Russia burns through 68 soldiers for every square kilometer around Pokrovsk. The math is starting to matter.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has reached peak offensive operations as the Kremlin orders its armed forces to capture the rest of the Donbas region. With casualties climbing dramatically as Moscow attempts to capture their primary objectives in the four occupied regions, Kyiv is fortifying Pokrovsk—what’s becoming the largest battle of the war so far.

Russia has massed one of their largest troop gatherings since the beginning of the full-scale war, hoping to make a decisive push to break through Ukrainian lines in Pokrovsk and open the remaining stronghold cities to further offensives.

After a year of continuous offensive activity, Russian forces still don’t have a foothold in the city. Ukraine’s Armed Forces continue holding a concrete defense.

The Russian push toward Pokrovsk is seeing casualties and equipment losses that dwarf all other battles of the war so far.

Why Russia bled out at Avdiivka

In February 2024, Russian forces captured the strategic city of Avdiivka, which sat on key terrain overlooking Donetsk City center.

The capture came at a heavy price—the Russian military suffered casualties ranging from 25,000 to 40,000, making the battle deadlier than Bakhmut. Regular forces, rather than Wagner mercenaries, took the brunt of the fighting.

Despite inflicting heavy attrition on the Russian military, Kyiv hadn’t fortified the defensive lines behind Avdiivka sufficiently. The Ukrainian high command—whether due to negligence, miscommunication, or poor leadership—left gaps that would prove costly.

Where Russian armor goes to die

For most of late winter to early spring 2025, the frontline situation was a stalemate as Ukrainian reserves came in, partially due to the Kursk offensive failing, and Ukrainian forces from the operation being allocated in the sector. Ukraine is also mass-producing various types of drones that help alleviate the artillery shortage by targeting Russian armor.

At the same time in 2025, Russia conducted various offensives in Toretsk, Chasiv Yar, Kupiansk, Sumy, and Zaporizhzhia Oblast, which hampered major reinforcements entering the Pokrovsk sector, allowing Ukraine to build up fortifications and consolidate its defenses continuously.

The Czech shell initiative also gathered artillery for the Ukrainian frontlines, giving Ukrainian forces more defense allocations to hold the lines against daily Russian assaults.

Despite being only a few kilometers from the outer city, waves of FPV drone attacks have littered the roads into Pokrovsk with Russian armor and corpses that are nearly unretrievable, turning the frontlines into a no-man’s land. According to the Institute for the Study of War, Russian forces are suffering 68 casualties per square kilometer gained in the Pokrovsk direction.

The equipment losses during this offensive are staggering.

To put this in perspective: according to the Oryx blog, Russia has lost 4,000 tanks total, making Pokrovsk the deadliest offensive for Russian forces to date.

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Russia saved armor all year for this moment—150,000 troops close in on Pokrovsk

When glide bombs meet drone swarms

Russia holds an advantage in the air with dozens of airstrikes from its deadly glide bombs that can take out fortifications, despite taking extremely heavy casualties. On the ground, Russia has a 4-to-1 or 5-to-1 manpower advantage.

Ukrainian units also face difficulties with recruitment, unit rotations, and morale due to poor leadership—weaknesses the Russians have exploited. One of Ukraine’s biggest challenges in the war today is fixing issues related to recruitment, negligence of commanders, and improving morale.

Kyiv was able to reorganize its defense and conduct localized counterattacks from late February to early March 2025, as the settlement of Kotlyne was liberated, which pushed back a potential Russian salient. Russia conducted its major summer offensive a month later, putting pressure on the strategic H-32 highway.

With tank and armor losses littering the highways, Russia adopted tactics of sending unsupported infantry assaults, known as sabotage and reconnaissance groups.

If the groups exploit those positions, Russia gradually sends more forces to reinforce that point—which they did during the summer, as there were fears of infiltration into Pokrovsk city in July.

How Azov crushed Russia’s breakthrough

Near Dobropillia, Russia sent several hundred reconnaissance groups, which managed to break through Ukrainian lines in mid-August, causing enough panic for Kyiv to send major reinforcements.

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Russia lost a brigade near Dobropillya—more brigades are coming

Why this city decides everything

The Pokrovsk offensive is becoming the pinnacle of warfare during the Russian invasion of Ukraine. As both countries have exhausted their militaries, the fate of the city during the next few months could determine how the war concludes.

But here’s what’s at stake globally: occupying Pokrovsk could give Russia strategic topography to press onto the rest of the Donetsk fortress cities. Ukrainian forces continue buying valuable time to prepare defenses for the rest of the oblast.

According to the British Ministry of Defense, it would take Russia another two million men and perhaps four years even to capture the rest of Donbas—time Putin can’t afford. Ukraine’s military intelligence chief, Lieutenant General Budanov, stated Russia looks to end the full-scale war sometime in 2026 before the economy cracks, and to do that, Pokrovsk will need to be captured to open up the rest of the fortified cities of Donetsk.

Right now, the longer Ukraine holds Pokrovsk, inflicts catastrophic losses, and buys time for greater fortifications to be completed in the fortress cities, the better it is for Kyiv. Without capturing Pokrovsk, particularly by the end of winter 2026, Russia—with its economy already reeling from Ukrainian strikes on refineries—could finally be forced to negotiate fairly.

