American B-2 strategic bombers flew tens of thousands of kilometers from US airbases to Iran, carried out strikes on targets, and returned. This demonstrative action was intentional, aimed at showing the world that the US remains the unquestionable military leader, Kyrylo Budanov, Ukraine’s Intelligence Defense chief, told Nataliia Moseichuk.
The war began on 13 June 2025, when Israel launched strikes on Iran’s nuclear and military facilities. Iran responded with massive missile and drone attacks targeting both military and civilian sites in Israel. On 22 June, the US joined the fighting, striking three of Iran’s nuclear facilities. The war ended with a fragile ceasefire. No official peace agreements were signed, and tensions remain high.
“The US has now regained unquestionable military leadership in the world. They showed everyone: we can do it, if we decide to,”claimed Budanov.
Strike from the US: more expensive, but symbolically stronger
Budanov emphasized that the US had simpler options — to launch strikes from bases in Europe or the Middle East. But they deliberately chose the longest route — from their own territory, accompanied by tankers and fighter jets.
“It would have been cheaper economically, logistically easier, tactically easier… But they made a demonstrative move — the most powerful one. At one moment, B-2s took off from US airbases… They flew in from the States, bombed the targets, and returned,” he explained.
“No one else can”
When asked whether this maneuver impressed Putin, Budanov replied directly: yes, and very much so. The US showed that it can strike any point on the globe.
“It made a deep impression on him. Very deep. No one had done anything like this before. And frankly, no one else can,” said Budanov.
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Anti-graft agencies have exposed a scheme of drone bribery involving a ruling party MP and National Guard officers. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said that those responsible will face justice after investigators revealed how vital military supplies were turned into a source of personal profit.
The case emerges during the fourth year of Russia’s full-scale invasion, a time when drones are a crucial technology on the frontlines. This comes after Zelenskyy’s effort to undermine the independence of the anti-graft agencies—a decision that was quickly reversed due to the first mass protests over the past four years.
Anti-graft bodies uncover bribery network in drone supplies
On 2 August that the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) briefed Zelenskyy about a large scheme involving inflated contracts for drones and electronic warfare systems. This was reported by NABU and Zelenskyy.
Investigators said that up to 30% of the contract value was returned to the participants of the network as illegal profit. Four people have been detained.
A source from law enforcement told Liga that the MP implicated is Oleksii Kuznietsov from Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party.
Zelenskyy confirmed in a statement that “a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine,” heads of local administrations and National Guard servicemembers were caught taking bribes connected to drone contracts.
He called such behavior immoral and damaging, adding that full accountability is necessary. Zelenskyy said he thanked the anti-corruption agencies for their work and said that he expected fair verdicts in the case.
Servant of the People party suspends Kuznietsov
Servant of the People announced that MP Oleksii Kuznietsov’s membership in the faction will be suspended for the duration of the investigation into the exposed drone bribery scheme.
Internal investigation targets National Guard officers
Zelenskyy also said that Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko had started an internal investigation in the National Guard after the exposure of the scheme. Klymenko announced that only combat officers will lead logistics units from now on. He promised to make the results public. According to Klymenko, the commander of the National Guard Oleksandr Pivnenko has already suspended servicemembers allegedly involved in the drone bribery scandal.
Klymenko assured that new safeguards will be introduced in the National Guard to prevent such schemes. He said that a new internal control unit will monitor service activity, working independently and professionally. The team is being formed from specialists who passed checks for integrity and professional competence.
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President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has officially appointed Lieutenant General Anatoliy Kryvonozhko as the new Commander of the Ukrainian Air Forces.
The appointment comes as peace talks with Russia remain stalled and missile and drone attacks on Ukrainian cities intensify. Hundreds of strikes in recent weeks have overwhelmed air defenses, damaged infrastructure and killed civilians, putting the Air Forces at the center of Ukraine’s defense strategy.
A year as acting commander
Kryvonozhko has been acting commander since 30 August 2024, following the dismissal of Mykola Oleschuk.
Zelenskyy removed Oleschuk a day after the Air Forces reported that on 26 August 2024, during a massive Russian attack, Ukrainian pilot Oleksii “Moonfish” Mes was killed—the first time Ukraine lost an F-16 fighter jet. As of August 2025, open sources report that four F-16s have been lost: three pilots killed and one who managed to eject.
A Ukrainian pilot Oleksii Mes, known by the call sign “Moonfish”. Source: 144th Fighter Wing FB
In January 2025, after controversy over reassignment of Air Force specialists to infantry units, Zelenskyy instructed Kryvonozhko to ensure that the Air Forces retained all essential personnel.
His official confirmation was announced on Air Forces Day, a symbolic gesture intended to recognize the importance of those defending Ukraine’s skies.
Zelensky’s call for stronger air defense
Announcing the appointment, Zelenskyy emphasized closer coordination between all branches of Ukraine’s defense:
“It’s crucial that Ukrainian combat aviation and air defense develop in a coordinated way with the military, partners and experts who want strength and victory for Ukraine,” Zelenskyy said.
President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Photo: Zelenskyy via X
Who is Anatoliy Kryvonozhko?
Commanded “Center” Air Command since 2015
Hero of Ukraine: Awarded the Golden Star by Zelenskyy after Russia’s full-scale invasion
Proven record: Oversaw the downing of hundreds of Russian missiles and drones
His experience managing air defenses during some of the heaviest Russian strikes of the war has made him a key figure in Ukraine’s military leadership.
Why this appointment matters
With Russian airstrikes intensifying and diplomatic negotiations stalled, the confirmation of a permanent Air Forces commander strengthens Ukraine’s ability to respond. The Air Forces will continue to play a decisive role in protecting civilian infrastructure and countering missile and drone attacks as the war enters another challenging phase.
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The British “Bulldog” has become a guardian angel on the front line. The 12th Azov Brigade soldiers have given the FV432 armored personnel carrier (APC) a second life, not as a combat vehicle but as a high-tech medical evacuation unit.
The FV432, a British analogue of the American M113, was originally produced in the 1960s, Militarnyi reports. Volunteers recover decommissioned vehicles from private owners in the UK and bring them to Ukraine.
But to make it more than just a “box on tracks,” it took skilled hands and sharp minds, exactly what the Azov fighters brought.
The FV432 Bulldog armored personnel carrier. Credit: Screenshot
“We got these vehicles that we can drive to the front line and quickly evacuate the wounded,”says driver-mechanic, known as Bielyi.
A “super project”built from scratch: from shell to mobile hospital
The Bulldog was initially empty, just old, unsecured seats. The soldiers completely rebuilt the interior for medical use.
“We turned to the guys, and they helped us build what I’d call a super project,”Bielyi says.
They stripped the lining and painted it white to better detect blood and dirt. They added tourniquet organizers, stretcher mounts, an autonomous diesel heater, an oxygen concentrator, lighting, and surveillance cameras with a better angle than the standard periscope.
Evacuation under fire: the key is saving lives
According to Bielyi, the key advantages are the tracked chassis and strong armor, which can withstandRPG fire. This makes it possible to evacuate the wounded under dangerous conditions without getting stuck in mud.
“The machine is as simple as a bicycle. To learn to drive it takes about 7 to 15 minutes,”he jokes.
He concludes that evacuation will be more efficient, faster, and higher-quality, which means one thing: more lives will be saved.
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Today, there are important updates from the Pokrovsk direction. Here, Russian sabotage units slipped through a gap in Ukrainian defenses on the outskirts of Pokrovsk, taking control of buildings and launching ambushes on Ukrainian units passing by. However, Ukrainian rapid reaction forces responded immediately, clearing the infiltrators before Russia could exploit the breach.
Infiltration from Zvirove fails despite temporary gaps
To the south of Pokrovsk, Russian sabotage and reconnaissance units managed to infiltrate the outskirts of the town through Zvirove, exploiting a momentary Ukrainian infantry shortage that created a large gap on the frontline. Leveraging local terrain such as the terrikon area, these infiltrators staged ambushes, targeting passing Ukrainian patrol vehicles, and dug themselves in in several houses throughout Pokrovsk.
However, the Ukrainian command responded swiftly by deploying rapid reaction units, urgently initiating clearance operations to neutralize the infiltrators and swiftly deal with this sudden threat. Nevertheless, small enemy groups continued their attempts at infiltration, primarily at night, aiming to secure positions within the town perimeter until reinforcements arrived.
A temporary gap near Zvirove let Russian saboteurs reach Pokrovsk’s southern outskirts. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Ukrainian drones target infiltrators on key routes
To counteract these persistent threats, Ukrainian forces have intensified drone surveillance over key infiltration routes, with the 47th Separate Assault Brigade releasing footage showing drone strikes successfully neutralizing enemy infantry near Zvirove.
Russians miss window for assault on Pokrovsk
Following this infiltration, the Russians appeared briefly poised for a direct assault on Pokrovsk, yet their reaction was curiously delayed. They were not ready to exploit the sudden break in the lines, causing them to miss the brief window of Ukrainian vulnerability. By the time Russian forces assembled for an organized push, Ukrainians had reorganized the defense, and they had to start from scratch with preliminary probing attacks.
Drone footage from the 47th Brigade shows strikes on Russian infantry near Zvirove. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Motorbike raids and mechanized push destroyed
One such attempt involved an infantry assault group mounted on motorcycles departing from Shevchenko, but Ukrainian FPV drone operators swiftly detected and eliminated them before they could even leave their staging area.
Undeterred, Russian commanders attempted a mechanized assault, the first in months for this area, again originating near Shevchenko, employing three armored vehicles. Ukrainian artillery and drone teams swiftly responded, obliterating the advancing armor in open terrain, exploiting their vulnerability without cover.
Ukrainian FPV drones destroyed a Russian motorcycle assault team before they left Shevchenko. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Desperate use of TOS-1 thermobaric system ends in destruction
The Russians were also desperate enough to move up a TOS-1 thermobaric artillery piece near the frontline, an immensely powerful artillery system, but suffering from a short range of under 4 kilometers, allowing Ukrainians to easily destroy such a powerful Russian asset.
Ukrainians destroyed a TOS‑1 thermobaric system that Russia pushed too close to the front. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Ukrainian strikes cripple Russian logistics and command
A significant factor contributing to these disorganized and ineffective Russian attempts lies in Ukraine’s strategic operational targeting, which has severely disrupted Russian logistics and command structures. Ukrainian HIMARS missile strikes systematically target troop concentrations in and around Donetsk city, effectively thinning out Russian frontline manpower long before troops even deploy forward.
Such attacks drastically reduce Russian operational readiness and create logistical nightmares, leaving commanders scrambling to find soldiers for assaults.
Ukraine’s HIMARS strikes in Donetsk reduce Russian manpower before it reaches the front. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Precision strike decapitates Russia’s 8th Guards Army command
Further deepening Russian disarray, Ukrainian forces recently executed a devastating follow-up precision strike on the headquarters of Russia’s 8th Guards Combined Arms Army in Donetsk. As you remember from a previous report, the first successful strike took out the only Russian commander who made any real gains for Russia in the past year.
Now the second strike effectively decapitated the Russian local command by killing the newly appointed commander, along with more than 10 other high-ranking officers, including his potential successor.
Two Ukrainian strikes removed Russia’s key Pokrovsk commanders, including their newly appointed leader. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Battle for Pokrovsk intensifies
Ukrainian military officials confirmed these strikes aimed to cripple Russian command-and-control capabilities, with the new Russian commander being at the head of Russia’s most important offensive, who hasn’t planned it, and might not be qualified to lead 100,000 soldiers in a multidirectional offensive spanning from Velyka Novosilka to Pokrovsk. The latest Ukrainian attack also targeted the command post of Russia’s 20th Motorized Rifle Division, causing additional damage to the Russian command structures.
Overall, Russian forces did manage to identify a weak spot on Pokrovsk’s southwestern perimeter, briefly infiltrating it with sabotage units. However, rapid Ukrainian reactions combined with continuous drone coverage effectively neutralized these threats before Russia could capitalize on any gains. Although initial direct assault attempts were swiftly repelled, the battle for Pokrovsk has decisively begun and will likely intensify significantly.
Recognizing the massive Russian buildup in the region, over 100,000 troops strong, Ukrainian commanders have proactively targeted troop concentrations and command structures. These measures aim to disrupt Russian operational cohesion and decisively weakened their massive force deployment, laying the groundwork for continued successful defense that could break Russian forward momentum.
In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.
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Adler oil depot burned after Ukrainian drones struck overnight, igniting a 2,000 cubic meter fuel tank near Sochi, southern Russia, around 530 km from the frontline. The strike forced a halt to flights at Sochi airport while emergency crews worked through the night to contain the blaze. The attack targeted Rosneft’s Kubannefteproduct oil depot on Aviatsionnaya Street in Adler, right next to the airport.
Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, Ukraine has been targeting Russia’s military, defense-industry, logistics, and fuel facilities deep inside Russia in order to cripple Moscow’s war machine. Recently, Ukraine resumed the attacks on the oil refineries and depots in Russia after a few-month pause.
The oil depot includes 41 tanks with a combined capacity of around 31,200 cubic meters.
Ukrainian drones strike Adler oil depot again
In the early hours of 3 August, Ukrainian strike drones hit the Adler district of Sochi in Krasnodar Krai. Telegram channels Astra and Exilenova+ reported that the drones struck the Rosneft-Kubannefteproduct oil depot, causing a powerful fire. Local authorities confirmed the fire and the suspension of flights. The depot sits not far from the Sochi airport, which led to an immediate halt to flight operations.
Mayor Andrii Proshunin of Sochi, Krasnodar Krai Governor Veniamin Kondratiev, and Russia’s Ministry of Emergency Situations confirmed a drone attack on the depot, and the fire. They claimed that falling debris from destroyed drones caused a single tank to ignite. Footage from the site, however, shows two ignition points at the facility.
The Ministry of Emergency Situations said the fire broke out in a fuel tank with a volume of 2,000 cubic meters. They also claimed that debris from drones damaged five garages in a cooperative and a shop, which also caught fire. Governor Mikhail Kotyukov said,
“In Adler district, drone debris hit a fuel tank, causing a blaze. 127 personnel and 35 units of equipment have been deployed to eliminate the consequences of the fire.”
Flights disrupted at Sochi airport
The strike forced the closure of Sochi airport for more than two hours overnight. Airport services later announced that disruptions would continue for at least a day.
“Together with airlines, we are doing everything possible to stabilize the regular schedule as soon as possible, but it will take 1–2 days,” airport representatives said.
Drones reach Voronezh and other areas
On the same night, drones also targeted other areas. Governor Aleksandr Gusev of Voronezh Oblast claimed that 15 drones were downed over Voronezh city and Liskinsky district. Russian officials said debris from drones caused fires and damaged single-family homes. Explosions and fires were reported across Voronezh.
Exilenova+ reported that the activity of electronic warfare systems led to several dorne crashes and fires across Voronezh.
A separate fire was reported at the Kstovo oil depot in Nizhny Novgorod Oblast after a drone threat was announced in the area, though it remains unclear whether that was a result of a Ukrainian strike.
Second strike on Adler oil depots in weeks
This attack marks the second major strike on oil infrastructure in Adler in recent weeks. On 24 July 2025, Ukrainian dronesstruck the Lukoil-Yugnefteproduct depot, which likely supplies Sochi International Airport. That strike caused a large fire at the site.
Drone attacks on 2 August across Russia
The Adler oil depot follows a wave of Ukrainian drone attacks on 2 August across Russian territory.
On that day, drones attackedoil refineries in Ryazan and Samara Oblast’s Novokuybyshevsk.
