Ireland has delivered 34 military vehicles and three demining robots for Ukraine as part of its non-lethal military aid. The announcement was made on 18 September by the Irish Defense Minister.
According to the Irish Government’s press release, two convoys organized by the Irish Defense Forces have arrived in Poland carrying 34 military vehicles destined for the Ukrainian Armed Forces. The shipments were carried out under Operation Carousel 3, led by the Defense Forces Transport Corps.
The equipment was delivered to the International Donor Coordination Cell in Rzeszów and will be officially handed over in coordination with the Ukrainian military.
The Tánaiste (Ireland’s second-ranking government official) and Minister for Defense Simon Harris said,
“This important donation is a further indication of Ireland’s steadfast support for Ukraine in the face of Russia’s brutal invasion.”
He stressed the need to continue backing Ukraine in the face of ongoing Russian aggression, calling the delivery a “practical example” of non-lethal aid provided since the 2022 full-scale invasion.
The convoy included two Ford Transit vans, three Mercedes ambulances, five Scania 8×8 DROPS trucks, eight 15-seater Ford Transit minibuses, and sixteen double cab Ford Rangers. In addition, three Reacher Robots were delivered to support demining operations as part of a multinational coalition.
The donation supports the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, a coalition of 57 countries and the European Union that delivers military equipment and assistance to Ukraine. Ireland contributes to two non-lethal sub-coalitions under this group: a demining capability coalition co-led by Lithuania and Iceland, and an IT coalition co-led by Estonia and Luxembourg.
Russia is protecting occupied Crimea better than its oil refineries. Moscow is constantly boosting air defense systems in the peninsula with the most advanced systems in response to Ukraine’s strikes, says Ukrainian Navy Spokesperson Captain 3rd Rank Dmytro Pletenchuk, Espreso reports.
Meanwhile, Russian oil remains a key source of revenue that funds its military aggression against Ukraine. In 2025, profits from the oil and gas sector account for about 77.7% of Russia’s federal budget.
“All the air defense systems they have were already deployed there. They’ve concentrated the S-500 ‘Prometey’ in Crimea for a long time,” Pletenchuk says.
The S-500 is Russia’s newest generation air defense system, designed to intercept ballistic and cruise missiles, strategic aircraft, and hypersonic missiles. It can detect targets up to 800 km away and strike them at a range of 600 km, as per Defence Blog.
Equipped with advanced electronic warfare capabilities, it can operate independently or integrate with S-400 systems, each valued at approximately $600 million.
Despite these defenses, Ukrainian forces destroyed an S-500 complex in Donbas this summer with ATACMS missiles, according to the Tivaz artillery division.
Pletenchuk notes that Crimea continues to be a critical location for Russia.
“The Russians will cling to the peninsula until the very end. They are strengthening Crimea’s air defenses far more than their own oil refineries,” he said.
Despite the saturation of air defenses, Ukraine continues to strike Russian military assets in Crimea.
“Our Armed Forces are still able to target key enemy resources. For Russia, the oil industry is particularly important because it funds their operations and contributes to their budget,” Pletenchuk adds.
In August, Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence reported that it destroyed several high-value Russian targets in Crimea, including:
The most interesting of them is the radio telescope. It was built during Soviet times to monitor satellite constellations. Pletenchuk emphasized that “it was genuinely one-of-a-kind.”
A fragment of a Russian military drone Gerbera washed up on a beach in Latvia’s Ventspils district on 18 September, drawing a response from the country’s armed forces and prompting renewed attention to Russia’s unmanned aircraft activity near NATO borders.
The Gerbera drone features a cheap lightweight styrofoam-based fuselage, allowing for easy transport and rapid launch. Russia began actively deploying the model in 2024. During its regular air attacks on Ukraine, Russia uses dozens of Gerberas alongside Iranian-designed Shaheds to overwhelm Ukrainian air defenses. Shahed drones are capable of carrying up to 90 kg of explosives. While primarily intended as decoys, Gerberas have been modified to carry small explosive charges and onboard cameras, enabling them to transmit visual data from inside Ukraine.
The National Armed Forces of Latvia (NBS) reported that a tail section of a drone was discovered on a beach in Vārve parish, Ventspils district. Authorities said it was washed in from the Baltic Sea.
Sargs says Latvia’s State Police said initial information showed no threat had been identified at the site. Nonetheless, NBS dispatched an unexploded ordnance disposal team to analyze the wreckage and determine next steps.
“Such cases are not uncommon along the Latvian coast – remnants of munitions or fragments of other military objects are regularly found washed ashore,” Sargs noted.
Ukrainian defense outlet Militarnyi noted that the wreckage was preliminarily identified as part of a Russian Gerbera drone. This model is actively used by Russia in its war against Ukraine and in provocations targeting NATO countries.
In July, the first confirmed flights of Gerbera drones into the airspace of Baltic countries were recorded. These incidents reportedly caused serious concern among Lithuanian military and government officials.
The same type of drone was previously discovered in Lithuania in early August, having entered from Belarusian territory.
On 10 September, Russia launched a mass incursion of Russian drones into Polish airspace, further confirming the growing threat along NATO’s eastern flank.
On 13 September, a Russian drone violated Romania’s airspace.
Poland has recorded another night of drone provocations from Russia and Belarus. The country’s Border Guard Service has reported heightened activity of the enemy targets attempting to violate its airspace, PAP reports.