If Russia doesn’t want to negotiate and presses beyond its current economic and military capabilities after exhausting its forces, Moscow could face a homegrown collapse akin to the Soviet-Afghan War, and the Battle of Pokrovsk could be the catalyst for it.

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Frontline report: Russia’s Pokrovsk offensive collapses into chaos — Ukrainian forces seize the moment and liberate Udachne

Julian McBride

Julian McBride is a former US Marine, forensic anthropologist, defense analyst, and independent journalist born in New York. His bylines can be found in the National Security Journal, Byline Times, 19FortyFive, Heritage Daily, The Defense Post, Journal of Forensic Psychology, Modern Warfare Institute, Manara Mag, The Strategist, Pacific Forum, E-International Relations, NKInsider, Cipher Brief, Mosern Diplomacy, and UK Defence Journal.

An investigation by RFE/RL has uncovered details about the highly secretive elite Russian drone formation: the Rubicon Center for Advanced Unmanned Technologies. 

Rubicon has become one of Russia’s most formidable forces on the battlefield since the battle for Russia’s Kursk Oblast in mid 2024.

Throughout Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, drones have increasingly become critical to the conflict, reshaping both battlefield tactics and long-range operations. Both Moscow and Kyiv are constantly adapting, deploying new drone technologies and countermeasures to strike supply lines, observe enemy movements, and target key infrastructure.

Russia’s Rubicon has proven especially effective at challenging Ukraine’s previously-superior drone capabilities on the battlefield. 

Key findings from the RFE/RL report:

• Commander: Colonel Sergei Budnikov, 37, former artillery and marine officer.
• Headquarters: Facilities include Patriot Park near Moscow, used for training and testing drones.
• Formation: Established mid-2024, shortly after Andrei Belousov became Russia’s defense minister.
• Structure: At least seven detachments, 130–150 personnel each, specializing in drone attacks, reconnaissance, and electronic warfare.
• Recruitment: Offers bonuses up to 3 million rubles ($36,000) to attract skilled personnel.

The RFE/RL reporting identifies Colonel Sergei Budnikov, a 37-year-old career artillery and marine officer, as the unit’s commander – the first public confirmation of his leadership.

One of the unit’s main facilities appears to be at the Patriot Park Exhibition and Congress Center near Moscow, which hosts training and testing activities. 

Analysts say Rubicon represents a new level of organization and systematic planning within the Russian military, narrowing Ukraine’s previously decisive advantage in drone warfare.

Rubicon was created in mid-2024, shortly after Andrei Belousov became Russia’s defense minister. It operates as a hybrid organization, combining drone development, operator training, and electronic warfare, with at least seven detachments of 130-150 personnel each, each specializing in different aspects of unmanned operations.

Rubicon in Kursk Oblast

The unit first made its mark countering Ukraine’s operations in Kursk Oblast. Working alongside Russian regular troops and North Korean reinforcements, Rubicon employed highly coordinated drone strikes on short sections of roads supplying Ukrainian positions, often striking vehicles from multiple angles to overwhelm defenses. 

These efforts ultimately forced Kyiv to retreat from the region and allow Russia to regain almost all of Kursk Oblast.

Previous reporting has shown that Rubicon’s drones use rapid frequency shifts and electronic countermeasures to bypass Ukrainian jamming, targeting both frontline convoys and operators stationed far behind the lines. 

Rubicon units now systematically target Ukrainian drone operators who fly drones from distant positions away from the front lines. 

One brigade reportedly lost 70% of their drone operators in a single week due to Rubicon’s precision strikes.

Experts warn that unless Kyiv develops more advanced counter measures, Russia’s elite drone force will remain a persistent threat across multiple sectors of the front.

Ukraine and Poland have agreed to establish a joint operational group on unmanned aerial systems, with representatives from both countries’ armed forces, Interfax-Ukraine reported on 18 September.

Ukrainian Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal announced the agreement during a press conference in Kyiv with his Polish counterpart Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, who arrived on an unannounced visit.

“Today we agreed on a number of important steps. First – the creation of a joint operational group on unmanned aerial systems, which will include representatives of Ukrainian and Polish armed forces,” Shmyhal said.

The group will serve as a platform for coordination and development of joint initiatives, according to the Ukrainian minister. “We will integrate the latest defense technologies and initiate new projects that should strengthen the protection of our people and our critical infrastructure,” he stated.

Joint training programs will form the central element of this operational group. “…Which, I am confident, will strengthen our ability to resist a common enemy,” Shmyhal added.

Polish Defense Minister Kosiniak-Kamysz announced the signing of an agreement on acquiring drone operation skills during his Kyiv visit. “Discussions will focus on developing joint industrial initiatives. I think Poles are looking forward to this after such large-scale efforts aimed at helping the population,” the Polish minister said.

Kosiniak-Kamysz emphasized that implementing lessons learned from the Ukrainian battlefield is crucial for transforming Poland’s Armed Forces and NATO as a whole. He noted “obvious openness and readiness for cooperation” from the Ukrainian side.