Ukrainian sources confirmed that earlier attacks on Penza damaged the Elektropibor and Radiozavod plants, which produce radio-electronic equipment for the Russian armed forces.
Ukrainian drones also strucka radar complex for monitoring space objects near Feodosia in Russian-occupied Crimea.
The same day, drones attacked the Likhaya-Zamchalovo railway power substation in Rostov Oblast, which Russia uses to supply its occupying forces in Ukraine, andan airfield in Prymorsko-Akhtarsk that launches Shahed drones.
Separately, on 2 August, an explosion occurred on the Central Asia–Center gas pipeline in Volgograd Oblast near the village of Dynamivske in Nekhaivsky district. The blast disabled the pipeline, and gas transit was stopped indefinitely, according to Militarnyi, citing sources in special services.
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Nightly Russian drone attacks again battered Ukraine as missiles and Shaheds rained down on several cities, causing injuries and damage. Local authorities said explosions and fires struck homes and infrastructure across the country as power outages and destruction mounted.
It comes amid Trump’s 10‑day deadline for Putin to agree to ceasefire talks. Russia has ignored these and all previous peace efforts, continuing dailyairattacks on Ukrainian civilians.
Nightly Russian drone attacks cause destruction across Ukraine
In the late evening of 2 August, Russian forces launched missiles on Mykolaiv and Kherson. The State Emergency Service reported that in Mykolaiv explosions destroyed single-family homes and damaged apartments, igniting fires in a residential district.
The head of Mykolaiv Oblast, Vitalii Kim, saidseven people were injured, with four treated on site and three hospitalized. A 57‑year‑old man and a 74‑year‑old man were hospitalized in moderate condition, and a 32‑year‑old man received outpatient care. Kim confirmed that three houses were destroyed, 23 more were damaged, and 12 apartment buildings, six vehicles, a postal branch and a building materials store were also hit. After the attack, parts of Mykolaiv Oblast lost electricity. The head of Kherson Oblast, Oleksandr Prokudin, also reported power outages after evening missile explosions.
Firefighters work among burning debris and destroyed homes in Mykolaiv after a Russian missile strike overnight on 2-3 August 2025. Photo: State Emergency Service in Mykolaiv Oblast
Russian forces struck Kharkiv in the night with two Shahed drones. Oleg Synehubov, the head of Kharkiv Oblast, reported that a central district of the city was hit. Mayor Ihor Terekhov said one explosion damaged warehouse buildings near residential areas, with no injuries there. Another drone fell in a forest without detonating.
Synehubov said that explosions in Chuhuiv and Balakliia caused fires in detached homes. In Chuhuiv, Mayor Halyna Minaieva saidthree women suffered acute stress reactions, and houses had windows and roofs damaged. In Balakliia, city military administrator Vitalii Karabanov said more than ten drones struck one street, setting over ten homes on fire. He confirmed at least one injured person. Casualty numbers there are still being clarified.
In Kyiv, city military administration chief Tymur Tkachenko confirmed a missile strike during the night, with details still unknown.
Lithuanian volunteer organization Blue/Yellow says that Russia’s previous attack on 31 July destroyed its Kyiv warehouse. Lithuanian broadcaster LRT reported that a Shahed drone completely demolished the building used for storing humanitarian aid before shipment to the front. The organization said the warehouse contained mainly helmets and protective vests and that surrounding buildings were also damaged.
Heavy Ukrainian air defense effort
The Air Force of Ukraine reported that between 19:00 on 2 August and early 3 August, Russia attacked with 76 Shahed and decoy drones, and seven missiles, including an Iskander‑M ballistic missile, five S‑300/S‑400 surface‑to‑air missiles used for ground attacks, and one Kh‑22 cruise missile.
Ukrainian air defenses shot down or suppressed 61 air targets: 60 drones and one ballistic missile. Despite this, six missiles and 16 drones struck eight locations, with debris falling in two more places. Air defense units, aviation, radio‑electronic warfare systems and mobile fire teams all took part in repelling the assault.
Casualties from artillery in Kostiantynivka
On the morning of 3 August, Russian forces used artillery against Kostiantynivka in Donetsk Oblast. City military administrator Serhii Horbunov reported that shells hit residential areas, killing one person. He said that Russian troops struck civilian infrastructure and confirmed that the attack resulted in at least one death.
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Ukraine’s defense intelligence says it has captured Russian nuclear submarine secrets after a major intelligence operation. The files reveal every detail of the Project 955A’s K-555 Knyaz Pozharsky, Russia’s newest Borei-A class nuclear submarine. Ukrainian officials say these documents expose the submarine’s inner workings and give a full view of its technical limitations.
This comes as the Russo-Ukrainian war continues. Ukrainian intelligence agencies operate actively inside Russia, hacking military systems, seizing and destroying logistics records, and, kinetically, striking military installations, defense plants, and fuel depots while targeting both military infrastructure and key figures in the Russian armed forces and military industry.
Knyaz Pozharsky is a Borei-class nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarine designed as part of Russia’s nuclear triad. It carries the RSM-56 Bulava submarine-launched ballistic missile system, a weapon deployed since 2019 and developed for the Russian Navy as a core element of the country’s nuclear deterrence structure.
Russian nuclear submarine secrets leaked: Ukrainian intelligence gains full access to Borei-A submarine files
Ukraine’s HUR defense intelligence agency reported that it obtained engineering documents and instructions for the nuclear submarine Knyaz Pozharsky, project 955A Borei-A. These documents include the ship’s combat layout, engineering schematics, survival systems, and the organizational structure of the crew. The files also detail procedures for damage control and towing, as well as how the crew handles cargo and casualties.
Left: Combat instructions for the Knyaz Pozharsky submarine’s steering and navigation units. Center: Official inspection report of submarine components issued in Gadzhiyevo. Right: Organizational structure and combat layout charts of the Knyaz Pozharsky crew. Source: HUR
The documents include the names of every crew member, their roles, qualifications, and even their physical training levels. According to the intelligence agency, this trove also features combat instructions, orders posted in cabins and compartments, and a log regulating both daily routines and combat duties aboard the submarine.
Left: Extract from the Knyaz Pozharsky submarine schedule book listing combat and daily routines. Center: Detailed tables of crew members and their performance indicators. Right: Classified list of key specialists and their positions aboard the Knyaz Pozharsky. Source: HUR
New data exposes vulnerabilities
Ukraine’s defense intelligence says the obtained information highlights specific weaknesses in the Knyaz Pozharsky and other submarines of the 955A Borei-A class. These vessels carry 16 launch tubes for R-30 Bulava-30 intercontinental ballistic missiles. Each missile can carry up to 10 warheads, making the class a core part of Russia’s nuclear forces.
List of watertight doors, hatches, and sealed openings on the Russian nuclear submarine Knyaz Pozharsky, detailing their locations, markings, and assigned responsible crew members. Source: HUR
The Knyaz Pozharsky is assigned to the 31st submarine division of the Russian Northern Fleet, with its permanent base in the city of Gadzhiyevo in Murmansk Oblast.
Knyaz Pozharsky
On 24 July, the Kremlin said that Vladimir Putin attended the flag-raising ceremony for the Knyaz Pozharsky in Severodvinsk at the Sevmash shipyard in Arkhangelsk Oblast. At the ceremony, the submarine officially joined combat duty. The Knyaz Pozharsky became the 142nd nuclear-powered submarine built at this shipyard. Kremlin statements also claimed that six more submarines of the same class are planned by 2030.
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US lawmakers skipped a Russia sanctions vote and left the sanctions in Trump’s hands as his 8 August deadline approaches. The Hill says the Senate left Washington for its August break without advancing a sweeping sanctions bill aimed at Moscow, leaving the president to decide how to confront Vladimir Putin over the war in Ukraine.
This comes after Trump shortened, on 29 July, the 50‑day ceasefire window he had offered Putin to about 10 days and warned that new tariffs and other penalties would follow if Moscow kept fighting.
Senate exits after Trump’s ultimatum to Russia
The Hill reports that Trump warned that Putin has until 8 August to stop the war in Ukraine or face tariffs on countries that continue buying Russian oil. As a preview of this pressure, he imposed a 25% tariff on India, a major buyer of Russian energy. That is far below the 500% tariffs proposed in the stalled bill. Some senators admit that leaving the bill untouched puts the responsibility entirely on the president for now.
Republican senators say they expect Trump to act decisively. Republican Senator Mike Rounds said to The Hill that Trump is now disappointed in Putin. Democrats doubt that Trump will go as far as needed, though they acknowledge that his tone has grown tougher. Trump earlier described Russia’s air attacks on Ukraine as disgusting and said his team is ready to impose sanctions.
Submarines, tariffs, and diplomacy
In response to threats of nuclear weapons from Russia’s former President Dmitry Medvedev, Trump ordered nuclear submarines to the region. Trump told reporters that his envoy Steve Witkoff will visit Russia after a trip to Israel. He stressed that he will impose sanctions but admitted he is unsure if they will change Moscow’s behavior.
Senate hawks frustrated by inaction on Russia sanctions
The blocked bill was designed to hit Russia’s oil revenues hard by imposing tariffs on countries that keep buying Russian crude. Analysts at the Center for Strategic and International Studies argue that oil revenue is key to funding Moscow’s war. Supporters of the bill say a missed opportunity weakens the message.
Democrat Senator Richard Blumenthal, coauthor of the bill with Republican Lindsey Graham, said he would see it as a success if Trump imposed even a part of the planned tariffs.
Early signs of impact
Indian oil refiners have already paused imports of Russian oil after Trump’s 25% tariff announcement.
Graham said Trump has now adopted the idea of targeting countries that buy Russian oil. He added that Trump can act either through executive action or with the help of the bill if it passes later.
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Forget steel: Ukraine’s new tank armor is rubber and spikes. Steel once defined tank protection. Now, under constant drone attack, Russia bolts spikes onto its armor while Ukraine wraps vehicles in rubber—a complete rethink of how to survive on the battlefield.
. The United States repositioned nuclear submarines near Russia following escalating online threats between President Trump and a former Kremlin official over the war in Ukraine.
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Russia’s total infiltration in Pokrovsk has failed as Ukraine’s top general Syrskyi says Russian attempts to slip inside were stopped fast. The commander-in-chief described how the army adapts to this tactic on several threatened directions and why the Pokrovsk sector in eastern Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast remains one of the most difficult areas.
Donetsk Oblast has remained Russia’s main focus for many months, with the fiercest fighting and the largest concentration of its troops taking place there. This year, Russia has largely shifted from its infamous “meat-wave” frontal assaults to tactics based on small groups. Instead of large-scale offensives, Russian forces now send numerous teams of only a few soldiers each to probe for weak spots in defenses. Once a position is taken, reinforcements are brought in to expand and secure the gain.
Ukraine blocks total infiltration in Pokrovsk
Syrskyi wrote on Facebook on 2 August that Russian forces try a tactic of the so-called “total infiltration,” aiming to push through defenses without a large assault. He said these efforts include hidden movements toward Pokrovsk and other parts of Donetsk Oblast. According to him, these infiltration moves have been crushed before they reach their targets.
This year, Russia largely switched from its infamous “meat-wave” frontal assaults to the small groups tactics. Russia mostly avoids large-scale offensives, sending multiple groups of just a handful of soldiers in each trying to find weak spots in the defenses and gradually capture individual positions to later send there reinforcements.
Syrskyi explained that he spent the day visiting all command posts of the Armed Forces and National Guard units holding the Pokrovsk direction. He said he met the commander of drone forces, corps commanders, and brigade commanders. During these meetings, they reviewed the battlefield conditions and planned how to strengthen defenses in areas where Russian pressure is growing.
The general said the situation is currently most dangerous on Pokrovsk, Dobropillia, and Novopavlivka directions. Russian forces seek weak spots, intensify their activity, and try to capture important Ukrainian urban areas. Syrskyi said Ukraine is countering total infiltration with special mobile reserves, whose role is to search for and destroy these teams before they can create problems inside the lines.
Map: ISW
He stressed that the focus remains on improving fortifications. Syrskyi discussed with commanders how to reinforce positions with engineering work, minefields, barriers, and underground structures that protect against drones. He said this work continues but must be more active, broad, and complex.
Advancements
The US-based Institute for the Study of War (ISW) noted in its 2 August daily reports that “Ukrainian forces recently advanced near Novopavlivka and in western Zaporizhzhia Oblast, and Russian forces recently advanced near Toretsk.”
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NATO launches a new “combat wallet” for Ukraine. Washington and Brussels are creating a new weapons supply mechanism for Ukraine that will accelerate support amid rising civilian casualties, Reuters reports.
Amid fresh Russian strikes on Ukrainian cities, the US and NATO are jointly developing a new scheme to deliver arms to Ukraine, now funded by Europe but drawn from American arsenals. The goal is to raise $10 billion to support Ukraine’s defense as Moscow escalates the war.
This setup bypasses complex US procedures and enables faster delivery of air defense systems, missiles, artillery, and other critical weapons. This is a voluntary initiative coordinated by NATO, says a senior Alliance official.
How the new aid mechanism works
Under the plan, NATO will create a special account where member states will contribute funds. These funds will then be used to procure or transfer US weapons to Ukraine.
Ukraine will submit lists of priority weaponry (PURL) worth about $500 million per tranche, and allies will determine who contributes to what. NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte will coordinate the distribution.
Trump steps up pressure on Moscow and allies
President Donald Trump, initially cautious in his rhetoric, has adopted a tougher stance on the war. According to sources, he condemned Russia’s growing civilian death toll and gave the Kremlin a deadline — show progress in ending the war by 8 August, or face new US tariffs.
Meanwhile, Russian President Vladimir Putin said Russia does not plan to stop the war against Ukraine. His statements came on 1 August, the day after Russian missiles killed 31 civilians in Kyiv. Putin claimed Russia is ready to wait until Ukraine agrees to its conditions to end the war, which mean de-facte the capitulation of Kyiv.
US lawmakers seek to formalize the scheme in law
Congress has introduced the PEACE Act, a bill that would create a dedicated fund within the US Treasury to collect European contributions and replenish US weapons stockpiles sent to Ukraine. Negotiations on the first tranche are ongoing, but the exact timeline and aid volumes remain unclear.
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The US raises the stakes amid Russia’s threats. In response to Moscow’s threats, American President Donald Trump ordered the deployment of two nuclear submarines closer to Russia. The Times reports that this is not just a show of force but a personal message to Russian President Vladimir Putin.
After former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s statements, who on 31 July referenced the Soviet automatic nuclear strike system “Dead Hand” in the context of threats against the US, Trump ordered the deployment of two nuclear submarines. His threats came after Trump’s 10-day ultimatum that the US gave to Russia to end the war in Ukraine.
This exchange significantly escalated nuclear rhetoric between the two powers, underscoring the growing intertwining of the Ukraine war with nuclear deterrence.
US nuclear submarines head toward Russia
The American president responded in his trademark style — tough and theatrical. In a Truth Social post, Trump announced the relocation of two nuclear submarines to relevant regions.
This move is not just a military maneuver but a strategic political signal. Trump is responding less to Medvedev’s rhetoric and more to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s rejection of Trump’s ceasefire proposal in Ukraine.
After the strike on Kyiv that killed 31 people, including five children, Putin confirmed that Russia’s conditions for ending the war, announced back in summer 2024, remain unchanged. He added that Russia is ready to wait until Ukraine agrees to Moscow’s conditions.
Among them are:
The withdrawal of Ukrainian troops from the occupied territories of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia
Ukraine’s refusal of NATO membership
Ukraine’s non-nuclear status
Sanctions’ lift
What does the submarine deployment mean?
