An escalating corruption scandal at Ukraine's state nuclear operator Energoatom and the ongoing prosecution of former Ukrenergo chief Volodymyr Kudrytskyi are converging into a crisis that threatens Ukraine's ability to weather Russian attacks on its grid.

With Kyiv residents now enduring blackouts lasting 12 to 16 hours, the political turmoil has exposed gaping holes in protection for key energy sites—failures that current and former officials attribute to corruption and political interference, rather than Russian firepower alone.

The political crisis triggered a cascade: Western donors withdrew, protective construction stalled at critical energy facilities, and Ukraine's most vulnerable infrastructure faced Russian strikes without proper defenses.

Why this matters

The combined effect of corruption and political persecution deepened Ukraine's energy crisis by shutting down the main channel of Western financial support. International aid through Ukrenergo dropped to just 5-10% of previous levels after Kudrytskyi's September 2024 dismissal—from €1.5 billion over 18 months to a trickle.

Meanwhile, zero protective shelters were built for transformers at Energoatom, thermal power plants, and regional energy companies until autumn 2024, despite Ukrenergo completing approximately 60 such structures at its own facilities by September.

Oleksandr Kharchenko, director of the Energy Industry Research Center, told Suspilne that this loss of international backing is directly responsible for the severity of current blackouts—a consequence of institutional breakdown rather than Russian missiles alone.

When protection worked—and when it didn't

The protection systems built at Ukrenergo, Ukraine's national electricity transmission system operator, and Energoatom, Ukraine’s nuclear operator, tell a tale of two radically different management systems.

Under Kudrytskyi's leadership, Ukrenergo partnered with the government's Agency for Restoration and Development of Infrastructure to construct approximately 60 anti-drone shelters for critical transformers by September 2024. These massive concrete structures—up to 25 meters tall—were designed specifically to withstand mass Iranian Shahed drone strikes.

The effectiveness proved remarkable. According to the Verkhovna Rada's temporary investigative commission cited by Kharchenko, out of 74 protected objects built by Ukrenergo and the Agency, only one autotransformer was destroyed by a direct hit from a heavy missile. The rest survived repeated attacks.

Kudrytskyi explained to Espreso that Ukrenergo secured several billion euros in aid—significantly more than Ukraine's entire Energy Ministry obtained. Western partners trusted the company's management and saw results. Between 2020 and 2024, Ukrenergo attracted $1.5 billion in grants and loans, becoming the second-largest recipient of international aid in Ukraine after the state itself.

But outside Ukrenergo's network, the picture was bleak. At the time of Kudrytskyi's dismissal in September 2024, zero protective shelters had been built for transformers at non-Ukrenergo sites—including Energoatom facilities, thermal power plants, and regional energy companies, according to Kudrytskyi in his interview with the BBC.

Kharchenko confirmed that Energoatom didn't even begin tendering for protective construction until late summer or early autumn 2024. The unprotected Energoatom substations and open switchgears became priority targets, he explained, and current blackouts stem directly from this failure to protect key generation facilities.

The delayed protection had a simple reason, Kharchenko suggested: some officials questioned whether such expensive fortifications were necessary at all.

The $100 million corruption scheme

On 10 November 2025, Ukraine's National Anti-Corruption Bureau unveiled Operation Midas—a 15-month investigation documenting systematic corruption at Energoatom. Over 1,000 hours of surveillance recordings captured contractors openly discussing "Shlagbaum" (bar gate)—slang for the 10-15% kickbacks demanded from anyone wanting to work with the nuclear operator.

The scheme operated from a Kyiv office tied to Andrii Derkach, a former Ukrainian MP whom the US Treasury sanctioned in 2020 as "an active Russian agent" for election interference, and who now serves as a Russian senator.

Investigators identified businessman Tymur Mindich—President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's former comedy studio partner—as "Carlson," coordinating the money-laundering network.

Justice Minister Herman Halushchenko, who previously served as Energy Minister, appeared in recordings under the codename "Professor."

Mindich crossed Ukraine's border at 02:09 on 10 November—hours before NABU detectives arrived at his residence, raising immediate questions about information leaks. He's now believed to be hiding in Israel or Austria.

When asked about the $100 million NABU alleges was stolen through the Energoatom kickback scheme, Kharchenko was skeptical: "100 million—this is, well, maybe, 10%." The implication: the full corruption scale could reach $1 billion.