The Polish minister addressed bilateral tensions directly: “I realize the emotions that sometimes arise between us, between Poland and Ukraine, but they should not overshadow our strategic goal. The enemy is elsewhere. It should not be sought within ourselves, among ourselves.”

The agreement represents a step toward deeper defense cooperation between the two countries, with focus on drone technology and joint military training programs.

Ukrainian drones struck Russia’s Salavat refinery in Bashkortostan on 18 September, about 1,300 kilometers from the Ukrainian border. The attack targeted the heart of the facility — a crude distillation unit, essential for the refinery’s operations.

Strike hits Gazprom’s Salavat refinery

Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ published video clips and photos showing flames at the Gazprom Nefetkhim Salavat refinery, located in the city of Salavat in Russia’s Bashkortostan.

The channel wrote that the drone which flew through the night and was tracked in the morning eventually hit its target during the day-time.

Exilenova+ reported the strike occurred around 10:00 and damaged the ELOU-AVT-4 distillation unit. The channel commented that Russian refineries are vulnerable even at a distance of 1,300 kilometers, praising the successful hit.

Another post from Exilenova+ shared coordinates of the damaged site and noted that the ELOU-AVT-4 unit is a key facility.

Local reports of explosions

Russian news Telegram channel Astra said residents of Salavat reported explosions and then heavy smoke after the strike. The channel noted that confirmation of details was limited at the time, but eyewitness videos showed the burning facility.

Bashkortostan’s head Radyi Khabirov later confirmed the attack. He called it a “terrorist attack” on Gazprom Neftekhim Salavat, claiming two aircraft-type drones were used.

“Two aircraft-type drones attacked the facility. There are no dead or injured. Passive and active defenses were triggered, and the plant’s security opened fire to destroy them. We are determining the extent of the damage. The fire is now being extinguished, and all services are on site,” Khabirov stated.

Strategic importance of the refinery

Gazprom Neftkhim Salavat is one of the largest petrochemical and oil-processing factories in southern Bashkortostan. Astra reported it produces more than 150 types of products, including gasoline, diesel fuel, bitumen, and polyethylene. In 2024 the company reported revenue of 303 billion rubles and net profit of 4.4 billion.

The refinery processes up to 10 million tons of crude annually, Militarnyi wrote. The defense outlet stressed that the ELOU-AVT-4 unit handles primary crude purification, making it crucial for the plant’s entire production cycle. Militarnyi added that disruption of the unit would have serious consequences for the enterprise.

Previous strikes in Bashkortostan

Salavat was previously targeted in May 2024, when a drone hit the pumping station of the same oil facility. Earlier this month on 13 September, drones also struck two Bashneft refineries in Ufa, damaging installations and pipelines. On 16 September, Khabirov signed an order banning publication of information about drone strikes in Bashkortostan.

Tanks from Ukraine’s 63rd Separate Mechanized Brigade completely destroyed a building occupied by Russian infantry in a close-range engagement, the Third Army Corps press service reported on 18 September.

Russian forces had fortified themselves in an abandoned residential building in one of the settlements within the corps’ area of responsibility.

“For the defeat of enemy forces, a tank from one of the battalions was deployed: the combat vehicle approached point-blank to the structure and opened aimed fire,” the press service said.

The precise shots completely destroyed the building along with the Russian assault troops positioned inside, according to the military report.

The engagement highlights the operational methods of the Third Army Corps, which incorporates the 3rd Separate Assault Brigade as its core unit. The formation also includes the 53rd, 60th, and 63rd Separate Mechanized Brigades of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

As of early August, the corps has taken up a section of the front in Luhansk Oblast, where it simultaneously confronts three Russian armies – the 1st Tank Army and the 20th and 25th Combined Arms Armies of the Russian Federation, the press service reports.

The tank engagement demonstrates the tactical approach employed by Ukrainian armored units in urban combat situations where Russian forces attempt to establish defensive positions in civilian infrastructure.

Ukraine and the European Commission wrapped up final agricultural screening meetings in Brussels on 15 September, completing a multi-year process that marks a historic milestone in the country’s EU accession journey.

Ukraine’s agricultural sector—which supplied 50% of the UN World Food Programme’s grain before the war and remains a critical supplier to food-stressed regions—is moving closer to EU Common Agricultural Policy integration.

Yet, the milestone also exposes a fundamental disconnect that threatens Ukraine’s European future and the EU’s strategic coherence. While Brussels debates abstract concerns about Ukrainian “mega farms,” the reality on the ground reveals a far more complex agricultural landscape fighting for survival under Russian bombardment.

Screening completion sets the stage for integration challenges

The three-day Brussels meetings represented years of preparation culminating in Ukraine presenting 28 thematic blocks covering agricultural reforms, digitalization, state support, and market regulation.

The screening completes Cluster 5, “Resources, Agriculture and Cohesion Policy,” the final piece in Ukraine’s six-cluster accession negotiations. According to EU officials, the bilateral screening process will be finalized by autumn 2025, with Ukraine aiming to meet opening benchmarks by the end of 2026.

But agriculture remains the most politically sensitive chapter. Deputy Prime Minister Taras Kachka called it one of the “most sensitive” negotiation topics, reflecting concerns that have triggered farmer protests across Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia, forcing the EU to pay €156 million in compensation to affected farmers.