The US possesses 71 nuclear-powered submarines, including 14 Ohio-class ballistic missile subs, each capable of carrying up to 20 Trident II nuclear warheads. At any given moment, 8 to 10 of them are at sea. The White House said that this is not provocation but deterrence.
Sanctions, tariffs, and the energy war
In addition to military signals, Trump threatens secondary sanctions against buyers of Russian energy. India is already feeling the heat — partial tariffs of 25% have been imposed. In the danger zone are China and Brazil, whichremain key importers of Russian gas.
These statements show that Trump’s policy toward Russia is rapidly changing, and the US pressure against Moscow is also increasing.
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Russia will maintain stability even as its president’s health declines. Even if Vladimir Putin leaves office, Russia’s power structure will not undergo significant changes because it is built as a strong system ensuring regime continuity, Kyrylo Budanov, Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence chief, told TV presenter Natalia Moseichuk.
This means that the Kremlin’s political and military strategy will remain unchanged, and the war in Ukraine and threats to Europeand other countrieswill also persist.
Putin’s health is worse than Russia’s power system
Budanov said that Putin’s physical condition is significantly worse than the power system he created.
“No, his health is worse than his system. But with the leader’s departure, nothing will change there,” Budanov explained.
He added that Russia has prepared the system so that Putin’s successor, whoever it may be, will operate within the same paradigm with only minor adjustments.
A problem for democracy
Budanov emphasized that Russia’s system is a rigid and entrenched regime, similar to North Korea’s, where power transfers occur within a strict structure that prevents evolutionary change.
“A totalitarian regime falls but does not change gradually,” he said, citing Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Un as examples of such system durability and strength.
Russia’s younger generation is a complicated reality
Budanov also noted that in talks with Russian prisoners, he saw a generation of people who cannot imagine life other than under Putin’s regime. They grew up and live within this system, and many have already died for it.
“For us, unfortunately, this means the system is quite strong and will last a long time,” he concluded.
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Russian soldiers from the 247th Air Assault Regiment in the temporarily occupied part of Zaporizhzhia Oblast are deserting en masse, according to Atesh, the Crimean-Ukrainian partisan movement.
The Atesh partisan movement was formed in 2022 as a joint initiative of Crimean Tatars and Ukrainians after Russia’s full-scale invasion. It claims to have a network of saboteurs inside the Russian army and has created an online course for Russian soldiers teaching them how to sabotage their own equipment. In February 2023, Atesh reported that over 4,000 Russians had taken the course.
According to its reports, the highest number of desertionsis occurring in one particular battalion of the regiment. The main reason is the forced conscription of residents from occupied territories, particularly Kherson, Zaporizhzhia, and Crimea.
“Lawlessness, incompetent command, refusal to register reports, intimidation, and constant front-line losses only fuel the desire to flee,“ notes Atesh.
The Russian army is collapsing from within
This is not an isolated incident. Earlier, Russia’s Defense Ministry sent a commission to the 1196th Motorized Rifle Regiment stationed in occupied Kherson Oblast. The reason? Soldier suicides and sabotage of watercraft. All of this signals demoralization and disintegration within the occupying forces.
Russia cynically exploits the occupied territories
The desertion of those forcibly mobilized from occupied areas once again proves: Russia doesn’t view residents of Kherson, Zaporizhzhia, or Crimea as its citizens, but as cannon fodder.
Locals are conscripted by force, without basic rights — no contracts, no legal status, no rotations. Wounds aren’t documented, discharges are ignored, and complaints lead to persecution. At the same time, occupied territories are being turned into military bases for further aggression against Ukraine.
How much of Zaporizhzhia Oblast does Russia control?
As of August 2025, Russia controls about 60% of Zaporizhzhia Oblast. Major occupied towns include Melitopol, Berdiansk, Tokmak, and Enerhodar.
The Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant in Enerhodar poses the largest nuclear threat in Europe. Russia has mined the facility, uses it as cover for shelling, and deploys troops there.
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Moscow is blocking the organization’s work, which was supposed to monitor its war crimes in Ukraine. Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha states that Russia should no longer be a member of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), UkrInform reports.
According to him, Moscow is obstructing the OSCE’s activities because the organization’s mission was to document numerous violations of international law, including Russia’s war crimes.
“A country that has violated all ten fundamental principles of the Helsinki Act should not hold a place in this organization,” Sybiha emphasizes.
What are the Helsinki Act principles?
The Helsinki Act of 1975 is not a legally binding treaty but a political document containing key norms of international law that form the basis of European security. The ten principles include:
Sovereign equality of states
Refraining from the threat or use of force
Inviolability of frontiers
Territorial integrity of states
Peaceful settlement of disputes
Non-intervention in internal affairs
Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms
Equal rights and self-determination of peoples
Cooperation among states
Fulfillment of obligations under international law
Russia has systematically violated these principles since annexing Crimea in 2014, conducting the war in Donbas, and, since 2022, waging all-out war. These violations include illegal use of force, breaches of Ukraine’s territorial integrity, interference in internal affairs, and gross human rights abuses, including war crimes.
Ukraine insists on reform
Sybiha reminds that the OSCE was created in very different geopolitical circumstances during the Cold War, but today, Russia has turned the organization into a tool for advancing its own interests.
In 2022, Russia blocked the extension of the mandate of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission in Ukraine, which had previously operated in Donbas. Since then, the OSCE supports Ukraine through other programs but without a direct presence in combat areas.
“It cannot be that one country blocks the work of the entire organization, which aims to enhance security. Russia is the main cause of instability in Europe,” the minister stresses.
Ukraine insists on reforming the OSCE and expelling the aggressor country from its membership to restore the organization’s trust and effectiveness.
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A bulky, lumbering Russian vehicle that recently appeared along the 1,100-km front line of Russia’s 42-month wider war on Ukraine boasts the qualities of Russia’s “turtle tanks” as well as the qualities of its more recent “porcupine tanks.” That is: layers of shell-like metal sheeting and, atop that, metal quills that project outward.
The quills help to detonate incoming first-person-view drones before they strike the tank itself. The plating blunts the impact of any drones that get through.
As ugly and ungainly as the hybrid turtle-porcupine tank is, it might actually work under the right circumstances. Examples abound of up-armored vehicles absorbing dozens or even scores of FPVs, which normally weigh just a few pounds and lack explosive power.
If there’s a downside to all this add-on armor, it’s that it almost certainly impedes the vehicle’s mobility by heaping weight onto its original 40- or 50-ton chassis. The extra protection surely also obstructs the driver’s visibility—and probably makes it extremely difficult for the three crew and any infantry passengers to climb onto and off of the vehicle.
Russian tank with anti-drone protection. Photo: Supernova+ via Telegram
This dismount speed can be a matter of life and death when an up-armored tank comes under attack—and any passengers need to get off the vehicle and spread out.
One Russian “porcupine tank”—one of two involved in an assault on Ukrainian defenses outside the ruins of Toretsk, in eastern Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast, on or before 9 July—survived more than 70 drone strikes before finally succumbing. “It was very difficult to find a weak spot,” the Ukrainian Deep State analysis group noted.
And yes, the infantry riding on that tank and other vehicles struggled to dismount as Ukrainian drones rained down. “After several hits, the tanks tried to disperse along the forest belts to safely land the infantry among the greenery,” the Ukrainian army’s 28th Mechanized Brigade reported. “In the end, there was almost no one to land. And those who still managed to escape … were eliminated.”
The up-armored Stryker. Via Andrew Perpetua.
The rubber Stryker
Ukrainian forces have deployed their own super-armored vehicles, albeit with a different armor mix. Open-source analyst Andrew Perpetua recently noted the latest example of a drone-proof Ukrainian vehicle—potentially an American-made Stryker wheeled fighting vehicle.
“There was a Russian video attacking a Ukrainian Stryker that Ukraine turned into an invincible tank,” Perpetua observed. “This Stryker ate every single … drone Russia sent at it without even taking a scratch.”
“The armor plan was this,” Perpetua added. “You take a Stryker with the slat armor on top. On top of the slat armor you apply a thick layer of rubber. All over. Whole vehicle is now rubber. Then, take slat armor and put that over the rubber.”
“It went: Stryker, slat, rubber, slat.”
The downside, as always, is all the extra weight on top of the 19-ton basic vehicle. “This had to be the heaviest … Stryker to ever stryke,” Perpetua quipped.
To be clear, the base vehicle may not have been an 11-person Stryker, Perpetua conceded. It may have been a Soviet-style BTR weighing 18 tons and accommodating 10. In any event, “that little porker probably weighs as much as a [69-ton, four-person M-1] Abrams [tank]. But it ate drones like no tomorrow.”
Of course, add-on armor is no panacea. Yes, the most heavily up-armored vehicles stand a decent chance of surviving a few—or even a lot—of drone strikes. Most vehicles remain extremely vulnerable not just to drones, but to all the myriad dangers along the front line. Mines. Artillery. Missiles.
It’s not for no reason that the Russians have parked most of their surviving vehicles—and now mostly attack on foot or on motorcycles. Under the cover of drones, of course. Meanwhile, the Ukrainians usually defend with infantry sheltering in trenches. Also under the cover of drones.
Explore further
The Russians creep toward Siversk, losing tanks on the way
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The Russian military has been throwing troops at the Toretsk direction for over six months, but each time they are crushed by Ukrainian defenses. Russians have lost about 50,000 soldiers on this front, with more than 20,000 irreversible casualties, Army TV reports.
Russia controls nearly 70-80% of Donetsk Oblast. Toretsk lies on critical logistical routes leading to Kostyantynivka, Kramatorsk, and Sloviansk. Capturing Toretsk would disrupt Ukrainian logistics and facilitate further Russian advances toward key administrative centers in Donbas.
“50,000 people — that’s a good-sized European stadium filled to the brim. But the Kremlin regime didn’t bring these people for football. It brought them to die near Toretsk,” Major Serhii Khominsky, Ukrainian press officer of the 100th Separate Mechanized Brigade, says.
A fortress holding out for over a year
Khominsky stresses that the 100th Brigade has held this crucial front line for over a year. Despite repeated Russian attempts to break through from Horlivka toward Kostyantynivka, they have only reached the outskirts of Toretsk and failed to advance further.
“This is one of the front sectors where the enemy has made the least progress. It frustrates them, but they can’t change anything — thanks to the heroism of our fighters,” he emphasizes.
Ukrainian defenders have faced nearly every form of Russian tactics here: from massive armored assaults to nighttime infantry storm attacks.
“You could say the only things we haven’t seen are battle kangaroos and penguins. Everything else has been tried,” Khominsky adds with bitter irony.
Russia deploys robots in battle
The officer also reveals that Russia has started using ground robotic combat systems. However, these machines proved nearly powerless in the devastated urban environment.
“High-rise buildings turned into thousands of tons of rubble. These ruins are hard to pass even for a human, let alone a robotic system,” Khominsky explains.
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Europe has a chance to strike at the Kremlin’s lifelines, if it dares to act. Around 70% of the “shadow fleet” transporting Russian oil sails through the Baltic Sea, said Ukrainian Deputy Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha at a joint press conference with Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski, UkrInform reports.
The Russian “shadow fleet” consists of grey-market tankers that evade international sanctions. These tankers often sail with transponders turned off, without proper insurance, and conceal their identities. This fleet channels Russian oil exports to China, India, and Global South countries, helping Moscow fund its war. Shutting down this corridor, through port controls and insurance restrictions, could deal a serious blow to the Kremlin’s energy revenues.
“Let me remind you that about 70% of the shadow fleet that transports Russian oil passes through the Baltic Sea. There’s still untapped potential here, in my view, among our European partners — particularly the Baltic Sea states,” Sybiha emphasized.
Sanctions must target not just oil, but war criminals too
Sybiha also urged Western partners to impose targeted individual sanctions on Russian officials involved in the abduction of Ukrainian children and unlawful sentences against Ukrainian POWs.
Poland’s leadership role in the Baltic region
With Poland set to chair the Council of the Baltic Sea States, Sybiha said Warsaw has a chance to spearhead efforts to dismantle the Kremlin’s shadow oil network.
“Now is the time for active diplomacy, pressure, and accountability,” he stressed.
The informal gathering of the Ukrainian and Polish foreign ministers took place at Sikorski’s residence in Kobylniki, in Poland’s Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship. Discussions covered a wide range of topics, from international support for Ukraine to humanitarian issues and protecting Ukrainian citizens.
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The Central Asia-Centre gas pipeline system has been taken out of service following explosions in Russia’s Volgograd region on 2 August, Ukrainian media hromadske reported, citing a source in law enforcement structures.
The pipeline system, owned by Gazprom, transports natural gas from Turkmenistan through Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan to Russia.
Local residents report that law enforcement agencies and repair crews are present in the area of Dinamovskoye village in the Nekhayevsky district of Volgograd Oblast to eliminate the consequences of the explosion, according to the source.
This pipeline reportedly provides energy to such objects of Russia’s military-industrial complex as Demikhovsky Machine-Building Plant, Russian Aircraft Corporation MiG (production complex No. 1), ammunition manufacturing plant Magnum-K and others.
These complexes are key components of Russia’s military-industrial complex, with the pipeline supplying them reported to provide energy to support their operations.
Representatives of the Russian gas transportation company that supplies the Russian army are currently calculating damages, the report said. Gas transportation through the Central Asia-Centre main pipeline in Volgograd Oblast has been suspended indefinitely.
The report doesn’t specify whether the explosions were caused by a drone attack.
Russian Telegram channels reported explosions and fires at industrial facilities across multiple oblasts during overnight drone attacks on 2 August, with air defense systems activated in several areas.
The Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) confirmed strikes on two targets: a military airfield storing Iranian-made Shahed drones in Primorsko-Akhtarsk, Krasnodar Oblast, and the Elektroprilad plant in Penza. The Ukrainian Armed Forces General Staff confirmed the Penza strike.
The Elektroprilad facility produces military equipment including gear for digital networks in command systems, aviation devices, armored vehicles, ships, and spacecraft, the SBU кузщкеув.
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A drone that crossed into Lithuania from Belarus on 28 July has been located at the Gajžiūnai military training ground in Jonava district, the Belarusian service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty reported.
Lithuania’s Defense Minister Dovile Sakaliene confirmed the discovery to the Baltic News Service (BNS).
The unmanned aircraft was discovered more than 100 kilometers from the Belarusian border. The drone resembles the Russian “Gerbera” decoy drone, designed to deceive air defense systems by mimicking the Iranian Shahed combat drone, according to earlier reports.
Military investigators and bomb disposal experts are working at the site where the drone was found.
On the morning of 28 July, Lithuanian police warned citizens about the intrusion of an unidentified unmanned aircraft from Belarusian territory. Darius Buta, chief advisor of the National Crisis Management Center (NKVC), told the news portal Delfi that the drone was detected at an altitude of approximately 200 meters and was last seen near Vilnius.
Drone incidents
On 10 July, State Border Service personnel spotted an unknown object in the air flying at approximately 100 meters altitude at 50-60 km/h speed. Within minutes, it crashed near the closed Sumskas checkpoint, about one kilometer from the Belarus border. The object was identified as a Russian “Gerbera” type drone.
On 28 July, Lithuanian police reported detecting an unidentified drone type that entered the country from Belarus territory. Social media footage showing the drone suggests it resembles a Shahed or its Russian imitation “Gerbera,” according to Delfi, though the drone type is still being determined.
Belarus is a key ally of Russia, primarily due to their deep military, political, and economic cooperation. The country allowed Russian troops to use its territory for military operations, including during the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and hosts some Russian tactical nuclear weapons.