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Political prosecution and collapsing Western trust

Between 2020 and 2024, Ukrenergo chief Kudrytskyi secured $1.5 billion for Ukrenergo from Western partners—triple what Ukraine’s entire Energy Ministry obtained. He ensured shelters were built from donor funds: "We didn't spend a single budget kopeck on those shelters that Ukrenergo built," he told Espreso.

He was dismissed in September 2024—and the money flow stopped. Western partners noticed: Two Western board members—Daniel Dobbeni and Peder Andreasen—quit Ukrenergo, calling the firing "politically motivated."

The dismissal triggered a financial crisis. While talking to Suspilne, Kharchenko explained that Ukrenergo failed to restructure its Eurobonds in coordination with Ukraine's sovereign debt restructuring, pushing the company into technical default. International lenders won't provide new credits to an entity in default, and grant-makers grew cautious.

This funding flow, built around trust for Kudrytskyi, collapsed. "When Kudrytskyi was dismissed, the main channel of Western support through Ukrenergo was effectively closed," Kharchenko explained. "We lost international support for Ukrainian energy. We've lost at least 80% of what we could have received."

The aid flow plummeted from €1.5 billion over 18 months to just 5-10% of previous capacity. Naftogaz now maintains Western trust with quality corporate governance, but can only support gas infrastructure—not the devastated electricity sector.

Kudrytskyi now faces fraud charges stemming from a 2018 fence reconstruction project. The case centers on bank guarantees that Ukrenergo properly collected when a contractor failed to complete work—a standard commercial transaction where the state suffered no losses.

The charges materialized 14 months after his dismissal, following his public criticism of infrastructure protection failures by Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko—who was exposed in the Mindich tapes under the code name "Professor" within the criminal organization, according to information from the NABU investigation and reports from lawmakers.

For international donors—whether financial institutions or government aid agencies—trust and reputation of recipients matter fundamentally.

"When these donors see corruption scandals, or political interference in corporate governance, or political cases not backed by facts and made in half a day, this creates additional obstacles," Kudrytskyi told Espreso. "We don't have time to heroically overcome obstacles we create for ourselves."

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Information monopoly and presidential isolation

Kudrytskyi has been accused of failing to ensure energy security, despite having left his position 14 months earlier. The disconnect puzzled observers.

Kharchenko offered an explanation. He sees that people in Zelenskyy's circle are exclusively friendly to Halushchenko—the former Energy Minister now serving as Justice Minister. "Herman Valeriyovych knows how to communicate with people—I assure you, in person he's very pleasant, charismatic, professional, and convincing," Kharchenko said. Most people surrounding the president evidently receive information through one channel.

"I don't see the president, in the energy sphere, inviting people who broadcast any alternative thoughts and assessments, and listening to what's wrong," Kharchenko told Novyi Vidlik.

The monopolized information flow means alternative assessments of infrastructure failures and protection gaps never reach decision-makers. "When you have energy being attacked and negative things happening, and people around you point fingers at each other or say everything's fine, but it's evidently not fine—a manager in such a situation would invite an alternative viewpoint," Kharchenko said. "I don't observe this situation."

Ukraine energy crisis winter forecast: Attack, collapse, recover, repeat

Kharchenko predicted a predictable winter pattern: major Russian attack, followed by three to four days of severe disruption with 12-16-hour blackouts, then a gradual recovery until the next strike.

Three cities face the worst schedules: Kyiv, Odesa, and Kharkiv—massive consumption centers with insufficient internal generation. Kyiv and Odesa each face roughly one gigawatt power deficits. These cities will consistently endure the longest outages.

"I'm not an adherent of winter armageddon," Kudrytskyi told Espreso. "I don't think the energy system will collapse or there will be catastrophic consequences. We'll still survive the next winter. But of course, the question is the duration of outages and the degree of damage Russians can achieve to our facilities."

The strategic solution, both Kudrytskyi and Kharchenko emphasized, is accelerating distributed generation: replacing 15-20 large Soviet-era power plants vulnerable to missile strikes with hundreds of small gas, solar, and battery storage facilities scattered across Ukraine. Such a network would be exponentially harder for Russia to destroy and provide crucial regional resilience.