War damage meets policy misconceptions

Let us consider the context. As Ukrainian agriculture faces its most challenging period since independence—with an estimated $80 billion in war damages and farmers operating under daily missile and drone attacks—European policy debates continue to focus on abstract threats.

The European Parliament’s research briefing, published in April 2024, confirmed that Ukrainian agriculture has been “a primary military target of Russia’s aggression,” with Ukraine now controlling an estimated 26.5 million hectares of arable land, down from 32.7 million before the war.

Yet as Ukrainian farmers die defending their fields, European discourse remains fixated on what Politico describes as “farm giants and oligarch-owned holdings” that have become “the face of the country’s agriculture in Europe, looming as an existential threat at the border.”

The human reality tells a different story. Oleksandr Hordiienko, a 58-year-old farmer from Kherson, was killed by a Russian drone in early September while driving across his war-scarred fields.

Current agricultural statistics underscore the wartime challenges. Ukrainian exports dropped 33% in the first two months of the 2025/26 marketing year compared to the previous season, with wheat exports totaling just 3.1 million tons through early September—over 1 million tons less than last year.

Yet grain prices are rising, with wheat climbing from 7,350 UAH/t ($178) in mid-September to 8,750 UAH/t ($212), driven by Russian attacks on energy infrastructure rather than supply shortages.

The complex reality behind the stereotypes

Ukrainian farmers increasingly challenge the aforementioned European misconceptions about the country’s agriculture being dominated solely by oligarch-held farm giants.

“Ukrainian farmers must start now: To explain who we are: not oligarchs, but independent producers. To show what we need: not handouts, but clarity and fairness,” argues Andrii Dykun, Chairman of the Ukrainian Agri Council.

The reality indeed is quite diverse, with medium-sized and family businesses accounting for about 80% of agricultural enterprises, while only 20% operate companies with more than 10,000 hectares. Nearly 4 million households work the land, producing 95% of Ukraine’s potatoes, 85% of vegetables, 80% of fruit and berries, and 75% of milk.

The 8,600 medium-sized farms of 200-2,000 hectares—not the massive holdings that dominate headlines—produced over 50% of cereal output before the war. Even EU analysis acknowledges that 58% of production comes from structures under 1,000 hectares.

The picture is quite far from the “oligarch” stereotype, also when looking at operations that would be considered massive by European standards.

Politico recently profiled Akhmil Alkhadzhi, whose Syrian father helped build a family company cultivating 3,500 hectares—“middling” in Ukraine but enormous by European standards. When Russia invaded, wheat prices collapsed from $250-300 per ton to $70. To keep the business alive and support 60 employees representing “300 or 400 lives depending on us,” Alkhadzhi sold his apartment abroad. “We stayed without an apartment, but with a business,” he said.

Markets diversify as political tensions persist

Russia’s systematic targeting of Ukrainian food systems has evolved beyond direct agricultural attacks toward economic warfare. Moscow inflates costs across food production sectors by attacking energy infrastructure while maintaining plausible deniability.

“Electricity, logistics, and fuel costs for businesses are constantly rising,” Denis Marchuk, deputy head of the Ukrainian Agri Council, explained.

While the EU became increasingly important during the war, now taking 51% of Ukraine’s wheat exports compared to 30% in 2021, Ukraine maintains global diversification. In the first months of 2025/26, key destinations included Egypt (18% of grain exports), Indonesia (13%), China (10%), Vietnam (8%), and Türkiye (8%). India takes 17% of vegetable oils, with Iraq, Türkiye, and China following.

This diversification proves Ukrainian farmers’ core argument: they seek “regulatory access” to EU markets rather than dependency. As Dykun notes: “Once it became clear that Ukrainian producers were not looking for shortcuts, but rather fair treatment under EU rules, the tone softened.”

Political tensions nonetheless persist. Trade preferences expired in June 2025, quotas were reinstated, and emergency brake mechanisms now cover multiple Ukrainian agricultural products.

The legacy of previous restrictions by Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia continues to shadow EU-Ukraine agricultural relations, with tensions persisting into 2024 despite political changes in some countries.

These ongoing disputes underscore the challenges ahead as Ukraine moves from completing technical screenings to implementing actual integration. The 15 September screening completion was easy, demonstrating regulatory alignment on paper. The harder test comes with the political acceptance of Ukrainian competition in European markets.

Integration challenges and strategic stakes

Chapter 11 on Agriculture and Rural Development encompasses substantial EU law governing direct payments, rural development measures, and market interventions. Most rules apply immediately upon accession, making proper implementation critical.

Yet historically, agriculture has proven contentious in most enlargement negotiations, and integrating Ukraine’s sizeable agricultural sector poses unique challenges, especially without prior Common Agricultural Policy reform.

The screening completion demonstrates Ukraine’s institutional capacity for European integration amid active warfare.

As Deputy Prime Minister Kachka noted, “This screening session is not a starting point but a culmination of years of cooperation with the EU. We know our strengths, we understand the challenges and today we have the opportunity to lay the foundation for further integration of Ukraine’s agricultural sector into the EU’s common policy.”

While Russian forces steal grain from occupied territories and systematically target food infrastructure, Ukrainian farmers continue producing crops that feed both domestic and global markets.

