ukrainian political scientist Vyacheslav Likhachev. The unit distanced itself from far-right political movements like the Azov Movement and National Corps.

What replaced loose recruitment? Rigorous training intake that separated recruits who could perform under pressure, become future platoon leaders, and display unit cohesion. British-led Western training programs brought NATO doctrine to units like the 12th Special Forces Brigade.

But training goes beyond classroom work. Azov recruits undergo rigorous field exercises, including close-quarters combat and trench warfare—preparing for real scenarios they’d face in the Donbas. Peak performance and composure under fire get instilled through actual practice.

The transformation worked. NATO countries started lifting weapons bans, recognizing Azov as a professional military unit.

Mariupol: The ultimate test

When Russia launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022, Azov’s transformation faced the ultimate test. At the Siege of Mariupol, the regiment tied down elite Russian units, including the 3rd Guards Spetsnaz and 810th Naval Infantry Brigade.

For three months, Azov held out. They prevented those elite units from reinforcing the initial assault on Kyiv. The strategic impact? Massive.

The cost was brutal. Many Azov members became POWs under grueling conditions, enduring torture as Russia used the unit’s controversial past for propaganda. Hundreds would eventually return through prisoner swaps, but some remain in captivity.

Still, Mariupol proved the transformation worked. The unit that NATO once refused to arm had become essential to Ukraine’s defense.

From regiment to corps: Scaling up success

What do you do with a proven model? Scale it up.

In April 2025, Azov became a full corps—the 1st Azov Corps. They’re now fighting across critical sectors: Toretsk, Pokrovsk, the Svatove-Kreminna line. The unit attracts recruits through demonstrated competency and trust among soldiers and civilians alike.

But what makes Azov different from typical territorial defense? Most such units hunker down and wait. Azov deploys anywhere on short notice, more like the US Marine Corps. They combine defensive and offensive capabilities, as seen in recent operations in Luhansk.

What NATO sees in Azov’s model

Here’s what catches NATO’s attention: systematic transformation without losing effectiveness.

The process involved several key elements.

• Professional vetting replaced loose recruitment.
• Integration into formal military structure created clear command hierarchy.
• Western training standards brought NATO doctrine.
• Focus shifted from ideology to patriotism.
• Rigorous selection emphasized competence over politics.

Why does this matter to countries like Finland, Sweden, and the Baltic states? Russia’s invasion forced the rapid expansion of territorial defense across NATO. These countries need effective local units that can operate independently while integrating with national defense.

Azov provides a roadmap. You can take problematic volunteer forces and turn them into professional military units through systematic transformation. The key? Don’t throw out effectiveness while cleaning house.

The global implications

Can other countries replicate Ukraine’s approach? That depends on several factors.

1. First, you need volunteers motivated by genuine patriotism rather than just ideology. Azov formed from strong nationalism and desire to serve in the face of existential threats. That foundation made transformation possible.
2. Second, you need rigorous vetting systems. The controversies that led to arms embargoes actually forced stronger background checks. Without external pressure, other countries might not implement such thorough screening.
3. Third, you need Western training and doctrine. NATO standards provided an alternative identity focused on professionalism rather than politics. Countries without access to such programs would struggle to replicate the transformation.

But here’s the bottom line: territorial defense isn’t optional anymore for democracies facing authoritarian neighbors. You need effective local units ready to fight. Ukraine proved problematic volunteer forces can become professional military units through systematic change.

For NATO planners worried about where Russia goes next, that’s worth studying—even from a source they once refused to arm. The 1st Azov Corps continues fighting across eastern Ukraine, part of a war that has cost Russia over one million casualties according to Western estimates.

The transformation from pariah to NATO standard took years. But it worked.

Editor’s note. The opinions expressed in our Opinion section belong to their authors. Euromaidan Press’ editorial team may or may not share them.

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Triptorelin, a synthetic decapeptide analog of gonadotropin-releasing hormone (GnRH), has garnered significant attention in scientific research due to its hypothesized impact on endocrine modulation and reproductive physiology. As a potent GnRH agonist, Triptorelin is believed to exhibit properties relevant to experiments conducted in laboratory settings that focus on investigating hormonal regulation, neuroendocrine interactions, and cellular adaptation.

Researchers have theorized that Triptorelin may interact with receptor sites involved in pituitary signaling, potentially affecting gonadotropin secretion and broader physiological responses in the observed research models. Beyond endocrine research, Triptorelin has been explored in experimental models investigating metabolic adaptation, neurobiology, and molecular signaling. While definitive conclusions remain elusive, ongoing research suggests that Triptorelin might hold promise in expanding our understanding of hormonal balance and cellular communication.

Structural composition and mechanism of action

Triptorelin is a synthetic decapeptide designed to mimic the activity of endogenous GnRH. Investigations suggest that this interaction may stimulate the pituitary gland to release follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH) and luteinizing hormone (LH), which are crucial in regulating sex hormone production. Research indicates that Triptorelin may exhibit properties associated with endocrine modulation, potentially contributing to experimental models exploring hormonal adaptation.

Additionally, some studies suggest that Triptorelin might impact receptor sensitivity and downstream signaling pathways, offering a speculative framework for examining neuroendocrine interactions. By engaging with GnRH receptors, the peptide may provide insights into hormonal regulation and physiological adaptation within the research model.

Potential implications in scientific research

• Endocrine and hormonal research

Triptorelin’s hypothesized impact on endocrine modulation has intrigued researchers seeking to understand hormonal balance within the organism. Some studies suggest that the peptide may impact gonadotropin secretion, potentially contributing to research on reproductive physiology and hormonal adaptation. While further investigation is necessary, these hypotheses provide a foundation for continued exploration.

Additionally, investigations purport that Triptorelin may be relevant in experimental models studying hormonal fluctuations. By engaging with pituitary signaling pathways, the peptide may serve as a tool for examining endocrine resilience and regulatory mechanisms.

• Neuroendocrine research and cognitive function

The interaction between GnRH and neuroendocrine function has intrigued researchers seeking to understand cognitive adaptation within the organism. Some studies suggest that Triptorelin might impact neurotransmitter modulation and synaptic plasticity, offering a speculative framework for examining neurophysiological processes.

Furthermore, investigations purport that this peptide may be relevant in experimental models studying neurodevelopmental pathways. Studies suggest Triptorelin might contribute to cognitive adaptation and neuronal resilience research by engaging with neurochemical signaling.

• Metabolic research and energy homeostasis research

Triptorelin’s potential impact on metabolic regulation has drawn attention in research exploring energy balance within the research model. Some studies suggest that the peptide might impact lipid metabolism and glucose utilization, offering a speculative framework for examining metabolic disorders. While further research is necessary, these hypotheses provide a foundation for continued exploration.

Moreover, investigations purport that Triptorelin may be relevant in experimental models studying mitochondrial function and oxidative stress. The peptide may contribute to research on cellular energy dynamics and metabolic adaptation by modulating hormonal signaling.

• Reproductive physiology and cellular adaptation research

The relationship between GnRH and reproductive physiology has been a subject of scientific inquiry. Researchers theorize that Triptorelin might offer a unique perspective on reproductive adaptation, particularly about gonadotropin modulation and hormonal balance. While definitive conclusions remain elusive, preliminary investigations purport that the peptide may be relevant in exploring mechanisms underlying reproductive resilience.

Furthermore, some studies suggest that Triptorelin might be involved in experimental models examining fertility-related pathways in research models. The peptide’s potential impact on hormonal signaling may provide insights into reproductive adaptation and physiological stability.

Challenges and future directions

Despite its promising implications, Triptorelin research faces certain challenges. The complexity of endocrine signaling necessitates rigorous experimental validation to elucidate the peptide’s precise mechanisms. Additionally, more considerations surrounding peptide research require careful navigation to ensure responsible scientific inquiry.

Future investigations may focus on refining methodologies for studying Triptorelin’s interactions at the molecular level. Advanced imaging techniques and computational modeling may support  our understanding of receptor binding dynamics and downstream signaling pathways. As research progresses, Triptorelin may become a pivotal tool in expanding our knowledge of endocrine physiology and beyond.

Furthermore, interdisciplinary approaches integrating bioinformatics, molecular biology, and pharmacological modeling may provide a comprehensive framework for studying Triptorelin’s properties. By leveraging cutting-edge technologies, researchers may uncover novel insights into the peptide’s role in physiological regulation.

Conclusion

Triptorelin peptide represents a fascinating subject of scientific exploration, with potential implications across multiple research domains. Its hypothesized impact on endocrine modulation, neurobiology, metabolic adaptation, and reproductive physiology underscores its relevance in investigative studies. While definitive conclusions remain a work in progress, ongoing research is unveiling new possibilities for understanding the intricate mechanisms that govern physiological balance within the research model.

Research indicates that as scientific inquiry advances, Triptorelin may be a valuable tool for exploring hormonal regulation, cellular adaptation, and metabolic resilience. The peptide’s speculative implications highlight the importance of continued investigation into its molecular properties and physiological interactions. Click here to learn more about the Triptorelin peptide and its possible research implications.

References

[i] Weiss, J. M., Polack, S., Treeck, O., Diedrich, K., & Ortmann, O. (2006). Regulation of GnRH I receptor gene expression by the GnRH agonist triptorelin, estradiol, and progesterone in the gonadotroph-derived cell line alphaT3-1. Endocrine, 30(1), 139–144. https://doi.org/10.1385/ENDO:30:1:139 [ii] Hirschberg, A. L., & Göthberg, G. (2021). Behavioral and neurobiological effects of GnRH agonist treatment in gender dysphoria. Frontiers in Neuroendocrinology, 61, 100899. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.yfrne.2021.100899 [iii] Garrel, G., Lerrant, Y., Siriostis, C., Bérault, A., Magre, S., Bouchaud, C., & Counis, R. (1998). Evidence that gonadotropin-releasing hormone stimulates gene expression and levels of active nitric oxide synthase type I in pituitary gonadotrophs, a process altered by desensitization and, indirectly, by gonadal steroids. Endocrinology, 139(4), 2163–2170. https://doi.org/10.1210/endo.139.4.5890 [iv] Zhang, X., Li, Y., Wang, L., & Wang, Y. (2023). Reproductive outcomes of dual trigger therapy with GnRH agonist and hCG in normal ovarian responders undergoing IVF/ICSI: A retrospective cohort study. Frontiers in Endocrinology, 14, 10985881. https://doi.org/10.3389/fendo.2023.10985881 [v] West, C. A., & Karsch, F. J. (2005). GnRH pulsatility, the pituitary response, and reproductive dysfunction. Frontiers in Neuroendocrinology, 26(2), 131–148. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.yfrne.2005.03.001

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The content of this article is intended for general informational purposes only and it is not intended to be a substitute for professional medical advice, diagnosis, or treatment. You must consult with a licensed medical professional before starting any new treatment or making any changes to your health regimen

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy met US President Donald Trump in Washington on 18 August, backed by a delegation of European leaders urging Trump to support Ukraine with ironclad postwar security guarantees. Their talks focused on ending the war with Russia, but without letting Moscow dictate terms. While Trump said the US would provide “very good protection” to Ukraine, he avoided detailing what that meant. Crucially, he refused to rule out sending US troops—leaving open the possibility of deeper military involvement as part of the proposed Article 5-like protection framework.

European leaders bring red lines to Trump’s push for quick deal

The New York Times reports that European leaders accompanied Zelenskyy to the White House to present coordinated red lines:

• a cease-fire must come before any territorial discussions;
• unoccupied territory must not be handed over to Russia;
• there must be no legal annexation of any Ukrainian land; and Ukraine must receive security guarantees capable of deterring any future Russian invasion, regardless of what Moscow promises.

According to NYT, President Trump did not explicitly reject these demands but emphasized he is focused on a “permanent solution” rather than a fragile agreement that could collapse into renewed war “two years from now.”

He declined to say whether he would support sending US peacekeepers to Ukraine. Instead, he said, “There’s going to be a lot of help,” and added that he would discuss the issue further with European leaders after his meetings.

CNN noted that Steve Witkoff, Trump’s special envoy, previously described the proposed security terms as “Article 5-like protections,” referencing the NATO clause on collective defense. That framing implies US involvement in Ukrainian security without granting NATO membership.

Zelenskyy says Ukraine needs “everything” to prevent Russia from striking again

When asked what kind of security guarantees Ukraine needed, Zelenskyy replied:

“Everything.”

Speaking in the Oval Office alongside Trump, he explained that this includes two essential components: military power—meaning weapons, people, training missions, and intelligence—and support from major countries like the United States, CNN says.

He stressed that any settlement without these elements would allow Russia to regroup and eventually attack again. CNN quotes Zelenskyy as saying the guarantees “depend on the big countries, on the United States, on a lot of our friends.”

Trump did not challenge that assessment, but offered no details about what kind of American commitment he would consider.

Trump eyes post-meeting call with Putin as trilateral scenario emerges

President Trump said he would be calling Russian President Vladimir Putin directly after concluding his meetings with Zelenskyy and European leaders.

“I just spoke to President Putin indirectly, and we’re going to have a phone call right after these meetings today,” Trump said from the Oval Office, CNBC reports.

He added that such a call could lead to a trilateral conversation involving Ukraine, Russia, and the US.

“There’s a good chance of maybe ending” the war, Trump said. But he also left open the alternative: “If not, then the fighting continues.”

 

Trump’s peace plan meets domestic pressure over foreign wars

Although Trump has kept his base wary of foreign entanglements, The New York Times notes that he did not rule out US troop deployment, a position likely to trigger backlash. During his campaign, he had promised to reduce American involvement in foreign conflicts. Nonetheless, his current posture leaves room for some level of military commitment.

CNN reports that Trump stated on 18 August that offering Ukraine security guarantees is still under discussion among the US and European leaders. He said:

“We’re going to be discussing it today, but we will give them very good protection, very good security.”

 

Former US Ambassador to Ukraine Brigitte Brink has revealed that one reason for her resignation was a dispute between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and US President Donald Trump at the White House in winter 2025. 

Brink described the meeting as a “disaster” and explained it was “one of the reasons I resigned as US Ambassador to Ukraine.”

Reasons for Brink’s resignation

The former ambassador noted that before another Zelenskyy–Trump meeting, she had urged support for democracies and opposition to dictators. She criticized Trump for promising to end the war between Ukraine and Russia, while, since the start of his administration, Putin has escalated the fighting.

“But when the Trump Administration’s policies go against our values and our interests, I’ll always speak out and fight for what’s right,” she claimed. 

Disagreements in Washington

Earlier, the Financial Times reported that Brink’s resignation in April stemmed from increasing political disagreements with the Trump administration. Senior officials questioned her willingness to support its strategy regarding Ukraine.

Brink’s stance on US policy

“Putin understands one thing: strength. The only way to stop him is to use all the levers of American power, together w/democratic partners, to make it clear that continuing the war will devastate Russia’s already struggling economy,” she added. 

Brink recently announced her intention to run for the US Congress, emphasizing that support for Ukraine and democracies remains her priority.

American journalist Brian Glenn, who in February questioned Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy about his attire, offered an apology during the leaders’ recent meeting in Washington.

The apology came during Zelenskyy’s August 18 meeting with US President Donald Trump in the Oval Office. Glenn told Zelenskyy he looked great in his suit, to which the Ukrainian president responded: “Yes, but I changed my suit, you didn’t.”

Trump sided with Glenn during the exchange, adding that he had told Zelenskyy the same thing about his attire.

The 28 February incident occurred when Glenn questioned Zelenskyy about his clothing choice during an Oval Office meeting. “I will wear a suit when this war is over. Maybe something like yours,” Zelenskyy had responded at the time.

According to Axios, Zelenskyy’s wardrobe choice during that February meeting contributed to Trump’s irritation. The publication also reported that White House representatives had inquired with Ukrainian officials whether Zelenskyy would wear a suit for the 18 August meeting with Trump.

The recent Washington meeting between Zelenskyy, Trump, and Vice President J.D. Vance ended in disagreement over the Russian-Ukrainian war, with the Ukrainian president leaving the White House earlier than scheduled.

The European Union spent approximately 4.48 billion euros ($5.22 bn) on Russian liquefied natural gas imports during the first half of 2025, marking a significant increase from the 3.47 billion euros ($4 bn) spent during the same period in 2024, according to data from Eurostat reported by Deutsche Welle.

The figures reveal that Russian LNG imports rose by nearly 30 percent year-over-year, even as the bloc maintains various sanctions against Moscow. Total EU LNG imports for the first six months of 2025 reached 26.9 billion euros ($3.13 bn), with the United States supplying the largest share at 13.7 billion euros ($1.6 bn).

“The United States was the largest LNG supplier to the EU in 2024, accounting for almost 45 percent of total imports of this raw material,” the European Commission data shows.

Russia continues to supply pipeline gas to the EU through a single route – the Turkish Stream pipeline. “These supplies are intended only for several countries, such as Hungary and Slovakia,” Deutsche Welle reports.