Earlier, on 10 September, Russia launched 415 drones of various types and over 40 cruise and ballistic missiles against Ukraine. One person was killed and several were injured. Ukrainian air defenses destroyed more than 380 drones using mobile fire groups across the country. At the same time, 19 Russian drones crossed into Poland. The NATO state deployed several advanced aircraft, including F-35 and F-16, but still could not take down all the Russian targets.
Polish Minister of Interior Affairs Mariusz Kamiński describes the situation on the Polish-Belarusian border as “very tense.”
“Tonight, the Border Guard observed increased activity of Belarusian and Russian drones trying to cross Polish airspace,” the minister emphasizes.
When asked about reopening border crossings with Belarus, Kamiński reminded that the closure was imposed due to the Russian-Belarusian military exercises “Zapad-2025”.
During the drills, both countries tested an attack on Poland and a nuclear attack.
“The border will open only when we have full confidence that there are no threats or provocations to Poland. If our intelligence confirms that it is safe, we will reopen the border,” he added.
On 16 September, Belarus also announced that its forces practiced deploying Russia’s Oreshnik missile system, marking the first known training with the weapon system outside Russia.
The Oreshnik is a Russian intermediate-range ballistic missile first used operationally against Ukraine on 21 November 2024. It struck the missile production facility in Dnipro. The missile flies at hypersonic speeds around 10-11 Mach and carries multiple independently targetable warheads.
The suspension affects road and rail transport in both directions, hitting the main route that carries 90% of rail freight between China and the EU. In 2024, shipments via this route increased by 10.6%, and the value of goods rose by 85%, reaching €25.07 billion, as per Politico.
PKP Cargo warned that short delays are manageable, but prolonged border closure would force a rerouting of trade to southern corridors.
A 45% jump from last year defies wartime expectations across Ukraine’s economic heartland and western regions. Kyiv Oblast dominated with 15,559 apartment permits despite regular missile strikes.
At the same time, western strongholds Lviv (6,956) and Ivano-Frankivsk (3,842) attracted developers betting on safer locations, according to State Statistics Service data released on 18 September.
This construction revival comes despite the industry operating at roughly half of pre-war capacity. Before Russia’s invasion, Ukraine approved construction for 12.7 million square meters of housing in 2021. The war crashed that figure to 6.67 million in 2022, then 4.2 million in 2023.
The 2025 recovery follows the geographic logic of wartime Ukraine.
Kyiv Oblast’s 15,559 apartments represent a 130% increase from 2024, while Lviv Oblast’s 6,956 units reflect the region’s role as Ukraine’s migration hub. Meanwhile, frontline regions tell a different story: Donetsk managed just 16 apartment permits.
“Western Ukraine has now become a big construction site,” noted an analyst tracking western regions’ industrial real estate boom.
The apartment surge reflects deeper economic confidence despite ongoing strikes on Ukrainian cities. Construction companies have maintained optimism for four consecutive months, with their business confidence index hitting 54.0 in August—the only major economic sector firmly in positive territory.
This optimism translates into serious investment commitments.
Starting apartment construction requires long-term planning, secure financing, and confidence in demand, suggesting Ukraine’s business community sees stability ahead despite daily missile attacks.
The housing market has adapted to wartime realities, with mortgage lending surging by 62% in 2024. This growth is concentrated in government programs supporting key societal groups.
The 45% surge in construction permits coincides with foreign portfolio investors returning to Ukrainian real estate for the first time since the invasion began. Developers report institutional investors from countries spanning the UAE to Canada are now purchasing residential units in bulk, with some projects seeing foreign sales exceed domestic purchases.
“In our projects, the number of deals with foreigners sometimes exceeds the number of deals with Ukrainians,” said Irina Mikhaleva from Alliance Novobud, speaking to Interfax-Ukraine.
This suggests the construction recovery isn’t just domestic resilience—it’s attracting global capital, betting on Ukraine’s economic future.
Foreign investors from Spain, Japan, Türkiye, and other countries view Ukrainian real estate as promising assets. Some developers now guarantee 10% annual returns in foreign currency to attract international capital.
The return of portfolio investors represents a significant shift from 2022-2024, when the market focused mainly on end buyers.
International institutional money moving into Ukrainian real estate signals early positioning for the country’s eventual reconstruction phase, potentially indicating broader confidence in Ukraine’s long-term economic trajectory.
While the 45% growth sounds dramatic, it starts from a collapsed baseline. The 2.97 million square meters of new construction permits in early 2025 remain far below the 12.7 million approved in pre-war 2021. Ukraine’s construction sector still operates at roughly half its peacetime capacity.
Yet the geographic concentration reveals strategic adaptation. Safer western regions now absorb construction investment that once flowed to industrial eastern cities.
This represents a probable permanent demographic and economic shift that will outlast the war.
The World Bank estimates Ukraine needs $524 billion for reconstruction over the next decade, with housing suffering the most damage.
The current construction boom suggests Ukraine isn’t waiting for war’s end to begin rebuilding—it’s adapting and growing within wartime constraints while attracting international capital that sees opportunity in the country’s resilience.
Poland is preparing a record defense budget amid Russian drone attacks. On 18 September, Polish Defense Minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz announced that in 2026, the country’s defense spending will reach a record $55 billion, which is 4.8% of GDP, ArmyInform reports.
He emphasized that this is an all-time high for free Poland, though even this increase does not fully meet the country’s security needs.