This agricultural persistence represents more than economic necessity—it demonstrates the resilience and institutional capacity that make Ukraine’s European integration both possible and strategically vital—if Brussels can move beyond its misconceptions to recognize the complex reality of Ukrainian agriculture fighting for survival and a European future.

Ukrainian drones struck a Russian Sopka-2 radar complex in Voronezh Oblast on September 16, damaging the antenna of the long-range surveillance system located more than 170 kilometers from the Ukrainian border, according to ASTRA media outlet.

The attack targeted the tracking radar complex near Garmashevka village in the Kantemirovka district, with one drone detonating and causing damage to the Sopka-2 antenna system, ASTRA reports. Voronezh Oblast Governor Pavel Gusev confirmed the attack occurred but claimed “the drone was destroyed.”

The Russian Ministry of Defense reported shooting down one drone over the region, following its standard practice of announcing successful intercepts.

The Sopka-2 represents a three-coordinate radar system capable of surveillance within a 450-kilometer radius, designed to detect aircraft and determine their range and altitude. The complex operates in all weather conditions, including winds up to 40 meters per second and temperatures as low as -40°C, according to technical specifications.

The strike follows a pattern of Ukrainian forces targeting Russian radar installations. Days earlier, Ukrainian drones destroyed a Russian RLK-1 “Navigation of the South” radar complex in Rostov Oblast, deployed at a former air defense military unit.

Ukrainian Defense Forces have intensified strikes against Russian radar stations in recent months, seeking to degrade radar coverage in specific areas, particularly around temporarily occupied Crimea. On September 5, Ukrainian drone operators struck Russian air defense radars “Podlyot” and “Nebo-M” on the peninsula.

The Sopka-2 operates as an S-band ground-based air surveillance radar with a range of approximately 450 kilometers, according to manufacturer specifications. The system serves to collect, consolidate and analyze data on air situation awareness for Russian military operations.

The attack demonstrates the expanding reach of Ukrainian drone capabilities, with the strike occurring at significant distance from the border and targeting critical radar infrastructure used for early warning and air defense coordination.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov declared Tuesday that territorial exchanges will not “stop” Russia’s war in Ukraine, directly contradicting recent statements by US President Donald Trump that peace would require “land swaps” between the warring nations, according to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW).

Speaking on 17 September, Lavrov dismissed proposals to restore US-Russian trade as an incentive for peace, stating such attempts to “entice” President Vladimir Putin would not end the war, ISW reports. The foreign minister reiterated Moscow’s position that any settlement must eliminate what the Kremlin calls the “root causes” of the war.

These root causes, as defined by Kremlin officials, include Ukraine’s alleged discrimination against Russian-speakers and NATO expansion, ISW notes. The think tank reports that Moscow has repeatedly used this “root causes” framework to demand the replacement of Ukraine’s current government with a Russian puppet regime, Ukraine’s commitment to neutrality, and the revocation of NATO’s Open Door Policy.

Despite the hardline stance from Lavrov, Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov maintained on the same day that Russia remains open to negotiations, claiming Moscow’s “preferred solution” is a political and diplomatic settlement, according to ISW.

The Institute for the Study of War assessed that Russia shows no interest in good-faith negotiations requiring Russian concessions and remains willing to protract the war to achieve its original maximalist war demands through military means rather than diplomacy.

Lithuanian prosecutors and the Criminal Police Bureau have uncovered a group that organized and planned to carry out four terrorist attacks across European countries, with explosives hidden in massage pillows and delivered through DHL and DPD shipping services.

The investigation revealed that on 19 July 2024, Lithuanian citizen AS (born 1973), working with accomplices, used international delivery services to send homemade incendiary explosive devices. Two packages were addressed to the United Kingdom and sent on DHL cargo planes, while two others were sent to Poland via DPD cargo trucks.

The attacks unfolded over three days in July 2024. The first package exploded and ignited at Leipzig Airport in Germany at 05:45 on 20 July, just before loading onto a DHL cargo plane flying the Vilnius-Leipzig-United Kingdom route. A second package detonated at 02:15 on 21 July in a DPD truck traveling through Poland. The third exploded at 03:36 on 22 July at a DHL warehouse in Birmingham, United Kingdom. The fourth package, transported by DPD ground transport through Poland, failed to detonate due to a malfunction in the detonation mechanism.

Investigators determined that the devices were controlled by electronic timers hidden inside massage pillows. Additional flammable mixtures were concealed in hygiene and cosmetic tubes to enhance the incendiary effect. The devices used thermite, an industrial and military substance with extremely high combustion temperatures.

Given the case’s significance and the goal of committing terrorist attacks across multiple countries, Eurojust established a joint investigation team. Law enforcement and intelligence agencies from Lithuania, Poland, the United Kingdom, Germany, the Netherlands, Latvia, Estonia, the United States, and Canada are cooperating closely in the investigation.

The investigation established that Russian Federation citizens organized and coordinated these crimes, with connections to Russian military intelligence. Several coordinators were directly linked to an attempted terrorist attack on 9 May 2024, in Vilnius, when the IKEA shopping center was set on fire.