Lithuania will deploy a Ukrainian-developed acoustic drone detection system starting in 2026, the country’s Armed Forces Commander-in-Chief Raimundas Vaiknoras announced to LRT.
The deployment announcement comes after another incident involving a drone entering Lithuanian airspace. When asked whether Lithuania would have an acoustic drone detection system, Vaiksnoras confirmed that budget funds have already been allocated for purchasing the systems.
According to the Armed Forces chief, testing will be conducted by the end of the year, and next year there will be more intensive implementation of these systems.
“They have been known since last autumn, but procedural issues were somewhat delayed because this is a Ukrainian system, one could say, which had to be adapted to our implementation of American systems due to sensitive issues,” Vaiksnoras said.
The general noted that two drones that flew into Lithuania the day before “are not a coincidence.”
“It seems to me that we sometimes forget that we actually live very close to the combat zone. Belarus is used as a platform for Russia’s attack on Ukraine, so drones moving through our territory are the same thing that Poles, Romanians, and Latvians experience. This situation will not change while Ukraine is under attack by Russia,” the Armed Forces chief added.
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Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) drones struck a military airfield storing Iranian-made “Shahed” drones in Primorsko-Akhtarsk, Krasnodar Oblast, during the night of 2 August, the SBU press service reported.
The SBU said that the Primorsko-Akhtarsk military airfield became the first target for long-range UAVs. “Storage and launch sites for Shaheds that attack Ukraine were hit on its territory,” the service announced. Fires broke out in the airfield area following the drone strikes.
A second target was the Elektroprilad plant in Penza city, with the Ukrainian Armed Forces General Staff confirming the strike. The facility produces equipment for the Russian military-industrial complex, manufacturing gear for digital networks in military command systems, aviation devices, armored vehicles, ships, and spacecraft, according to the SBU.
“SBU drones successfully hit the target, with smoke observed in the explosion area,” the security service reported regarding the Penza strike.
The attacks represent a continuation of Ukrainian strikes on Russian military infrastructure. On 31 July, drones had previously targeted a radio plant in Penza, with the SBU later confirming responsibility for that operation as well.
The coordinated strikes demonstrate Ukraine’s expanding capability to conduct long-range operations against military targets deep within Russian territory, specifically targeting facilities involved in producing or storing weapons used against Ukrainian cities.
Multiple Russian oblasts reported explosions and fires at industrial facilities during overnight drone attacks on 2 August, with air defense systems activated across several areas, according to Russian Telegram channels.
Samara Oblast Governor Vyacheslav Fedorishchev confirmed strikes on Novokuybyshevsk. Social media footage showed a large fire at what appeared to be the Novokuybyshevsk Oil Refinery.
Witnesses reported loud explosions near Dyagilevo airfield in Ryazan Oblast. Another oil refinery in Ryazan city was reportedly struck.
Residents of Lipetsk and Voronezh oblasts also reported UAV attacks and air defense activity during the night.
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Ukraine’s Ministry of Defence has redistributed 8 billion hryvnias ($192 million) for urgent needs of unmanned units, following a decision by the Supreme Commander-in-Chief’s headquarters, Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal said.
The funding will support military units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine involved in the “Drone Line” project and strengthen unmanned systems in newly formed units.
“This will allow for immediate financing of urgent needs of such units as ‘Madyar’s Birds’, K2, ‘Rarog’, ‘Achilles’, ‘Nemesis’, ‘Black Forest’,” Shmyhal said. These units demonstrated high effectiveness, destroying 22,700 Russian targets in the past month alone.
The government allocated an additional 1 billion hryvnias ($24 mn) for anti-drone protection of evacuation and logistics routes.
The funding comes as part of broader defense budget increases. On 31 July, the Verkhovna Rada approved amendments to the state budget, increasing defense sector expenditures by 412.3 billion hryvnias ($10 bn). Of this amount, 115 billion hryvnias ($3 bn) will fund monetary support for servicemembers across all Defense Forces.
Ukraine’s Defense Minister said earlier this week that the country is very close to obtaining its own ballistic missiles. The announcement came after former Deputy Defense Minister Anatoliy Klochko said in June that Ukrainians would soon hear “more concrete statements” about Ukrainian ballistics, as the country had made “serious progress” on the issue.
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Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has posthumously awarded journalist Victoria Roshchyna with the Order of Freedom, according to a presidential decree.
The document states the award recognizes her “civic courage, patriotism, selfless defense of sovereignty and independence of the Ukrainian state, constitutional rights and human freedoms.”
“Today we honor Victoria Roshchyna posthumously. She is awarded the Order of Freedom. For unwavering faith that freedom will overcome everything. Honor and bright memory to Victoria Roshchyna,” Zelenskyy wrote.
Roshchyna disappeared on temporarily occupied territories on 3 August 2023. Russia first confirmed holding her in captivity only in May 2024. This marked her second abduction by Russian forces – she had previously been kidnapped in March 2022 but was released after ten days.
News of her death emerged on 10 October 2024, when Russian officials informed her father Volodymyr, with Ukrainian authorities later confirming the information.
The Media Initiative for Human Rights reported that Roshchyna was held in at least two detention facilities: correctional colony №77 in Berdiansk and detention center №2 in Taganrog, Russia. The Taganrog facility is known as “one of the most brutal detention places for Ukrainians on Russian territory,” according to the organization.
Roshchyna’s body was returned to Ukraine in late February, though this information was first made public on 24 April. Journalists learned that she was initially held in Enerhodar and later transferred to Melitopol.
A cellmate described finding multiple scars on Roshchyna’s arms and legs, as well as knife wounds. The journalist told her she had been tortured with electricity, after which “she was all blue,” according to the cellmate’s account. Roshchyna later began losing weight dramatically, refusing food until she weighed around 30 kilograms.
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A group of Ukrainian children has been evacuated from Russian-occupied territories and brought to safety in government-controlled Ukraine, according to organizations Bring Kids Back UA and Save Ukraine.
The children endured systematic persecution for maintaining their Ukrainian identity while living under occupation.
“15-year-old Maria courageously defended her Ukrainian identity – she wore vyshyvanka to Russian school, argued with teachers about Ukraine. For this, classmates called her ‘ukropka,’ bullied and beat her, and teachers wrote denunciations and threatened her mother with deprivation of parental rights,” Bring Kids Back UA reported.
Four-year-old Milana and eight-year-old Sashko lived in occupied territories with their mother and grandmother. The women faced constant threats that children would be taken away if they refused to attend Russian schools. Authorities forced the children’s mother to obtain Russian documents while subjecting the grandmother to polygraph interrogation. Milana, who has a disability requiring medication, suffered as her family struggled to find necessary medicines under occupation.
Another evacuated teenager faced interrogation for online activity. “15-year-old Lina was interrogated for 6 hours straight for a pro-Ukrainian comment on social media, had her phone confiscated and was threatened with arrest by local ‘police.’ After that, the girl was afraid that she was being watched and that one day she would be forcibly sent to a so-called Russian ‘reeducation camp,'” the rescue organization wrote.
Seventeen-year-old Semen fled occupation to avoid conscription into Russian forces. He decided not to wait until adulthood after witnessing classmates forced into Russian military service despite their young age. Military commissariat representatives had already visited Semen’s home, threatening fines and physical violence for failing to appear when summoned.
The evacuation represents part of ongoing efforts to return Ukrainian children from occupied territories, where previous groups have been rescued despite facing pressure while studying online in Ukrainian schools.
Approximately 1.6 million Ukrainian children live under Russian occupation as of 2024, with many subjected to education under Russian standards and indoctrination programs. Russia continues to forcibly deport and militarize children from occupied territories, including sending tens of thousands to summer camps and preparing them for future service in the Russian military, which violates international law.
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Republican Senator Lindsey Graham issued a warning to Russia regarding potential escalation, responding to threats made by Dmitry Medvedev against the United States.
Graham wrote on social media platform X that President Donald Trump does not seek conflict but stands ready for decisive action if necessary.
“To my friends in Russia: President Trump seeks peace not conflict. However, please understand that he is not Obama, he is not Biden, and he will not be trifled with. You are overplaying your hand,” Graham wrote.
The US President previously announced on Truth Social that he ordered the deployment of two nuclear submarines to appropriate regions following provocative statements by Deputy Chairman of Russia’s Security Council Dmitry Medvedev.
Trump explained that he “was forced to do this” to protect the American people.
Earlier, Medvedev published a post mentioning the Soviet automatic nuclear strike system known as “Dead Hand” and called on Trump to “remember his favorite zombie movies.”
Previously, Medvedev claimed that Trump “is playing a game of ultimatums with Russia.” He added that “every new ultimatum is a threat and a step toward war.”
President Donald Trump has expressed earlier growing frustration with Russia’s continued attacks on Ukraine. Trump, who initially adopted a more conciliatory approach toward Moscow while attempting to end the three-year war, has now threatened to impose tariffs and other measures if Russia shows no progress toward ending the war by 8 August.
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The United States and NATO are developing a novel financing mechanism that would allow NATO countries to pay for American weapons transfers to Ukraine, Reuters reported on 31 July, citing three sources.
The initiative comes as President Donald Trump has expressed growing frustration with Russia’s continued attacks on Ukraine. Trump, who initially adopted a more conciliatory approach toward Moscow while attempting to end the three-year war, has now threatened to impose tariffs and other measures if Russia shows no progress toward ending the war by 8 August.
“The president said last month the US would supply weapons to Ukraine, paid for by European allies, but did not indicate how this would be done,” Reuters reported
The new mechanism centers on the Priority Ukraine Requirements List (PURL), a catalog of American weapons systems. Under the proposed structure, Ukraine would prioritize needed weapons in tranches of approximately $500 million each. NATO allies, coordinated by Secretary General Mark Rutte, would then negotiate among themselves to determine funding responsibilities for specific items.
“That is the starting point, and it’s an ambitious target that we’re working towards. We’re currently on that trajectory. We support the ambition. We need that sort of volume,” a European official told Reuters, speaking on condition of anonymity.
The mechanism aims to deliver $10 billion worth of arms to Ukraine, though the timeframe remains unclear. A senior NATO military official described the initiative as “a voluntary effort coordinated by NATO that all allies are encouraged to take part in.”
The system includes a NATO holding account where allies can deposit funds for weapons purchases, subject to approval by NATO’s top military commander. According to a US official, money would be transferred to a US-held account, possibly at the Treasury Department, or to an escrow fund, though the exact structure remains under development.
For NATO countries choosing to donate weapons directly, the mechanism would allow them to bypass lengthy US arms sales procedures when replenishing their own stockpiles, Reuters reports.
The new system would operate alongside existing US efforts under the Presidential Drawdown Authority, which allows the president to transfer weapons from current American stockpiles to assist allies during emergencies.
At least one weapons tranche is currently under negotiation through the new mechanism, according to two sources, though it remains unclear whether any funds have been transferred yet.
Trump’s Republican allies in Congress have introduced the PEACE Act, legislation designed to create a Treasury Department fund where allies could deposit money to pay for replenishing US military equipment donated to Ukraine.
Ukraine’s requirements remain consistent with previous months: air defenses, interceptors, missile systems, rockets, and artillery. The most recent statement of needs came during a 21 July video conference of Ukraine’s allies in the Ramstein group, now led by Britain and Germany.
Russian forces continue their gradual advance against Ukraine and currently control approximately one-fifth of Ukrainian territory.
NATO headquarters in Brussels declined to comment on the mechanism. The White House, Pentagon, and Ukrainian embassy in Washington did not respond to Reuters’ requests for comment.
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President Donald Trump ordered two nuclear submarines to be strategically positioned in response to what he called “highly provocative statements” from former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev NBC NewsCNN, escalating tensions between the nuclear superpowers on 1 August.
“I have ordered two Nuclear Submarines to be positioned in the appropriate regions, just in case these foolish and inflammatory statements are more than just that,” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “Words are very important, and can often lead to unintended consequences, I hope this will not be one of those instances.”
The submarine deployment came after Medvedev made reference to Russia’s Soviet-era automatic, retaliatory nuclear strike capabilities on 31 July, after Trump told Medvedev to “watch his words.”
The exchange began after Medvedev said that “each new ultimatum” that Trump makes toward Russia in pressuring an end to the war in Ukraine.
Trump had previously warned of new sanctions against Moscow if Russia did not demonstrate progress in ending the Ukraine war within 10 days.
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Multiple Russian oblasts reported explosions and fires at industrial facilities during overnight drone attacks on 2 August, with air defense systems activated across several areas, according to Russian Telegram channels.
Samara Oblast Governor Vyacheslav Fedorishchev confirmed strikes on Novokuybyshevsk. Social media footage showed a large fire at what appeared to be the Novokuybyshevsk Oil Refinery, with sounds resembling drone operations and air defense systems audible in the videos.
The governor also announced temporary restrictions on mobile internet in the oblast and suspended operations at Samara airport following the attacks.
Defense-related facilities in Penza Oblast also came under attack. Drones reportedly struck JSC Production Association “Elektropribor,” a company specializing in control elements for Russian missile systems and communications equipment. The nearby AT “Radio Plant,” Russia’s sole defense facility producing air defense command centers, was likely also hit, according to reports.
Witnesses reported loud explosions near Dyagilevo airfield in Ryazan Oblast. Another oil refinery in Ryazan city was reportedly struck, with local social media publishing eyewitness videos showing a column of fire. Regional authorities confirmed drone attacks on a local enterprise without specifying which facility was targeted.
Residents of Lipetsk and Voronezh oblasts also reported UAV attacks and air defense activity during the night.
JSC Kuibyshev Oil Refinery produces motor fuels including Euro-5 standard gasoline and diesel fuel, along with dozens of other petroleum products in market demand.
The attacks followed similar overnight explosions in several cities of temporarily occupied Crimea on 1-2 August, after which occupying authorities closed the Crimean Bridge to vehicle traffic.
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What does it take to steal $2 billion from your own bank? According to a London High Court, all you need is 50 shell companies, a culture of fear, and four years to perfect the art of making money disappear.
Ukrainian oligarch Ihor Kolomoiskyi found out the hard way that his thorough looting of PrivatBank — Ukraine’s largest financial institution —has consequences. On 30 July, Justice Trower ruled that Kolomoiskyi and his longtime partner Hennadii Boholiubov (Bogolyubov) orchestrated a brazen fraud that nearly collapsed Ukraine’s entire banking system.
$1.91 billion—roughly 1.5% of Ukraine’s 2014 GDP—vanished through fake loans, phantom supply contracts, and offshore shell games between 2010 and 2014.
Ordinary oligarch theft this wasn’t. Kolomoiskyi and Boholyiubov, then Ukraine’s second and third richest persons, spent four years hollowing out Ukraine’s financial backbone while regulators watched—some bought off, others too intimidated to act.
The man behind the scheme
President Zelenskyy (center) at a meeting with Ihor Kolomoyskyi (next to the right) and other businesspeople. 12 October 2019. Photo: president.gov.ua
For international readers, Kolomoiskyi isn’t just any businessman.
He’s the oligarch who once controlled roughly 10% of Ukraine’s GDP through his Privat Group empire. His TV channel, 1+1, made Volodymyr Zelenskyy a household name long before anyone imagined the comedian would become president. His private militia helped defend Ukraine against Russian-backed separatists in 2014. His influence reached governorships, media empires, and the very heart of Ukrainian politics.
This court ruling is particularly striking because it shows that even oligarchs who once seemed untouchable can face justice —just not always at home.
How to steal a bank in four easy steps
The London court laid out Kolomoiskyi’s playbook with forensic precision:
Step 1: Create the borrowers
Between 2010 and 2014, PrivatBank issued hundreds of loans to over 50 shell companies. These weren’t real businesses — most had no operations, employees, or purpose except to receive money. Kolomoiskyi and Boholiubov secretly controlled all of them.