But distributed generation requires coordination, funding, and institutional trust—precisely what corruption and political persecution have destroyed.

The institutional breakdown

The failure wasn't technical or financial. In summer 2023, authorities identified several hundred critical infrastructure objects requiring protection—not just Ukrenergo substations, but power plants, gas infrastructure, and other essential facilities.

From summer 2023, Ukrenergo and the restoration agency built protection for Ukrenergo substations. But what happened at other facilities?

In his Espreso interview, Kudrytskyi posed the critical questions:

• Why didn't the Energy Ministry coordinate protection for all other objects at the same time Ukrenergo was building shelters?
• Why didn't it determine budget sources for such protection?
• And if there were no budget funds, why didn't it approach donors who were ready to help Ukrainian energy?

The answer emerged in November 2025 surveillance recordings: some officials were too busy organizing kickback schemes to focus on infrastructure protection.

Anti-corruption lawyer Daria Kaleniuk wrote that persecution of government critics through fabricated criminal cases had become a trend. Western board members Daniel Dobbeni and Peder Andreasen quit Ukrenergo in September 2024, calling Kudrytskyi's dismissal "politically motivated."

Now Ukrainians endure 12-16 hour blackouts at the heart of this energy crisis—not because Russia attacks, though it does, but because institutions failed to build protection systems, maintain donor trust, or prioritize infrastructure over personal enrichment.

"Any effective action against corruption is very much needed," Zelenskyy said after the NABU raids. But the damage was done. The coordination failure between protection, prosecution, and politics left Ukraine's grid more vulnerable than Russian missiles alone could have achieved.

Maxim Volovich

Trained in international relations, Maxim Volovich spent two decades as a diplomat and now covers regional and foreign policy issues as a journalist at Euromaidan Press.

The possibility of using €140 billion of frozen Russian assets for a reparations loan to Ukraine is a unique opportunity for the state. Especially since the US has ceased military aid following Donald Trump's election. However, legal challenges in using these assets are compounded by concerns over how the money might be utilized amid the backdrop of a new corruption scandal, La Repubblica reports.

On 10 November, EU-backed anti-corruption agencies uncovered a large scheme, "Midas", involving four Ukrainian ministries and the country's top energy company. The case is especially painful to the ordinary Ukrainians, who continue to endure up to 12-hour blackouts following Russian missile attacks.

According to investigators, the perpetrators demanded kickbacks amounting to 10–15% of Energoatom contract values. Contractors had to pay to avoid blocked payments or the loss of supplier status. Timyr Mindich, one of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's closest associates, oversaw the operation of a so-called “laundromat”, where funds were stolen.

The embezzlement of state funds in the energy sector, exceeding $100 million, has raised significant concerns in Europe.

The "Midas" corruption case under Europe's scrutiny

During the Eurogroup meeting on 12 November, where instruments for financing Ukrainian resistance over the next two years were again discussed, several finance ministers repeatedly referred to this corruption case.

Moreover, the scandal in Ukraine erupted after the release of the latest European Commission report on the EU candidate countries, presented last week. It provides a clear assessment that Ukraine has made limited progress in the fight against corruption.

The report also mentions the temporary suspension in July of the independence of the anti-corruption agencies, which are currently handling the case involving the embezzlement of $100 million in state funds. These institutions, according to the report, report growing pressure from state authorities.

Every democracy faces a test: can institutions investigate the powerful? The answer reveals whether you have a state of law or a state of protection.

Ukraine faced this test in July 2025. The government claimed anti-corruption investigators were compromised by Russia. Raids came overnight. Legislation stripping the agencies of independence rushed through parliament. By morning, institutions investigating the president's circle would report to the president's appointee.

Then, teenagers with cardboard signs showed up. "F*ck corruption," their handmade posters read.

The thousands of GenZs outside Zelenskyy's residence this July probably couldn't explain the technical details of how Ukraine's National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) works. But they understood something fundamental: when your government cracks down on anti-corruption investigators amid a war, you show up.

"If NABU is leashed, the corruptioners walk free," read one such cardboard sign as thousands gathered to protest against legislation stripping NABU of its independence. International partners expressed alarm. Within a week, mass demonstrations forced Zelenskyy to reverse course and restore NABU's independence.

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They came. They cussed. They won.