Two key suspects were identified: Ukrainian citizen Danylo Hromov (born 1988), who also uses personal data of Russian citizen Yaroslav Mikhailov (born 1988), and Tomas Dovgan Stabachinskas (born 1971), who holds both Lithuanian and Russian citizenships.

The investigation revealed that other citizens of Lithuania, Russia, Latvia, Estonia, and Ukraine were recruited for specific tasks during the attack preparation. They were found through acquaintances, recruited and maintained contact through the Telegram app, with payment offered in cryptocurrency.

The group operated with strict conspiracy protocols, fragmenting tasks among different executors who were typically unconnected to each other. Tasks included transporting packages and flammable substances, transferring them to other participants, hiding them in caches, and activating devices.

More than 30 searches were conducted in Lithuania, Poland, Latvia, and Estonia. During the comprehensive investigative actions, authorities seized explosive substances hidden in tin cans and detonators from illegal circulation. Some devices were manufactured to produce a directed explosion effect using RDX explosive. The total power of the seized devices exceeded 6 kilograms in TNT equivalent. According to the data, these devices could have been intended for other terrorist attacks.

At this stage of the pre-trial investigation, suspicions for organizing and preparing the specified crimes have been presented to a total of 15 suspects – citizens of the Russian Federation, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, and Ukraine.

Germany is throwing its support behind the use of frozen Russian state assets to support Ukraine, marking a significant shift in Berlin’s position, Bloomberg reports.

The move adds momentum to European discussions on how to leverage the roughly $300 billion frozen after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

European governments and G7 allies have been weighing options to channel additional revenue from these funds to bolster Kyiv’s defense. So far, the EU and partners have agreed to direct interest income from the assets to Ukraine, but pressure has been growing to go further.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen earlier this month urged the bloc to create a “reparations loan” for Ukraine, funded by cash balances linked to the frozen Russian assets.

Germany’s support is seen as crucial, as it had previously been wary of measures that might threaten Europe’s financial hub or breach principles of state immunity.

The shift in Berlin reflects fears that declining US support under President Donald Trump could leave Europe shouldering a larger share of the aid for Ukraine. There are concerns this economic burden could also fuel the rise of the country’s far-right. 

The issue will be raised at a meeting of EU finance ministers in Copenhagen this week and again at the October 23-24 EU leaders’ summit, where officials aim to reach a decision.

European Union member states have unanimously agreed to open negotiations with Canada and the United Kingdom on accessing the bloc’s €150 billion defense investment fund, the Danish EU presidency announced.

The decision to begin talks on the Security Action for Europe (SAFE) program was reached without opposition. If agreements are finalized, British and Canadian companies could participate in joint procurement funded through SAFE, supplementing recently signed security and defense partnerships between the EU and both countries.

The move comes as other non-EU nations seek entry into the program. Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama, whose country aspires to EU membership, told NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte in Brussels on 17 September that he wanted to discuss how Albania could gain SAFE access, Bloomberg reports. Türkiye and South Korea have also requested access to the credit fund.

On 9 September, the EU allocated the €150 billion in SAFE defense credits among 19 countries, with Poland receiving nearly one-third of the funding. Interested countries must submit official applications with investment plans by 30 November 2025. The first credits are expected in early 2026.

The SAFE program was created in response to Russian aggression against Ukraine and the need to strengthen European defense. It provides member states with long-term, low-interest loans for defense equipment purchases.

Currently, funds are primarily available to companies from EU member countries, while Ukraine holds special status — it cannot receive direct credits but can participate in joint procurement.

Ukraine hopes the EU rearmament program will cover shortfalls in domestic financing for Ukrainian manufacturers starting in early 2026.

Russian forces targeted railway infrastructure and civilian facilities across Ukraine during overnight strikes on 17 September, leaving six people injured at a gas station in Poltava Oblast and disrupting train schedules nationwide.

The attack on a gas station in Poltava district injured “five drivers and a female employee,” according to the Poltava Oblast Prosecutor’s Office. The female worker remains in critical condition, while all victims were hospitalized following the strike.

Railway operations faced significant disruption after Russian forces “attacked railway infrastructure in the Myrhorod district of Poltava Oblast,” reported regional administration head Kohut. The strikes caused power outages across several sections, forcing Ukrzaliznytsia to deploy backup diesel locomotives.

Four passenger trains experienced delays of up to three hours:

“As of 07:00, damage has been localized and power has been restored – trains (including suburban electric trains) will continue to operate normally,” Ukrzaliznytsia announced.

The railway attack sparked fires that were “localized by emergency services units,” with one person injured in the incident, Kohut confirmed.

Russian strike drones also hit Poltava district directly, damaging “the building of a gas station,” according to the prosecutor’s office. Authorities opened criminal proceedings under Article 438 Part 1 of the Criminal Code for war crimes, carrying penalties of 8-12 years imprisonment.

The overnight assault extended to Kyiv Oblast, where regional head Mykola Kalashnyk reported fires in two districts. “In Boryspil district, warehouse facilities caught fire. In Bucha district, a fire broke out in a private house,” he said. Emergency services contained both blazes with no preliminary casualties reported.