Step 2: Move the money offshore
Those fraudulent loans were immediately transferred to corporate defendants in the UK and British Virgin Islands under the pretense of “prepayments” for goods. The court’s finding? None of the goods were delivered, and the payments were never returned. Cyprus was the key pipeline, with PrivatBank’s branch facilitating over $2.3 billion in foreign currency transfers.
Step 3: Recycle to hide the theft
When loans came due, new fake loans were issued to repay the old ones. This “loan recycling” created an illusion of solvency while the money flowed to accounts controlled by the oligarchs. In 2016, just before nationalization, PrivatBank issued a final $5.7 billion in “new loans” — a desperate attempt to cover the massive hole in the bank’s balance sheet.
Step 4: Create fake lawsuits for cover
In late 2014, as Ukrainian regulators began asking uncomfortable questions, 46 of the 50 shell companies filed lawsuits demanding repayment from their supposed suppliers. Courts issued favorable rulings that were never enforced. Justice Trower found that “the judgments in the 2014 Ukrainian Proceedings were collusively obtained” — legal theater designed to fool regulators.
Photo: Oksana Markarova
The culture of silence
What enabled this massive theft? Fear.
The court found that senior PrivatBank employees, including top management, facilitated the scheme under direct orders from Kolomoiskyi and Boholiubov. Compliance failures weren’t accidental — they were deliberate, driven by intimidation and a culture where asking questions could end careers or worse.
Even National Bank of Ukraine officials faced threats when they tried to investigate. The court noted that Kolomoiskyi made threats against NBU deputy governor Kateryna Rozhkova, telling her he was “a hungry tiger in a cage” with “very long arms” who could reach her anywhere.
In Kolomoiskyi’s Ukraine, silence wasn’t golden — it was survival.
Kolomoiskyi threatened Ukraine’s National Bank deputy governor, saying he was a “hungry tiger in a cage” with “very long arms.”
The oligarchs’ desperate defense
When cornered with overwhelming evidence, Kolomoiskyi and Boholiubov deployed every legal argument their top-tier counsel could muster.
Why would sophisticated oligarchs with unlimited legal resources make arguments a London judge would find “procedurally flawed”? The answer reveals just how desperate their situation had become.
Their primary defense was breathtakingly audacious: they claimed they repaid fraudulent loans through later “asset transfers” and “loan transformations.” According to this logic, you can’t defraud someone if you later “repay” them — even if that repayment comes from more fraudulent money.
Justice Trower quickly demolished this argument. The supposed “repayments” were not genuine but part of artificial schemes using further fraudulent loans.
It was circular fraud, not actual repayment.
Boholiubov throws Kolomoiskyi under the bus
Ihor Kolomoiskyi and Hennadiy Boholiubov on the second day after returning to Ukraine from abroad (16.05.2019). Photo: Ukrainska Pravda
Boholiubov claimed complete independence from his longtime partner in a move that backfired spectacularly. He suggested the scheme involved bank management acting without his knowledge or approval, essentially throwing Kolomoiskiy and PrivatBank’s management under the bus.
The court wasn’t buying it. Justice Trower examined Boholiubov’s reaction to devastating NBU audit reports that exposed massive related-party lending consuming over 70% of the bank’s assets.
A truly uninvolved chair would have demanded investigations and fired management. Instead, Boholiubov voted to reappoint the same Management Board and praised their “satisfactory” performance.
“I think that the Bank is correct to submit that Mr Boholiubov’s reaction to this highly critical report was the opposite of what a person in his position with no prior knowledge of these deficiencies would have done,” Justice Trower wrote. The judge found that Boholiubov’s lack of surprise at the audit findings “reflects and corroborates the other circumstantial evidence that they knew and approved of lending in the form of the loan recycling scheme.”
The silence that spoke volumes
Perhaps most damaging was what the oligarchs didn’t do. When confronted with evidence of massive fraud, neither demanded investigations nor took disciplinary action against management, which they now claimed had acted without their knowledge. They withdrew their witness statements, and neither appeared in court to testify under oath.
The court found “it is inherently unlikely that any of the steps in the Misappropriation were not known and approved by both of them.” The judge drew adverse inferences from their refusal to testify and their behavior throughout the proceedings.
The nationalization defense that never was
Kolomoiskyi attempted one final gambit: arguing that PrivatBank’s new management after nationalization had “consciously decided” to treat certain fraudulent transactions as valid when they signed off on 2016 financial statements. This “free-choice extinction” defense suggested the bank had voluntarily accepted the fraud.
Justice Trower noted this argument was never properly pleaded and would have been rejected for causing prejudice anyway. It revealed the desperation of oligarchs grasping at procedural technicalities.
Document destruction and deliberate obstruction
The court found that both oligarchs had destroyed documents that could have been evidence in the case. Justice Trower noted that Kolomoiskyi admitted in his disclosure certificate that his “general practice has been not to retain hard copy documents” and his “practice has been to dispose of the document immediately or once any action points have been completed.”
More damning, the judge found that “Mr Kolomoiskyi took deliberate decisions to procure the destruction of data which was capable of being relevant to the current proceedings.” The court determined that Kolomoiskyi’s approach to disclosure was to “delay and obfuscate for as long as possible in the hope that these documents would not come out.”
This behavior fits a pattern. The court found that Kolomoiskyi “seems to have regarded himself as above the law,”A while Boholiubov’s attempts to claim ignorance were undermined by his actions as chairman of the supervisory board.
From kingmaker to pariah
Ihor Kolomoiskyi during a meeting of the Pechersk District Court of Kyiv, 6 May 2025 Photo: Suspilne News/Anna Sergiets
This judgment captures Kolomoiskyi at a remarkable inflection point.
Once powerful enough to install governors and potentially influence presidential elections, he now faces legal challenges on multiple continents while sitting in a Ukrainian jail.
The transformation has been swift.
In 2019, Kolomoiskyi’s media empire helped propel Zelenskyy to the presidency.
By 2021, the US State Department had banned him and his family from American soil due to “significant corruption.”
The US Department of Justice has filed four separate civil forfeiture cases since 2020 through its Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative, targeting hundreds of millions in American real estate allegedly purchased with laundered PrivatBank funds.
Ukrainian prosecutors have reopened local investigations, and Kolomoiskyi was arrested in September 2023 on separate embezzlement charges.
Meanwhile, Ukrainian investigators report that Boholiubov illegally fled the country in July 2024 using forged documents and was temporarily residing in Vienna. Both maintain their innocence, but their legal options are rapidly narrowing — any appeal of the London judgment has been adjourned until October 2025.
How Boholiubov fled
The Great Escape: How Ukraine’s ninth-richest man slipped out of the country amid fraud allegations
Zelenskyy, meanwhile, has carefully distanced himself from his former media patron — a political necessity as Ukraine seeks international legitimacy and aid.
What this means beyond Ukraine
This isn’t just a Ukrainian story. The London judgment establishes crucial precedents for international asset recovery, applying Ukrainian civil law through English commercial courts. It creates a roadmap for other countries whose oligarchs have hidden stolen assets abroad.
For Ukraine’s international backers — the EU, IMF, and bilateral donors —this ruling sends a clear signal: foreign courts can hold influential figures accountable even when domestic institutions struggle to do so.
As Ukraine continues seeking financial support for reconstruction and reform, demonstrating that justice can reach even the most connected oligarchs matters enormously.
The bigger question
While PrivatBank can now pursue enforcement actions to recover assets in the UK and beyond, a fundamental question remains: can Ukraine’s courts deliver similar justice?
The London ruling proves the facts were there all along. The evidence was overwhelming. The legal framework existed. What was missing was the political will and institutional independence to act.
PrivatBank’s own lawyers made this case explicitly. According to Forbes Ukraine, the bank “provided evidence why it could not file lawsuits against Kolomoiskyi in Ukraine,” arguing that “the defendant’s power and influence in the country made this impossible.”
This oligarchic reach seemed to extend even to London.
According to the Law Gazette, Justice Trower expressed alarm after discovering that a draft judgment had been leaked to Ukrainian social media and Cypriot corporate service providers before the official announcement.
The judge told the court he was “very alarmed by some correspondence I received last night,” noting that the draft “seems to have been leaked in such a manner that it would become available on social media sites in Ukraine” and to “one of the corporate service providers in Cyprus.”
He added: “On the face of it, if there has been a leak which looks like it might have been, the court takes that very seriously indeed.” The Law Gazette reported that the source of the leak remains under investigation.
The London victory proves oligarchs can be held accountable—somewhere. Whether Ukraine can build that capacity at home remains the crucial test for a country still battling Russian aggression while trying to build a genuine rule of law.
Kolomoiskyi’s London defeat might be the beginning — or it might remain an exception that proves the rule about where real justice happens for Ukraine’s oligarchs.
Timeline: From fraud to judgment
2010-2014: PrivatBank issues over $2.3 billion in fraudulent loans via 50 shell borrowers
2014: Bogus repayment lawsuits filed in Ukrainian courts to create cover
December 2016: National Bank of Ukraine declares PrivatBank insolvent and nationalizes it to prevent financial system collapse
2017: UK court grants freezing orders; PrivatBank files civil fraud claim in London
2018-2019: Legal disputes over jurisdiction; UK Court of Appeal allows case to proceed
2023: Full trial held in London High Court
30 July 2025: Final judgment confirms Kolomoiskyi and Boholiubov liable for $1.91 billion
This article was amended after publication to include the Forbes Ukraine data on why Privatbank was unable to sue Kolomoiskyi in Ukraine
What’s happening to PrivatBank now?
Ukraine nationalized its way out of crisis—now it can’t stop making money
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Europe has honored a Ukrainian hero who saved lives under Russian fire. Combat medic Volodymyr Ryzhenko, call sign “Druh Sprite”, from the 12th Special Forces Brigade Azov, has been named “Best European Medic of the Year” in the Military Medicine category, according to Ukraine’s National Guard.
Azov has long stood out as one of the most capable units in eastern Ukraine. During the full-scale Russian all-out war, Azov played a pivotal role in defending Mariupol, holding the city and surrounding areas under relentless attacks. According to Azov’s commander, the unit eliminated around 2,500 Russian troops and wounded over 5,000 between 24 February 24 and 15 April 2022.
Awarded at Europe’s top military medicine conference
Ryzhenko received his award during the Combat Medical Care Conference 2025, Europe’s largest military medical summit, held in Germany with over 1,400 experts from 44 countries. The event was co-hosted by the German Bundeswehr.
A blood drop from the sky
In winter 2025, Druh Sprite made headlines after he saved a wounded comrade under enemy fire by performing an emergency blood transfusion using donor blood delivered by drone.
“It was a matter of minutes. Without that blood from the sky, he wouldn’t have made it,” his unit reported.
The act has become a landmark in the evolution of combat medical care.
Ukrainian medics share expertise globally
A three-member Azov medical team represented Ukraine at the conference, sharing first-hand battlefield experience.
Lt. Serhii Rotchuk (“Druh Jedi”) presented innovations in medical logistics,
Olha Tagirova (“Krava”) discussed treating wounded soldiers beyond the golden hour and the systematic training of personnel.
A sword for courage: a symbol of strength
Alongside the award, Ryzhenko received a ceremonial sword, a symbol of bravery, dignity, and strength. The honor highlights not only his personal heroism but also the excellence of Ukrainian military medicine, which continues to save lives on the front lines every day.
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US President Donald Trump has stunned with details on the death toll in Ukraine. The American leader claims that since the start of 2025, Russia has lost over 112,500 soldiers, while Ukraine has suffered around 8,000 military casualties, not including the missing.
Early in 2024, Trump shocked observers by saying he could end the war in “one day” if he returned to the White House. Following his inauguration in July 2025, he revised that to “ten days”, then issued an ultimatum to Russia: reach a deal by 8 August or face massive sanctions, as Russia shows no willingness to stop its war against Ukraine.
“This is Biden’s war, not Trump’s”
“I have just been informed that almost 20,000 Russian soldiers died this month in the ridiculous War with Ukraine. Russia has lost 112,500 soldiers since the beginning of the year,” Trump wrote on Truth Social on 1 August.
He called it “a lot of unnecessary death”and noted that Russia continues to strike Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities, killing civilians.
“This is a War that should have never happened — This is Biden’s War, not ‘TRUMP’s.’ I’m just here to see if I can stop it!” he added.
Earlier today, Russian ruler Vladimir Putin cynically commented on the war in Ukraine for the first time since US President Donald Trump issued his 10-day ultimatum on Russia.
Putin sent a clear message that Russian won’t stop its war against Ukraine. Now, it’s up to Trump to take the next promised move and impose sanctions after Moscow killed 31 people in Kyiv on 31 July. The attack is seen as an attempt to humiliate the American president and its efforts to end the war.
Putin confirmed that Russia’s conditions for ending the war, announced back in summer 2024, remain unchanged.
Last year, he insisted on the withdrawal of Ukrainian troops from the occupied territories of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia. Moscow has illegally incorporated these Ukrainian regions into its Constitution. Additionally, Russia demands that Ukraine renounce NATO membership, enshrine a non-nuclear status, and lift sanctions.
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Only three out of eight Russian Iskander-K cruise missiles launched at Ukraine on the night of 31 July were shot down. This raised questions about why Ukraine’s air defense, usually effective against Kalibr and Kh-101 missiles, failed to destroy most of them, Defense Express reports.
The attack killed 31 civilians in Kyiv, including five children. One of them was only two years old. Despite threat of sanctions from US President Donald Trump, Moscow has no intention of stopping the war. Russia will pay any price for its aggression against Ukraine.
Explosions in Kyiv and a major air raid alert
The key reason is the element of surprise, say the military experts from Defense Express.
“Today’s launches of ‘Iskander-K’ were carried out from Russia’s Kursk Oblasy, practically right at the border, so there was very little time to react and deploy countermeasures,” the analysis states.
The land-based Iskander launchers are harder to detect than ships launching Kalibr missiles or bombers carrying Kh-101s, since those require more flight time and are detected by intelligence before launch.
Iskander-K is a general term for cruise missiles launched from the Iskander tactical missile system. These include the 9M728 (R-500) with a range up to 500 km and the 9M729 with a range up to 1,500 km. Both have a 480 kg warhead and fly at speeds up to 900 km/h.
This year, Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate announced Russia’s approximate missile production rates. Currently, Russia can produce about 300 cruise missiles per month, including 20-30 Iskander-K.
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Kharkiv stands in ruins after Russia attacks. Daily strikes have devasted the city and caused over €10 billion in damage to Kharkiv, Mayor Ihor Terekhov told Report.
Russian assualts on Ukrainian civilians have intensified amid US President Donald Trump’s attempts to settle peace through diplomatic means, leading to a rising number of civilian casualties.
According to the city’s head, Russia has been systematically targeting Kharkiv’s civilian infrastructure for over three years. More than 12,000 sites have been destroyed or damaged, and most of them are residential buildings.
“160,000 Kharkiv residents have lost their homes. Explosions every day, destruction every day, and sadly, deaths and injuries,” says Terekhov.
Thousands of residents are left homeless
The mayor notes that over 9,500 of the destroyed sites are residential buildings, meaning Russian missiles and drones are primarily targeting civilians. Since February 2022, Kharkiv has not seen a single day without shelling.
“Currently, the need for windows exceeds 50,000. Every strike increases this number by another thousand, one and a half, two. The record was more than five thousand in one attack,” the mayor revealed in June.
Reconstruction will require billions
“We are facing massive destruction. The city will need even more funds to rebuild,” Terekhov states, estimating the damage at around €10 billion.