“Between 2022 and 2026, the budget has tripled. Over four years, we have tripled spending on Polish state security, and we will continue to increase it because the needs are even greater,” Kosiniak-Kamysz said.
The Polish defense minister stressed that NATO allies must quickly reach 5% of GDP in defense spending.
“Within the next three to four years—by 2030—NATO countries should spend about 5%. We are talking 3.5% on ‘hard’ weapons and 1.5% on infrastructure,” he explained.
Kosiniak-Kamysz made these statements during his visit to Kyiv on 18 September, where he met his counterpart, Denys Shmyhal.
“Poland’s security line runs along the front between Ukraine and Russia. I fully understand this, and for many who try to forget, it needs to be reminded,” the Polish defense minister added.
Meanwhile, Poland and Ukraine are creating a joint operational group for unmanned aerial systems (UAVs), including representatives from both countries’ armed forces. The group will serve as a platform for coordinating and developing joint initiatives in UAV technology.
Ukraine has received the first shipment of military equipment under a new agreement between the United States and NATO, a NATO representative told Ukrainian media outlet Suspilne on Thursday.
The Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List (PURL) program is a new NATO-US mechanism that allows military aid to Ukraine to be financed collectively by allies, while weapons and equipment are drawn directly from American stockpiles.
The system is designed to speed up deliveries and share costs among NATO members, ensuring a steadier flow of support to Kyiv that does not rely on US political will.
The NATO official said additional aid packages are already on the way, with four packages financed so far through PURL.
The news comes a day after the Trump administration confirmed that Ukraine would soon receive its first assistance from NATO allies through US stockpiles under the PURL mechanism.
The agreement restores the flow of weapons from the United States to Kyiv after months of uncertainty.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said on Wednesday that the first PURL aid packages will include missiles for Patriot air defense and HIMARS systems.
The PURL initiative was announced by former US President Donald Trump on 14 July, 2025, pledging billions of dollars in weapons for Ukraine, to be purchased and distributed by European NATO allies. Trump specified plans to prepare up to 17 Patriot air defense systems for shipment.
By the end of August, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky reported that seven countries had committed to the program, contributing a total of $2 billion. Defense experts say Ukraine’s priorities remain focused on air defenses, interceptors, missile systems, rockets, and artillery.
The Council of Europe is preparing the International Claims Commission for Ukraine. The draft Convention has been published. The new agency will serve as the second stage of the international mechanism to compensate for damages caused by Russian aggression, following the international Damage Registry.
In July 2025, Ukrainian Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal stated that the cost of rebuilding Ukraine has reached $1 trillion. Since Russia shows no willingness to end the war, despite at least six calls from US President Donald Trump to Russian President Putin and an invitation to Alaska, the war of attrition continues, and total damages will keep rising.
The Commission will review claims and assign compensation to war victims, with Russia expected to pay reparations at the third stage. The document was agreed upon in The Hague after eight rounds of negotiations over 18 months.
The Convention covers the period from 24 February 2022, but Ukraine may propose extending it to 2014–2021, Babel reports. In 2014, Russia annexed Ukraine’s Crimea, forcibly changing the borders of another country and violating the international order established since World War II.
On 1 January 2028, the transition from the Damage Registry to the Commission will begin, allowing Ukraine to continue seeking reparations from Russia and protecting the rights of its citizens at the international level.
Earlier, Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski said providing security guarantees for Ukraine remains unclear, as no state “is willing to wage a war against the Kremlin.”
Sikorski recalled that Ukraine already had guarantees under the Budapest Memorandum, but they failed. The new arrangements, in his view, are also incapable of deterring Moscow.
“I don’t see anyone willing to fight with Russia”: Sikorski explains why security guarantees for Ukraine may fail like Budapest Memorandum
Ukrainian forces are conducting a counteroffensive operation in the Pokrovsk and Dobropillia areas of Donetsk Oblast, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy reported on 18 September.
The reported operation represents a significant strategic shift after Russia made major territorial gains in summer 2025 around Pokrovsk and surrounding areas, including a breakthrough near Dobropillia in August that Ukrainian forces subsequently contained and reversed.
“Since the start of the [counteroffensive] operation, our warriors have already liberated 160 square kilometers, and over 170 square kilometers have been cleared of the occupiers,” Zelenskyy said on Telegram.
He reported that seven settlements in the area have been liberated, and nine more “cleared of Russian presence.”
“Russian losses just since the start of this counteroffensive – in the Pokrovsk area alone, in these past weeks – are already more than 2,500, of which over 1,300 Russians have been killed,” Zelenskyy added.
He also said Ukraine has taken 100 Russian prisoners in the operation.
The counteroffensive comes after months of intense fighting around Pokrovsk, where Russia concentrated nearly 100,000 soldiers in what analysts called a force capable of attacking a European country.
Ukrainian forces successfully contained a Russian breakthrough near Dobropillia in August, where Moscow’s troops had advanced 15 kilometers before elite Ukrainian units, including the redeployed Azov Brigade, reversed their gains.
Pokrovsk represents the key to unlocking Russia’s broader campaign to capture all of Donetsk Oblast, serving as a critical supply hub for Ukrainian forces across the eastern front.
The city’s potential fall would severely compromise Ukraine’s defensive positions throughout the region and open pathways for deeper Russian advances toward Kostiantynivka and the broader Donbas fortress belt.