Russian LNG reaches Europe via maritime tankers, with deliveries that increased in 2024 but declined again from early 2025. The EU received approximately 5.7 billion cubic meters of Russian LNG between January and March 2025.

Current sanctions framework creates an uneven playing field for Russian energy products. “Russian oil is mainly subject to the EU embargo introduced in 2023. Sanctions on Russian gas apply only to pipeline gas and provide exceptions for Budapest and Bratislava,” Deutsche Welle notes.

The absence of LNG restrictions has allowed continued purchases by major EU economies. “Regarding liquefied natural gas from Russia, the European Union has not introduced restrictive measures. It was actively purchased, in particular, by Spain, France, the Netherlands and Belgium. At the same time, Austria, Poland, and the Baltic countries voluntarily refused gas from Russia earlier,” the report states.

The data underscores broader patterns in EU-Russia energy trade. In 2024, the European Union spent approximately 21.9 billion euros on Russian fossil fuel imports – only 1 percent less than the previous year. This amount exceeded the 18.7 billion euros in financial aid the EU provided to Ukraine during the same period.

Separate reporting indicates potential circumvention of energy sanctions through third countries. Between March and April 2025, Spanish ports received 123,000 tons of diesel fuel from Morocco, despite experts noting that Morocco has not operated oil refineries since 2016, making diesel purchases for re-export economically questionable unless the fuel has competitive pricing.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy met with Keith Kellogg, the US special representative for Ukraine, during his Washington visit on 18 August, according to sources who spoke to Suspilne.

The meeting included several high-ranking Ukrainian officials: Head of the Presidential Office Andriy Yermak, his deputies Pavlo Palisa and Ihor Brusylo, Ukrainian Ambassador to the US Oksana Markarova, and National Security and Defense Council Secretary Rustem Umerov. Zelenskyy later confirmed the meeting on X platform.

“We discussed the situation on the battlefield, our strong diplomatic capabilities – of Ukraine and all of Europe together with America. Russia can only be forced to peace through strength, and President Trump has such strength,” Zelenskyy wrote.

The Ukrainian delegation’s schedule includes separate meetings with European officials before the Trump encounter. According to sources, these meetings will be held individually rather than collectively.

Zelenskyy and Trump are scheduled to meet at 8:15 pm Kyiv time in Washington, followed by a multilateral meeting with EU leaders at 10:00 pm. The European delegation accompanying Zelenskyy to the US includes European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, Finnish President Alexander Stubb, French President Emmanuel Macron, and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer.

This gathering follows the 15 August Trump-Putin summit in Alaska, which took place without Ukrainian or European participation at Elmendorf-Richardson military base in Anchorage. Zelenskyy characterized that meeting as “Putin’s personal victory,” stating that the Russian leader seeks only to escape international isolation and delay sanctions rather than pursue genuine peace.

The Alaska meeting operated in a “three on three” format. Trump’s delegation included Secretary of State Marco Rubio and US Special Representative Steve Witkoff, while Putin brought his aide Yuri Ushakov and Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov.

Following their discussions, both leaders issued statements. Trump declared that “there is no deal, but significant progress has been made” and expressed his desire for relations with Russia after the war’s conclusion. Putin reported that Trump was attempting to help resolve the Ukrainian issue and expressed hope that the reached understanding would contribute to peace.

Planned expanded negotiations between the US and Russian delegations were subsequently canceled, the Wall Street Journal reports. Both leaders departed the base immediately after their bilateral meeting.

Trump conducted phone conversations with Zelenskyy and EU and NATO leaders following his Putin encounter.

US President Donald Trump has already arrived at the Oval Office to meet with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Today, the two leaders will discuss the conditions that the Kremlin is demanding for peace.

The leaders will first hold a one-on-one discussion, after which European leaders will join the talks. These include European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, NATO Secretary General, the Prime Ministers of the UK and Italy, the Presidents of France and Finland, and the Chancellor of Germany.

Ahead of the meeting, Russia has already struck Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, and Sumy, the major centers in the regions in Russia’s territorial swap agenda. Moscow has also deployed MiG aircraft capable of carrying Kinzhal missiles, which can reach any point in Ukraine.

10:20 PM: Trump says, “in a week or two,” the US will know whether it has succeeded in its peace efforts, or battles in Ukraine will continue. Trump, Zelenskyy, and European leaders ended the press conference.

10:12 PM: Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni says today’s meeting will begin and focus on discussions on security guarantees similar to NATO’s Article 5.

10:03 PM: Before the closed-door talks between Trump and Zelenskyy in the Oval Office, a map of Ukraine was put on display. It was placed opposite the table where the leaders of Ukraine and the US were seated. The occupied territories were marked in pink.

Ahead of closed-door talks, a large map of Ukraine showing Russian-occupied areas was placed in the Oval Office opposite Trump and Zelenskyy, BBC reports.

A Ukrainian delegate was earlier seen carrying what looked like a rolled-up map. pic.twitter.com/3mQ4YLGRBs

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 18, 2025

9:57 PM: After meeting Zelenskyy, Trump posed with European leaders for a “family photo” before closed-door talks.

After meeting Zelenskyy, Trump posed with European leaders for a “family photo” before closed-door talks.

In Washington: Starmer, von der Leyen, Macron, Meloni, Merz, Stubb & NATO’s Rutte.

Zelenskyy, beside Trump, was seen laughing at one remark. pic.twitter.com/S9SLZR2Zub

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 18, 2025

9:50 PM. The meeting between Trump and Zelenskyy has ended. Now, they will both meet with European leaders, The Hill reports.

8:50 PM: As Zelenskyy meets Trump, Russia rejects NATO troops in Ukraine, blasting UK proposals as “provocative.”

As Zelenskyy meets Trump, Russia rejects NATO troops in Ukraine, blasting UK proposals as “provocative.”

Trump, meanwhile, refuses to rule out sending U.S. forces under a ceasefire:

“We’ll work with Ukraine, we’ll work with everybody… and make sure peace is long-term.” pic.twitter.com/rZI7RBI5ls

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 18, 2025

8:42 PM: Zelenskyy has appeared in a more formal costume at the meeting with Trump. A journalist, who critisized the Ukrainian president the last time he visited the Oval Office, apologized for his previous comments and added that he looked “wonderful.”

8:40 PM: The US president has said, regarding security guarantees, “We will give Ukraine very good security.” However, no specific guarantees have been announced. At the same time, Kyiv will not join NATO, according to Trump. 

8:35 PM: Trump claims it was a hard thing for Putin to come to Alaska. The American president has been criticized for the warm greeting of the Russian leader. The US Army rolled a red carpet for Putin, which many view as a symbol of Ukrainian blood spilled in Russia’s war. 

Trump & Zelenskyy have been fielding questions for 15 min — a sharp contrast with Trump’s closed-door Alaska talks with Putin.

The tone is also far lighter than their tense Feb meeting.

Asked if Ukraine would hold elections after peace, Zelenskyy said:

“Yes, we are ready.” pic.twitter.com/Vam7K0Ua9E

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 18, 2025

Editorial: The summit that peacewashed genocide

8:30 PM: Zelenskyy says Ukraine wants to hold elections. But “we have to ensure safe circumstances. We need a truce to make it possible.”

8:15 PM: Zelenskyy has met with Trump. 

Trump came out to greet him. Shortly before, the leaders of European countries and NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte had arrived there, BBC reports.

8:10 PM: The Ukrainian delegation has already arrived at the White House.

The delegation, led by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, includes:
Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine, Rustem Umerov;
Ukrainian Ambassador to the United States, Oksana Markarova;
Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, Andrii Yermak;
Deputy Foreign Minister of Ukraine, Serhii Kyslytsya;
Deputy Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine, Pavlo Palisa.

8:08 PM: Trump’s pastor, Mark Burns, stated that Putin’s demand to protect the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine is cynical, noting that the Kremlin itself bans Ukrainian churches in the occupied territories.

“It is deeply troubling that during peace talks in Alaska, Vladimir Putin had the audacity to demand protections for the Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine.

This is the same institution being used by the Kremlin to justify war, bless missiles, and deceive millions by pretending their invasion is somehow holy,” he stressed.

8:06 PM: Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy emphasized just minutes before his meetings at the White House that his primary goal is “a reliable and lasting peace for Ukraine and for the whole of Europe.”

“We understand that we shouldn’t expect Putin to voluntarily abandon aggression and new attempts at conquest,” he said. 

Therefore, in his view, pressure from the US and Europe is essential.

8:00 PM: Ahead of the Trump–Zelenskyy talks, Ukraine revealed footage of its new Flamingo missile. Speeding along at 950 km/hr, it should be able to avoid all but the best Russian air defenses. 

Ranging twice as far as the best current Ukrainian deep-strike munitions, and with a warhead that is several times heavier, the Flamingo has the potential to significantly escalate Ukraine’s strategic bombardment campaign targeting Russian factories, air bases, and oil refineries.

On the eve of Trump–Zelenskyy talks, Ukraine unveiled footage of its new Flamingo missile — 3,000 km range, 1,150 kg warhead, now in mass production and used against targets in Russia.

Defense Minister Shmyhal: “This is very powerful, long-range weaponry — and it’s here.”… pic.twitter.com/N0f8YMgzVB

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 18, 2025

Instead of peace, Russia invests in preparing youth for future wars. Ukraine’s Center for Disinformation Countering has reported that over a hundred teenagers aged 14–18 were sent to a Russian military camp in occupied Luhansk Oblast, a part of Donbas along with Donetsk Oblast, where they were trained in shooting, drill exercises, and guard duty.

Children’s camps: What happens inside?

Teenagers were dressed in Soviet military-style uniforms and engaged in exercises involving tanks, artillery, and anti-tank obstacles. They spent ten days in the camp, learning shooting skills, military drills, and basic guard duties.

Participants came from so-called “military-patriotic clubs” in the Luhansk People’s Republic, the illegal Russian-backed entity on Ukraine’s territory, banned by Kyiv. These camps reflect the Kremlin’s systematic approach: instead of pursuing peace, it invests in future generations to prepare them for upcoming wars.

Impact on Luhansk Oblast

As of 2025, over 95% of Luhansk Oblast is under Russian occupation. Regional infrastructure is almost entirely destroyed: most residential buildings are damaged or demolished, while water, electricity, and mobile networks operate intermittently.

Russian occupiers forcibly issue passports to locals and maintain strict control over communities.

Danger for European nations

According to the agencyn, these camps are not mere training programs but a propaganda tool: teens are conditioned to military discipline and taught to hate Ukraine. The Kremlin is grooming a new generation of “cannon fodder” while simultaneously demonstrating unrestrained military aggression.

This strategy threatens not only Ukraine but European stability as well, since children raised in such environments could become participants in future combat operations. 

Russia spy chief warns NATO: Poland and Baltic States to “suffer first” in event of war

Ukrainian forces carried out a unique operation nearly 950 km from Ukraine. On the night of 18 August, the “Nikolskoe” oil pumping station in Russia’s Tambov Oblast was struck. The facility ensured the stable flow of oil along a strategic Druzha pipeline.

What happened at the station?

“As a result of the strike, a fire broke out at the facility, and oil pumping along the Druzhba main pipeline was completely halted,” the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine reports.

Such stations maintain pipeline pressure, and without them, fuel transportation becomes impossible.

Why the Druzhba pipeline matters?

The Druzhba pipeline runs from Russia to Belarus and then branches out: northward to Poland and Germany, southward through Ukraine to Slovakia and Hungary.

After the war began, the EU halted supplies along the northern branch, but exceptions were made for Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia. These countries continue to receive oil from Russia.

Strike on the Kremlin’s economy

“The ‘Nikolskoe’ oil pumping station is part of Russia’s economic infrastructure and is involved in supplying occupation forces,” the Armed Forces add.

Ukraine consistently targets Russia’s military-economic potential to weaken its ability to continue the war.

President Donald Trump nearly walked away from negotiations with Russian President Vladimir Putin during their Alaska summit when the Kremlin leader demanded complete control over Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast, according to Axios.

Putin presented maximalist demands regarding five disputed Ukrainian oblasts during the meeting on 15 August, with particular focus on Donetsk, where Russia currently controls approximately 75% of the territory, according to the reports. The Russian president wanted all of it.

“If Donetsk is the thing here and if there is no give, we should just not prolong this,” Trump told Putin during the talks, according to a source cited by Axios. Putin reportedly backed off the demand following Trump’s threat to end negotiations.

The Alaska summit represents the opening phase of Trump’s diplomatic strategy to end the Russia-Ukraine war. Administration advisers describe the approach as focused on bringing both leaders to direct negotiations rather than securing an immediate ceasefire.

“Everything else is foreplay,” a Trump adviser told Axios. “Everything is to get to that moment for peace.”

The administration has outlined a three-step process: securing bilateral agreements with both Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy separately, followed by trilateral talks involving all parties. Trump is scheduled to meet with Zelenskyy in Washington on 18 August.

US intelligence assessments present conflicting timelines for Russian military capabilities. One evaluation suggests Putin could capture all of Donetsk by October, while another predicts a more difficult and inconclusive campaign.

Putin agreed for the first time that the US and European allies could provide “security guarantees” to prevent further Russian aggression, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and special envoy Steve Witkoff said on 17 August.

“It would be a very big move by the President if he were to offer a US commitment to a security guarantee,” Rubio said on Fox News.

When asked whether such guarantees could include US troops stationed in Ukraine, one Trump adviser privately confirmed the possibility to Axios, while another said the details remained unclear.

Reuters previously reported Putin’s ceasefire demands from Alaska, which include Ukraine withdrawing its forces from Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts entirely.

Rubio emphasized Sunday that the US would not pressure Ukraine to surrender territory as part of any peace agreement. Zelenskyy has stated that negotiations must address the current front lines and that Ukraine’s Constitution prevents territorial concessions or land exchanges.

The Alaska summit concluded abruptly, with Trump departing Anchorage so quickly that administration officials left summit materials on a hotel printer, NPR reported. A planned working lunch between the leaders was canceled.

“20,000 Russian soldiers were killed last month, in July, in this war,” Rubio told CBS. “That just tells you the price they’re willing to pay. It’s a meat grinder, and [the Russians] just have more meat to grind.”

Russia has deliberately killed a family in one of the Ukrainian regions ahead of a key event for Ukraine in Washington aimed to end the war. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has called the attack “absolutely demonstrative and cynical,” stressing that it was conducted right before his meeting with US President Donald Trump. 

A few days earlier, the American president hosted Russian ruler Vladimir Putin, greeted with full honors as the US Army rolled out a red carpet in Alaska. During the event, Putin called Ukraine a “brotherly nation,” despite Moscow’s murder of Ukrainian civilians in Russian air assaults. 

After that meeting, Trump dropped his demand for an immediate ceasefire and argued that a quick peace deal could be reached if Zelenskyy agreed to hand over Donbas to Russia, including areas not currently occupied by Russian troops.

Mass civilian casualties

In Kharkiv, seven people were killed, including an 18-month-old child. Nearly 34 others were injured, six of them children. The city declared a day of mourning. Five drones deliberately approached the building from different directions, striking as residents slept inside, Ukrainian authorities say. 

Strikes on Zaporizhzhia and Odesa

Russia also launched missile strikes on Zaporizhzhia and Odesa. In Zaporizhzhia, three people were killed and another 20 injured. In Odesa, a drone hit an energy facility owned by an Azerbaijani company, threatening Ukraine’s energy security as well as its relations with international partners.

Zelenskyy on Kremlin’s cynical pressure

“Everyone wants a just peace and true security. And at this very moment, the Russians strike Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, Sumy, Odesa, residential buildings, our civilian infrastructure. This is the deliberate killing of people by the Russians, the killing of children,” the Ukrainian president emphasizes.

According to him, the attacks are a direct tool of Kremlin pressure on Ukraine and the EU ahead of diplomatic negotiations.

Ukraine has secured access to Europe’s defense strategy table. This spring, the EU granted Ukraine “associated country” status in its €1 ($1.17) billion Defence Fund. Now, for the first time, Ukrainian companies can compete for contracts and co-develop military systems that will protect Europe.

Ukrainian defense firms can now bid for EU contracts, partner with European companies, and help design tomorrow’s battlefield technologies.

According to Delo.ua, up to €1 billion could flow to Ukraine through these partnerships from the 2025 budget — if companies prove competitive.

This is not some favor Brussels is doing for Ukraine, but a two-way cooperation in which European financing is helping partners in the EU get access to technological innovations Ukrainian engineers have been forced to solve ahead of anyone else in the world.

European Defense Commissioner Andrius Kubilius acknowledged this on 30 April when announcing the €910 million ($1 billion) 2025 program covering 33 projects. The timing reflects Europe’s broader strategic shift — on 27 May, EU ministers approved a separate €150 ($175) billion arms fund.