Why Zelenskyy attacked Ukraine's anti-corruption agencies

At the time, it was not immediately clear what motivated Zelenskyy to torpedo the anti-corruption infrastructure created as part of Ukraine's EU integration obligations—and by doing so, to implode the EU's secret plan to bypass Hungary's veto in opening accession negotiations with Ukraine.

However, journalistic investigations offered a compelling explanation: NABU finally reached Zelenskyy's inner circle. One of the suspects was reportedly Tymur Mindich, Zelenskyy's former comedy studio business partner, birthday party guest, and longtime friend.

Throughout the summer and fall, Ukrainian media outlets spoke in hushed tones about "the Mindich tapes"—audio recordings allegedly captured by NABU surveillance in Mindich's apartment on vul. Hrushevskoho, where Zelenskyy once celebrated his birthday.

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NABU and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office neither confirmed nor denied their existence. Opposition politicians referenced them cryptically. Anti-corruption activists warned they could be "Ukraine's new Melnychenko tapes"—a comparison to the recordings that sparked massive protests, damaging President Kuchma's presidency in 2001.

On 10 November, NABU unveiled "Operation Midas"—15 months of investigation, over 1,000 hours of surveillance recordings, and charges against seven people in a corruption scheme that treated Ukraine's state nuclear operator Energoatom like a personal ATM machine. The alleged mastermind, according to audio excerpts NABU released: Tymur Mindich.

The Mindich tapes were real. And they documented exactly the kind of high-level corruption the July crackdown was designed to bury.

Tymur Mindich: From Kolomoisky's youngest partner to Zelenskyy's inner circle

To understand why Zelenskyy risked Ukraine's European integration to protect one man, you need to know who Tymur Mindich is—or more precisely, who he became.

From Kolomoisky's shadow to presidential power

Mindich entered Ukraine's oligarchic world as the youngest partner of Ihor Kolomoisky, managing media assets while the controversial businessman built his empire through PrivatBank and vast holdings. While Kolomoisky amassed billions, Mindich played a supporting role—"bringing branded clothing to Ukraine," handling logistics, "conceptually holding part of Kolomoisky's assets," as business sources described it.

"He was never a player," one influential Ukrainian businessman told Ukrainska Pravda. "He could turn to the president with a request, but nothing more."

But Mindich possessed something more valuable than Kolomoisky's billions: genuine friendship with Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

The two men were co-owners of Kvartal 95, the comedy studio that launched Zelenskyy's entertainment career and eventually his political brand. Their relationship extended far beyond business partnership.

"The president could spend a weekend with him. Grill shashlik. Disconnect. Rest his soul," another influential source told Ukrainska Pravda. A different source called Mindich's role in the power architecture "a hotel, a restaurant, costumes"—maintaining the lifestyle that surrounded the presidency.

The visible signs of intimacy

The friendship became political early. In 2019, as Zelenskyy's presidential campaign reached its final stretch, he began using Mindich's armored Mercedes. During the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020, journalists documented Mindich visiting the Presidential Office multiple times. When asked, Mindich explained he came "to help organize food deliveries during lockdown."

In January 2021, Zelenskyy celebrated his birthday in Mindich's apartment at 9a Hrushevsky Street—the same apartment where NABU would later install the surveillance devices that captured Operation Midas. Later that year, Mindich attended Presidential Office head Andriy Yermak's 50th birthday celebration at the state residence Synohora in the Carpathians.

Multiple sources in business circles said that Mindich also played a quiet but crucial role in personnel decisions. At the start of Zelenskyy's presidency, Mindich recommended Oleksiy Chernyshov when asked about him. "Tymur said he was a good guy," sources told Ukrainska Pravda.

That endorsement launched Chernyshov's rise from Kyiv regional governor in 2019 to Deputy Prime Minister by 2024—until NABU corruption charges ended his potential path to the premiership.

Wartime transformation: Energy and defense influence

After Russia's February 2022 invasion closed the Presidential District to public view, Mindich's alleged influence expanded dramatically. "He started making a lot of noise when he placed his people in the Cabinet," one business source told Ukrainska Pravda. "He actively invited people to his home. He proposed various schemes. There became a lot of him."