Recent intelligence indicates Russia is preparing fresh assaults with redeployed naval infantry brigades and additional armor after their summer failures.
Ukrainians over 60 now have the opportunity to voluntarily defend their country. The Ukrainian Parliament has passed a law allowing citizens over that age to join the military under a contract, which is entirely voluntary and without coercion, reports deputy Iryna Friz from the European Solidarity party.
“It’s important to understand that no compulsory mobilization is planned for this age group. This is purely a voluntary option for those who genuinely want to continue or start service after reaching the maximum age,” Friz explains.
The new law allows citizens over 60 who wish to serve to sign a contract with the approval of their commander and the General Staff.
A fitness assessment by a military medical commission is a mandatory requirement. Contracts are for one year, with a two-month probationary period and the possibility of extension.
Social media recently circulated rumors about mobilizing people over 60. The law clarifies that this is only a voluntary opportunity for those who have the health, strength, and willingness to serve.
© 2025 Invision
The US president said he thought his personal relationship with Putin would help bring the conflict to an end
© AFP/Getty
Australia delivers a major blow to Russia’s oil profits. The country has slashed the price cap on Russian oil from $60 to $47.60 per barrel and imposed sanctions on 95 more vessels from Russia’s “shadow fleet.” The decision was coordinated with the EU, UK, Canada, New Zealand, and Japan.
Russian oil remains a key source of revenue that funds its military aggression against Ukraine. In 2025, profits from the oil and gas sector account for about 77.7% of Russia’s federal budget.
According to the International Liberty Institute, the main buyers of Russian oil remain Asian countries, as European markets are largely restricted by sanctions.
The Australian Foreign Ministry has stated that lowering the oil price cap from $60 per barrel to $47.60 will reduce the market value of Russian crude and help deprive Russia’s war economy of revenue from raw materials.
The government also maintains a total ban on Russian oil and petroleum product imports. More than 150 ships have been sanctioned since June 2025.
The latest measures target 95 tankers, with intelligence on 60 vessels provided to international partners by Ukraine’s sanctions group.
“Ukraine has also imposed national sanctions on the captains of 15 of these tankers,” Andrii Yermak, the head of the Ukrainian Presidential Office, reveals.
Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha has thanked his Australian counterpart Penny Wong for the decision.
“Australia is helping to restrict Russia’s ability to fund its war and undermine global peace. We value our strong partnership with Australia and continue to stand together for shared values,” he said.
Australia’s sanctions are part of a wider Western strategy to reduce the Kremlin’s energy income. Partner governments believe that only sustained pressure on Russia’s oil sector can significantly weaken its capacity to fund the war against Ukraine.
On 18 September around 10am, Russian forces struck the eastern Ukrainian city of Kostiantynivka with a FAB-250 bomb with a UMPK guiding module, killing 5 civilians, the National Police of Ukraine reported.
Kostiantynivka, in Donetsk Oblast, eastern Ukraine, is located near the front line and has been frequently targeted by Russian forces since the start of the full-scale invasion.
The FAB-250 is a Soviet-designed, 250-kilogram general-purpose bomb that Russia often modifies with glide kits such as the UMPK module to increase its range and accuracy.
The victims – three men and two women aged 62 to 74 – were killed in the street. Four apartment buildings were also damaged.
The Donetsk Regional Prosecutor’s Office has opened a pre-trial investigation into a potential war crime over the attack.
US President Trump has issued a set of sweeping demands to the European Union on how to escalate pressure on Russia — but unnamed European diplomats told The Wall Street Journal they believe the plan is intentionally designed to fail.
Since taking office in January, President Trump has repeatedly pushed for Russia-Ukraine talks, allegedly to end the ongoing war. Moscow, however, continues to escalate attacks and rejects any peace proposals that fall short of Ukraine’s de facto capitulation. Despite multiple threats to impose new sanctions on Russia, Trump has so far taken no action.
According to WSJ, Trump urged the EU to immediately halt purchases of Russian oil, impose tariffs on India and China over their trade with Moscow, and seize frozen Russian assets to fund Ukraine’s defense.
The EU delayed a new sanctions package this week as leaders scrambled to respond. President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen said after speaking with Trump that the bloc would push for additional restrictions on Russia’s banking sector, crypto market, and energy system. This response falls far short of what Washington is pressing for.
According to Dr. Marina Miron of King’s College London, Moscow has shifted its approach. Instead of massive assaults such as those in Bakhmut which cost tens of thousands of lives the Russian army is now applying a “squeeze-out” strategy: controlling supply routes, deploying swarms of drones, and gradually creating conditions in which Ukraine’s defenses collapse without a direct assault on the city.
Pokrovsk, with a pre-war population of around 60,000, is a key transport hub where major highways and railways intersect. For Russia, it is both a symbolic and strategic target the “gateway to Donetsk.” If the city falls, it could place Kramatorsk and Sloviansk, the main strongholds of Ukrainian defenses in Donbas, under immediate threat.
At the same time, Russia is intensifying its offensive in Kharkiv Oblast, advancing near Kupiansk. According to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), this city where several critical railway lines converge holds immense logistical importance. Its loss would severely disrupt Ukraine’s supply chains across a large section of the front.
The battle for Pokrovsk and the pressure on Kupiansk carry implications far beyond Ukraine. If Russia succeeds in breaking Ukrainian defenses with its new tactics, it will send a clear message to NATO and allied nations: Moscow has adapted and is now capable of achieving objectives with fewer losses. This development would force the West to rethink its defense strategies and highlight the urgent need to supply Ukraine with air defense systems, ammunition, and counter-drone technologies.