The European Defense Fund operates through competitive consortia where companies from different EU countries collaborate. Ukraine can join these teams on equal terms with German, French, or Polish firms.

Key competition areas:

• Drone technology: Ukraine has demonstrated superiority over European alternatives
• Electronic warfare countermeasures: Battle-tested against Russian jamming
• Battlefield medicine: Innovations developed under combat conditions
• Cyber defense: Systems proven against sustained Russian attacks

The €1 billion figure represents Ukraine’s potential share across multiple projects. Since the total program is worth €1.065 ($1.24) billion, success depends on how competitive Ukrainian solutions prove.

Ukraine’s entry ensures European military systems will be designed with actual combat experience, not theoretical peacetime scenarios. For decades, EU defense companies designed weapons for high-precision small-unit warfare, pinpointing mostly terrorist targets.

The partnership also reduces Ukraine’s dependence on emergency aid. Instead of relying on countries to donate weapons from old stockpiles, Ukraine can help develop next-generation defense systems while securing long-term industrial partnerships.

This signals Europe’s recognition that Ukraine isn’t a temporary security problem but a permanent strategic partner. Whether Ukraine wins major contracts or smaller shares, the access fundamentally changes the relationship from charity recipient to competitive partner.

How is Russia circumventing sanctions? By sea. Ukrainian intelligence has revealed details of operations involving 42 ships engaged in transporting sanctioned Russian and Iranian oil, stolen Ukrainian grain and coal, as well as bunkering activities of the so-called “shadow fleet.”

Floating depots and false flags

Among the identified vessels is a floating storage unit of Russia’s Lukoil company in the Caspian Sea, used for transferring oil to “shadow fleet” tankers. Why does this matter? Under sanction and diplomatic pressure, many countries refuse to register such ships. Moscow responds with fraud: false flags, fake maritime registries, and falsified documents.

Russia’s systematic theft of Ukrainian grain from occupied territories has become a central feature of its war strategy, with millions of tons looted since 2022. The funds from such shadow operations are used to finance its war machine. 

According to the International Maritime Organization (IMO), over 300 ships worldwide currently sail under fake flags and fraudulent documentation, creating global risks for maritime trade and shipping safety.

War&Sanctions reveals the “shadow fleet”

The new “Ships” section on Ukraine’s War&Sanctions portal led by the intelligence agency displays over 100 Russian and Iranian tankers operating under fake flags of Panama, Malawi, Comoros, Guinea, and Palau.

HUR explains that all such vessels should be fully banned from servicing, port calls, and international straits. Flag states and the IMO must exercise strict and timely control.

More than just numbers

Overall, the portal now contains data on over 1,000 ships and 155 captains involved in transporting weapons and stolen products from temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories. This is not mere statistics — each vessel and captain reflects a complex network of Moscow and Tehran’s sanction-evading schemes.

The War&Sanctions portal enables monitoring of these schemes and provides global regulators with concrete data for action against violators. 

Ukraine will become a major military equipment supplier to European countries following the end of its war with Russia, US Ambassador to NATO Matthew Whitaker said in an interview with Fox News.

The diplomat said that Ukraine would become a major supplier of military equipment to Europe against the backdrop of increased defense spending by its countries.

Whitaker said that substantial financial resources will flow into Ukraine, primarily from Europe, to assist with the country’s post-war reconstruction.

The ambassador’s comments follow December 2024 statements by Donald Trump, who warned the United States could withdraw from NATO if European countries failed to increase their defense spending from the then-current 2% to 5% of GDP.

During the NATO summit in The Hague in June, alliance leaders agreed to raise defense expenditures to 5% of GDP over the next 10 years.

The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) previously calculated that global defense spending reached record post-Cold War levels last year.

Ukrainian Armed Forces Commander-in-Chief General Oleksandr Syrskyi said in an interview with RBC-Ukraine that Russian forces have suffered defeat in the Sumy direction and are now redeploying troops to other front sections.

“In Sumy Oblast, the enemy (Russian forces) has suffered defeat,” Syrskyi said.

The Ukrainian commander said that Russia had concentrated a powerful grouping in the Sumy Oblast, including elite units.

“Despite the fact that a truly powerful grouping was concentrated there from the best Russian units – paratroopers, marines and the best motorized rifle units of the ground forces, the enemy had no success in the last two months. On the contrary, it lost several settlements,” he said.

Syrskyi highlighted the failure of Russia’s most recent offensive attempts. The latest Russian effort to advance near Stepne and Novokostiantynivka ended in complete failure, according to the commander.

“The Russian forces were destroyed, thrown back beyond the state border,” Syrskyi said.

Ukrainian forces continue their advance in this direction while Russia has begun withdrawing troops from the Sumy Oblast. “The Russian forces, understanding the futility of this direction of its actions, is now transferring units from there to other directions, mainly to Zaporizhzhia,” Syrskyi concluded.

The commander previously said in late June that Ukrainian defenders had managed to stop Russian forces in Sumy Oblast. The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported that Ukrainian forces achieved certain successes in northern Sumy Oblast.

The death toll from an explosion at a gunpowder manufacturing facility in Russia’s Ryazan Oblast has risen to 20, according to the regional emergency response headquarters.

The blast occurred on morning of 15 August at the Elastik plant’s powder workshop in Shilovsky district.

The regional operational headquarters reported that some 134 people were injured, with 31 patients currently hospitalized in Ryazan and Moscow medical facilities.

Preliminary investigation findings point to violations of industrial safety requirements as the cause of the explosion and subsequent fire, according to investigators. 

The Elastik plant manufactures explosive materials and gunpowder products, primarily for military use. It has experienced several serious explosions, including a deadly one in 2025 that destroyed its gunpowder workshop. The incident on 15 August marks one of the deadliest industrial accidents in the region in recent years.

Exclusives

Ukraine’s Flamingo missile is for blasting Russian factories. Ukraine has a new cruise missile. It may be one of the hardest-hitting missiles in the world. But it’s unclear how many Kyiv can afford.

144 Russian prison guards exposed for torturing Ukrainian POWs—investigation reveals daily routine of cruelty and family life. The Molfar Intelligence Institute, a Ukrainian NGO, traced how guards commit war crimes and then return to allegedly normal homes.

Hudson Institute lists Russia’s eight most fragile military arteries Ukraine could sever next to break the stalemate. A new report highlights targets ranging from Crimean bridges to drone factories that sustain Moscow’s war effort. Analysts argue that striking these weak points could paralyze Russia’s logistics and increase the cost of occupation.

Alaska surrender: Putin scores total victory, Trump turns pressure on Ukraine. Trump abandoned $205 million daily sanctions against Russia while demanding Ukraine surrender its fortress belt—territorial concessions unprecedented since 1945.

Robot counterattack! Ukraine rolls gun-‘bots into brutal Pokrovsk battle.. Wheeled robots firing machine guns are helping Ukrainian troops defeat a deep Russian incursion near Pokrovsk.

Editorial: The summit that peacewashed genocide. Putin left Alaska knowing genocide pays. Every dictator was watching.

Military

Ukrainian sniper pulls off record 4-km shot that killed two Russians. Yes, it took AI. The strike near Pokrovsk used a 14.5 mm Snipex Alligator rifle guided by drones and AI, doubling the weapon’s official range.

Russia launched 60 drones and a missile overnight—Ukraine downed 40, but 12 locations still hit. Air Force says waves of Shaheds and decoys struck targets in three frontline oblasts late on 16 August.

Kadyrov’s fighters were driving truck into Melitopol base when Ukraine struck, wiping out Russian aresenal. The Ukrainian intelligence struck deep in the occupied city, destroying a key military arsenal.

Frontline report: The clock is ticking for Azov to turn Russia’s Pokrovsk breakthrough into a trap

. Azov’s mission exploits Russian overextension—troops pushed 13 kilometers in four days but left flanks exposed.

Ukraine hit a Russian convoy in Kursk — deputy commander of Moscow’s North grouping lost an arm and leg. The strike in Kursk Oblast forced Moscow to rush its deputy commander to emergency surgery, HUR says.

A direct drone strike lit up Liski rail station—Russia confirmed train delays across its southern network (video). Despite claiming mass interceptions, Russian officials acknowledged the hit on one of their key transport arteries.

Volgograd refinery goes up in smoke again—two days after a major drone strike (video). The fire broke out during reported “repairs” as emergency vehicles rushed in and sirens rang across the city.

Pokrovsk cleared of Russian infiltrators — but Dobropillia front still unstable, Ukrainian military says. Ukrainian forces also cleared villages near Dobropillia, including Hruzke, Rubizhne, Novovodiane, Petrovka, Vesele, and Zolotyi Kolodiaz, dissecting the Russian push.

Frontline report: Russian commanders vanish after questioning orders of “meat grinder” near Pokrovsk. Russia systematically uses deceived Central Asian migrants and forcibly mobilized separatists from occupied areas as cannon fodder, reflecting Moscow’s willingness to sacrifice marginalized populations for symbolic land victories.

Intelligence and technology

Frontline report: Azerbaijan is mass-producing 122mm and 155mm shells — Ukraine wants them all. Russia hit Azerbaijan’s oil sites in Ukraine. Baku answered by threatening to send weapons.

Ukraine sanctions Russia’s international AI drone networks. Russian, Chinese, and Belarusian companies hit with new sanctions for supplying Russian drone manufacturing.

International

The Economist: Trump team is “unbelievably aggressive” toward Ukraine in land concession push. A Kyiv officer warned US negotiators are pressing Ukraine to yield territory, raising fears Washington is advancing Russia’s interests.

Europe ditched Ukraine troop plan 4 days ago — now it’s back after US security promise. Trump’s Article 5-style pledge, reportedly agreed in Alaska talks with Putin, revived plans for a multinational force in Ukraine.

Trump envoy: Putin agrees to NATO-like security guarantees for Ukraine, vows law blocking Russian attacks on Europe

. Steve Witkoff said Russia agreed to NATO-style protections for Kyiv and to pass a law forbidding future Russian invasions of European countries.

Trump met Putin – now Zelenskyy brings 5 European leaders, NATO, and the EU to the Oval Office. The Washington meeting comes days after Donald Trump’s Alaska talks with Vladimir Putin unsettled Kyiv and its allies.

Humanitarian and social impact

One note forced failed Russian businessman to choose survival over duty on Toretsk front. A former crypto entrepreneur, thrown into combat, obeyed a drone’s message and escaped the fate of his comrade.

Read our earlier daily review here.

Russian propagandists published a video showing Russian military forces riding an American-made armored vehicle flying both Russian and American flags allegedly in occupied Ukrainian territory. 

The propaganda video emerges against the backdrop of the controversial Trump-Putin summit that took place on August 15, 2025, in Anchorage, Alaska. The meeting failed to produce a peace deal for Ukraine, despite Trump’s expectations for progress.

The footage shows what was described as a “trophy” American M113 armored personnel carrier adorned with flags from both nations. Russian propagandists claimed the vehicle was “rushing into battle” near the village of Mala Tokmachka in Zaporizhzhia Oblast.

Andriy Yermak, Head of Ukraine’s Presidential Office, strongly condemned the propaganda video.

“How should this be understood? Russian propagandists are showing a video where Russian equipment goes on the attack with flags of Russia and the USA,” Yermak wrote on Telegram. “In fact, Russians are using United States symbols in their own terrorist, aggressive war with the killing of civilian people. Maximum audacity.”

The authenticity of the video could not be verified by Euromaidan Press.

Day 1271

On 17 August, the biggest news comes from the Pokrovsk direction.

The Azov army corps has taken up full operational control over stabilizing the Russian breakthrough at Pokrovsk. With the situation reaching critical levels and threatening to overturn a year of Ukraine’s fortification work, Azov and its battalions are immediately getting to work on smashing the Russian salient back across the river.

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As Russians took Ukrainians by surprise, they broke through 18 kilometers deep behind the Ukrainian front line and penetrated through Ukraine’s new Donbas defense line while it was unmanned. However, as the reality of the situation got through to the Ukrainian high command, they acted quickly and redeployed Ukraine’s 1^st national guard army corps, led by the famed Azov brigade at its head. The Russian salient is deep but narrow, enough so that it could be pincered, cut off from reinforcements, and destroyed if the Azov corps was up to the task.

The recently redeployed forces immediately got to work, as the first step was to prevent the Russians from expanding their salient, allowing them to entrench and threaten Ukrainian logistics further on an operational scale. Open source military analysts show that the 1^st Da Vinci assault regiment attacked the Russian breakthrough head-on, and during the first day of clashes, they were able to blunt the spearhead and push the Russians back to Zolotyi Kolodiaz. Recent reports from various Russian, Ukrainian, and Western military analysts now show that they conducted a follow-up operation the next day, and pushed Russians out of the settlement and are overrunning Russian positions up to 4 kilometers below; recapturing the New Donbas Defense line in the process.

Further south along the thin Russian salient, elements of the Azov brigade launched rapid counterattacks on the Russians’ left flank, as the 93^rd mechanized brigade assaulted the Russians from the east. Satellite data shows numerous impact craters of Russian aviation glide bombs all over both sides of the salient, the locations of which indicate the Ukrainian attack was very successful and resulted in the capture of Kutuzivka, with prominent Russian and Ukrainian sources noting Ukrainians have fully encircled the Russians in two separate pockets.

Possibly realizing their goals were becoming too ambitious, Russians attempted an offshoot maneuver between Rodynske and Bilytske, hoping to at least achieve an operational encirclement of Pokrovsk as their larger breakthrough was faltering.

However, Azov quickly responded to this maneuver as well, rapidly cutting off the Russian axis of advance and eliminating dozens of Russian soldiers.

Command of the Azov units reports that in the past several days of fighting, the 1^st Army Corps has eliminated 271 Russian soldiers, wounded over 101, and has taken 13 Russian men as prisoners of war. Geolocated combat footage shows Ukrainian drones dropping grenades on Russian soldiers in fields and captured Ukrainian-made fortifications, fiber optic FPV’s eliminating Russians in houses and around the settlements, and four young Russian men having been taken prisoner after immediately surrendering to Ukrainian forces once the counterattacks commenced.

Notably, while Russians have crossed the Kazenyi Torets River, they did not take control of any major river crossings or a particularly wide base to transfer manpower and logistics over. Therefore, Russian sources report that Ukraine’s highly mobile drone detachments have now focused their fire on the base of the Russian salient at the river.

Russian analysts note they have completely lost control over this area, as Ukrainians have now officially and effectively cut off the Russian breakthrough through drone fire control, without having to expend any manpower to conduct a physical counterattack. Notably, Ukrainians were then able to physically move into Nykanorivka and Nove Sakhove, with the rest of the area being returned to the grey zone and under tight Ukrainian drone control.

Overall, Ukrainians have curbed the immediate threat of the Russian Dobropillia breakthrough and completed the encirclement of an estimated 800 Russian soldiers, hundreds of whom have already been eliminated in the fighting of the past few days. The Azov army corps’ decisive actions have been highly successful, blunting the Russian spearhead, pushing Russian forces away from critical supply lines, dismantling additional attempts to branch out, encircling Russians in several pockets with little cover to hide, and most importantly, clearing Russians out of the New Donbas Defense line; eliminating the operational-level threat posed by the Russian salient only days earlier.

Now, Ukrainians are poised to finish the job, to completely destroy what remains of the already brutalized Russian soldiers.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Russian forces launched ballistic missile strikes on Zaporizhzhia on the morning of 18 August, injuring six people in the regional center, according to Zaporizhzhia Oblast Governor Ivan Fedorov.

According to Fedorov, at least two explosions followed in the oblast shortly after the warning about the attack.

“Russian Forces deliberately try to hit the city’s critical infrastructure,” Fedorov said.

The casualty count increased throughout the morning. By 10:02 am, six people had been injured, with two hospitalized in serious condition, reports the regional administration.

The attack followed an evening airstrike on 16 August that killed a 15-year-old boy in the village of Novoyakovlivka. The teenager’s entire family – parents and younger siblings – sustained injuries in that strike. Two additional men were also wounded.

The combined casualties from both attacks total 17 people injured and one killed across Zaporizhzhia Oblast over a 12-hour period.

Russian forces have repeatedly targeted energy infrastructure and civilian areas in Zaporizhzhia Oblast since the start of the full-scale invasion. The region hosts Europe’s largest nuclear power plant, currently under Russian occupation.

Overnight on 18 August Russian forces also targeted Kharkiv and Odesa. About six people are killed in Kharkiv, including two children.

Russian forces launched a drone attack on oil terminals belonging to Azerbaijan’s state oil company SOCAR in Odesa Oblast overnight on 18 August, triggering a major fire at the fuel infrastructure facility, according to regional officials.

Odesa Oblast Governor Oleh Kiper said that despite active air defense operations, the attack resulted in significant damage in the Odesa district.

A fire broke out at a fuel and energy infrastructure facility and a two-story building in the suburbs of Odesa, according to Kiper.