The large-scale attack began at 9 pm on 17 September, with Russia launching “75 strike drones of Shahed, Gerbera and other types from the directions: Kursk, Orel, Millerovo, Primorsko-Akhtarsk,” according to Ukraine’s Air Force. Over 40 of the attacking drones were Shaheds.

“Ukrainian Defense Forces’ aviation, anti-aircraft missile troops, electronic warfare units, unmanned systems units, and mobile fire groups” repelled the air attack, the Air Force reported.

By 9 am on 18 September, air defenses had “shot down/suppressed 48 Russian drones of Shahed, Gerbera and other types in the north, east and center of the country.” One Russian drone remained airborne at the time of the morning report.

A Ukrainian Armed Forces major has been convicted of high treason and sentenced to 15 years imprisonment with property confiscation for collaborating with Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB).

The Lviv Railway Court verdict doesn’t name the convicted officer, but Zaxid.net identified him as Major Yuriy Lavryk. His case matches the July announcement from Ukraine’s Security Service and Prosecutor General’s Office about capturing an FSB operative embedded in the Ukrainian Air Force.

Lavryk filmed Ukrainian military positions from inside his own base in western Lviv and handed the videos to Russian intelligence, according to the court documents. This information could further be used for drone or missile strikes on Ukraine.

Recruited through his wife who sided with occupiers

The recruitment came through family. Lavryk’s ex-wife lived in Melitopol, southern Zaporizhzhia Oblast, when Russia invaded in February 2022. She sided with the occupiers and agreed to work with them. Russian FSB operatives used her as their bridge to Lavryk.

From his position at the Lviv military unit, Lavryk recorded personnel locations and equipment deployments. Each video went to his former spouse, who passed the intelligence to her Russian handlers.

Buys phone cards to build Russian spy communication inside Ukraine

But Lavryk’s work extended beyond gathering military secrets. He purchased multiple Ukrainian mobile phone starter packs, activated them in Lviv, then provided the numbers to FSB operatives through his ex-wife. The phones gave Russian intelligence a communication network inside Ukraine.

Investigators found more than espionage equipment when they searched Lavryk’s Lviv residence. He had stored a Kalashnikov AKS-74U assault rifle and 30 rounds of ammunition—illegal weapons that added another charge to his conviction.

Lavryk admitted his guilt under three articles of Ukraine’s Criminal Code:

• high treason
• conspiracy
• illegal weapons possession.

The 15-year sentence includes complete property confiscation.

Today, the biggest news comes from the Kupiansk direction, Kharkiv Oblast.

Here, Belarusian volunteers fighting for Ukraine are hammering Russian positions and dismantling their staging grounds. Ideologically opposed to Russia’s invasion and morality, they are taking expert advantage of weak spots that appeared after Russian generals recently grossly misallocated their resources. 

At Kupiansk, Ukrainians continue to hold the line with commandos of the Ukrainian intelligence directorate forming a formidable part of the defense, and standing beside them, integrated into the unit, is the Belarusian Volunteer Corps.

While there are many groups of Belarusian volunteers, this unit is integrated into and has received special forces-level training from Ukraine. They do not operate alone, instead acting as support elements for deep special forces raids, sabotage, and reconnaissance missions, as well as a number of teams conducting these operations themselves. 

For one of these missions, Belarusians in the mortar unit of the volunteer corps modified and specialized their rounds for a specific purpose. Combining a napalm-like substance with thermite flakes, these incendiary shells were meant to burn away forest cover, force Russians out of their dugouts into the open, and create a massive, long-lasting distraction. 

Geolocated footage shows these rounds landing in streaks on a small forest near the settlement of Kindrashivka, the napalm-like substance holding the incendiary thermite flakes together burning at over 2,000 degrees Celsius or 3,600 Fahrenheit. 

The mission was to hold an active defense in front of Kindrashivka, as Russian infiltrators have regularly tried to establish a foothold here. The forest is linked to the settlement by a narrow series of tree lines through which Russian infantry move under the cover of darkness, after gathering first in the forest. 

However, the fires raining down on them distracted the Russians and flushed them out of their hideouts. Reportedly, they were then engaged from behind by a special forces raiding party that cleared the forest of Russian soldiers. 

The Belarusian operation here was a direct result of problems caused by Russian commanders themselves. Recently, amidst stalling progress at Kupiansk and eager to report success, another classical flag planting operation was launched; however, this one made the mistake of reporting successes far beyond what was believable.

Russian soldiers were forced to move into Kupiansk in civilian clothing to prevent Ukrainian interdiction, before unfurling flags all the way in the center of the town. Proudly satisfied they could publish footage proving the Russian capture of half of the town in a single day, Russians shared the footage across social media, which was then promptly tracked and geolocated by the Ukrainian 10th Army Corps. 

Discovering every single one of these infiltration groups, the Russian pretenders were quickly dispatched by FPV drone strikes and elite forces going door to door. The Russian tricolors were taken as trophies, while Russian military analysts were forced to admit that commanders had sent in these soldiers to die for an information victory that only lasted a couple of hours. 

While not only a suicide mission for the Russian soldiers involved, the operation was a gross misallocation of Russian resources across the Oskil River. The wasteful throwing away of dozens of soldiers’ lives left Russian soldiers fighting the actual battle without reinforcements; a situation lasting several days due to the difficulty of fording troops across the heavily monitored river. 