By 2024, sources across political, business, and law enforcement circles linked Mindich to Ukraine's most lucrative wartime sectors:

• Energy: Sources connected him to then-Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko (now Justice Minister), Environment Minister Svitlana Hrynchuk, and Agriculture Minister Vitaliy Koval. Even after mid-2025 Cabinet reshuffles, Hrynchuk moved to Energy and Halushchenko to Justice—maintaining network influence, sources said. His relative Leonid Mindich was detained in summer 2025 for allegedly taking "personal control" of procurement at state energy company Kharkivoblenergo in 2021.
• Defense: Fire Point defense company began receiving billion-hryvnia state contracts in 2024 for long-range drone production. In November 2024 alone, Fire Point received two contracts worth over 7 billion hryvnias ($170 million), according to defense sector sources. The company allegedly received funding from both Ukraine's budget and Western partners. After Mindich's name emerged publicly, management reportedly decided to sell part of Fire Point to a Saudi buyer.
• Banking: Sources said Mindich gained influence over nationalized Sens Bank through contacts with Vasyl Vesely, an unofficial curator. Vesely's family received a stake in Karpatnaftochim, Ukraine's largest petrochemical enterprise, in 2024—the same year assets were unfrozen.

"Right now in Ukraine, big money is made in only a few directions: defense (drones), energy, reconstruction, and call centers," one businessman told Ukrainska Pravda. According to numerous sources, Mindich was present in the first two.

The Russia connection and FBI interest

In September 2025, MP Yaroslav Zheleznyak published an investigation revealing Mindich operated a "mirror" diamond business in both Ukraine and Russia. The investigation found Mindich created a company in Russia after its initial aggression in 2015, continued as co-owner after the full-scale war began, and sold Russian laboratory diamonds abroad in 2022.

Ukraine's Security Service opened a case under Article 111-2—aiding an aggressor state.

Ukrainska Pravda reported in early November that Mindich could also have become the subject of an FBI money-laundering investigation, though US authorities have not confirmed any such probe. The speculation stems from the case of Oleksandr Horbunenko, a Ukrainian businessman wanted by NABU who was detained by US authorities in April 2025 and subsequently released under FBI protection—a move Ukrainian law enforcement sources interpreted as indicating cooperation with American investigators.

The oligarch who wasn't—until he was

By Zelenskyy's own 2021 anti-oligarch law, Mindich 2.0 qualified as an oligarch: media influence (Kvartal 95 co-owner), alleged control over strategic enterprises (Energoatom), participation in political life (presidential access), and significant assets.

"Tymur is a good organizer. He has direct access to the president. But he never had big money, and he was never a separate subject," one influential member of the informal "Privat" group recalled—the network that effectively ceased existing after Kolomoisky's arrest in late 2023, when the oligarch was charged with money laundering through Privabank, Ukraine's largest bank.

But surviving Kolomoisky's fall may have been Mindich's greatest achievement. As the oligarch's empire collapsed, his junior partner transformed presidential proximity into alleged influence over who gets contracts, who enters ministries, and who controls energy flows in a wartime nation where only a few sectors generate what businessmen call "big money."

NABU wiretaps expose Energoatom kickback scheme during Russian attacks

Over 15 months, NABU surveillance in Mindich's Hrushevsky apartment captured a protection racket at Energoatom—the company generating over half of Ukraine's electricity while Russia systematically struck substations powering nuclear plants.

Contractors faced what suspects called "Shlagbaum" (boom barrier): pay 10-15% kickbacks or watch payments freeze. One company allegedly received a 435 million UAH ($10.4 million) contract in 2025 after agreeing to the higher rate.

On tape, suspects used codenames: "Carlson" for Mindich, "Professor" for Halushchenko, "Rocket" for former energy minister advisor Ihor Myroniuk, "Tenor" for Energoatom security director Dmytro Basov. In June, "Carlson" expressed concern about investigations.

A month later, when discussing protective structures for nuclear facilities, "Rocket" replied: "I'd wait. But, f***, honestly, it's a shame to waste the money."

On 7-8 November, Russia targeted substations powering Khmelnytskyi and Rivne nuclear plants. Two days later, NABU unveiled Operation Midas, documenting how the Ukrainian president's friend ran a scheme to profit off protection contracts, decreasing Ukraine's chances to survive Russia's winter missile barrage with power in their flats—at least some of the time.