Amid this escalating threat, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy leveraged an interview with Sky News to call on Donald Trump to clarify his position on sanctions against Russia and security guarantees for Ukraine. His message underscores a stark reality:
The time for decisions in Western capitals is running out just as quickly as Ukraine’s resources on the battlefield.
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Putin needs Pokrovsk to unlock the Donbas—but it’s costing him everything. With 602 tanks lost, the Donbas fortress city is becoming this war’s Stalingrad |
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Ukraine and Poland will sign a new agreement focused on drone operations and military cooperation, RMF24 reports. The pact, announced during an unannounced visit by Polish Defense Minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz to Kyiv on 18 September, will include drone crew training and draw heavily on Ukraine’s battlefield experience.
RMF24 says that Kosiniak-Kamysz stated in Kyiv that the two countries will sign an agreement covering cooperation between their defense ministries and joint efforts in mastering drone operations.
“We will sign an agreement on cooperation between the ministries, and also on acquiring skills in drone operations,” he said.
According to Kosiniak-Kamysz, Polish troops will work with their Ukrainian counterparts to develop skills in using unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). He added that another focus will be improving Polish forces’ capabilities based on the experience gained by Ukraine during its war against Russian forces.
“Another issue is improving the skills of our troops based on experience from Ukraine,” the minister said.
He emphasized that implementing battlefield lessons is vital not just for Poland’s military reforms, but for NATO as a whole.
“The implementation of lessons from the new battlefield is crucial for the transformation of the Polish Armed Forces and, in general, for the transformation of NATO,” he said.
Kosiniak-Kamysz also highlighted the importance of the NATO-Ukraine Joint Analysis, Training, and Education Center (JATEC) located in Bydgoszcz. He said it is “the only institution that tangibly connects NATO and Ukraine,” and noted it will be central to further defense integration and drone warfare development.
Kosiniak-Kamysz acknowledged that tensions occasionally arise between the two countries but stressed that the broader goal of confronting the real threat must remain the focus.
“I am aware of the emotions that sometimes grow between us, between Poland and Ukraine, but they cannot obscure our strategic goal. The enemy is elsewhere. He cannot be sought in ourselves or between us,” he said.
The Standard reports that three people were arrested in the town of Grays, Essex, England on suspicion of assisting Russian intelligence services. The UK police operation reflects growing concern over foreign states using British citizens as local proxies.
According to The Standard, two men and a woman were detained in Grays, a commuter town located east of London. The Metropolitan Police said the arrests were made as part of a national security investigation targeting individuals believed to be working with or for Russian intelligence.
Authorities stated that the suspects were taken into custody on suspicion of assisting a foreign intelligence service, under section 3 of the National Security Act (NSA), 2023. The suspects include a 41-year-old man and a 35-year-old woman arrested at the same residential address, and a 46-year-old man arrested separately nearby.
All three were transferred to a police station in London for questioning. Following searches at both Essex locations, the individuals were released on bail with conditions. The investigation is ongoing.
Commander Dominic Murphy, Head of the UK’s Counter Terrorism Command, warned that recent cases show a rising trend of British citizens being recruited as proxies by hostile intelligence agencies.
“Through our recent national security casework, we’re seeing an increasing number of who we would describe as ‘proxies’ being recruited by foreign intelligence services,” Murphy said.
He cited a separate case involving two British men who were recruited by the Wagner Group — a Russian state-affiliated paramilitary organization — to commit arson against a warehouse linked to Ukraine. The men have been convicted and are awaiting sentencing. Murphy clarified that the Essex arrests are unrelated to that incident but urged anyone contacted by foreign actors to think twice.
“This kind of activity will be investigated and anyone found to be involved can expect to be prosecuted,” he said, adding that there could be “very serious consequences for those who are convicted.”
Senior Kremlin officials, likely with Russian President Vladimir Putin’s approval, pushed Deputy Chief of Staff Dmitry Kozak out of his position after repeated clashes over the war in Ukraine, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 17 September. Russian state media outlet RBK stated that two sources familiar with the situation confirmed Kozak “resigned” from his post over the weekend of 13 to 14 September. RBK noted he is now considering business offers following his exit.
Russian political scientist Arkady Dubnov reported on 17 September that sources in Moscow said Kozak “voluntarily” left his position. Dubnov highlighted that Kozak was the only official at the 21 February 2022 Security Council meeting who opposed launching the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Russian journalist Alexey Venediktov also confirmed this account.
Kozak reportedly attempted to negotiate with Ukraine at the start of the war, proposing that Kyiv renounce NATO membership. Putin allegedly rejected the talks because he also wanted to annex Ukrainian territory, according to ISW.
The New York Times reported on 10 August that both Western and Russian sources said Kozak’s influence declined sharply in recent months, aaccording to ISW. He reportedly urged Putin to stop fighting in Ukraine, begin peace talks, and reduce the power of Russia’s security services. Those disagreements placed him at odds with Putin and his allies, including Kremlin Deputy Head Sergei Kiriyenko.