Still, he stressed, “no amount of money can bring back the lives and health lost.”
Terekhov underscored that Kharkiv is under constant attack and that “civilian targets are primarily being hit.”
The scale of destruction and number of victims make it clear: Russia is deliberately devastating Ukraine’s largest city near the border.
Earlier, Russia tested its new modified bomb in an attack on Kharkiv. Children, an infant, and a pregnant woman were among the wounded. A new type of aerial bomb, the UMPB-5, with 250-kg warhead, hit the central part of the city in the first known use of this weapon.
Two airstrikes were launched from over 100 kilometers away. The strikes damaged 20 residential buildings, including 17 apartment blocks in the Shevchenkivskyi and Kholodnohirskyi districts. The blast wave shattered over 600 windows, forming a crater in the street. Seven cars were destroyed by fire, and 18 more were damaged. One industrial facility caught fire, resulting in a large-scale blaze.
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Russian oil is stranded at sea. At least four tankers carrying Russian oil are unable to dock near India’s shores due to the threat of sanctions from the US and EU, Bloomberg reports.
India is one of Russia’s main economic partners, after China. Moscow continues to profit from oil supplies to India, accounting for nearly 35% of the country’s imports. Moscow’s energy exports remain its leading source of revenues, which it uses to fund its war against Ukraine.
In mid-July, the EU implemented new sanctions against Russia aimed at cutting its energy revenues. At the same time, US President Donald Trump’s administration has threatened India with high import tariffs and penalties for buying Russian oil.
Earlier, the head of the Indian Oil Corporation, A.S. Sahni, stated that if Russian supplies are restricted, the company will revert to traditional import schemes used before the war in Ukraine, when Moscow’s export to India was lower than 2%.
Sanctioned tankers idle off the Indian coast
Satellite tracking data shows that the tankers Achilles and Elyte, which loaded Urals crude in late June from Primorsk and Ust-Luga, are anchored near the port of Jamnagar, although they were scheduled to arrive in Sikka on 30–31 July. Both vessels are listed under EU and UK sanctions.
Russia streams oil revenues into its missiles and drones to kill Ukrainian civilians. The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine documented 232 civilian deaths and 1,343injuries in June 2025, marking the highest monthly casualty toll in three years as Russian forces launched ten times more missile strikes and drone attacks than in June 2024.
Two other tankers — Destan (under sanctions) and Horae (not sanctioned) — are also off the coast, awaiting unloading. Destan was due in Sikka on 24–25 July, while Horae is en route to Vadinar and expected to arrive on 1 August.
The delay of four tankers may signal that the era of consequence-free trade is nearing its end. Even if the tankers eventually reroute or unload, the situation marks a new phase of global pressure on countries doing business with Russia.
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The Ukrainian government takes an unusual step amid EU pressure. Facing the threat of losing billions in aid, Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko has announced that Oleksandr Tsyvinsky, the selected candidate for Director of the Bureau of Economic Security (BEB), has agreed he will undergo a polygraph test.
The EU has warned it may suspend €3.3 billion in macro-financial assistance due to Ukraine’s failure to fulfill a key requirement: appointing the legally confirmed winner of the BEB leadership competition. That winner is Tsyvinsky, who remains unapproved by the Ukrainian authorities — a delay that has drawn strong international criticism.
Svyrydenko: “A civilized solution is the polygraph”
The Ukrainian prime minister says she has held a direct meeting with Tsyvinsky on 1 August, during which they agreed he would take a polygraph test.
“We agreed with Oleksandr on how to remove all doubts in a civilized manner and arranged for him to take a polygraph test. This guarantees that the situation is free of manipulation and allows us to move forward,” Svyrydenko states.
She adds that the selection commission has already made its decision and that the government has received the results from additional background checks.
Tsyvinsky is a National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) detective who won the BEB director position in June 2025. The competition involved international experts. Tsyvinsky leads one of NABU’s elite detective units. His appointment was to symbolize the restoration of trust in anti-corruption bodies.
However, on 7 July, the Ukrainian government refused to approve him, citing “security concerns” as assessed by the Security Service. In response, Tsyvinsky stated that the government’s decision “does not comply with the law.”
Government promises final decision next week
The prime minister emphasizes the shared interest in making the Bureau of Economic Security an effective institution trusted by both business and the public. She expresses hope that the Ukrainian government will reach a final decision next week.
“This will be a major contribution to rebuilding trust between the state and the business community,” Svyrydenko adds.
The government’s refusal to approve the competition winner marked another escalation in tense relations between Ukrainian authorities and NABU, which sharply intensified this summer.
On 22 July, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the controversial bill, which curtails the NABU’s independence, as well as the liberty of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), by requiring their key decisions to be coordinated with the Prosecutor General’s Office.
The law led to mass civil society protests and criticism from international partners as it contradicts Ukraine’s commitments to the EU and the US on anti-corruption reforms.
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A powerful tsunami triggered by a magnitude 8.8 earthquake has reportedly struck Russia’s secret nuclear submarine base in Kamchatka. Satellite images obtained by The Telegraph show severe damage to the pier at the Rybachiy base, a key facility of Russia’s Pacific Fleet.
A massive earthquake struck off the coast of Russia’s Kamchatka Peninsula on 30 July, making it the strongest earthquake globally since 2011 and ranking among the top ten ever recorded.
Satellite images reveal a pier shift after a tsunami strike
According to Umbra Space, one of the docking structures was displaced at a “terrifying angle,” indicating the pier may have been partially torn from its foundation. No submarine was docked at the time of the impact, but the base’s vulnerability raises serious concerns. One image shows a submarine moored at the same pier as recently as 17 July.
The nuclear fleet base, just 75 miles from the epicenter struck by a natural disaster
Rybachiy is located in Avacha Bay, only 120 km (75 miles) from the quake’s epicenter. The base hosts Russia’s newest Borei-class and older Delta-class submarines.
Nearby facilities include Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky and other strategic military sites.
Although the Kremlin insists the infrastructure is “fully earthquake-proof,” experts warn that even minor pier damage could compromise combat readiness.
Experts question the safety of fleet concentration in one port
Analysts stress that concentrating so many submarines in a single location is a strategic risk.
“This is why having multiple bases is a good idea, because you never know when you’re going to get rogered by something you haven’t seen coming,” said retired Royal Navy officer Tom Sharpe.
He also criticized the pier’s construction.
“It looks classically Russian. Taped on,” he adds.
While Russian sources deny any major damage, the base’s vulnerability to natural disasters casts doubt on the Pacific Fleet’s readiness for emergency scenarios.
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Russian ruler Vladimir Putin has cynically commented on the war in Ukraine for the first time since US President Donald Trump issued his 10-day ultimatum on Russia. Last week, the American president gave Russia ten days to reach a peaceful settlement, threatening massive sanctions if this does not happen by 8 August, UNIAN reports.
Putin sent a clear message that Russian won’t stop its war against Ukraine. Now, it’s up to Trump to take the next promised move and impose sanctions after Moscow killed 31 people in Kyiv on 31 July. The attack is seen as an attempt to humiliate the American president and its efforts to end the war.
Moscow is ready to wait
During a meeting with the self-proclaimed president of Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko, Putin spoke positively about the negotiations in Turkiye and the prisoner exchanges, stating that Moscow is “ready to wait” if Kyiv is not prepared for talks.
At the same time, he said the Ukrainian political regime “is not based on the Constitution” and supports prolonged negotiations “without any time limits.”
In June, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy revealed that the Kremlin used prisoner exchanges as a tool to delay the negotiation process with Ukraine and dodge sanctions. While sending back Ukrainian prisoners of war, beaten and tortured in captivity, Russia does not agree to any other proposition to end the war.
Putin confirmed that Russia’s conditions for ending the war, announced back in summer 2024, remain unchanged.
Last year, he insisted on the withdrawal of Ukrainian troops from the occupied territories of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia. Moscow has illegally incorporated these Ukrainian regions into its Constitution. Additionally, Russia demands that Ukraine renounce NATO membership, enshrine a non-nuclear status, and lift sanctions.
Lukashenko says Zelenskyy should ask Putin to negotiate
In talks with propagandists, Putin boasted about the production of the first serial ballistic missile Oreshnik and the Russian army’s offensive along the entire front line.
In 2024, Russia used a Multiple Independently Targetable Reentry Vehicle (MIRV) missile armed with conventional warheads to strike Dnipro. While MIRV technology has long been associated with nuclear delivery systems, this marked its first use in combat. The scale of the destruction remains unknown. According to Ukraine’s Air Force, Russia targeted industrial facilities and critical infrastructure in Dnipro.
Meanwhile, Lukashenko urged Zelenskyy “to simply sit down at the negotiating table” with Putin and emphasized that Minsk and Moscow will not kneel because they decisively defend their interests.
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The latest deadly attack on Kyiv was an attempt by Russian ruler Vladimir Putin to humiliate American President Donald Trump. For half a year of his presidency, Trump has been trying to stop the war between Ukraine and Russia, says former Ukrainian Foreign Minister Volodymyr Ohryzko, Radio NV reports.
Despite pressure from the American leader on Kyiv and concessions toward Russia, Moscow has no intention of stopping the war. Previously, Trump halted weapons supplies to Ukraine, lifted Russia from international isolation, and was ready to recognize Russia’s status over Crimea. Nevertheless, Moscow continues to increase the number of civilian casualties in Ukraine month after month.
Last week, Trump announced a new ultimatum to Russia, shortening to 10 days the time Russia has to end the war in Ukraine or face sanctions on its oil exports. The energy sector brings Moscow significant profits, which it directs toward new missiles and drones to terrorize Ukrainian civilians.
Putin was silent for a long time after the ultimatum. Then, on 31 July, he launched 300 drones and 8 missiles at Kyiv. The attack killed 31 people, including 5 children.
“What happened on 31 July once again proves that we are dealing with wild barbarians. And barbarism must be met with a strong and harsh response,” the diplomat says.
The former minister noted that while Trump might be accelerating events, he is unlikely to tolerate Putin’s blatant and public humiliation.
“I think two things must happen now. First, very tough economic sanctions. And very accelerated military aid to Ukraine. These two components, along with all the others, will be key to changing the situation on the battlefield and inside Russia in Ukrainian favor,” he explains.
On 1 August, Trump promised new sanctions on Russia, but also sent US Envoy Steve Witkoff to visit Moscow for another round of talks after his visit to Israel.
He again claimed that Russia’s war “is Biden’s war” and claimed it would allegedly not have started if he had been in office when it began. Meanwhile, Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Congress is ready to advance a sweeping sanctions bill against Russia if Trump decides he wants more pressure. The legislation was introduced by Lindsey Graham and has more than 80 senators signed on.
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According to media reports, at least 96 Russian drones violated Belarusian airspace in July, marking the heaviest month of drone incursions so far. These Russian long-range drones came from Ukraine and crossed into Belarus skies repeatedly during the month, with one night alone seeing 26 of them entering.
Russia attacks Ukrainian cities with long-range explosive drones every day, sometimes launching hundreds in a single night. On occasion, some of these drones — Shahed one-way attack UAVs and Gerbera decoy drones — end up crossing into Belarus, a Russian ally. This can happen if they veer off course, are thrown off by electronic warfare interference, or are intentionally routed through Belarus airspace. From there, they may loop back into Ukraine or head north toward Lithuania, probing NATO air defenses that, so far, have not managed to bring these drones down.
96 Russian drones in Belarus create record month of incursions
Belsat reported that in the early hours of 30 July, at least 26 Russian Shahed drones flew into Belarus airspace. According to the Homiel-based news site Flagshtok, this pushed the July total to at least 96 drones. The figure set a new record, with previous months showing far fewer flights. Flagstok said the last peak was in January, but July exceeded it.
Number of recorded UAV incursions into Belarusian airspace across the Ukrainian-Belarusian border in January–July 2025. Source: Flagshtok.
Reports described how late in the evening on that day, observers noticed three drones near Khoiniki and Naroulia. Two of them moved toward Brahin. Later, five more drones were seen heading toward Brahin and further toward Ukraine’s Zhytomyr Oblast. Another three drones appeared over Homiel Oblast. One flew over Mazyr, while another was heard south of Homiel. Drones also appeared in the areas of Naroulia and Loieu. Witnesses said the sound of their engines was clearly heard during the night.
Map: Google Maps.
On 29 July, one of the Russian drones fell on the outskirts of Minsk. Authorities in Belarus admitted the crash but claimed that the drone was allegedly Ukrainian. This version was met with doubt because witnesses said the drone came from the direction of Russia. BELPOL, citing witnesses, reported that the drone engine noise was heard in Astrashytski Haradok and Baravliany, both located north of Minsk.
Belsat said that in all of 2023, at least 145 Russian Shahed drones entered Belarus. Of those, 109 disappeared from radars, while 36 continued toward Ukraine.
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Ukraine’s central bank reported on 31 July that inflation will moderate to 9.7% by December 2025, down from its May peak of 15.9%. This signaled monetary stability that exceeded many international expectations for a wartime economy.
The encouraging headline masks a troubling contradiction: Ukrainian families now pay more for basic groceries than their counterparts in EU countries, with butter costing 25% more than in Poland, according to Focus.ua analysis. This paradox — macro success alongside micro hardship — tests whether Ukraine can sustain the economic discipline that international lenders and reconstruction investors demand.
Central bank maintains credibility with a tight monetary stance
The National Bank of Ukraine kept its key policy rate at 15.5%, which would be considered restrictive in peacetime economies but demonstrates institutional strength that Western financial markets monitor closely.
“The NBU will stick to a rather tight monetary stance for as long as it is needed in order to ensure that inflation is steadily declining toward its 5% target over the policy horizon,” NBU Governor Andriy Pyshnyy said on 24 July during the monetary policy briefing.
The central bank revised its inflation trajectory, now projecting 9.7% in 2025, 6.6% in 2026, and a return to the 5% target only by 2027. This timeline that aligns with European Central Bank standards and signals Ukraine’s commitment to EU integration despite wartime pressures.
Real GDP growth projections remain modest at 2.1% for 2025, closely matching International Monetary Fund expectations of 2-3% growth and World Bank projections of 2% this year. This consensus among major multilateral institutions suggests Ukraine’s economic management has earned international credibility.
Foreign reserves cover more than five months of imports — exceeding the three-month standard that rating agencies use to assess emerging market stability — supported by continued international funding that maintains confidence among sovereign bond investors.
Household costs expose fragility behind stability
While macroeconomic indicators show stability, Ukrainian households face mounting cost pressures — a fact covered elliptically in the NBU report by the phrase “convergence of food prices.” The average Ukrainian food basket has become increasingly expensive, particularly affecting regions with damaged production capacity.
Weather-related harvest disruptions compound these pressures. The NBU expects agricultural improvements to help cool food inflation, but rising utility costs and excise tax increases offset these gains. Real wages are growing approximately 3-4% annually, providing some relief, but many households struggle with necessities despite overall economic resilience.
This contradiction between institutional success and widespread hardship raises questions about aid model sustainability and long-term economic transformation prospects.
International confidence hinges on continued discipline
Ukraine’s monetary achievement serves multiple strategic purposes that extend beyond domestic concerns. The country’s ability to maintain inflation targeting and currency stability while fighting an existential war demonstrates institutional resilience that reconstruction investors and EU accession evaluators closely monitor.
The contrast with Russia’s economic trajectory remains striking: while Ukraine maintains disciplined monetary policy at 15.5% rates, Russia’s central bank unexpectedly cut its rate by 200 basis points in late July — its biggest reduction since May 2022 — signaling growing economic pressures despite earlier rate hikes to combat inflation.