• Operation Midas key facts:
• Duration: 15 months of NABU surveillance (2024-2025)
• Evidence: Over 1,000 hours of audio recordings
• Kickback rate: 10-15% of contract values
• Total scheme value: $100 million in alleged kickbacks
• Suspects: 7 people charged, including former Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko
• Method: Contractors paid bribes or faced frozen payments ("Shlagbaum" barrier)

NABU documented how $100 million was processed through a money-laundering office in central Kyiv belonging to the family of Andriy Derkach—a former Ukrainian MP whom the US Treasury sanctioned in 2020 as "an active Russian agent" for election interference, and who now serves as a Russian senator.

Full details of the scheme

The Mindich tapes: anti-graft recordings expose Zelenskyy associate’s $100M nuclear operator protection racket

Can Ukraine hold the powerful accountable?

NABU's release of the "Mindich tapes" answered any remaining questions about the reasons behind Zelenskyy's crackdown on the anti-corruption agency in July: the anti-graft bureau had reached his long-time friend.

Mindich fled Ukraine hours before NABU came to search his flat—somebody had tipped him off. NABU is studying who exactly and how Mindich could be returned.

President Zelenskyy addressed the investigation in general terms on 10 November, stating that "everyone who has constructed corrupt schemes, must face a clear procedural response." He did not mention Mindich or address the searches at former Justice Minister Halushchenko's residence.

Ukraine's anti-corruption infrastructure proved stronger than the president's attempts at gutting it to protect his inner circle this July. But the fabricated justification for that crackdown—claims that NABU was infiltrated by Russian spies—continues damaging the bureau's work.

Security forces arrested two agents during a raid to justify the crackdown on NABU. They are still being prosecuted on accusations anti-corruption activists say are fabricated.

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Energy expert Oleh Savytskyi wrote that Operation Midas exposes what he calls "GULAG culture"—the Soviet-era mentality where energy sector managers, from mine directors to ministers, treated state assets as personal fiefdoms. The same networks have controlled Ukraine's energy sector through kickbacks and political protection across every presidency since independence.

"In Zelenskyy's case, there was a chance to change everything, and his first government even tried to change course from self-destruction to European integration," Savytskyi wrote. "But the deeply rooted corruption system won again, and the gang not only regained control over Energoatom but also attempted to control all key state energy companies, including Ukrenergo," the operator of Ukraine's entire power grid.

The pattern Savytskyi identifies: Halushchenko, Myroniuk, and others in the Midas investigation belonged to a group that previously controlled Energoatom under earlier administrations. They lost influence when Zelenskyy's first government attempted reforms, then regained control—turning wartime nuclear protection contracts into profit opportunities while Ukrainians endure 12-hour blackouts.

Will Zelenskyy learn from his failed July crackdown? Or will protecting networks trump institutional integrity—again?

NABU delivered accountability the president promised but avoided executing. Western partners watching—with €50 billion in EU assistance already at risk over anti-corruption failures—want to see whether investigations reach conclusions or stall protecting the powerful.

Zelenskyy has instructed that ministers of Justice Herman Halushchenko and Energy Svitlana Hrynchuk be dismissed. Mindich remains at large, reportedly in Israel and Austria. The Tsukerman brothers fled Ukraine.

In July, teenagers with cardboard signs forced a president to back down. In November, NABU proved why they were right. Whether Ukraine passes democracy's ultimate test—holding the powerful accountable—now depends on what happens in courtrooms, not just on streets.

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Ukraine risks €50 billion as EU warns anti-corruption agencies failing

Correction: an earlier version of this article said the Melnychenko tapes toppled the Kuchma administration. In fact, they merely damaged it—Kuchma stayed in power.

Ukraine's National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) released audio evidence from Operation Midas capturing suspects plotting 10–15% kickbacks on Ukraine's nuclear operator protection contracts.

Businessman Tymur Mindich, allegedly one of the key suspects, remains fugitive as parliament prepares dismissal votes for high-ranking officials and the opposition European Solidarity party, led by former president Petro Poroshenko, pushes to disband the entire Cabinet of Ministers.

The 15-month investigation exposed a $100 million kickback scheme on contracts for nuclear facility protection—infrastructure Russia has systematically targeted throughout the war. With parliament now considering dismissal of top energy officials and Ukraine seeking Western funds for energy infrastructure, the case demonstrates whether anti-corruption institutions can deliver the accountability Western partners require.