Former Deputy Prosecutor General Gunduz Mamedov identified the target as SOCAR’s oil terminals in a social media post. Sources within Ukraine’s State Emergency Service told Ukrainska Pravda that 10 drones were used in the attack on the Azerbaijani facility.

The emergency response involved over 100 personnel, including rescuers, volunteers, National Guard firefighters, and local fire brigade teams. Ukrainian Railways deployed a fire train to assist with extinguishing the blaze.

Preliminary reports indicate no casualties or injuries resulted from the attack.

This marks the second strike on SOCAR facilities in Odesa Oblast within 10 days. On 8 August, Russian forces hit the same oil depot with five Shahed-type drones, causing fires and damaging a diesel fuel pipeline.

The overnight assault was part of a broader Russian attack involving four missiles and 140 drones targeting multiple Ukrainian oblasts. Ukraine’s Air Force reported that air defense systems shot down or suppressed 88 Russian drones across northern, southern, eastern, and central areas of the country by 9:00 am.

The attacks resulted in confirmed strikes at 25 locations across Donetsk, Kharkiv, Sumy, Dnipropetrovsk, Odesa, and Kyiv oblasts.

The Russian military regularly attacks Ukrainian oblasts with various types of weapons, killing civilians and destroying hospitals, schools, kindergartens, energy and water supply facilities. The Ukrainian authorities and international organisations qualify these strikes as war crimes by Russia and emphasise that they are of a targeted nature.

Overnight on 18 August, Russian forces also attacked residential building in Kharkiv, killing five people, including two children.

Rescue workers have recovered another body from the rubble of a residential building damaged by Russian strikes in Kharkiv, bringing the death toll to five people, including two children.

According to Kharkiv Mayor Ihor Terekhov, there are already four dead, including one child.

Kharkiv Oblast Governor Oleh Syniehubov later confirmed the fifth casualty, including a 1.5-year-old girl and a 16-year-old boy.

The number of injured has reached 20 people as of 9:30 am, with six children among the casualties, according to the State Emergency Service of Ukraine. Rescue teams have saved two people from the debris, and search operations continue.

About five people are currently considered missing, according to Syniehubov.

Russian forces targeted Kharkiv with Geran-2 type drones, with four unmanned aerial vehicles hitting a five-story residential building. The strike caused structural damage and fires broke out in the building.

Mayor Terekhov said that 18 August has been declared a day of mourning in Kharkiv for the victims of the attack.

The Russian military regularly attacks Ukrainian oblasts with various types of weapons, killing civilians and destroying hospitals, schools, kindergartens, energy and water supply facilities. The Ukrainian authorities and international organisations qualify these strikes as war crimes by Russia and emphasise that they are of a targeted nature.

Regional casualties mount across Kharkiv Oblast

The deadly strike on Kharkiv was part of broader attacks across the region that left 34 people injured over the past 24 hours. Russian forces struck the city of Kharkiv and 10 settlements throughout Kharkiv Oblast, according to regional authorities.

In Kupiansk, a 43-year-old man was injured in the attacks. The village of Lisne in the Malodanyliv community saw three casualties: two men aged 49 and 51, and a 48-year-old woman.

Russian forces deployed an extensive arsenal against the region, launching one Iskander-M missile and 33 unmanned aerial vehicles of various types. The attack package included 20 Geran-2 drones, two Lancet drones, two Molnia drones, one FPV drone, and five drones of undetermined type. Russian forces also used two guided aerial bombs in the assault.

Infrastructure damage spreads across multiple districts

The strikes damaged civilian infrastructure across four districts. In Kharkiv city, 19 apartment buildings and 25 vehicles sustained damage from the attacks.

Kupiansk district bore significant damage, with apartment and private buildings hit in Kupiansk city and Pidserednie village. The village of Shevchenkove saw damage to an enterprise and six vehicles, while storage facilities were damaged in Hnylytsya village.

Chuhuiv district reported damage to a warehouse and vehicle in Kochetok village, while a private house was damaged in Horokhovatka village in Izium district.

Ground combat intensifies on two fronts

Ukrainian forces recorded 182 combat clashes across the front over the past 24 hours. On the South Slobozhansk direction, Russian forces launched 13 assault attempts against Ukrainian positions near Vovchansk and toward the settlements of Khatnie and Odradne.

The Kupiansk direction saw 12 Russian attacks throughout the day. Ukrainian defense forces repelled Russian assault actions near Zapadne, Kindrashivka, Petropavlivka, and Stepova Novoselivka, as well as attacks directed toward Kupiansk and Nova Kruhliakivka.

The Flamingo, a product of Kyiv-based manufacturer Fire Point, weighs in a staggering 6,000 kg. That’s four times what the American Tomahawk cruise missile weighs. The rocket-propelled Flamingo should be able to haul a 1,000-kg warhead over a distance of 3,000 km while under satellite and inertial guidance.

Speeding along at 950 km/hr, the ramp-launched missile should be able to avoid all but the best Russian air defenses. Ranging twice as far as the best current Ukrainian deep-strike munitions, and with a warhead that several times heavier, the Flamingo has the potential to significantly escalate Ukraine’s strategic bombardment campaign targeting Russian factories, air bases and oil refineries.

While the Flamingo’s existence has long been rumored, it wasn’t until this weekend that Associated Press journalist Efrem Lukatsky confirmed it—with a photo of two of the huge missiles on their trailers at a workshop somewhere in Ukraine.

If the Flamingo looks familiar, it’s because it’s apparently a development of the FP-5 missile from Emirati firm Milanion. The FP-5 itself seems to borrow heavily from a missile with a storied history in Soviet and Ukrainian service: the Tupolev Tu-141.

The 5,400-kg Tu-141 was a reconnaissance drone—a product of the Kharkiv Aviation Plant in Ukraine. Ranging 1,000 km under inertial guidance at a top speed of 1,000 km/hr, it carried cameras instead of explosives. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, it left potentially dozens of Tu-141s behind in Ukraine along with the type’s assembly line.

A few of the 50-year-old Tu-141s were still flyable when Russia widened its war on Ukraine in February 2022. Enterprising Ukrainian technicians got to work repairing the old drones, testing their engines and replacing with cameras with warheads. They may also have added modern satellite navigation to complement or replace their old analogue inertial computers.

Crude cruise missiles

The rebuilt Tu-141s were some of Ukraine’s first deep-strike munitions. Following a difficult teething period that resulted in at least two Tu-141s crashing, the remaining drones attacked. On Oct. 7, 2022, Ukrainian drones—possibly Tu-141s—struck Shaykovka Air Base, 200 km from the Ukrainian border. There were reports of damage to two Tupolev Tu-22M bombers.

Subsequent drones raids on Dec. 5, 2022—possibly also the work of Tu-141s—targeted the bomber bases at Engels-2 and Dyagilevo, both 600 km from Ukraine. More drones hit Engels-2 on Dec. 26, 2022. By March 2023, the last few Tu-141s had crashed or been shot down, it seems. Soon, much more modern drones replaced the Tu-141s as Ukraine struck more targets inside Russia.

But these modern drones lack range and striking power. Arguably the best Ukrainian deep-strike drone, the propeller-driven, satellite-guided Ukroboronprom An-196, ranges 800 km with a 50-kg warhead. And it does so slowly, cruising at just 320 km/hr.

On the eve of Trump–Zelenskyy talks, Ukraine unveiled footage of its new Flamingo missile — 3,000 km range, 1,150 kg warhead, now in mass production and used against targets in Russia.

Defense Minister Shmyhal: “This is very powerful, long-range weaponry — and it’s here.”… pic.twitter.com/N0f8YMgzVB

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 18, 2025

With their limited range and small warheads, the drones can damage the closest and most delicate Russian targets such as the distillation towers at oil refineries in western Russia. But they can’t do much to halt operations at bigger, more distant strategic facilities—for instance, the Shahed drone factory that sprawls across nearly 160,000 sq m in Yelabuga, 1,500 km from Ukraine.

A barrage of Flamingo missiles just might stand a chance of taking out the Shahed factory and similar hard targets. If Ukraine can afford to build the missiles in large numbers. It’s unclear how much a Flamingo costs, but it’s worth noting that most American and Russian cruise missiles set back their taxpayers more than $1 million per round.

It took German financing for Ukraine to ramp up production of the An-196, which costs around $200,000 per copy. Absent a big financial commitment from an ally, Kyiv may struggle to build up an arsenal of hundreds of Flamingos—which is what it might take to make a real dent in Russian industry in the regions currently beyond reach of Ukraine’s deep-strike munitions.

Today, the biggest news comes from Azerbaijan, where a sudden escalation shattered regional stability as Russian airstrikes targeted and destroyed key Azerbaijani state oil infrastructure in Ukraine. In response, Türkiye signaled its readiness to deploy forces to Azerbaijan, setting the stage for a large-scale rebalancing of power in the South Caucasus.

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Calls for permanent Turkish troop presence in Azerbaijan

In Azerbaijan, calls are growing for Turkish troops to serve as permanent peacekeepers and security guarantors against any future Russian move. The idea gained momentum after an Azerbaijani journalist asked President Recep Tayyip Erdogan when the Turkish Army would come to Azerbaijan, noting that without it, there is always the risk of a new Russian occupation.

Azerbaijanis argue that Turkish soldiers are the ultimate deterrent to Moscow, as Russia continues moving additional troops toward the Azerbaijani border and reinforcing its bases in Armenia, despite Armenian protests.

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Türkiye’s military footprint already expanding

Turkish special forces and advisors already rotate through Azerbaijani units, and the private military company Sadat has an established presence. But the current push is for a permanent, full-scale Turkish military presence in Azerbaijan.

By shaping public debate in both countries, Ankara is testing the waters for permanent deployment — a move that would complicate any Russian military action in the Caucasus.

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Azerbaijan breaks with Soviet military systems

At the same time, Azerbaijan is breaking with Soviet traditions. President Ilham Aliyev has ordered a full switch from Russia’s military coordinate grid system to the US-developed World Geodetic System (WGS), the NATO standard.

This removes one of the last major Russian frameworks still embedded in Azerbaijani defense planning. By adopting it, Azerbaijan can now ensure seamless interoperability with Turkish and allied forces, sharing targeting data and reconnaissance instantly without conversion delays.

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Strategic signal: Preparing for potential conflict with Russia

The technical shift carries a clear strategic signal: Azerbaijan is aligning its military infrastructure with the West, removing dependency on Russian systems in wartime.

This strengthens the case for permanent Turkish troop deployments, ensuring both forces could operate jointly from day one.

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Russia strikes SOCAR facilities in Ukraine

The sharpest warning came after Russian missile and drone strikes destroyed facilities of SOCAR, Azerbaijan’s state oil company, in Ukraine.

In response, Baku threatened to go beyond humanitarian and defensive support — raising the possibility of sending weapons directly to Ukraine.

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Azerbaijan’s potential arms supplies to Ukraine

Notably, the Baku-based Avia-Agregat plant began producing 122mm and 155mm artillery shells in 2022, using Turkish and Bulgarian production lines. These are exactly the munitions Ukraine urgently needs.

If Baku scales up deliveries, it would mark a geopolitical turning point: a former Russian ally openly arming Ukraine, signaling Moscow’s deepening isolation.

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Russia’s provocations risk backfiring

By striking SOCAR assets, Russia risks provoking a stronger Azerbaijani military role in Ukraine, one that Baku could pursue without fear if Turkish peacekeepers are deployed in the region.

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From energy strikes to strategic realignment

What began as targeted strikes on energy facilities is now feeding into a broader realignment:

• Azerbaijan seeks Turkish troop deployments.
• It is embedding NATO systems into its military.
• And it is considering weapons deliveries to Ukraine.

Each step directly counters Moscow’s provocations and further isolates Russia.

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Conclusion: A risky gamble for the Kremlin

The irony is clear: by hitting SOCAR in Ukraine, Russia may have accelerated trends already underway, turning Azerbaijan into an active security partner for both Türkiye and Ukraine.

In trying to punish Baku, the Kremlin could instead push it firmly into the opposing camp, with consequences far beyond the oil sector.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

A Ukrainian intelligence officer has warned that the Americans are being “unbelievably aggressive” in pressuring Kyiv to concede more territory to Russia. According to The Economist, Ukrainian officials fear Washington is aligning too closely with Moscow’s terms after last week’s Trump-Putin summit in Alaska.

His remarks come just days after Trump’s highly controversial meeting with Putin in Alaska, where the US president echoed elements of the Kremlin’s peace demands. That encounter alarmed European and Ukrainian leaders, who fear Washington may be edging closer to Moscow’s agenda and weakening Western unity.

“They want to maximise the package they will get in return—from sanctions relief, to the return of seized assets, to the re-opening of energy markets,” the officer said. “What… is far less clear is why the Trump administration was pushing so forcefully to promote Russia’s interests.”

Relief gives way to unease

Initial reaction in Ukraine was one of relief that Donald Trump had not struck a “grand bargain” with Vladimir Putin. “Disaster averted: Trump has not sold us down the river,” one MP commented. But optimism quickly turned to unease as it became clear that Trump had sided with Putin’s sequencing of peace talks.

Instead of insisting on a ceasefire first, Trump embraced the Russian president’s call for a “comprehensive peace.” Adviser Serhiy Leshchenko reiterated that “a ceasefire must come before a more general agreement,” but Washington’s stance appears to have shifted.

Putin’s demands

At the summit, Putin reportedly repeated demands for Ukraine to withdraw from parts of Luhansk and Donetsk Oblasts, in exchange for minor territorial concessions in Sumy and Kharkiv. Analysts note this would leave Russia in a stronger position to renew attacks in the future.

Former Ukrainian diplomat Roman Bezsmertny accused Putin of exploiting Trump’s ambitions: “Under Mr Putin’s spell, Trump is an incapacitated politician.”

Public opinion hardens

War fatigue has shifted opinion in Ukraine toward pragmatism. Polls show a majority willing to accept Russia’s current occupation in exchange for strong Western guarantees. But there are clear limits. Anton Hrushetskyi of the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology said “less than one in five” Ukrainians would accept the land swaps Trump is said to favour.

Next steps

Zelensky will meet Trump in Washington on 18 August, ahead of a possible three-way summit with Putin later this week. But Ukrainians fear the outcome may already be tilted. As Trump put it on Fox News: “Make a deal. Russia is a very big power. [You] are not.”

After consultations with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the Coalition of the Willing confirmed its readiness to provide security guarantees for Ukraine, including the deployment of a multinational military contingent on Ukrainian territory.

Earlier in the year, plans were floated for a 30,000-strong force, but without US participation, European governments were reluctant to commit. As recently as this week, The Times reported the plan was effectively off the table, replaced by scaled-back measures such as air patrols, training Ukrainian forces, and demining the Black Sea.

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US role transforms the scenario

That changed when Donald Trump reportedly agreed to offer Ukraine an Article 5-style security guarantee. Unlike NATO membership, this would not make Ukraine part of the alliance but would still provide a collective-defense commitment resembling NATO’s core clause.

US envoy Steve Witkoff called it “game-changing”, noting that Vladimir Putin had, for the first time, agreed to such protections during talks in Alaska.

The official statement from Macron and Starmer, released by Downing Street, underlined the coalition’s new confidence:

“The leaders reaffirmed support for Ukraine, praised Zelenskyy’s push for peace, and welcomed Trump’s security guarantees—saying the Coalition of the Willing will play a vital role through the Multinational Force Ukraine.”

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Leaders react

UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer reiterated:

“Our support for Ukraine is unwavering—international borders must not be changed by force.”

French President Emmanuel Macron warned:

“If we are weak with Russia, we are preparing for tomorrow’s conflicts.”

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What comes next

With US backing secured, the coalition now signals readiness to deploy a peacekeeping and reassurance force once fighting ends, while also securing Ukraine’s skies and seas and helping to rebuild its armed forces. UK Defense Secretary John Healey confirmed that British troops are prepared to take part.

European leaders—including Starmer and Macron—will now travel to Washington DC for talks with Trump and Zelenskyy, aiming to finalize the guarantees and shape the coalition’s role.

A Ukrainian sniper from the elite Pryvyd (“Ghost”) unit has reportedly killed two Russian soldiers with a single bullet through the window of an occupied building from an extraordinary 2.5 miles (4,000 m) away — believed to be the longest confirmed sniper kill ever recorded.

The shot took place on 14 August, between Myrnohrad and Pokrovsk in eastern Donetsk Oblast, just as Russia claimed a breakthrough near Pokrovsk. Although Ukrainian forces have pressed back with some success, the battle remains fierce. At the same time, President Vladimir Putin demanded that Ukraine withdraw from Donetsk and Luhansk to end the war — a proposal Kyiv firmly rejected, insisting it will not surrender land still under its control.

A Ukrainian sniper may have set a world record.

From 4 km (2.5 miles), one round hit a window—
2 Russian soldiers fell instantly.

The rifle: a 14.5 mm Snipex Alligator.
The assist: drones + AI.