Yet the food price paradox illustrates Ukraine’s fundamental challenge: maintaining the macroeconomic frameworks needed for post-war integration while supporting a population under extreme stress. How Ukraine manages this balance will determine whether international support translates into genuine economic transformation or merely postpones deeper structural reckonings.
For foreign observers, Ukraine’s inflation report represents more than monetary policy — it’s a test case for whether a country can simultaneously fight for survival and build the institutional foundations for European integration.
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Hungary helps Russia by routing helicopter repairs through Kazakhstan while sourcing spare parts from Moscow, InformNapalm reports. InformNapalm is a volunteer intelligence community known for cyber operations exposing Russian military networks. Their latest release reveals a Hungarian company, Milspace Kft, offering a sanctions workaround for Russia’s Mil Design Bureau — the producer of Mi-series helicopters actively used against Ukrainian troops.
The leak comes amid the ongoing Russian invasion, with Russia under severe international sanctions aimed at crippling its war machine. Yet Russia has devised multiple schemes to evade these restrictions.
Leaked document exposes Hungary’s Milspace Kft in sanction evasion scheme
InformNapalm, working with the Militant Intelligence group, disclosed new data from the OpsHackRussia’sDay cyber operation. The dataset comes from hacked corporate correspondence of Russian defense industry companies. The latest document shows that Milspace Kft sent an official proposal to the Mexican company Personas y Paquetes Por Aire SA de CV. In this letter, Milspace Kft explains that Russian helicopter factories are under sanctions and offers a route to bypass these restrictions.
The leaked letter states:
“The Russian factory in Kazan, Mil Design Bureau and Holding of Russian Helicopters are under sanctions because of Ukrainen (original spelling, – Ed.) war. So, nobody can work with them directly. But we found a solution”
Milspace Kft proposes to act as the formal contractor while repairs would be done in a Kazakhstan plant licensed by Mil Design Bureau.
“Our Milspace is authorized organization of licensed by Mil Design Bureau repairing plant in Kazahstan. We are ready to participate in process of overhaul for your helicopters,” the leaked letter reads.
Spare parts would come from Moscow, specifically from Mi-INTER Ltd. The work would be supervised and coordinated with Mil Design Bureau and Russian Helicopters, both parts of Rostec, a large Russian state-owned conglomerate.
“Every of these organizations ready to participate in our repairing process, so the start was made successfully,” the document states.
In June, InformNapalm and the Militant Intelligence group exposed a trove of hacked documents from JSC Russian Helicopters, revealing its global sanction evasion network, with international contracts, supply routes, and payments linking the sanctioned manufacturer to partners and intermediaries from India to Egypt, Algeria, Indonesia, and beyond.
Evidence links Hungary to Russian helicopter support
InformNapalm reports that this letter details a service package worth $92,000. The plan includes a team of four “to carry out troubleshooting work on airframe and helicopters under a separate contract.”
The leaked correspondence shows that Hungary helps Russia through these indirect arrangements, even as the EU and NATO enforce sanctions.
Leaked letter from Hungarian company Milspace Kft to a Mexican firm describes a plan to bypass sanctions by repairing Russian helicopters through a plant in Kazakhstan with spare parts from Moscow. Source: Inform Napalm.
“Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has consistently shown loyalty to the Kremlin, delaying EU sanctions and blocking military aid to Ukraine through NATO and EU structures. Therefore, Milspace Kft’s involvement in these operations aligns with Budapest’s geopolitical position, which often conflicts with the core interests of both the EU and NATO,” Inform Napalm says.
Risks for EU and NATO security
InformNapalm warns that Hungary’s involvement undermines NATO collective security. The practice ensures that sanctioned Russian helicopters remain operational, despite restrictions. This leak also highlights a broader pattern of using Kazakhstan as a hub for maintaining Russian equipment, similar to previous findings from the #SU30Leaks series.
Hacktivists call on journalists and European officials to investigate these sanction evasion networks before they grow further. They note that more documents from the OpsHackRussiasDay operation will follow.
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US President Donald Trump promises new sanctions on Russia as the US Senate prepares a massive package, and envoy Steve Witkoff is set to visit Moscow for another round of talks. The US President said at a White House briefing that he will impose sanctions, even though he doubts they will make Russia’s leader Vladimir Putin change course.
This comes after Trump, on 29 July, shortened the 50‑day window he had given to Putin for a ceasefire in the Russo-Ukrainian war down to about 10 days. Before boarding Air Force One that day, he warned that tariffs and other measures would follow if Russia refused to agree to a ceasefire.
Despite Trump’s efforts to “end” the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, Moscow has been repeatedly ignoring any calls for peace, only escalating its attacks against Ukrainian civilians. Yesterday’s Russian air attack on Kyiv killed at least 31 civilians, including three children. In the aftermath, Ukraine’s foreign minister Andrii Sybiha said Trump had been “very generous and very patient” with Putin, and called for immediate maximum pressure on Moscow to end the war.
Trump promises sanctions on Russia and sends Witkoff to Moscow
Speaking after Russia’s deadly air assault on Kyiv, Trump said late on 31 July that Russia’s actions in Ukraine are “disgusting” and “a disgrace.” He again claimed that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine “is Biden’s war” and claimed the war would allegedly not have started if he had been in office when it began. He again said many people are dying on both sides and that the United States should not be involved in the fighting.
Trump confirmed that sanctions are part of his plan to pressure Moscow, even as he questioned their effect.
“Yeah, we’re going to put sanctions. I don’t know that sanctions bother him (Putin, — Ed.). They know about sanctions. I know better than anybody about sanctions and tariffs and everything else. I don’t know if that has any effect, but we’re going to do it,” he said.
Trump added that the Russo-Ukrainian war “should be stopped. It’s a disgrace.”
“This was a stupid war to get into. Should have never gotten into this war,” he said.
The President also announced that his envoy Steve Witkoff will travel again to Moscow after a stop in Israel.
“Going to Israel. And then he’s going to Russia. Believe it or not,” Trump said.
Witkoff has already been to Moscow several times, but those trips have not brought a ceasefire closer, as Russia continues to demand Ukraine’s de facto capitulation.
Senate prepares its own sweeping sanctions bill
New York Post reports that Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Congress is ready to advance a sweeping sanctions bill against Russia if Trump decides he wants more pressure. The legislation was introduced by Lindsey Graham and has more than 80 senators signed on. Thune said in an interview that he is “hopeful” the bill will help Trump increase pressure on Putin.
Thune explained that the House and Senate are “ready to move” if the President wants harsher penalties for Russia. He said the support of the whole Congress would give the president more leverage in negotiations with Russia.
Trump, speaking earlier in the week to New York Post, expressed disappointment in Putin.
“I’m disappointed in him, I must be honest with you,” he said.
He described their earlier talks as unproductive, saying that each time “very bad things have happened” afterward.
Trump has also said earlier that if sanctions fail to produce results, he will consider tariffs on countries that continue buying Russian oil. According to Graham, these tariffs could target China, India and Brazil, which buy a majority of Russia’s oil.
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Ukraine’s State Emergency Service, for over three hours, rescued a man trapped in the rubble of a house hit by a Russian missile on 31 July. The rescuers maintained voice contact with him all that time. He had fallen from the second floor to the first and was pinned by structural debris.
On 31 July, Russian missiles and drones struck four districts of Kyiv, collapsing a high-rise and killing 31 civilians. Experts believe the attack is Russian ruler Vladimir Putin’s response to US President Donald Trump’s ultimatum to end hostilities in Ukraine or face sanctions on Russian oil. Russia shows no intention of ending the war, regardless of the cost it may incur.
Reaching the injured man was difficult: rescuers broke a hole in the wall of a neighboring apartment and formed a sort of tunnel.
Special stabilizers were attached to the man to avoid causing further harm during the rescue.
Search and rescue operations are continuing at two Kyiv locations, and emergency recovery efforts are underway at six. At the strike sites, all available equipment and specialists have been deployed to save lives. Nearly 2,000 tons of rubble were removed from the strike site.
Ukrainian Emergency Service employees rescue a man from the rubble of a house damaged by a Russian missile on 31 July 2025. Credit: Ukraine’s Emergency Service
Meanwhile, the number of victims continues to rise. Among the victims are a two-year-old and a six-year-old. The number may rise as emergency workers dig through the debris.
Kyiv Mayor Vitalii Klitschko announced yesterday that 1 August was declared a day of mourning in the city. Flags were lowered on municipal buildings, and all entertainment events were canceled. Both state and private institutions were asked to lower their flags as well.
A few minutes to strike
During the night of 31 July, Russian forces attacked Kyiv with drones and later with Iskander-K missiles. According to Ukraine’s Air Force, Moscow used a total of 309 attack drones and eight Iskander-K cruise missiles in the assault on Ukraine, three of which were intercepted.
The Iskander-K missiles were launched from Russia’s Kursk Oblast, practically right on the border, leaving very little time to respond or deploy appropriate countermeasures. Moreover, Iskander ground-based launchers are harder to detect than carriers of Kalibr or Kh-101 missiles, as the latter must first head out to sea, and their flight time is significantly longer, Defense Express reports.
Ukraine’s intelligence agency has reported that Russia is capable of producing up to 300 cruise missiles per month, including 20–30 Iskander-K missiles.
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Ukraine’s FM after the night shelling: Trump has been very patient with Putin. Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha declared President Trump has shown “generous patience” with Vladimir Putin following overnight strikes on Kyiv that killed eight civilians, calling for immediate maximum pressure on Moscow to end the war.
. Only 1\3 of Ukraine’s $65 billion financing needs for 2026-2027 has been secured, Central Bank Governor Andriy Pyshnyi revealed, as delayed reforms threaten to widen the country’s funding shortfall
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The death toll from Russia’s attack on 31 July in Kyiv has reached 31 this morning, and the city is mourning as rescuers continue their work. A 2‑year‑old and a six-year-old among the victims. The number may rise as emergency workers dig through the rubble.
A day earlier, Russian missiles and drones struck four districts of Kyiv, collapsing a high‑rise and killing civilians. The attack came soon after President Trump set a ceasefire deadline, seen as Putin’s answer to the ultimatum. Despite intercepting most of the weapons, several missiles hit residential buildings and schools, leaving deaths, injuries, and widespread destruction.
Death toll from Russia’s attack rises as searches continue
The combined missile and drone attack on Kyiv overnight on 31 July caused the destruction of an entire section of a residential high‑rise in Sviatoshynskyi district. Crews of the State Emergency Service of Ukraine have worked through the night under spotlights, dismantling 70% of the collapsed structure and recovering bodies from the ruins. The agency confirmed that thousands of tons of rubble have already been removed, but several residents remain missing.
As of 10:39 of 1 August, head of Kyiv City Military Administration Tymur Tkachenko said on Telegram that rescuers had recovered more bodies and that the death toll had risen to 31, including three children. His earlier morning updates showed the toll steadily increasing during the ongoing search.
Earlier updates from local authorities reported that apart from Sviatoshynskyi district, buildings in Solomianskyi, Shevchenkivskyi, and Holosiivskyi districts were also damaged. Windows were shattered, roofs destroyed, and basic services disrupted in several areas.
Kyiv mayor Vitalii Klitschko announced yesterday that 1 August was declared a day of mourning in the city. Flags were lowered on municipal buildings, and all entertainment events were canceled. Both state and private institutions were asked to lower their flags as well.
A local woman stands at the site of search and rescue operations near a destroyed residential building in Sviatoshynskyi district of Kyiv on 1 August 2025. Photo: Suspilne/Nikita Halka.
Survivors recall the moments before the missile hit
Suspilne interviewed long‑time resident Raisa Adamenko, who explained that she was away from home when the strike happened. Her two children managed to escape through smoke moments before the missile destroyed the building. She lost her home and said she knew many of the neighbors who died, including a couple who returned home from a bomb shelter between alarms and were killed.
“From the ninth floor, Andrii and Natasha were in the bomb shelter. When they came back from it, the alarm was announced again. They had a smoke and went home. Then the missile came and they were killed,” Raisa said.
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Young Kyiv woman survives 9th-floor fall as Russian missile flattens another high-rise, killing 16
Rescue operations still underway
State Emergency Service spokesperson Pavlo Petrov told Suspilne that search operations are ongoing because people remain missing. Once specialists confirm there are no more victims under the rubble, work will move to clearing dangerous fragments so that the site can be made safe.
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In June 2025, when corruption investigators reached President Volodymyr Zelensky’s inner circle, his team responded with a systematic operation to eliminate Ukraine’s anti-corruption infrastructure.
They deployed parliamentary manipulation, information warfare through Telegram channels, and legal machinations—the full authoritarian toolkit perfected across the post-Soviet space—all to subordinate two key anti-corruption institutions to the presidentially-appointed prosecutor general through a hastily-passed law on 22 July.
The operation was sophisticated, coordinated, and executed with surgical precision. What Zelenskyy’s team didn’t anticipate was that Ukrainian society had evolved beyond their understanding.
Three years of war and eleven years since Euromaidan had created something unprecedented: a democracy that could resist capture even during existential conflict: after 10 days of street protests, Zelenskyy rolled back the law on 31 July.
Detailed investigations by Ukrainska Pravda and Texty.org.ua reveal how the operation unfolded—and how Ukrainian civil society and European partners forced a complete retreat that exposed post-Soviet patronage reflexes colliding with European democratic standards.
When investigators reached Zelenskyy’s actual family
By June 2025, corruption investigators had crossed a line that post-Soviet leaders consider sacred: they reached Zelenskyy’s actual inner circle.
Zelenskyy (right) installs Oleksiy Chernyshov as head of the Kyiv regional administration in 2019. Photo: president.gov.ua
The National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) charged Deputy Prime Minister Oleksiy Chernyshov with organizing a land scheme that cost the state over $24 million.
Chernyshov wasn’t just another minister.
During Ukraine’s strict COVID lockdown in 2021, when gatherings were banned, Zelenskyy invited only a handful of intimates to celebrate his birthday. Chernyshov was the sole government official present.
Investigators were also preparing charges against Tymur Mindich, Zelenskyy’s business partner from Kvartal 95, the comedy studio where the current Ukrainian president gained his popularity—and a ticket to power. When pressure intensified, MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak reported that Mindich fled Ukraine and “will likely not return in the near future.”
As anti-corruption expert Olena Shcherban told the Kyiv Independent: “NABU and SAPO [Special Anti-Corrupution Prosecutor’s Office] have actually reached the immediate circle of the president’s ‘family.'” She predicted the Presidential Office would attack the institutions rather than abandon the minister.
She was right. When your survival network gets threatened, you protect the network.
The orchestrators revealed
Head of the President’s Office Andrii Yermak and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Photo: Office of the President
Ukrainska Pravda’s investigation shows who planned the operation. The key figures were:
Andriy Yermak (Head of Presidential Office);
newly appointed Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko;
and lawyer Dmytro Borzykh—a former military prosecutor positioned as the new behind-the-scenes fixer with histories of manipulating court systems.
Here’s what made the operation cynical: Kravchenko’s appointment coincided precisely with Deputy Prime Minister Oleksiy Chernyshov fleeing abroad to avoid corruption charges. The investigation reports that Kravchenko’s final meeting with presidential leadership occurred when Chernyshov “was already abroad and not going to return.”
The first project discussed: “destruction of the independence of the anti-corruption system.”
Ukraine’s Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko. Photo from his fb page
One law enforcement source told Ukrainska Pravda the instruction was clear: “do everything possible to destroy the influence of NABU and SAPO.” But the plan required parliamentary votes—and that’s where the real manipulation began.