Putin signed a decree on 29 August abolishing two Kremlin departments Kozak supervised: the Department for Interregional and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries and the Department for Cross-Border Cooperation. Analysts assess this was likely in preparation for Kozak’s removal. Reports on 17 September that he is considering business positions refuted earlier claims that he was a candidate for Presidential Plenipotentiary Representative in the Northwestern Federal DIstrict, showing the Kremlin opted to remove him entirely from state structures.
Reports indicate Kiriyenko has also recently assumed control of the Kremlin’s Moldova portfolio. This handover consolidates Kiriyenko’s power and responsibilities within the Russian Presidential Administration.
“Putin’s likely decision to push an established senior Kremlin official from his inner circle after expressing a desire to end the war in Ukraine further indicates that Putin and his advisors are coalescing around their commitment to continue the war in Ukraine and around Putin’s maximalist war demands,” ISW assessed.
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Ukraine has received 1,000 bodies which the Russian side says are Ukrainian servicepeople, as part of coordinated repatriation efforts, Ukraine’s Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War reported on 18 September.
The repatriation of fallen soldiers is a critical component of wartime humanitarian and legal obligations. It allows families to recover the remains of loved ones, ensures proper identification, and supports official record-keeping and investigations.
Law enforcement investigators and expert institutions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs will conduct necessary examinations and identify the repatriated remains in the coming days.
The operation involved a broad range of Ukrainian authorities, including the Armed Forces, the Security Service, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the State Emergency Service, and the Office of the Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights. The International Committee of the Red Cross also assisted in the efforts.
Personnel from the Armed Forces organized the transport of the fallen to state facilities and facilitated handover to law enforcement and forensic experts for identification.
In conflicts like the war in Ukraine, coordinated efforts between military, law enforcement, and international organizations such as the Red Cross are essential to carry out these operations safely and respectfully.
Russia burns through 68 soldiers for every square kilometer around Pokrovsk. The math is starting to matter.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has reached peak offensive operations as the Kremlin orders its armed forces to capture the rest of the Donbas region. With casualties climbing dramatically as Moscow attempts to capture their primary objectives in the four occupied regions, Kyiv is fortifying Pokrovsk—what’s becoming the largest battle of the war so far.
Russia has massed one of their largest troop gatherings since the beginning of the full-scale war, hoping to make a decisive push to break through Ukrainian lines in Pokrovsk and open the remaining stronghold cities to further offensives.
After a year of continuous offensive activity, Russian forces still don’t have a foothold in the city. Ukraine’s Armed Forces continue holding a concrete defense.
The Russian push toward Pokrovsk is seeing casualties and equipment losses that dwarf all other battles of the war so far.
With Vladimir Putin putting all chips on the table for this offensive, it’s becoming this war’s Stalingrad.
In February 2024, Russian forces captured the strategic city of Avdiivka, which sat on key terrain overlooking Donetsk City center.
The capture came at a heavy price—the Russian military suffered casualties ranging from 25,000 to 40,000, making the battle deadlier than Bakhmut. Regular forces, rather than Wagner mercenaries, took the brunt of the fighting.
Despite inflicting heavy attrition on the Russian military, Kyiv hadn’t fortified the defensive lines behind Avdiivka sufficiently. The Ukrainian high command—whether due to negligence, miscommunication, or poor leadership—left gaps that would prove costly.
The lack of defenses, which should have been installed in the first months of the invasion, became exposed as Russia steadily advanced, capturing the strategic city of Ocheretyne. This gave Russian forces a growing salient that ultimately put them within range of Pokrovsk.
During summer 2024, Ukraine pulled off a shock offensive into Russia proper with the Kursk offensive. One goal was drawing Russian forces away from frontlines under pressure, like Pokrovsk.
But the Russian Ministry of Defense regrouped units from Kherson and continued pressure on the Pokrovsk front.
The Kursk offensive took away potential reserves to reinforce the frontlines as Kyiv faced manpower shortages, and the offensive turned in Moscow’s favor.
From summer 2024 to winter, Russia captured the outlying villages of Krasnohorivka, Kurakhove, Novohrodivka, Selydove, and Ukraisnk—putting their forces only several kilometers from the city.
For most of late winter to early spring 2025, the frontline situation was a stalemate as Ukrainian reserves came in, partially due to the Kursk offensive failing, and Ukrainian forces from the operation being allocated in the sector. Ukraine is also mass-producing various types of drones that help alleviate the artillery shortage by targeting Russian armor.
At the same time in 2025, Russia conducted various offensives in Toretsk, Chasiv Yar, Kupiansk, Sumy, and Zaporizhzhia Oblast, which hampered major reinforcements entering the Pokrovsk sector, allowing Ukraine to build up fortifications and consolidate its defenses continuously.
The Czech shell initiative also gathered artillery for the Ukrainian frontlines, giving Ukrainian forces more defense allocations to hold the lines against daily Russian assaults.
Despite being only a few kilometers from the outer city, waves of FPV drone attacks have littered the roads into Pokrovsk with Russian armor and corpses that are nearly unretrievable, turning the frontlines into a no-man’s land. According to the Institute for the Study of War, Russian forces are suffering 68 casualties per square kilometer gained in the Pokrovsk direction.
The equipment losses during this offensive are staggering.
Independent open-source analysts have tracked and geolocated 602 destroyed tanks, with another 100 abandoned, along with 1,300 destroyed armored fighting vehicles as of September 2025.
To put this in perspective: according to the Oryx blog, Russia has lost 4,000 tanks total, making Pokrovsk the deadliest offensive for Russian forces to date.