If confirmed, it’s the longest sniper shot ever reported.

Video: Butusov+ pic.twitter.com/zxB16TW0pa

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 17, 2025

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How it happened: Tech meets precision

• Rifle Used: 14.5 mm Snipex Alligator, an anti-materiel rifle originally meant to destroy equipment, not personnel. Its official effective range is 2,000 m—only half the distance achieved in this shot.
• Guidance Tools: The sniper used AI-assisted targeting and drone surveillance to calibrate the record-breaking strike.

Journalist Yurii Butusov released the footage and praised the performance:

“Incredible accuracy and a new world record for the longest range!” he wrote on Telegram.

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Shattering sniper records

If confirmed, this milestone surpasses the previous Ukrainian record of 3,800 m, set by Vyacheslav Kovalskyi in November 2023 with the Lord of the Horizon rifle.

Other historic long-range marks include:

• 3,540 m — Canadian sniper vs. ISIS fighter (2017)
• 2,478 m — British sniper Craig Harrison vs. Taliban fighter (2009)

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Innovation born of necessity

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022, Ukraine has become a testing ground for battlefield innovation. Sniper teams now regularly combine drones, AI software, and forward observers, often surpassing the original limits of their hardware.

As Defence Express noted:

“Real-life experience has shown … the actual capabilities of Ukrainian weapons, which have far exceeded their creators’ expectations.”

President Donald Trump’s top envoy, Steve Witkoff, said that last week’s Alaska summit between Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin produced “significant progress” on security guarantees for Ukraine and potential compromises over territory.

His remarks come just days after Trump’s highly controversial meeting with Putin in Alaska, where the US president echoed elements of the Kremlin’s peace demands. That encounter alarmed European and Ukrainian leaders, who fear Washington may be edging closer to Moscow’s agenda and weakening Western unity.

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Security guarantees: a “game-changer”

Witkoff told CNN that Putin agreed to “robust security guarantees” for Ukraine, similar to NATO’s Article 5 mutual defense commitment.

“We agreed to robust security guarantees that I would describe as game changing,” Witkoff said, adding that Russia pledged to codify into law a commitment not to invade Ukraine—or any other European country—as part of a final peace deal.

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Russian concessions on territory

According to Witkoff, Putin also made “some concessions” regarding his long-standing demands for Ukrainian land. While the envoy declined to name specific regions, he suggested Moscow is shifting toward negotiating around current front lines, rather than insisting on full administrative control of multiple Ukrainian provinces.

European outlets including Reuters and the Financial Times reported that Russia floated freezing the front lines in Kherson and Zaporizhzhia, while potentially withdrawing from parts of Sumy and Kharkiv, in exchange for Ukrainian concessions in the Donbas.

“The Russians made some concessions at the table with regard to all five of those regions,” Witkoff noted. “Hopefully we can cut through and make some decisions right then and there” when Trump meets Ukraine’s leadership.

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White House meeting with Zelenskyy and Europeans

On 18 August, Trump will host Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy at the White House, joined by European leaders. Discussions are expected to center on both security guarantees and the territorial framework of a potential peace deal.

The meeting follows a late-night phone call after the Alaska summit in which Trump, Witkoff, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and NATO allies coordinated on next steps.

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US officials stress no pressure on Kyiv

Secretary of State Marco Rubio pushed back against speculation that Washington is pressuring Ukraine to surrender territory.

“No one is pressuring Ukraine to give up land,” Rubio told NBC. “Putin is asking for things Ukrainians are not willing to accept—and we’re not going to force them.”

Rubio also downplayed the effectiveness of fresh sanctions, warning they would not push Moscow toward peace:

“They’re already under very tough sanctions. More sanctions won’t make them agree to a ceasefire.”

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Trump declares “BIG PROGRESS”

Shortly after the Alaska talks, Trump posted on Truth Social:

“BIG PROGRESS ON RUSSIA. STAY TUNED!”

The president offered no details, but the message came ahead of Zelenskyy’s Oval Office visit and renewed efforts to shape a broader settlement.

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The road ahead: fragile diplomatic terrain

Despite Witkoff’s upbeat assessment, Ukrainian officials remain wary. According to Financial Times, some in Kyiv described the Alaska summit as “horrible,” warning it could lead to a deal resembling capitulation. European leaders, too, worry that Trump’s closeness to Putin may erode solidarity within NATO.

Rubio tempered expectations, saying that while the summit produced “movement,” a comprehensive peace deal remains far off.

“There has to be talk about territories, about Ukraine’s long-term security, and about rebuilding the country,” Rubio said. “If there’s going to be a deal, each side will have to give up something.”

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy will arrive in Washington on Monday accompanied by an extensive lineup of European leaders for talks with US President Donald Trump.

The meeting, set for 18 August in the Oval Office, comes just days after Trump’s controversial summit with Vladimir Putin in Alaska. That encounter, where Trump echoed parts of Putin’s peace demands, has alarmed European and Ukrainian leaders who fear Washington may be drifting toward Moscow’s agenda.

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High-profile delegation

According to international media, the delegation includes:

• French President Emmanuel Macron
• German Chancellor Friedrich Merz
• UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer
• Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni
• Finnish President Alexander Stubb
• European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen
• NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte

Their joint appearance is widely seen as an effort to bolster Zelenskyy’s position in Washington, amid concerns that Trump’s rapport with Putin could undercut Ukraine’s leverage.

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Trump eyes trilateral summit with Putin

Following the Oval Office talks, Trump reportedly wants to stage a trilateral summit with Putin and Zelenskyy on 22 August, according to Axios.

Anonymous sources say Trump has already discussed this idea in phone calls with Zelenskyy and European leaders. His warm embrace of Putin in Alaska raised alarms across Europe.

“European leaders fear Zelenskyy may not receive the same friendly treatment in Washington,” Politico reported.

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A show of support

European capitals are calling this delegation a “desant of support.”

• Macron, Merz, and Starmer form the core of the so-called “coalition of the willing.”
• Meloni, ideologically close to Trump, is expected to add weight to the talks.
• Rutte, who enjoys good relations with Trump, will be present.
• Finland’s Stubb — a personal golfing partner of Trump — may serve as a mediator to keep discussions on track.

As BBC News Ukraine noted, Stubb once spent seven hours at Mar-a-Lago with Trump, using golf diplomacy to build trust.

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Putin’s demands in Alaska

At the Alaska summit, Putin made sweeping demands, described by Reuters as:

• Ukraine’s withdrawal from all government-held Donbas territory, in exchange for Russia giving up small parts of Kharkiv and Sumy Oblasts it occupies.
• US recognition of Crimea as Russian.
• Partial sanctions relief.
• Expanded rights for the Russian language and Russian Orthodox Church in Ukraine.
• A permanent ban on NATO membership for Ukraine, with vague promises of third-party guarantees.

“At least some of the demands represent an enormous challenge for Ukraine’s leadership,” Reuters wrote.

Journalist: “When will you stop killing civilians?”
Putin pretends not to hear.
Minutes later — he and Trump slip into the presidential Cadillac for talks. pic.twitter.com/z7mrfIfIgl

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 15, 2025

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Zelenskyy: No trade on territory

Zelenskyy has firmly rejected any idea of surrendering land.

“Real negotiations must start from the current front line,” he said in Brussels after talks with von der Leyen. “The contact line is the best line for discussions.”

He stressed that under Ukraine’s Constitution, “trading land or surrendering territory is impossible.” If Russia refuses, he added, new sanctions must follow.

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Von der Leyen: “Stop the killings”

European Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen underlined that ending civilian deaths is the top priority.

“The result must be an end to the killings. That is point number one,” she said.

She also expressed support for a trilateral meeting of Russia, the US, and Ukraine.

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Security guarantees discussed

European officials confirmed that Trump floated the idea of security guarantees for Ukraine, possibly modeled on NATO’s Article 5.

Zelenskyy welcomed the move: “It is important that America agrees to work with Europe to provide security guarantees. This is a significant step forward.”

Yet, details remain unclear. Who would enforce them? What role would the US and EU play? Putin, for his part, suggested China could be a guarantor — a proposal viewed skeptically in the West.

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The “Finnish model” debate

Some Western analysts have floated the idea of Ukraine following a “Finnish path” — ceding territory in exchange for peace, as Finland did with the USSR in 1944.

But Finnish President Stubb rejected the comparison, arguing that Finland lost two of three pillars of its statehood under Stalin’s settlement. He insists such concessions would be disastrous for Ukraine.

The Ukrainian intelligence has dealt a devastating blow to Russian forces in the occupied part of Zaporizhzhia Oblast. A new Kyiv operation has burned down an arsenal, destroyed ammunition, and eliminated Russian marines, together with Kadyrov’s fighters in Melitopol.

Explosion in the industrial zone

According to the Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR), on 16 August 2025, Ukrainian forces incinerated an ammunition depot and blew up Russian military positions.

The explosion occurred when a truck carrying personnel entered the industrial area on Korvatskoho passage.

“As a result, at least six Russian invaders from the marine infantry were eliminated, as well as the UAV crew of the so-called Kadyrov battalion Akhmad-Vostok. The explosion also set fire to the ammunition depot, and secondary detonations were heard,” HUR reports.

“Akhmad-Vostok”: Kadyrov’s punitive squad

The eliminated fighters belonged to the Kadyrovite battalion Akhmad-Vostok. This Chechen formation within the Russian National Guard is controlled by Ramzan Kadyrov.

It is notorious for its brutality, propaganda, and participation in the bloodiest battles in Donbas and Zaporizhzhia Oblast.

Since the beginning of the invasion in 2022, Akhmad-Vostok has performed punitive functions, conducted “cleansing” operations, and terrorized the local population. Ukrainian intelligence has repeatedly recorded the unit’s presence on the front line in the hottest combat zones.

Melitopol: occupiers’ logistics hub and humanitarian catastrophe

Melitopol is a key supply hub for Russian forces in Zaporizhzhia Oblast. The city suffers from a humanitarian crisis: water and power outages, repression against local residents, raids and searches.

The HUR operation in Melitopol sent a clear signal: Ukrainian resistance continues even deep in enemy-held territory, and the occupiers can feel safe nowhere.

Today, there is dangerous news from the Pokrovsk direction. Here, the Russians pushed their breakthrough on the eastern flank in a surprise direction, putting the new Ukrainian Donbas defense line to the northwest in critical danger before it could be manned. With the gap already exploited by the enemy, the Ukrainian command now has a brief window to fix the situation by redeploying its most lethal unit, the Azov Brigade.

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Shift from Avdiivka playbook

After the initial Russian push on the eastern flank, the expectation was that Russian forces would try to repeat their Avdiivka playbook, encircling Pokrovsk from the east through a slow tightening of the flanks. Instead, Russian commanders made a sharper and bolder move, as they identified a thinly held section of the Ukrainian line to the north and rushed it before proper defense and coordination could be established.

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Threat to newly built Donbas defense line

The push was aimed not only at threatening Pokrovsk but also at undermining the newly constructed Donbas defense line, a layered system of trenches, fortified points, and natural barriers designed to slow attackers until drone operators and mobile reserves could respond.

Over several days, Russian forces advanced between Shakhove and Dobropillia, using infiltration tactics to seize or contest multiple settlements. Russian troops used the tree lines to infiltrate the settlements, where they began building up forces. They pushed into several of them, making gains and breaking through at almost 13 kilometers deep in around 3 to 4 days. Alarmingly, they then pressed forward and bypassed the newly built heavy fortifications with ease while they were unmanned, threatening to turn these strongpoints against Ukrainian defenders.

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Russians press toward strategic highway

Now, they are attempting to entrench near Novovodiane, pressing toward the Dobropillia–Kramatorsk highway. This advance was in part made possible by a breakdown in Ukrainian coordination. Although the Armed Forces have largely overcome past issues with communication and transparency, in this most critical sector of the frontline the old weakness resurfaced.

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Breakdown in Ukrainian coordination

Commanders from one brigade reported to higher headquarters that the situation was under control, claiming that all enemy forces had been neutralized, even as soldiers on the ground urgently reported ongoing Russian infiltration and force buildup. A shortage of manpower meant that even well-prepared defensive positions were left under-defended, while the integrated response, combining drones, artillery, and aviation, failed to be deployed with the speed and cohesion required to stop the enemy advance.

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Russian disinformation and recon failures

Government-linked Russian analysts publicly downplayed the gains, calling them reconnaissance and infiltration operations, not a breakthrough, further playing into the Ukrainian underestimation of the Russian threat. But in reality, once the gap was found, the Russian command sent actual assault forces, not just small sabotage teams. This also reveals a failure of Ukrainian reconnaissance and intelligence, as if drone surveillance here had been sufficiently layered and constant, such movements would likely have been detected and targeted long before they reached such dangerous depth.

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Azov brigade redeployed to Pokrovsk

The urgency of the situation is underscored by a public letter from a prominent Azov Brigade commander to President Zelenskyy. He warned that once the Russians take control of Ukraine’s defensive structures, removing them will be close to impossible. The only viable response is an immediate pincer maneuver to cut off the spearhead from reinforcement, followed by a clearing operation.

Yet such a counterattack is risky, as the Russian command almost certainly anticipates it and may be setting a trap. Still, the alternative of letting the Russians dig in further could be far worse, so timing will decide everything. A swift, coordinated counteroffensive while the Russians are still consolidating could succeed, but hesitation would all but guarantee long-term loss of the area.

As a result of the danger, the Azov Brigade has now been redeployed to the Pokrovsk sector, indicating the Ukrainian high command’s intent to act decisively, as the stakes extend far beyond Pokrovsk.

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Strategic and political stakes

The Russian gains threaten not just the town but the broader Donbas defense line and multiple settlements in the Ukrainian-controlled part of Donetsk Oblast. If unhindered, this penetration could unravel months of fortification work and open the way for deeper Russian advances.

The timing is also politically charged, as the breakthrough comes just days before the announced Putin–Trump meeting in Alaska, adding haste to Ukraine’s need to stabilize the front.

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Decisive days ahead

Overall, by moving one of the most experienced and feared formations into the sector of Pokrovsk, Ukraine recognizes both the danger and the need to correct earlier mistakes and failures. The coming days will be decisive, as if Ukrainian forces can seal off and destroy the Russian spearhead, they will not only save Pokrovsk but also preserve the integrity of the Donbas defense system.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Exclusives

144 Russian prison guards exposed for torturing Ukrainian POWs—investigation reveals daily routine of cruelty and family life. The Molfar Intelligence Institute, a Ukrainian NGO, traced how guards commit war crimes and then return to allegedly normal homes.

Hudson Institute lists Russia’s eight most fragile military arteries Ukraine could sever next to break the stalemate. A new report highlights targets ranging from Crimean bridges to drone factories that sustain Moscow’s war effort. Analysts argue that striking these weak points could paralyze Russia’s logistics and increase the cost of occupation.

Alaska surrender: Putin scores total victory, Trump turns pressure on Ukraine. Trump abandoned $205 million daily sanctions against Russia while demanding Ukraine surrender its fortress belt—territorial concessions unprecedented since 1945.

Robot counterattack! Ukraine rolls gun-‘bots into brutal Pokrovsk battle.. Wheeled robots firing machine guns are helping Ukrainian troops defeat a deep Russian incursion near Pokrovsk.

Editorial: The summit that peacewashed genocide. Putin left Alaska knowing genocide pays. Every dictator was watching.

Military

Ukraine crashes Russian horns of war near Pokrovsk, eliminating 271 occupiers over few days. Smoke and dust rise over the Donetsk horizon as Ukrainian brigades hold the line, crushing Russian attempts to seize Dobropillia and blunting their push toward Pokrovsk.

One note forced failed Russian businessman to choose survival over duty on Toretsk front. A former crypto entrepreneur, thrown into combat, obeyed a drone’s message and escaped the fate of his comrade.

Zelenskyy: Kyiv expects surge in attacks on Ukraine to force concessions after Alaska peace talks

. Russian forces are massing for fresh assaults, yet Kyiv says it is ready to fight fire with fire.

Intelligence and technology

Russian Grad and tank wiped out in Donetsk by Ukraine’s Phoenix drone unit drones in one mission (video). Video from Ukrainian border guards shows FPV drones eliminating the weapons and infantry.

International

Alaska talks end, yet nothing changes: Putin still considers Ukraine “artificial” country. Russia continues its ultimatum, showing zero willingness to compromise on Ukraine’s sovereignty.

War criminal walked red carpet in Alaska like king, while Ukraine’s fate was hanging in shadows

. The summit’s slogans promised dialogue, but the reality reinforced Russia’s immovable demands on territory and neutrality.

EU leaders demand “ironclad security guarantees” for Ukraine, vow stronger Russia sanctions after Trump-Putin talks. The joint statement from Macron, Meloni, Merz, Tusk and other leaders challenged any agreement that would limit Ukraine’s “pathway to EU and NATO.”