NABU tapes reveal protection racket at nuclear operator

NABU published recordings capturing suspects discussing systematic extortion from Energoatom contractors. The suspects used codenames throughout the 15-month investigation.

According to MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak, the recordings feature individuals identified by the following nicknames, Novynarnia reported:

• "Carlson" – Tymur Mindich, businessman and co-owner of Kvartal 95 studio, associate of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy
• "Professor" – Herman Halushchenko, Justice Minister and former Energy Minister
• "Tenor" – Dmytro Basov, executive director for physical protection and security at Energoatom
• "Rocket" – Ihor Myroniuk, former advisor to Halushchenko during his tenure as Energy Minister

While NABU has not officially confirmed all identities, Hromadske reported that law enforcement confirmed Myroniuk as a former energy minister advisor and Basov as Energoatom's executive director for physical protection.

The recordings reveal how contractors faced what investigators call the "Shlagbaum" (boom barrier) system: pay the percentage or watch payments freeze and supplier status vanish. One company allegedly received a 435 million UAH ($10.5 million) contract in 2025 after agreeing to the higher 15% rate, NV confirmed.

The tapes also capture suspects' awareness of investigative risks. In a June 2025 exchange, "Carlson" expressed concern: "I don't want to end up being served with suspicion," Ukrainska Pravda noted. A month later, "Tenor" discussed building protective structures with "Rocket," mentioning colossal figures and asking whether to continue. "Rocket" replied: "I'd wait. But, f***, honestly, it's a shame to waste the money," Hromadske transcribed.

Money laundering through Derkach family office

NABU investigators uncovered a dedicated money-laundering office in central Kyiv belonging to the family of Andriy Derkach, a former Ukrainian MP now serving as a Russian senator, that processed approximately $100 million.

The scheme operated like a bank—with its own "cash discipline," accounting, currency operations, and geography stretching from Kyiv to Atlanta, Georgia, and Moscow, Ekonomichna Pravda noted. "Through this office, strict accounting of received funds was carried out, a "black ledger" was maintained, and money laundering was organized through a network of non-resident companies," the bureau stated.

In intercepted conversations, "Rocket" and "Tenor" discussed transferring tens of thousands of dollars while inventing new transfer routes. The operational part of the "laundry" was headed by someone nicknamed "Sugarman"—presumably one of the Tsukerman brothers, Mykhailo or Oleksandr, Ekonomichna Pravda noted.

Investigators discovered the scheme used cryptocurrency for money laundering and collected cash at at least 30 different locations across Kyiv to avoid financial monitoring detection, Suspilne reported. A significant part of the transactions, including cash disbursements, took place outside Ukraine.

During searches, NABU officers found an item labeled "Federal Protective Service of the Russian Federation" at the office of one scheme co-organizer, which the bureau called an "interesting artifact," NV highlighted.

Opposition escalates pressure with dismissal motions

Draft resolutions have been registered in the Verkhovna Rada to dismiss Justice Minister Herman Halushchenko and Energy Minister Svitlana Hrynchuk, Ukrinform documented. The documents are listed under registration numbers 14200 and 14201 on the parliament's website. The initiatives were submitted by MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak.

Neither resolution has been added to the parliamentary agenda. Both motions are registered but not scheduled for consideration, and no date has been confirmed for votes on either the ministerial dismissals or a broader Cabinet resignation procedure.

Hrynchuk responded to the dismissal motion during a briefing: "I will not react to this because I do not understand the claims," UNN quoted. She emphasized continuing her duties: "I am doing my job."

Halushchenko has not publicly addressed the searches or dismissal motion. The Justice Ministry did not issue statements responding to the allegations.

European Solidarity party escalated the political response by initiating a procedure to dismiss the entire Cabinet of Ministers. "We are beginning the procedure for the resignation of the government—unprofessional and corrupt. Our goal is state governance, the unity of society, and the trust of partners. We call on all colleagues in parliament who are aware of the threats to the state to sign the resignation of the Cabinet of Ministers for the sake of forming a government of national salvation," the party stated on 10 November, Interfax Ukraine reported.

The party statement emphasized the wartime context: "When millions of Ukrainians were left without electricity during shelling, when the best were dying every day at the front, another 'battery' was working in the rear—the one that charged the pockets of the chosen ones. One hundred million dollars that could have gone to protect the energy infrastructure turned up in Energoatom's schemes," Interfax Ukraine quoted.