Russia holds an advantage in the air with dozens of airstrikes from its deadly glide bombs that can take out fortifications, despite taking extremely heavy casualties. On the ground, Russia has a 4-to-1 or 5-to-1 manpower advantage.
Ukrainian units also face difficulties with recruitment, unit rotations, and morale due to poor leadership—weaknesses the Russians have exploited. One of Ukraine’s biggest challenges in the war today is fixing issues related to recruitment, negligence of commanders, and improving morale.
Kyiv was able to reorganize its defense and conduct localized counterattacks from late February to early March 2025, as the settlement of Kotlyne was liberated, which pushed back a potential Russian salient. Russia conducted its major summer offensive a month later, putting pressure on the strategic H-32 highway.
With tank and armor losses littering the highways, Russia adopted tactics of sending unsupported infantry assaults, known as sabotage and reconnaissance groups.
The Kremlin sends these groups toward weak points in Ukrainian positions, some of which suffer from slow unit rotations or a lack of infantry due to manpower issues.
If the groups exploit those positions, Russia gradually sends more forces to reinforce that point—which they did during the summer, as there were fears of infiltration into Pokrovsk city in July.
Near Dobropillia, Russia sent several hundred reconnaissance groups, which managed to break through Ukrainian lines in mid-August, causing enough panic for Kyiv to send major reinforcements.
One reason Russia pushed its groups rapidly into the city was the timing of the Alaska Summit between President Trump and Putin—Moscow wanted a psychological victory to convince Washington that there was a “breakthrough.”
The 1st Azov Corps, one of the most battle-hardened units, was redeployed to Dobropillia, ended the breach, and stabilized the frontlines alongside the 1st Assault Battalion, Rubizh Brigade, and 93rd Mechanized Brigade. Localized counterattacks pushed the Russians back with various reports of either complete or operational encirclement in three different pockets outside Dobropillia.
Ukraine successfully counterattacked and exposed the groups to encirclement because Russian forces overextended their front lines, pushing forward without consolidating their positions. As the war drags on and Russia suffers catastrophic losses with minimal gains, their general staff and the Kremlin grow desperate to capture Pokrovsk before the end of the fighting season.
The Pokrovsk offensive is becoming the pinnacle of warfare during the Russian invasion of Ukraine. As both countries have exhausted their militaries, the fate of the city during the next few months could determine how the war concludes.
But here’s what’s at stake globally: occupying Pokrovsk could give Russia strategic topography to press onto the rest of the Donetsk fortress cities. Ukrainian forces continue buying valuable time to prepare defenses for the rest of the oblast.
What makes Donetsk crucial to Ukrainian defense is strategic terrain and over a decade of fortifications, with Pokrovsk being no exception.
Ukraine’s goals in the sector should be continuing attrition against the Russian military alongside other sectors of the frontlines, and continuing to build fortifications while addressing manpower gaps.
The longer Pokrovsk stays in Ukrainian hands, the less time Russia has to achieve one of its primary war goals of capturing the rest of Donbas, as the wartime economy shows signs of exhaustion.
Outside of Pokrovsk, Russian forces will still need to capture Druzhkivka, Kostiantynivka, and the fortress cities of Lyman, Kramatorsk, and Sloviansk.
This effort will require more manpower than Russia can currently muster, and without a rapid capture of Pokrovsk, those war aims become even more difficult for the Kremlin to achieve.
A major reason Putin is demanding that Trump force Ukraine to cede the rest of the Donbas is due to the decimation of his military’s force projection capabilities, which can no longer take key objectives without catastrophic manpower and equipment losses.
According to the British Ministry of Defense, it would take Russia another two million men and perhaps four years even to capture the rest of Donbas—time Putin can’t afford. Ukraine’s military intelligence chief, Lieutenant General Budanov, stated Russia looks to end the full-scale war sometime in 2026 before the economy cracks, and to do that, Pokrovsk will need to be captured to open up the rest of the fortified cities of Donetsk.
Right now, the longer Ukraine holds Pokrovsk, inflicts catastrophic losses, and buys time for greater fortifications to be completed in the fortress cities, the better it is for Kyiv. Without capturing Pokrovsk, particularly by the end of winter 2026, Russia—with its economy already reeling from Ukrainian strikes on refineries—could finally be forced to negotiate fairly.
If Russia doesn’t want to negotiate and presses beyond its current economic and military capabilities after exhausting its forces, Moscow could face a homegrown collapse akin to the Soviet-Afghan War, and the Battle of Pokrovsk could be the catalyst for it.
An investigation by RFE/RL has uncovered details about the highly secretive elite Russian drone formation: the Rubicon Center for Advanced Unmanned Technologies.
Rubicon has become one of Russia’s most formidable forces on the battlefield since the battle for Russia’s Kursk Oblast in mid 2024.
Throughout Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, drones have increasingly become critical to the conflict, reshaping both battlefield tactics and long-range operations. Both Moscow and Kyiv are constantly adapting, deploying new drone technologies and countermeasures to strike supply lines, observe enemy movements, and target key infrastructure.
Russia’s Rubicon has proven especially effective at challenging Ukraine’s previously-superior drone capabilities on the battlefield.
The RFE/RL reporting identifies Colonel Sergei Budnikov, a 37-year-old career artillery and marine officer, as the unit’s commander – the first public confirmation of his leadership.