Macron warns lessons of 30 years are clear — Russia cannot be trusted to keep promises. After the Alaska talks ended without a deal, the French president stresses that any peace must rest on unwavering guarantees for Ukraine.

Negotiations or blackmail: Ukraine and Trump split over how to end Russia’s war. Trump insists on striking a deal first; Kyiv says that path only rewards Moscow’s missiles.

Kremlin officials celebrate Putin’s “red carpet” treatment as war isolation narrative has collapsed. Russian Deputy Security Council Chairman stated that “negotiations are possible without preconditions and simultaneously with the continuation of the ‘special military operation,'” rejecting Ukrainian demands for a ceasefire first.

Reuters: After Alaska talks, Russia offers US firm return to Russian oil project and demands sanctions relief

. Putin’s new decree requiring foreign investors to “undertake actions to support the lifting of Western sanctions” signals Moscow’s push to end three years of wartime isolation.

“Now it’s up to Zelenskyy”: Trump shifts peace responsibility after Putin talks as Russia denies three-leader meeting claim. After rating his Putin meeting a perfect “10 out of 10,” Trump said that Ukrainian President must “get it done” and that organizers would arrange a summit between all three leaders—but Russian officials say no such trilateral meeting was ever discussed during the three-hour Alaska session.

Putin escapes US sanctions despite leaving Alaska talks without peace deal on Ukraine. After days of speculation, the Trump-Putin summit closes without signatures, only vague promises of progress, while Russia bombardments continue.

LIVE UPDATE: Putin lands in Alaska for meeting with Trump. Earlier, the US President Donald Trump suggested that a potential peace deal between Russia and Ukraine might require some territorial exchange for the benefit of both sides.

Trump says Putin’s “genes” may be responsible for strikes on Ukrainian civilians. He also claimed Ukraine may receive some security guarantees.

Humanitarian and social impact

US First Lady delivers personal letter to Putin via Trump addressing massive child deportation war crimes. Ukraine documented over 19,000 illegally moved children from occupied territories, while the actual number may be much higher, and the Hague court charged Putin for this crime.

Read our earlier daily review here.

Ukrainian forces struck a Russian military convoy in Kursk Oblast, leaving Russia’s deputy commander of the North grouping of forces, General-Lieutenant Essedulla Abatchev, gravely wounded. Ukrainian intelligence reported that Abachev lost both an arm and a leg after the attack.

Ukrainian strike hits Russian convoy in Kursk Oblast

The Defense Intelligence of Ukraine (HUR) announced that Ukrainian units carried out the strike against a Russian convoy moving along the Rylsk–Khomutovka highway in Kursk Oblast overnight on 17 August. According to HUR, the strike inflicted serious injuries on Abachev, who serves as deputy commander of Russia’s North grouping. He was evacuated by military transport aircraft to Moscow and delivered to the Vishnevsky Central Military Hospital, where doctors amputated his arm and leg.

HUR emphasized in its statement that every Russian war crime against the Ukrainian people would face retribution.

OSINT analysis confirms the strike in Kursk Oblast

Militarnyi reported that the strike occurred in the area of Zhuryatino village, citing open-source analysts. While the weapon used was not officially disclosed, analysts suggested it was likely high-precision rocket artillery. Also, the video showing the aftermath of the attack emerged on the evening of 16 August, not in the early hours of 17 August.

Abachev’s military career before the all-out war

Before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Abachev commanded the 2nd Guards Combined Arms Army of the Central Military District. He graduated from the Kharkiv Higher Tank Command School in 1989 and later the Combined Arms Academy in 2002.

He fought in Russia’s Chechen wars, Georgia, and in Syria, later rising to command the 19th Separate Motor Rifle Brigade and serve as chief of staff of the 5th Combined Arms Army. In 2021 he became a major general, in 2022 he was appointed commander of Russia’s 2nd Army Corps in occupied Luhansk and decorated as Hero of Russia, and by 2023 he was promoted to lieutenant general.

Overnight on 17 August, a Ukrainian drone struck the Liski railway station in Voronezh Oblast, disrupting one of Russia’s most important military transport hubs. Exilenova+ published a video capturing the moment of impact. The drone hit set off a fire at the station and damaged power lines, cutting rail traffic. 

Video confirms Liski strike

Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ reported a drone attack, targeting the Liski railway station in Russia’s Voronezh Oblast. The post described Liski as one of the largest junctions in Russia’s Southeastern Railway system. Liski is located around 120–150 kilometers from Ukraine’s border and serves as a key junction for moving Russian troops and equipment, Militarnyi noted.

Exilenova+ also released video footage showing a fire at the station and the moment of a drone’s impact. Russian news Telegram channel Astra later drew attention to one of the videos, noting it was filmed next to the Berezka shopping center, which sits right beside the station.

The Voronezh Oblast governor admitted a drone hit a railway station, but avoided naming it. He claimed falling drone debris injured a railway technician and damaged a power line. He also said the technician was hospitalized and that the railway service resumed afterward.

Russia’s Federal Passenger Company later confirmed the station as Liski. In its statement, it said the drone’s debris caused delays across 14 trains. 

The governor stated that in the same area, fires ostensibly broke out at a shop and a clothing market. In another municipality, a gas pipe also allegedly caught fire. 

Russian MoD claims mass interceptions but ignores Liski

The Russian Ministry of Defense claimed it shot down 46 Ukrainian drones overnight: 16 over Belgorod, 14 over Nizhny Novgorod, 9 over Voronezh, and others across six more oblasts. Later the same morning, the ministry stated that six more drones were downed over Voronezh Oblast.

A massive fire broke out at the Lukoil refinery in Volgograd on 16 August, two days after Ukrainian drones hit the facility and caused heavy damage. The fire may have started during repair works, but the cause remains unclear.

During the day on 16 August, a thick black column of smoke rose over the refinery. Around the same time, air traffic at Volgograd airport shut down under temporary restrictions, and authorities declared a citywide air raid alert.

The full circumstances remain unknown.

Lukoil-Volgogradneftepererabotka is the largest oil product producer in Russia’s Southern Federal District and the seventh most powerful refinery in the country. Its design capacity stands at 14.8 million tons of crude oil per year.

“Planned discharge,” but emergency vehicles flood the area

Some channels claimed the smoke came from a “planned discharge of petroleum products” related to tank repair preparations. But locals saw fire trucks and ambulances rushing toward the plant. Readers openly mocked the official line.

Astra quoted messages like, “So the ambulances are flying there because of a planned discharge too?” and “And the fire trucks are heading there as part of the plan, or were they not warned?”

Ukrainian drones shut the refinery down on 14 August

Overnight on 14 August, Ukrainian strike drones hit the refinery and caused a massive fire. Astra reported that the plant suspended operations due to the damage. 

Earlier, the Ukrainian Army’s General Staff reported that 42% of Ukrainian deep drone strikes inside Russia this year have targeted oil refineries. 

Ukraine’s Defense Forces cleared Pokrovsk of Russian infiltrators in Donetsk Oblast and liberated several surrounding villages near Dobropillia. On 17 August, the GenStaff said stabilization actions continue in the area as Ukrainian units fight to secure the frontline.

Ukrainian troops clear Pokrovsk and villages near Dobropillia

The General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine said the 7th Air Assault Corps, together with supporting units, eliminated Russian infiltrators in Pokrovsk. Ukraine’s Defense Forces also cleared Hruzke, Rubizhne, Novovodiane, Petrovka, Vesele, and Zolotyi Kolodiaz in Donetsk Oblast. The first corps of the National Guard Azov unit joined the battles and helped reclaim the villages.

The Deep State war zone monitoring map, updated on 16 August, shows that Ukrainian troops cut apart the recent Russian “double panhandle” breakthrough near Dobropillia and surrounded its northern prongs.

Russian forces suffer heavy losses in Donetsk Oblast

From 4 to 16 August, Ukrainian forces killed 910 Russian soldiers, wounded 335, and captured 37, according to the General Staff. Ukrainian strikes also destroyed eight tanks, six armored vehicles, 103 auto and motor vehicles, one multiple launch rocket system, 18 artillery guns, and 91 drones.

The General Staff said Ukrainian units continue stabilization operations near Dobropillia in Donetsk Oblast.

Ukrainian advance in Sumy Oblast

On 16 August, Ukrainian units advanced in several locations on the North Slobozhansky axis. In particular, the Defense Forces gained up to 1,000 meters near Yablunivka in Sumy Oblast, according to the General Staff.

 

Ukraine imposed sweeping sanctions on Russia’s artificial intelligence-powered drone manufacturers on 17 August, targeting 39 individuals and 55 companies across Russia, China, and Belarus.

The restrictions reflect Ukraine’s efforts towards dismantling the entire technological ecosystem of Russia’s drone war, which has escalated dramatically in 2025 with Moscow launching over 27,000 Shahed drones and deploying new AI-guided models that can evade Ukrainian electronic warfare systems.

Ukrainian sanctions have had little impact on Russia, remaining largely symbolic after Kyiv previously seized Russian companies’ assets inside the country. Still, it sets an example for the EU – and possibly the US – to follow if they choose to eventually align their sanctions with Ukraine, a move that would carry far greater weight.

President Zelenskyy signed the decree enacting the decision of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine, stating that the country is “working with its partners to ensure the synchronization of these sanctions across global jurisdictions.”

Russia’s AI drone revolution poses new threat

The sanctions target key Russian strike and FPV drone developers including Zala Aero, Smart Birds, and Vostok Design Bureau, as well as specialized centers developing AI solutions for drones, including Neurolab and the Center for Unmanned Systems and Technologies, according to the presidential decree.

These restrictions come as Russia has been deploying increasingly sophisticated AI-powered drones that feature onboard cameras and artificial intelligence, making interception significantly harder than conventional radio-controlled models. Separately, Ukrainian intelligence analysis of Russia’s V2U autonomous attack drone revealed it uses a Chinese Leetop A203 minicomputer and NVIDIA Jetson Orin processor for target selection without human intervention.

Chinese supply chain enables Russian drone production

Among the 55 sanctioned entities, 10 Chinese companies face restrictions for supplying critical components. Recent investigations revealed Chinese firms have been secretly supplying Russia with drone engines disguised as refrigeration equipment to bypass Western sanctions.

Chinese components dominate Russian drone manufacturing, with 80% of critical electronics having Chinese origins. Bloomberg investigations found that Chinese engineers from Autel Robotics worked directly with Russian company Aero-HIT to adapt civilian drones for military use, producing up to 10,000 units monthly.

In the early hours of 17 August, Russia launched 60 long-range drones and one Iskander-M missile from five locations across its territory. Ukraine’s Air Force reported that 40 drones were destroyed or suppressed, but 12 locations were hit in Kharkiv, Donetsk, and Dnipropetrovsk oblasts.

Russia launches 60 drones and a missile, strikes 12 targets

According to the Air Force of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the attack began at 19:30 on 16 August and included both Shahed-type one-way attack UAVs and decoy drones launched from Kursk, Bryansk, Millerovo, Shatalovo and Primorsko-Akhtarsk. Ukrainian defenses used mobile fire groups and electronic warfare systems to counter the assault.

As of 09:00 on 17 August, 40 drones had been downed or neutralized. However, the ballistic missile and 20 drones reached their targets.

The Air Force confirmed strikes in 12 locations across the three frontline oblasts.

Drone strike injures woman in Sloviansk

Vadym Liakh, head of Sloviansk’s City Military Administration, said the Russian Shahed attack injured a woman in the city last night.

“On the evening of Saturday, 16 August, the city came under two enemy attacks. Around 18:15: Zaliznychnyi neighborhood. Detached housing area. A woman was injured. Homes were damaged. Around 19:30″ Lymany neighborhood. Detached housing area. Homes were damaged. In both cases, Italmas drones were used,” Liakh wrote.

The mentioned Italmas UAVs also known as Izdeliye 45 is a simplified and cheaper version of the Iranian-designed Shahed 136 long-range kamikaze drone.

A new investigation by a Ukrainian NGO has identified 144 Russian prison wardens responsible for Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs). The registry names those accused of systemic torture, daily abuse, and coercion in detention facilities across Russia and occupied Ukrainian territories.

Registry exposes 144 Russian wardens of Ukrainian POWs

Working with Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU), the Molfar Intelligence Institute, a Ukrainian open-source intelligence NGO, reported that 144 employees of detention facilities across Russia and occupied Ukrainian territories have been identified as jailers responsible for Ukrainian POWs.

The prison guards in question are the employees of:

• Colony No. 36 in the city of Sukhodilsk (occupied Luhansk Oblast);
• Correctional Colony (CC) No. 38 in the city of Sverdlovsk (Dovzhansk) (occupied Luhansk Oblast);
• Kalininska CC No. 27 in the city of Horlivka (occupied Donetsk Oblast);
• State Institution “Donetsk Pre-trial Detention Center of the State Penitentiary Service of the Ministry of Justice of the DNR”, in occupied Donetsk city;
• CC No. 2 in the village of Donskoye, Tula region, Russian Federation;
• Federal State Institution “Pre-trial Detention Center No. 2”, Stary Oskol, Belgorod Oblast, Russian Federation;
• Federal State Institution “Pre-trial Detention Center No. 2”, Taganrog, Rostov Oblast, Russian Federation.

Most of the jailers mentioned in the investigation work at the notorious Taganrog facility.

The registry contains data on rank and position, place of work, known addresses and contacts, passports and other documents, as well as information about relatives and additional details about each identified individual.

Tetiana Katrychenko, executive director of a project documenting prisoners, described Taganrog as “hell on earth.” She noted that Azovstal defenders held there since 2022 faced brutal torture and were forced to incriminate themselves before transfer to Rostov courts.

Ukrainian journalist Viktoriia Roshchyna was also held in Taganrog. She went missing in August 2023 and was later confirmed to have been detained by Russian authorities. She died in captivity in September 2024 allegedly during a prison transfer, according to Russian officials. Her body, showing clear signs of torture, was returned to Ukraine in February 2025, and a farewell ceremony was held in Kyiv in August 2025.

Daily lives of 144 Russian wardens of Ukrainian POWs

The Molfar Intelligence Institute emphasized that many of the 144 identified continue to live ordinary lives. Its report described them commuting to shifts, greeting colleagues, chatting about utilities and coffee, then taking part in torture sessions before returning to families in apartments.

“Russians abuse and torture Ukrainian prisoners in a territory closed to the eyes of human rights defenders,” the Institute says.

The report details information on three jailers.

Profiles of three wardens

One case is Denis Mirchev, an ensign at the Stary Oskol detention center in Belgorod Oblast. According to former prisoners, he conducted searches of Ukrainian captives. Investigators linked him to social media activity including comments on posts by Ukrainian musician Yarmak, now commander of a combat drone unit. Records also show Mirchev’s bankruptcy attempts over debts exceeding one million rubles.

Another prison worker is Vitali Sterzhanov, a Ukrainian citizen who now heads a Russian-run colony in occupied Luhansk Oblast. Ukrainian prosecutors charged him in March 2024 under article 111-1 of the criminal code for joining an illegal occupation body. Registry data shows Sterzhanov’s family also involved in pro-Russian activities, with his mother supporting the so-called “LNR” armed formations and his brother publicly backing the full-scale invasion.

The report further describes Alexei Glaizer, deputy head of the Taganrog pretrial detention center. He previously led Rostov detention center no. 1 and declared assets including a Kia Rio and a Rostov apartment. According to insider accounts, enforcement proceedings were opened against him in 2018 over debts. Investigators documented his marriages and residences in Taganrog, presenting him as another official balancing family life with systemic abuse of Ukrainian POWs.

Wider implications

The registry’s scope cannot be fully covered in one release. Instead, the Molfar Intelligence Institute has published an open database called “Russian jailers of Ukrainian prisoners,” listing names, photos, documents, family ties, and workplaces. Officials stressed that no rank, change of surname, or hidden address will protect those responsible from eventual justice.

“Those employees of pretrial detention centers and colonies who treat Ukrainian prisoners harshly feel safe in Russia. We are convinced that each of them must bear responsibility and believe that they will not be able to escape civilized justice by hiding behind the thick walls of a pretrial detention center, changing their names, or hiding behind an interest in the history of Ukrainian nationalism,” the MII noted regarding making the resistry public.

The current number of Ukrainian POWs in Russian captivity is not publicly known. Ukraine’s deputy prime minister Iryna Vereshchuk previously said that as of 1 May 2025, about 8,000 Ukrainians remain in Russian captivity. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced on 21 March 2025 that Ukraine had returned 4,306 POWs since the start of the full-scale invasion.

“Every day in captivity for a Ukrainian is torture. Russians must understand that they will be held responsible for crimes against humanity. They will not be protected by official positions, changes of surname, or re-registration of residential addresses,” the report noted.