The machinery of power consolidation
The operation deployed multiple tools that aspiring authoritarians use to capture institutions:
Parliamentary manipulation: On 22 July, deputies were told they were coming to vote on an important appeal to the US Congress about recognizing Russia as a terrorist state. Many had foreign trips canceled. Only when they arrived did faction leaders reveal the “main” vote would come after—a “marker” vote that was “principled for the president.” As one MP told Ukrainska Pravda: “People really had no idea what they would vote for. They said, ‘Why do you need the text?! Vote, it’s important.'” Parliament had roughly one hour to review amendments that fundamentally transformed corruption oversight.
Buying loyalty through legal deals: MP Robert Horvat from the “Dovira” group had reached a plea agreement with SAPO in his land theft case. But after Kravchenko’s appointment, he refused to sign, telling prosecutors “Klymenko [head of SAPO] will soon be sacked.” Horvat voted both for the anti-corruption law and for Kravchenko’s appointment, along with nine colleagues from his group.
Manufactured security crisis: On 21 July, SBU conducted 70 searches targeting 15 NABU employees, claiming Russian infiltration. The star villain was Ruslan Magamedrasulov, accused of selling hemp to Dagestan and contacting “FSB agents.” The timing was theatrical—exactly one day before the crucial vote. NABU noted most searches concerned traffic accidents, but Telegram channels immediately called NABU a “branch of the FSB” and photoshopped Russian flags onto its logo.
Civil society intimidation: Parallel raids targeted anti-corruption activist Vitaliy Shabunin in the run-up to the law. The message was clear: supporting independent oversight brings consequences.
Information warfare through Telegram: Texty.org.ua’s investigation tracked 246 coordinated posts across 24 popular channels from 5 June to 23 July, revealing a sophisticated influence operation that weaponized Ukraine’s most powerful information medium.
Telegram channels wield enormous power in Ukraine’s information ecosystem, often eclipsing traditional media in reach and influence. Unlike regulated television or newspapers, these channels operate in an opaque environment with no oversight, making them perfect tools for coordinated manipulation.
Texty found that anonymous channels posted claims that “anti-corruption organizations demand dissolving NABU” without identifying which organizations. They spread identical messages about NABU “eating money” and being “infiltrated by Russia”—ironically, the same accusations Yanukovych’s people once made against their opponents.
The channels amplified fake experts with revealing histories: Oleg Posternak and Mykhaylo Shnayder, both previously involved in promoting pro-Russian politician Viktor Medvedchuk. As Texty documented, these supposed independent voices had “14 and 8 messages respectively” pushing anti-NABU narratives.
Most insidiously, the channels manufactured grassroots sentiment. Posts claimed “the public initiates verification of grant recipients” and “civil society calls for investigations”—but never identified this mysterious “public” or “civil society.” They created the illusion of organic opposition while coordinating every message with surgical timing to coincide with legal moves against NABU leadership.
This represents information warfare adapted for the digital age: not crude propaganda, but sophisticated astroturfing using Ukraine’s most popular communication platforms.
The comedy studio’s systematic capture
This wasn’t just about protecting two friends. After Zelenskyy’s 2019 victory, over 30 former Kvartal 95 employees moved into government positions—what Ukrainian analysts call a “comedy studio government.”
Take Chernyshov himself. In December 2024, Ukraine created the Ministry of National Unity specifically to give him a prominent role.
The new ministry’s purpose remained deliberately vague—supposedly engaging with Ukrainian diaspora abroad, but critics noted this duplicated existing Foreign Ministry functions. Even some ruling party deputies refused to endorse Chernyshov’s nomination due to “lack of clarity regarding the ministry’s purpose.”
Seven months later, after Chernyshov’s corruption charges, the ministry was quietly merged with the Ministry of Social Policy—effectively eliminating it. A ministry created for one man, disbanded when that man became a liability.
Ukraine’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for National Unity Oleksiy Chernyshov. Photo: Chernyshov via Facebook
But Chernyshov wasn’t appointed for competence—he was appointed for loyalty. He belonged to Zelensky’s intimate circle, invited to birthday celebrations during wartime restrictions. When you staff government based on personal relationships rather than merit, you create a state that can’t tolerate oversight.
The NABU investigations threatened this entire system by targeting the structural foundation of Zelensky’s rule: personal loyalty above institutional accountability.
The cynical gamble on European integration
What makes the July operation particularly cynical is the timing. European Pravda reveals that Brussels had secretly scheduled 18 July to open Ukraine’s first EU negotiating cluster, bypassing Hungarian obstruction entirely. Zelenskyy knew about these plans—he’d been personally involved in discussions with Danish officials since late June.
But instead of supporting this diplomatic breakthrough, Ukraine systematically undermined its reform credentials. The EU response was swift: Brussels froze $5.5 billion in aid programs, including loans backed by frozen Russian assets. As one European official noted: “Ukraine has done the dirty work instead of Viktor Orbán.”
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The Soviet shadow: why personal loyalty trumps law
What happened next follows patterns that Cambridge academic Alena Ledeneva spent decades documenting in post-Soviet informal networks.
During the Soviet era, personal networks weren’t just convenient—they were survival tools. Ledeneva’s research on blat (the Soviet system of personal favors) shows how people learned to rely on informal connections because formal institutions were instruments of arbitrary repression.
When the law serves power rather than justice, personal loyalty becomes rational defense.
But the cruel irony is that this survival strategy becomes democratic poison when institutions actually start working. What protected people under totalitarianism destroys accountability under democracy.
Zelensky’s response perfectly illustrates this post-Soviet reflex. Instead of accepting that even his inner circle must follow the law, his team moved to eliminate the institutions enforcing accountability.
Classic survival-society thinking: when the system threatens your people, you change the system.
The mentality that personal loyalty creates immunity from prosecution—that being part of the president’s “family” places you above the law—represents exactly the thinking that helped people survive Soviet totalitarianism.
But democratic consolidation requires the opposite psychological shift: trusting that law protects everyone, not just those connected to power.
Ukraine had seen this before. Viktor Yanukovych, the fugitive pro-Russian authoritarian president used identical methods during his presidency.
Victor Pshonka, the prosecutor general who helped Yanukovych consolidate authoritarian power (left) and ex-President Viktor Yanukovych. Photo from open sources
His prosecutor general Viktor Pshonka called himself “a member of President Viktor Yanukovych’s team” and led the crackdown on protesters against the torpedoing of EU integration in 2013-2014, abusing state power to keep Yanukovych in power. His office pursued the politically motivated prosecution of Yulia Tymoshenko, charging her with abuse of power for a 2009 gas contract.
Both men fled to Russia during the 2014 Euromaidan Revolution.
When civil society said no
Ukrainian democracy had evolved since Yanukovych’s time in ways that proved deeper than anyone expected. Mass demonstrations erupted within hours—the largest protests since Russia’s invasion. Instead of riot police (“cosmonauts” in Ukrainian slang), authorities deployed “police of dialogue.” The contrast with Yanukovych’s Berkut units couldn’t have been starker.
“You promised a just state.” Sign spotted at Kyiv anti-corruption protests. Photo: Evgeny Sosnovsky
Perhaps most telling was the demographic: teenagers and young adults leading chants and organizing through social media.
A generation that grew up after Euromaidan was showing that Ukraine’s democratic transformation had become irreversible—even wartime power centralization couldn’t roll back eleven years of civic evolution.
Ukraine’s response followed patterns that political scientists Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel documented in their World Values Survey research: successful democratic transitions correspond with societies shifting from “survival values” (emphasizing economic security and low tolerance) to “self-expression values” (prioritizing individual freedom, tolerance, and political participation).
When Zelensky’s team tried to preserve Soviet-style “family immunity,” Ukrainians chose institutional accountability over patronage protection.
European pressure reinforced Ukrainian resistance. On 31 July, parliament voted 331-0 to restore anti-corruption agency independence.
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They came. They cussed. They won.
The test and the warning
This was Ukraine’s first major test of whether it had outgrown the post-Soviet patronage trap. Zelensky’s team tried to replicate the loyalty-first system that had dominated Ukrainian politics for decades. When independent institutions threatened their inner circle, they deployed the full authoritarian toolkit.
However, Ukrainian civil society matured during three decades of independence and intensified during three years of war. When citizens recognized the Yanukovych pattern, they defended democratic accountability.
The victory comes with warnings. The machinery for institutional capture remains in place. Just weeks after the crisis, Zelenskyy appointed Yuliia Svyrydenko as Prime Minister—widely viewed as closely aligned with Yermak. As former President Petro Poroshenko noted: “Replacing Shmyhal, who was ‘Yermak in a shirt,’ with Svyrydenko, who will be ‘Yermak in a skirt,’ changes nothing.”
It is telling that in her first major western interview, which ran on the same day as the Rada gutted NABU and SAPO, Svyrydenko played down Ukrainian corruption, alleging that the problem is overstated. The pool of anonymous pro-Zelenskyy Telegram channels pushed this quote extensively while protests flooded four cities.
More substantially, her government has refused to appoint Oleksandr Tsyvinsky as head of the Bureau of Economic Security, despite his selection by an independent commission and backing from the IMF. The refusal continues the same pattern of blocking oversight appointments that triggered the July crisis.
Yuliia Svyrydenko and Denys Shmyhal in the Ukrainian parliament. Photo: Svyrydenko via X
Most concerning, the team that orchestrated this operation—Yermak, Kravchenko, and their networks—remain in position. They’ve learned from this failure and may attempt more subtle approaches next time.
A bitter irony is involved. Zelenskyy built his political career playing a fictional president fighting corrupt officials in his TV show “Servant of the People.” Six years into real power, when investigators reached his actual inner circle—not fictional corrupt officials but his birthday party guests and business partners—he chose loyalty over law. This is precisely why independent oversight exists: power corrupts even those who start as anti-corruption outsiders.
The comedy studio presidency may still view independent oversight as existential threat. But Ukrainian civil society has shown it’s stronger than the survival networks trying to capture it. That’s the foundation democracies are built on.
An earlier version of this article mistakenly said that Svyrydenko’s only comment on the crisis was the corruption in Ukraine is overstated
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Kyiv woke up to horror on 31 July after a night of massive Russian drone and missile strikes. In one of the war’s most dramatic and heartbreaking stories, 23‑year‑old Veronika miraculously survived being blown out of her ninth‑floor apartment when a Russian Iskander missile struck a residential building in the Sviatoshyn district. Sixteen people have been confirmed dead so far, and rescue operations continue.
After more than three years of war, as peace talks remain stalled, Russia is intensifying attacks on civilians. Ukrainian cities are increasingly vulnerable despite extensive air defense efforts – a reality Kyiv experienced again during this latest overnight assault.
Thrown from the 9th Floor – and survived
As rescue teams combed through the rubble, the story of Veronika stunned even experienced emergency workers.
“I heard an explosion, and a second later I was on the ground,” she told Ukrainian TV channel 1+1.
The blast was so strong it hurled her – still in bed – straight out of her ninth-floor window. She landed outside the building with a broken leg, a concussion, and severe shock. Doctors described her survival as “nothing short of a miracle.”
Hospital director Serhiy Dubrov told Reuters:
“It’s extraordinary. Falling from the ninth floor and sustaining only relatively minor injuries… But she is in deep psychological distress and does not yet know the fate of her parents.”
Her parents were later confirmed dead, their bodies recovered from the debris.
Aftermath of the Russian missile strike on the Kyiv apartment block, 31 July 2025. Video: State Emergency Service of Ukraine
Night of terror in Kyiv
While Veronika’s survival is extraordinary, the wider destruction across Kyiv is overwhelming.
The missile that destroyed her building was part of a massive overnight Russian attack. One Iskander missile evaded air defenses and hit the high‑rise in Sviatoshyn, collapsing an entire section.
At least 16 people are confirmed dead, including two children.
More than 130 are injured, 14 of them children.
Mayor Vitali Klitschko said it was “the highest number of injured children in one night in Kyiv since the start of the full‑scale war.”
Reuters and ABC News published the moment of Russian strikes on Kyiv overnight on 31 July
As a result of the attack, 16 people were killed and 155 were injured, including 16 kids. Rescue operations in Kyiv are still ongoing
1 August has been declared a day of mourning in Kyiv. Flags will be lowered, and memorial events will be held.
But as many Ukrainians quietly admit, in a country under everyday bombing, every day is a day of mourning.
Ongoing rescues
Rescuers worked through the morning, often tunneling through concrete to reach survivors. A man trapped between floors was freed after three hours, and several others were pulled out alive.
A five-month-old baby was also wounded. “The Russians hit her directly,” said Tymur Tkachenko of the Kyiv City Military Administration.
A man trapped between floors was freed after three hours. Photo: Ukrainian Ministry of Internal Affairs
Victims and damage
Among the dead are:
6-year-old karate student Matvii Marchenko
Senior police lieutenant Liliya Stepanchuk
The strike damaged more than 100 sites across Kyiv, including schools, kindergartens, hospitals, and a mosque. Other districts reported burning cars, shattered windows, and collapsed buildings.
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A Ukrainian grenadier survived alone for days behind Russian positions and returned alive with a captured Russian soldier. The 54-year-old fighter — a construction worker from Vinnytsia Oblast —endured injuries, fear, and isolation before making it back.
Cut-off Ukrainian grenadier survives strike and isolation
Texty reports that the Ukrainian grenadier, a sergeant named Pavlo with the call sign Did (“Grandpa”), described how a mission went wrong when his squad came under heavy attack. Five soldiers from the 107th battalion were moving toward their positions on 5 November 2024 when a series of enemy munitions hit close to the trenches. He jumped out of the vehicle and was knocked unconscious by a blast. When he woke up, he realized a fragment had entered near his jaw, his arm was torn and bleeding, but his legs were intact. He wrapped his wounds with a first aid kit and checked his surroundings.
The forest was silent. The rest of the squad and the vehicle were gone. He found the wreck of their transport later, around 200 meters away, smashed by strikes. He later learned that evacuation vehicles had taken away the wounded and the dead. A fallen soldier was mistaken for him in the confusion. Alone, with no radio, he hid in a dugout as Russian artillery and drones worked the area.
Fear, thirst, and survival in the forest
Did decided not to move during the night because the darkness was absolute. The next day, Russian shelling started again. He waited, knowing that only daylight offered any chance of finding a way out. During this time, he drank water he found on the position and discovered a pack of cigarettes, which kept him calm.
He described the loneliness as worse than any shelling, saying that even under bombs and rockets, the presence of comrades makes it easier to endure.
The unexpected surrender
While hiding in the dugout, he suddenly heard someone calling in Russian: “Is anyone here?” At first, he thought it could be one of his own, but the accent gave the man away. He answered, “Yes, yes! Come in!” with his weapon ready.
A tall Russian soldier, close to two meters, came in shouting that he wanted to surrender. The grenadier, much shorter, let him in and sat him in a corner, suspecting a trap and glancing outside in case more Russians appeared.
The captured Russian soldier, a former convict. Courtesy photo via Texty.
The man explained he was a recruited convict, wounded and concussed, and that their positions had been left without food or water. Weak and desperate, he decided to give himself up.
Escape and return with a captive
By evening it was almost dark, and he knew it was time to try to return. Moving was difficult because the captured Russian walked slowly and was hard of hearing after the blast. The sergeant worried that the constant loud talking would give them away. At one point, he even thought about shooting him to avoid being exposed, but he could not do it. They walked about three kilometers through the forest. Luck was on their side that night, as shelling slowed and Russian troops seemed distracted.
When they approached Ukrainian positions, they had to be careful not to be mistaken for enemy soldiers. He finally managed to bring himself and the captive back to his unit.
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