One of the unit’s main facilities appears to be at the Patriot Park Exhibition and Congress Center near Moscow, which hosts training and testing activities.
Analysts say Rubicon represents a new level of organization and systematic planning within the Russian military, narrowing Ukraine’s previously decisive advantage in drone warfare.
Rubicon was created in mid-2024, shortly after Andrei Belousov became Russia’s defense minister. It operates as a hybrid organization, combining drone development, operator training, and electronic warfare, with at least seven detachments of 130-150 personnel each, each specializing in different aspects of unmanned operations.
The unit first made its mark countering Ukraine’s operations in Kursk Oblast. Working alongside Russian regular troops and North Korean reinforcements, Rubicon employed highly coordinated drone strikes on short sections of roads supplying Ukrainian positions, often striking vehicles from multiple angles to overwhelm defenses.
These efforts ultimately forced Kyiv to retreat from the region and allow Russia to regain almost all of Kursk Oblast.
Previous reporting has shown that Rubicon’s drones use rapid frequency shifts and electronic countermeasures to bypass Ukrainian jamming, targeting both frontline convoys and operators stationed far behind the lines.
Rubicon units now systematically target Ukrainian drone operators who fly drones from distant positions away from the front lines.
One brigade reportedly lost 70% of their drone operators in a single week due to Rubicon’s precision strikes.
Experts warn that unless Kyiv develops more advanced counter measures, Russia’s elite drone force will remain a persistent threat across multiple sectors of the front.
Ukraine and Poland have agreed to establish a joint operational group on unmanned aerial systems, with representatives from both countries’ armed forces, Interfax-Ukraine reported on 18 September.
Ukrainian Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal announced the agreement during a press conference in Kyiv with his Polish counterpart Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, who arrived on an unannounced visit.
“Today we agreed on a number of important steps. First – the creation of a joint operational group on unmanned aerial systems, which will include representatives of Ukrainian and Polish armed forces,” Shmyhal said.
The group will serve as a platform for coordination and development of joint initiatives, according to the Ukrainian minister. “We will integrate the latest defense technologies and initiate new projects that should strengthen the protection of our people and our critical infrastructure,” he stated.
Joint training programs will form the central element of this operational group. “…Which, I am confident, will strengthen our ability to resist a common enemy,” Shmyhal added.
Polish Defense Minister Kosiniak-Kamysz announced the signing of an agreement on acquiring drone operation skills during his Kyiv visit. “Discussions will focus on developing joint industrial initiatives. I think Poles are looking forward to this after such large-scale efforts aimed at helping the population,” the Polish minister said.
Kosiniak-Kamysz emphasized that implementing lessons learned from the Ukrainian battlefield is crucial for transforming Poland’s Armed Forces and NATO as a whole. He noted “obvious openness and readiness for cooperation” from the Ukrainian side.
The Polish minister addressed bilateral tensions directly: “I realize the emotions that sometimes arise between us, between Poland and Ukraine, but they should not overshadow our strategic goal. The enemy is elsewhere. It should not be sought within ourselves, among ourselves.”
The agreement represents a step toward deeper defense cooperation between the two countries, with focus on drone technology and joint military training programs.
Ukrainian drones struck Russia’s Salavat refinery in Bashkortostan on 18 September, about 1,300 kilometers from the Ukrainian border. The attack targeted the heart of the facility — a crude distillation unit, essential for the refinery’s operations.
Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ published video clips and photos showing flames at the Gazprom Nefetkhim Salavat refinery, located in the city of Salavat in Russia’s Bashkortostan.
The channel wrote that the drone which flew through the night and was tracked in the morning eventually hit its target during the day-time.
Exilenova+ reported the strike occurred around 10:00 and damaged the ELOU-AVT-4 distillation unit. The channel commented that Russian refineries are vulnerable even at a distance of 1,300 kilometers, praising the successful hit.
Another post from Exilenova+ shared coordinates of the damaged site and noted that the ELOU-AVT-4 unit is a key facility.
Russian news Telegram channel Astra said residents of Salavat reported explosions and then heavy smoke after the strike. The channel noted that confirmation of details was limited at the time, but eyewitness videos showed the burning facility.
Bashkortostan’s head Radyi Khabirov later confirmed the attack. He called it a “terrorist attack” on Gazprom Neftekhim Salavat, claiming two aircraft-type drones were used.
“Two aircraft-type drones attacked the facility. There are no dead or injured. Passive and active defenses were triggered, and the plant’s security opened fire to destroy them. We are determining the extent of the damage. The fire is now being extinguished, and all services are on site,” Khabirov stated.
Gazprom Neftkhim Salavat is one of the largest petrochemical and oil-processing factories in southern Bashkortostan. Astra reported it produces more than 150 types of products, including gasoline, diesel fuel, bitumen, and polyethylene. In 2024 the company reported revenue of 303 billion rubles and net profit of 4.4 billion.
The refinery processes up to 10 million tons of crude annually, Militarnyi wrote. The defense outlet stressed that the ELOU-AVT-4 unit handles primary crude purification, making it crucial for the plant’s entire production cycle. Militarnyi added that disruption of the unit would have serious consequences for the enterprise.
Salavat was previously targeted in May 2024, when a drone hit the pumping station of the same oil facility. Earlier this month on 13 September, drones also struck two Bashneft refineries in Ufa, damaging installations and pipelines. On 16 September, Khabirov signed an order banning publication of information about drone strikes in Bashkortostan.
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