Call for action

Ukraine’s Center for Countering Disinformation emphasizes that Russia is using prisoners as a propaganda tool. Moscow uses prisoners for staged photos and interviews designed to discredit Kyiv. According to the center and Ukrainian defense forces, Azovstal defenders have been coerced into participating in such propaganda, which violates articles 13 and 14 of the Geneva convention. Analysts say these operations target Western audiences, aiming to fracture support for Ukraine and undermine prisoner exchange agreements.

” it is necessary to strengthen control over compliance with international humanitarian law and monitor cases of forced use of prisoners in propaganda. Abuse of human dignity for political purposes must receive a strong global response,” the Molfar Intelligence Institute stressed. 

The Hudson Institute has identified eight critical targets across Russia and occupied territories that Ukraine could strike to destabilize Moscow’s war effort. The report, authored by Luke Coffey and Can Kasapoğlu and titled “Breaking the Stalemate: Russian Targets Ukraine Should Strike,” argues that sustained pressure on these chokepoints could undermine Russian logistics, weaken the Kremlin’s control over occupied areas.

Volga–Don Canal

The Volga–Don Canal is a 63-mile waterway linking the Caspian and Black Seas. Russia uses it to move vessels from the Caspian Flotilla and to transport Iranian-supplied weapons. The Kremlin has committed $1 billion to modernize the canal, underscoring its importance. Analysts note that damaging Locks 8 and 9, which sit at the canal’s summit, could halt navigation and disrupt water flow, crippling east–west logistics and trade with Iran.

Shahed Drone Plant in Tatarstan

Located in the Alabuga Special Economic Zone, Russia’s main Shahed drone facility produces multiple variants with Iranian support.

Open-source reporting indicates that Russia’s Shahed drone plant in Tatarstan likely produces 170–190 drones per day. In June 2025 alone, Russia launched around 5,500 Shaheds against Ukrainian cities. Production could rise further, with estimates suggesting up to 2,000 drones per month by late 2025.

The facility employs thousands, including foreign workers and students, raising civilian risks. The report suggests Ukraine could instead target the plant’s energy lifeline at the nearby Nizhnekamsk Thermal Power Plant to disrupt production indirectly.

China–Russia Land Routes

Russia’s wartime dependence on Chinese imports has soared, reaching $240 billion annually. These include drones, optics, semiconductors, and weapon components. Around 90% of this trade crosses the border by rail through Manzhouli–Zabaykalsk and Suifenhe–Pogranichny. While directly striking at the crossings could be politically fraught, Hudson Institute identifies rail bridges and railyards within Russia as vulnerable chokepoints that, if disrupted, would slow the flow of critical dual-use goods

.

Crimea’s Access Routes

Crimea remains a central hub for Russia’s southern operations. The Kerch Bridge has been attacked and damaged three times, but never destroyed. The report stresses that Western-supplied long-range missiles, such as Germany’s Taurus, could finish the job. Analysts also highlight smaller but equally vital routes into Crimea: the Chonhar, Syvash, and Henichesk Bridges. These links connect the peninsula to Kherson Oblast and are more vulnerable to attack than Kerch. Severing them would drastically weaken Russian supply lines into occupied southern Ukraine.

Rail Bridges in Western Russia

Russia’s military depends heavily on rail, moving up to 30,000 tons of ammunition and fuel daily. Each division requires about 1,870 tons of cargo, with artillery munitions accounting for half. While trains in motion are difficult to strike, Hudson Institute stresses that rail bridges, transformers, and substations are fixed and exposed. Recent Ukrainian strikes in Samara and along the Oryol–Kursk line show this tactic is viable. Sustained attacks could cripple supply lines across the Russian heartland.

Emerging Russian Base in occupied Abkhazia

Moscow is shifting parts of its Black Sea Fleet to Abkhazia’s Ochamchire port, on occupied Georgian territory, after heavy losses in Crimea. The new base remains under construction and vulnerable. The coastline is exposed, infrastructure is weak, and supply routes rely on a single road and rail link with a bridge that forms a critical choke point. Hudson Institute concludes that striking early could delay or halt Russia’s efforts to diversify its naval footprint in the Black Sea.

Transnistria

The Russian garrison in Moldova’s Transnistria enclave is another fragile point. About 1,500 troops remain there with outdated equipment and no realistic way to reinforce them. Ukraine, the report argues, could eliminate the pocket if necessary, relieving pressure on Odesa. But the analysis also warns that such a move would risk humanitarian fallout in Moldova and Romania, especially near the massive Cobasna ammunition depot.

Russian Pacific Fleet Bases

Though far from the battlefield, Russia’s Pacific Fleet has quietly supported the war. It has transferred naval brigades to Ukraine and redeployed ships to the Black Sea. These distant bases lack the dense defenses seen in Crimea, making them potential targets. Analysts suggest Ukraine could adapt maritime drones to reach the area. Even limited strikes would force Moscow to disperse defenses and reconsider its global naval posture.

After three hours in Alaska, the results are in: Putin scored a perfect diplomatic victory, Trump abandoned his core demands, and Ukraine faces an impossible choice between constitutional suicide and losing American support.

The stunning reversal shows how completely Trump capitulated across every dimension while Putin orchestrated a masterclass in presidential humiliation.

Before Alaska, Trump threatened Putin with “stark economic penalties” and demanded an immediate ceasefire. After three hours with the Russian leader, Trump dropped both threats while pressuring Ukraine to surrender the very fortress belt that has protected its heartland since 2014.

The Alaska report card

The choreography of humiliation

Putin didn’t just win diplomatically—he staged a public humiliation of American power that would have been unthinkable during the Cold War.

Start with the visuals. US soldiers dropped to their knees to unfurl a red carpet for Putin’s arrival. Trump personally drove the Russian leader in the presidential limousine—a gesture so unprecedented that diplomatic protocol experts couldn’t find parallels.

Then came the final briefing, where Putin spoke first from a podium bearing the seal of the US presidency. His remarks ran twice as long as Trump’s, establishing who controlled the narrative.

Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova captured Moscow’s glee: “Three years [Western media] told us about Russia’s isolation, and today they saw the red carpet that welcomed the Russian president in the USA.”

The optics weren’t accidental—they were psychological warfare. Putin wanted the world to see American soldiers literally bowing before Russian power.

Behind closed doors: Putin controls the agenda

The meeting itself revealed Putin’s control extended beyond ceremony to substance. Russia successfully demanded that General Keith Kellogg—considered too pro-Ukraine by the Kremlin—be excluded from the US delegation.

The summit format also favored Putin. What was supposed to be a broader delegation meeting shrank to just leaders, foreign ministers, translators, and one adviser each. Putin got exactly the intimate setting he wanted, with minimal American institutional pushback.

Even Trump’s famous preference for one-on-one meetings—which led to his Helsinki disaster in 2017, when he publicly sided with Putin over US intelligence agencies, causing a major diplomatic scandal—was limited to a few minutes in the presidential car without a translator. Not enough time for real negotiation, but plenty for Putin to set the tone.

The $205 million daily gift: How Trump saved Putin’s war economy

Here’s what Trump actually abandoned: secondary sanctions targeting countries that buy Russian oil. These weren’t ordinary pressure tactics—they were designed to make Russian energy “too toxic” to purchase by imposing punitive tariffs on entire nations.

Trump had already shown he meant business. Just days before Alaska, he slapped 25% tariffs on India over Russian oil purchases. The threat was credible and escalating.

But three hours with Putin changed everything. “Because of what happened today, I think I don’t have to think about it,” Trump told Fox News about the sanctions. “Maybe I’ll have to think about it in 2-3 weeks, but right now we don’t have to think about it.”

That’s a daily gift worth approximately $205 million to Russia’s war machine. Putin can now fund his military without worrying about economic isolation.

The sanctions relief wasn’t collateral damage—it was Putin’s primary objective.

As Serhiy Sydorenko from European Pravda noted, this became “one of Putin’s key victories” because these nuclear-option sanctions “are considered the most effective for influencing Russia.”

Trump abandons ceasefire demands, accepts Putin’s timeline

The most revealing shift came in what Trump stopped talking about after Alaska. Before the summit, Trump insisted a ceasefire was his “red line” and told reporters he “won’t be happy if I walk away without some form of a ceasefire.”

After three hours with Putin, the word “ceasefire” disappeared entirely from Trump’s vocabulary. Neither the final briefing nor Trump’s 30-minute Fox News interview mentioned it once.

Axios reporter Barak Ravid explained the reversal: “President Trump told Zelensky and NATO leaders that Putin doesn’t want a ceasefire and prefers a comprehensive deal to end the war. Trump said he ‘thinks a quick peace agreement is better than a ceasefire.'”

This represented complete capitulation to Putin’s negotiating position. The Russian leader had consistently rejected temporary ceasefires, demanding instead a permanent settlement that would legitimize territorial gains and prevent Ukraine from rebuilding its defenses.

Security guarantees “like NATO without NATO”: Ukraine’s one major win

The only positive outcome for Ukraine from the Alaska summit deserves a pause. Trump’s agreement to US security guarantees represents a seismic shift that went largely unnoticed.

For months, Trump insisted America had no role in guaranteeing Ukraine’s post-war security. “European affairs,” he called it. Europe’s problem to solve.

That position crumbled in Alaska. Trump not only agreed to participate but told European leaders the guarantees would be “like NATO.” American troops might participate, he indicated—a complete reversal of his isolationist stance.

French President Macron first revealed this shift on August 13, but Trump confirmed it definitively after meeting Putin. Even Putin acknowledged the arrangement during the final briefing.

For Ukraine, this represents genuine strategic value. America’s absence from plans to give Ukraine real protection from further Russian attacks has scared off EU allies from committing boots on the ground, and could be a major step for Ukraine’s security—if they’re credible and long-term.

Trump confirmed this agreement in his Fox News interview with Sean Hannity, and, according to NBC sources, Trump directly engaged with Zelensky and European leaders by phone Saturday morning about “the US being party to a potential NATO-like security guarantee for Ukraine as part of a deal struck with Russia.”

Putin also acknowledged the arrangement back in Moscow, telling officials that future security arrangements for Ukraine had been discussed and calling the talks “frank and substantive.”

The unprecedented demand: No country has voluntarily surrendered territory since WWII

Putin’s territorial demands represent something virtually unprecedented in post-World War II history: demanding a defending country voluntarily surrender its own sovereign territory to end a war. There are no meaningful examples of this happening since 1945.

Even Israel’s return of the Sinai Peninsula to Egypt was the opposite scenario—returning previously occupied foreign territory in exchange for peace and recognition.

Yet Trump is asking Ukraine to do what no country has done in nearly 80 years: hand over its own land to an aggressor. And not just any land—the fortress belt that has protected Ukraine’s heartland since 2014.

The fortress belt ultimatum: Surrender what Russia couldn’t capture

Putin is demanding Ukraine surrender a 50-kilometer chain of fortified cities that Russian forces have repeatedly failed to capture through three years of warfare.

The fortress belt stretches from Sloviansk through Kramatorsk to Kostyantynivka—Ukraine’s eastern shield built over 11 years since 2014. These aren’t just strategic positions; they’re Ukraine’s last major defensive line in the east.

Reuters reports that Trump told Zelenskyy directly: Putin will freeze other front lines if Ukraine surrenders all of Donetsk, including areas Russia doesn’t occupy.

The Institute for the Study of War has repeatedly noted that Russian forces cannot break through or encircle these positions. That’s why Putin wants Ukraine to abandon them voluntarily—he’s asking Trump to achieve what his military couldn’t.

Ukrainian officials called this a “stab in the back.” As one senior official told the Financial Times: “He just wants a quick deal.”

The historical parallel is unavoidable. In 1938, Nazi Germany couldn’t capture Czechoslovakia’s fortified Sudetenland through military force. So Hitler demanded it diplomatically. Six months after Czechoslovakia complied, the entire country was occupied.

Putin’s maximalist agenda: erasing Ukraine entirely

Putin’s demands reveal his true goal isn’t territorial adjustment—it’s systematic elimination of Ukrainian statehood. The New York Times reports Putin also demanded Russian become an official language in Ukraine and protections for Russian Orthodox churches.

These aren’t cultural concessions. They’re tools for permanent Russian influence designed to hollow out Ukrainian sovereignty from within.

Putin also refuses to meet with Zelenskyy, whom he considers “an illegitimate president of an artificial country,” according to European Pravda. That’s not negotiation—that’s denial of Ukraine’s right to exist.

Combined with territorial surrender, these demands would reduce Ukraine to a Russian vassal state while Putin positions himself to complete the country’s elimination.

Monday’s impossible choice

Zelenskyy flies to Washington Monday facing the choice Putin engineered: accept terms that violate Ukraine’s constitution or risk losing American support.

Ukrainian officials told the Financial Times that Zelenskyy won’t agree to surrender Donetsk and Luhansk—a red line written into Ukraine’s constitution. But he’ll discuss territory with Trump, knowing that refusal could mean isolation.

The Monday meeting will happen in the same Oval Office where Trump and JD Vance gave Zelensky a “brutal public dressing-down” six months ago over Ukraine’s reluctance to accept previous territorial demands.

European leaders are considering joining Zelensky in Washington, but their influence is limited. They can’t replace American military backing, and Putin knows it.

As Ukrainian civil society leader Olga Aivazovska noted, territorial concessions would raise fundamental questions: “It will also open the question of why we’ve been defending ourselves all these years.”

How Putin engineered the perfect trap

Step back and see Putin’s strategy. He went to Alaska not to negotiate but to create an impossible situation for Ukraine. Every path now leads toward Russian victory, just through different mechanisms.

• Accept Putin’s terms and Ukraine loses its strongest defenses while becoming a vassal state.
• Reject them and risk losing the American support needed to prevent conquest.
• Try to find middle ground and Putin can always demand more while Trump increases pressure.

Putin couldn’t break Ukraine’s fortress belt through military force, so he got America’s president to demand Ukraine surrender it voluntarily. He couldn’t cut off sanctions through diplomacy, so he manipulated Trump into providing economic amnesty. He couldn’t achieve legitimacy through reform, so he extracted red carpet rehabilitation through personal charm.

The Alaska summit wasn’t diplomacy, but calculated psychological warfare. Putin understood Trump’s psychology and played it perfectly, turning America’s president from Ukraine’s protector into his unwitting agent of pressure.

Ukraine’s only path forward now is hoping Trump’s security guarantee commitment proves more durable than his sanctions threats. But given what happened in Alaska, that’s a dangerous bet to make with national survival.

Today, there are interesting updates from the Pokrovsk direction, Donetsk Oblast.

Here, the Russian command is increasing the use of suicide squads to try to infiltrate Pokrovsk and reach its outskirts. With the Ukrainian defense on high alert, 80% of the Russians are destroyed even before reaching the town, with deceived migrants and forcibly mobilized Ukrainian separatists being thrown into the meat grinder as cannon fodder and acceptable casualties.

Russian forces recently attempted one of their most ambitious infiltration missions yet to penetrate Pokrovsk from the south. Using Pishchane as a forward base, the Russian command formed three tactical groups of 50 men each, tasked with sabotage inside the city. Their goal was to sow panic behind the frontline and force Ukrainian units to abandon positions, as has happened in other settlements along the front.

The infiltration route took 14 days in total: four to reach Pishchane’s industrial zone used as a launch point, and another ten to creep towards the main streets in southern Pokrovsk. Moving roughly 600 meters per day to avoid detection, they relied on drone drops for food, water, and communication updates. 

Despite careful coordination, camouflage ponchos, and preloaded route trackers, Ukrainian drones intercepted and eliminated most of the saboteurs, as of the original 150 infiltrators, around 120 were killed before even reaching their objectives as confirmed by geolocated footage. 

The remainder were hunted down inside the city, with Ukrainian units releasing more footage of how some of the Russians surrendered, while others were eliminated in close combat.

The cost to Russia was staggering, as the operation incurred roughly 80% casualties just to reach Pokrovsk, not counting those later captured or killed after arrival. While a handful of infiltrators ambushed Ukrainian units, the mission failed to achieve its operational aim. 

The Ukrainian Defense Forces not only retained control but also captured dozens of enemy troops. Fighters of Ukraine’s 425th Skala Separate Assault Regiment took 32 prisoners over a week of clearing operations alone. Video evidence from the town shows Russian infiltrators being cleared from buildings and hiding spots, their weapons seized as trophies.

Yet such attritional losses have not dissuaded Russian commanders. On the eastern flank of Pokrovsk, where fighting is intensifying, Moscow is preparing more expendable suicide squads. An entire brigade here is being staffed with deceived migrants from Central Asia and Donetsk People’s Republic volunteers, most of whom are forcibly mobilized men from Russian-controlled Donetsk. 

These units, poorly trained and often unwilling, are tasked with advancing toward Pokrovsk’s eastern outskirts to overwhelm defenses through sheer numbers. Since 2014, many DNR formations have been filled with marginalized individuals and criminals, commanded by Russian officers. 

Now, this volatile mix is being hurled into the bloodiest sector of the front with minimal expectation of survival, with these migrants and separatists being seen as expendable by Russian command.