Zelenskyy's broad condemnation avoids names

President Zelenskyy addressed the investigation in his evening address on 10 November, hours after the raids. "Any effective action against corruption is very much needed. The inevitability of punishment is essential," he stated, Ukrainska Pravda reported. "Energoatom currently provides Ukraine with the largest share of power generation. Integrity within the company is a priority."

The president neither mentioned Mindich nor addressed the searches at Halushchenko's residence. "The energy sector and every branch, everyone who has constructed corrupt schemes, must face a clear procedural response. There must be convictions," Zelenskyy continued. "And government officials must work together with NABU and law enforcement bodies—and do it in a way that delivers real results."

The statement marks a careful position for Zelenskyy, whose administration faced July protests after attempting to subordinate NABU to the Prosecutor General. Parliament reversed that law after mass demonstrations, restoring the bureau's independence.

Mindich's flight hours before searches

Mindich crossed Ukraine's border at 02:09 on 10 November—hours before NABU detectives arrived at his residence, LIGA.net confirmed citing law enforcement sources. Zhelezniak stated Mindich "will be hiding in Israel and Austria." The timing raised immediate questions about information leaks, prompting SAPO head Oleksandr Klymenko to create a commission investigating the possible data breach, UNN reported.

Separately, the Security Service of Ukraine opened criminal proceedings on 6 November under Article 111-2 (aiding an aggressor state) based on allegations that Mindich maintained business operations in Russia during the full-scale invasion, specifically diamond extraction and sales, Interfax Ukraine detailed. The FBI is investigating Mindich for possible money laundering connected to the Odesa Port Plant, NV noted.

Operational implications for wartime energy security

The alleged corruption occurred while Russia conducted systematic strikes against Ukraine's energy infrastructure. Energoatom, which generates over half of Ukraine's electricity after the occupation of Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant, manages procurement for nuclear safety and protective construction.

Diverting funds from nuclear safety projects creates vulnerabilities that could compromise defense readiness. The investigation reveals a pattern where contracts meant to protect critical infrastructure instead enriched middlemen operating outside official authority—turning wartime security needs into profit opportunities.

With Ukraine requesting additional Western financial support for energy infrastructure protection, according to the European Commission website, the investigation tests whether Kyiv can demonstrate effective governance over reconstruction investments. The scheme's exposure comes as the EU has already warned that failures in anti-corruption enforcement could jeopardize €50 billion in assistance, Euromaidan Press reported.

Slovakia’s prosecutor has determined that the government’s 2023 decision to send MiG-29 fighter jets to Ukraine did not constitute a criminal offense, according to Politico. The investigation was launched following a complaint by the current pro-Russian government of Prime Minister Robert Fico.

Prosecutor halts MiG-29 case, finds no legal wrongdoing

On 10 November, the Bratislava prosecutor’s office confirmed that the country’s transfer of MiG-29 fighter jets to Ukraine was not a criminal act, Politico reported. The office said the criminal prosecution was halted on 30 October “because it was sufficiently established that the act in question does not constitute a criminal offense and there is no reason to refer the case further,” a spokesperson told Politico.

The office concluded that the donation of the aircraft and two anti-aircraft systems to Ukraine had not caused harm to Slovakia as defined by the country’s Criminal Code.

“Nor was it proven that members of the government acted with the intent to obtain an unlawful benefit for themselves or others, or that they exercised their authority in a manner contrary to the law or exceeded their powers,” the spokesperson added.

Slovakia delivered its entire fleet of Soviet-era MiG-29 fighter jets and two anti-aircraft systems to Ukraine in spring 2023, becoming the first country to send warplanes to Kyiv after the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022.

The current defense ministry, under Fico’s government, filed a criminal complaint in June against former Prime Minister Eduard Heger and former Defense Minister Jaroslav Naď. The complaint accused them of sabotage, abuse of power, and breach of duty in the management of public property in connection with the decision to transfer the jets.

Both officials rejected the allegations at the time.

Following the announcement, Jaroslav Naď published a statement on Facebook.

“It has been confirmed what I have repeatedly said: that the government of Eduard Heger, with me as Minister of Defense, acted not only morally correctly but also in the national interest of the Slovak Republic,” Naď wrote.