The brutality extends up the chain of command, as reports from Russian military analysts indicate that separatist officers who question orders or show reluctance to sacrifice their men in large numbers often simply disappear. 

Two battalion commanders in the so-called DNR’s 5th Brigade went missing in five days after being summoned by superiors. In one case, the wife of a vanished commander was told he had run away, but no further contact has been made. Such disappearances serve as a warning: obedience is enforced through fear, and dissent is erased without a trace.

Overall, despite the chaos these infiltration attempts cause for the defenders, the general picture in Pokrovsk remains in Ukraine’s favor. The destruction of the southern sabotage groups, combined with the capture of surviving infiltrators, shows that the Russian command is gambling everything for even minor symbolic gains in Pokrovsk.

With success rates near zero, and casualty rates between 80 and 100%, these operations are less about achieving breakthroughs and more about demonstrating activity to higher political leadership. Ukrainian forces remain on high alert, aware that similar infiltration patterns are now being tested from the east. 

For now, Pokrovsk holds, but the Russians appear willing to keep feeding cannon fodder into the grinder in a desperate bid to change that, regardless of the human cost.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Fighting hard to roll back a dangerous Russian incursion around Pokrovsk, in eastern Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast, the Ukrainian army’s 93rd Mechanized Brigade had a little help—from gun-armed ground robots.

“Ground-based robotic assault systems were used to liberate Ukrainian territories,” the brigade reported. “The robots, equipped with machine guns, fired at the enemy concentration, approaching practically at close range.”

It’s not an isolated incident. All along the 1,100-km front of Russia’s 42-month wider war on Ukraine, more Ukrainian units are deploying ground robots to assist, and in some cases replace, increasingly precious human troops. “These robots are entering logistics, evacuations, mine-clearing and even combat roles,” American-Ukrainian war correspondent David Kirichenko explained.

The 93rd Mechanized Brigade is part of a powerful Ukrainian force counterattacking around Pokrovsk a week after Ukrainian observers confirmed a dangerous Russian infiltration in the sector.

Marching right past empty Ukrainian trenches—an alarmingly common problem as the Ukrainian military struggles with serious manpower shortage—Russian infantry from the 51st Combined Arms Army infiltrated 15 km north of the porous front line and then pivoted west toward the village of Dobropillya, which lies 16 north of Pokrovsk and sits astride the T0515 road, one of two main supply routes into Pokrovsk.

The Russian infiltration, involving potentially thousands of troops from multiple battalions, was “aimed at completing the encirclement of the town of Pokrovsk and possibly Dobropillya, in order to compel Ukrainian forces to withdraw,” the pro-Ukraine Conflict Intelligence Team noted.

It failed. This week, the Ukrainian national guard’s 1st Azov Corps rushed toward Pokrovsk and counterattacked. Army and air-assault brigades joined in as the Azov guardsmen cut across the 15-km-deep Russian salient in at least two places.

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Search and strike

“Our search-and-strike operations have cleared the enemy” from six villages, the 1st Azov Corps announced. The multi-brigade corps, which at full strength can deploy tens of thousands of troops, claimed it killed 271 Russians, wounded 101 and captured 13.

“The enemy has also lost a considerable amount of equipment and weaponry,” the corps added. “This success was made possible through cohesive and well-coordinated action.” The 93rd Mechanized Brigade was part of that coordinated action. It focused its attention on two villages near Dobropillya: Gruzke and Vesele.

The brigade deployed a reconnaissance company, various types of unmanned systems and artillery. A video the unit posted online depicts drone strikes on Russian troops and vehicles—and the gun-armed ground robots rolling down paved roads and into residential yards, blasting left and right with their stabilized guns.

The robots give commanders options they wouldn’t have with human troops. “The vision of front-line commanders is to deploy robots across the front, for these ground robots to take on the greatest risk and most dangerous missions,” Kirichenko wrote.

Ground robots can take the place of human troops, helping mitigate the Ukrainian military’s deepening shortage in certain critical military specialties. US analyst Andrew Perpetua estimated the Ukrainians are short 100,000 trained infantry. It’s that shortage, and the empty trenches that result, that was probably the root cause of the Russians’ initial success marching on Dobropillya.

But that doesn’t mean the unmanned ground vehicle, or UGV, operations don’t require people. They do. “Deploying each UGV mission still needs a large team to manage everything,” Kirichenko explained. But at least that team, lodged in a fighting position potentially kilometers from the fighting, is relatively safe from Russian attack as it controls its ground robots via wireless radio or fiber-optic cable.

The 93rd Mechanized Brigade’s robotic counterattack was a triumph of technology as Ukraine races to preserve a tech edge over its much bigger invader. But it also belies a major problem. Owing to a serious lack of operational reserves, Kyiv had to poach units from potentially vulnerable sectors in order to build up a force powerful enough to defeat the Russian incursion near Pokrovsk.

The 93rd Mechanized Brigade had been holding the line south of Chasiv Yar, 50 km east of Dobropillya. The Russians are steadily advancing through Chasiv Yar as they attempt to squeeze the fortress town of Kostyantynivka.

Russia insists on official status for the Russian language and freedom for its Orthodox Church in Ukraine. The New York Times reports that US President Donald Trump will discuss this Russian ruler Vladimir Putin’s demand with Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskyy on 18 August at the White House. 

European leaders have also been invited to join, officials said, speaking anonymously to discuss private negotiations.

Putin refuses a trilateral meeting

Despite Donald Trump’s hopes to hold a US–Ukraine–Russia trilateral meeting, Putin continues to refuse the proposition, calling Zelenskyy “the illegitimate president of an artificial country.” During a phone call between Trump, Zelenskyy, and European leaders, another demand to cede Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts to Russia and security guarantees for Ukraine were discussed.

As of now, Moscow troops control the big part of these two regions but not all the territory. 

Putin’s conditions for ending the war

According to Trump, Putin reportedly demands that all of Donbas be handed over to Russia. In exchange, he is willing to suspend hostilities in other parts of Ukraine – Zaporizhzhia and Kherson oblasts, freezing the current frontline, and to provide written assurances not to attack Ukraine or other European countries. Security guarantees for Ukraine after the war are included, but strictly outside the framework of NATO.

This information confirms that Moscow is not abandoning political-religious control and continues to push its ultimatum demands even during negotiations with the US and Europe.

A war criminal, accused by the International Criminal Court, was treated like a king in Alaska. From the red carpet to the plane’s flyover — everything went perfectly for Russian President Vladimir Putin, writes Ivor Bennett for Sky News.

In recent years, only China and North Korea, Russia’s longtime allies, have similarly welcomed him.

The most urgent issues were ignored

Putin’s primary goal in Anchorage was to ease Donald Trump’s disappointment. A week ago, Moscow faced an ultimatum: a ceasefire or sanctions. Yet neither was mentioned.

Putin again spoke of “eliminating the root causes” of the war, a phrase that offers little hope to Ukraine. It implies that Russia’s red lines remain unchanged: Ukrainian territory, neutrality, and limitations on its armed forces, with Moscow unwilling to relax any of these demands.

Press conference under Kremlin’s control

At the press conference, it became clear who was running the show. Putin spoke first and did not answer a single question — a unique situation for Trump’s media interactions. The absence of a Q&A session was likely a condition set by the Russian side, which Trump unquestioningly respected. It demonstrates how much he values relations with the Kremlin.

“Quest for peace” or a new order?

The summit’s slogan was “quest for peace,” but it appeared that Putin sought a new stage in US-Russia relations, at Ukraine’s expense. Despite Trump’s statements that many points were agreed upon, Russia made no concessions.

This meeting leaves questions unanswered: why were these vague frameworks set, and what are the Kremlin’s fundamental objectives if details are not disclosed?

Disgusting.

That’s the word watching American soldiers drop to their knees, unrolling a red carpet for the man who killed Ukrainian children yesterday and will kill more tomorrow.

While Putin posed for photos in Alaska, Ukrainian parents were pulling their kids from rubble.

While he grinned in Trump’s limousine, Ukrainian mothers were digging graves.

While an Orthodox bishop exchanged gifts with a war criminal, 19,000 stolen Ukrainian children remained in Russian camps.

What really happened Friday: America told the world that genocide pays. War crimes get you red carpet treatment. Russia’s Foreign Minister showed up wearing a USSR sweatshirt. Russian state media served “chicken Kyiv” on Putin’s plane while actual Kyiv burns nightly from Russia’s drones.

The message was clear: We own you now.

The truth Trump abandoned

Putin didn’t just get legitimacy in Alaska; he got proof that the West has abandoned truth itself.

Genocide became “diplomacy.”

War crimes became “peace talks.”

Child killers become “partners.”

Here are the truths they’ve abandoned:

Truth 1: Peoples have the right to exist. They call this a “territorial dispute” when Russian officials openly admit genocidal intent.

Putin isn’t after land—he’s after eliminating Ukraine itself. But reality doesn’t bend to political convenience. Our right to exist isn’t negotiable.

This is bigger than Ukraine. Russia is fighting against existence itself—the principle that different peoples should exist, should grow, should contribute their own gifts to the world. Every time a people is erased, the world becomes smaller, darker, less human.

While America rolled out the red carpet for our destroyer, Ukraine stood up for the right of all peoples to flourish in this world. Because when the powerful are allowed to erase the weak, you’ve destroyed the only thing standing between civilization and chaos.

Once might makes right, there’s always someone mightier.

Truth 2: Truth and justice make civilizations great, not strongmen. Trump thinks Putin is powerful. He said Russian troops “retreated” from Kyiv because they got stuck in the mud, not because Ukrainians stood and fought.  He looks past Zelenskyy, thinking Ukraine doesn’t have the cards.

But he has it backwards.

Ukraine’s strength doesn’t come from tanks. It comes from standing for truth and justice—the very foundations that once made the West great.

Trump promised to “Make America Great Again.” He could have done exactly that by supporting the nation fighting for the very things that make America great. Instead, he chose a perpetrator of genocide.

Truth 3: Unconfronted evil grows. Politicians say: “This war needs to end, it’s cost thousands of lives.”

The lie is that giving Putin what he wants will make him stop. It won’t.

Putin didn’t stop after Georgia or Crimea, and he won’t stop after Donetsk. Evil doesn’t get satisfied when fed. It gets hungrier.

The choice before us

This is the West’s war being fought with Ukrainian blood. Putin isn’t just trying to erase Ukraine—he’s testing whether democratic civilization will defend itself. Friday gave him his answer.

The West can abandon Ukraine today and face Putin’s tanks in Warsaw tomorrow. America can sell us out now and watch its own children conscripted later.

What must happen now

Friday was America’s test. America failed.

But Ukrainians are still fighting. Still dying for the principles democratic civilization claims to believe in. Still holding the line that Western leaders are too weak to defend.

The West has one chance left:

• Send every weapon Ukraine needs. Now.
• Freeze every Russian asset. Today.
• Cut every pipeline, every bank, every trade deal that feeds Russian aggression.

Ukraine still fights for existence itself. The only question is whether the West will fight for its own.

A drone, suicide, a lover, crypto, and a note. On the Toretsk front, aerial scouts from the Khyzhak Brigade of the Patrol Police Department have conducted a unique psychological operation. As a result, one Russian assault soldier shot himself, and another surrendered after a note was dropped by a drone: “Want to live — follow the drone.”

Assault and surrender

It all began when two Russian occupiers moved toward Ukrainian positions.

“Our aerial scouts from the bomber group met them from the sky. Accurate drops — one wounded soldier couldn’t endure and shot himself. The other, barely breathing, raised his hands and begged for mercy,” the brigade reports.

“Rugby Player” from Kazan

The wounded soldier turned out to be 43-year-old Andryukha, a former Russian national rugby team player, with a call sign “Rugby Player.”

According to the fighters, he previously ran a cryptocurrency company but went bankrupt and fell into 6 million rubles of debt. His lover and promises of easy service pushed him to the war, but he was thrown into an assault unit.

He survived because he followed the drone

“Now he says he never wanted to kill Ukrainians and is not eager for an exchange, because he knows that if he returns, the Russians will send him to die again,” the brigade concludes.

European leaders issued a pointed statement that reveals deep concerns about being sidelined in Ukraine peace negotiations after the 15 August Trump-Putin summit in Alaska.

The joint declaration from seven EU leaders—released early 16 August morning—welcomed President Trump’s diplomatic efforts while laying down non-negotiable red lines that could complicate any future deal.

According to the European Union statement, leaders including French President Emmanuel Macron, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz insisted that Ukraine must receive “ironclad security guarantees to effectively defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

The statement reveals European priorities that may not align with whatever Trump and Putin discussed in their three-hour meeting Friday at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Alaska.

“We are clear that Ukraine must have ironclad security guarantees to effectively defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity. We welcome President Trump’s statement that the US is prepared to give security guarantees. The Coalition of the Willing is ready to play an active role.”

European leaders want direct involvement in any future negotiations, declaring they are “ready to work with President Trump and President Zelenskyy towards a trilateral summit with European support.”

The EU statement offers clues about what European leaders fear most. Their insistence that “no limitations should be placed on Ukraine’s armed forces or on its cooperation with third countries” suggests concern that Trump might agree to constraints on Western military aid.

Even more pointed: “Russia cannot have a veto against Ukraine’s pathway to EU and NATO,” the leaders declared—a direct pushback against any deal that would limit Ukraine’s Western integration.

The Europeans also rejected territorial concessions, stating bluntly that “it will be up to Ukraine to make decisions on its territory. International borders must not be changed by force.”

Europe ready for continued pressure on Russia

The EU leaders’ statement reads like diplomatic insurance—an attempt to lock in principles before Trump sits down with Zelenskyy for follow-up talks, scheduled on 18 August in Washington.

Their promise of continued pressure reveals the leverage they’re prepared to use:

“As long as the killing in Ukraine continues, we stand ready to uphold the pressure on Russia. We will continue to strengthen sanctions and wider economic measures to put pressure on Russia’s war economy.”

The leaders want to ensure “unwavering solidarity” with Ukraine while working toward “a peace that safeguards Ukraine’s and Europe’s vital security interests.”

The next phase will reveal whether Trump’s promised meeting with Zelenskyy can bridge the gap between what Russia might accept and what Europe demands.

The Alaska summit may have been bilateral, but any lasting agreement will need to satisfy a much larger coalition—one that Europe just reminded everyone it intends to lead.

Lessons of the past 30 years cannot be ignored. French President Emmanuel Macron calls to taking into account all the lessons of the past three decades, particularly Russia’s history of ignoring its commitments after the meeting between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin in Alaska, which ended without a peace agreement or sanctions on Moscow.

“The lessons of Russia must not be forgotten”

“It will also be essential to draw all the lessons from the past 30 years, in particular from Russia’s well-established tendency not to honor its own commitments,” Macron claims.

He added that, together with Trump and Zelenskyy, he will act “in a spirit of unity and responsibility,” supporting Ukraine and maintaining pressure on Russia as long as its aggression continues.

Support for Ukraine and steadfast peace guarantees

According to Macron, any long-term peace must be based on unwavering security guarantees and respect for Ukraine’s rights. The French president emphasized the unity of European and Western leaders on this matter.

Willing coalition and concrete progress

Macron also welcomed the US willingness to contribute to strengthening peace.

“We will work on this with them and all our partners within the Coalition of the Willing, with whom we will meet again soon to achieve concrete progress,” the French president adds. 

Ukraine disagrees with US President Donald Trump’s vision of ending the war. Kyiv insists that there must first be a ceasefire, followed by a negotiating process. Otherwise, Russia could use endless strikes to secure the most favorable terms, UNIAN reports. 

Presidential Office adviser Serhii Leshchenko says that negotiations before a ceasefire create major risks of blackmail for Ukraine.

“Our vision is first a ceasefire, and then everything else. Why? Because if we negotiate before a ceasefire, it creates big risks of blackmail for Ukraine. If there is a ceasefire, space for diplomacy opens,” Leshchenko explains.

The adviser claims that a ceasefire is necessary before starting substantive negotiations. Talks cannot be conducted in parallel with ongoing battles at the front.

“Today the fighting is one way, tomorrow another. This can have serious consequences due to very short-term shifts on the battlefield, in one direction or another,” Leshchenko adds.

Trump has claimed his intention to end the war in Ukraine since the first day he took office. He has called Putin six times, and each time his conversations ended with even more bloody Russian attacks on Ukrainian civilians. 

• On the night of 12 July, Russia launched massive strikes with Shahed drones and cruise missiles on Lviv, Lutsk, Chernivtsi, as well as Kyiv. In Chernivtsi, two people were killed and several were injured. In Lviv, 12 people were wounded, including an 11-year-old child.
• Russia killed 31 civilians in 27 locations in Kyiv on 31 July, including residential buildings. Over 150 people were injured. The month ended with 286 civilians killed and nearly 1,400 injured across Ukraine, the highest monthly toll since May 2022.