The Belarusian operation of destroying a Russian staging ground was only a part of the Ukrainian response, as combined Ukrainian forces across the entire Russian bridgehead took advantage of the Russian miscalculation.

Notably, Russian commanders tried to salvage the situation with yet another flag planting operation, this time sticking the Russian flag to the Kupiansk Television mast with drones and a magnet, enraging Russian military observers who, in response, called for the complete purging of the command and leadership of the Russian Sixth Army. 

Overall, Russian commanders made a gross mistake, leading to the deaths of dozens of their fighters, leaving Russians fighting the actual battle for Kupiansk understaffed and without reinforcements. Taking advantage, Ukrainians cleared out Russian staging grounds, as Belarusian volunteers showed highly adaptive skills, creating explosives tailored specifically for the mission at hand.

 As the Belarusian force trained in the ways of Ukrainian special forces numbers approximately 300 soldiers in the Kupiansk direction alone, these motivated fighters are demonstrating their commitment to the cause and indomitable will to fight against what they consider to be the Russian menace.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

As the war grinds on, Ukraine needs hundreds of billions of dollars. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy stated that if the war continues into 2026, the country will lack $120 billion annually to finance defense and recovery. 

Half of this sum—$60 billion—comes from Ukraine’s budget, while another $60 billion must be secured from other sources, primarily Western partners.

The cost of war for Ukraine

“During the war, the cost of this conflict for one year amounts to $120 billion,” Zelenskyy stressed during a joint briefing with European Parliament President Roberta Metsola in Kyiv.

He added that Plan A is to end the war, while Plan B is to secure $120 billion in funding.

Daily expenses and reliance on partners

Earlier, Chief of the General Staff Andrii Hnatov noted that Ukraine spends about $172 million per day fighting Russia.

The country cannot sustain such costs with its own resources alone, making Western financial support critical, Novini.Live reports. 

Russia’s unwillingness to end the war

Despite phone calls from US President Donald Trump to Russian leader Vladimir Putin and his invitation to a summit in Alaska, Russia shows no intention of halting its aggression.

This underscores the need for Ukraine to secure stable and predictable funding for the coming year.

Previously, Reuters reported that Poland, under an EU program, will receive €43.7 billion to strengthen its defense capabilities within the Security Action for Europe initiative. At the same time, Ukraine is sometimes attacked by up to 700 drones in a single night.

Children living under constant threat are finally safe. Ukraine’s humanitarian program, Bring Kids Back UA, has evacuated 16 children from Russian-occupied territories.

They are now in Ukraine, receiving psychological support, restoring documents, and taking their first steps toward a peaceful life, according to Andrii Yermak, Head of the Presidential Office.

The program, initiated by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in 2023, aims to return all Ukrainian children abducted by Russia. To date, 19,546 children have been stolen.

Tragedies endured by the children

Among the rescued is a 15-year-old girl who escaped occupation with her aunt after her parents and older brother were sentenced on fabricated charges. Two sisters, aged 14 and 7, lost their home and belongings in a fire that completely destroyed their house.

Another 15-year-old girl stayed indoors for nearly three years, living in fear of the occupiers taking her children. A 10-year-old boy was targeted by the occupation’s “care service,” which tried to seize him from his parents.

Returning to safety and a new life

“All of them are now safe in Ukraine. Due to the Save Ukraine team and partners for helping rescue these children. We are fulfilling the President’s mission to bring all Ukrainian children home,” said Yermak.

Russian indoctrination in occupied areas

Earlier, the Ukrainian Center for Countering Disinformation reported that in Russian-occupied Donetsk, schools have been holding so-called “patriotism lessons” since autumn.

According to Denis Pushilin, the head of the occupation administration, Russian soldiers teach children about their “combat path,” instilling a war cult, erasing Ukrainian identity, and preparing them for future Kremlin military campaigns.

The Ukrainian partisan movement “ATESH” dealt a major blow to the Russian army’s rear lines. The underground group has carried out sabotage on a railway near Yekaterinburg, roughly 2,087 km from Ukraine, completely paralyzing the movement of trains along Russia’s strategic routes.

This hub supplied ammunition, armored vehicles, fuel, and personnel to the frontlines, factories, and depots in the north and east.

“Now, military depots are idle, dealing a blow to the Russian rear logistics,” says the group. 

Strikes at the heart of Russia’s war machine

“Our agent sabotaged the railway near Yekaterinburg by damaging relay equipment. This disrupted train traffic across all strategic directions,” the movement reports.  

Scope of destruction in the Ukrainian infrastructure

At the same time, Russia’s war against Ukraine has damaged or destroyed nearly 11,000 km of railway tracks and over 43 stations.

As of 2025, the direct infrastructure losses in Ukraine are estimated at around $170 billion, with transportation alone accounting for roughly $38.5 billion. 

Russia has suffered catastrophic losses and can no longer launch major offensives. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has stated that after the summer offensive campaign, Russian forces no longer have the resources for large-scale attacks, UNIAN reports. 

Four Russian offensive directions

“Russia selected four main directions according to all documents and intelligence data. We only didn’t know the sequence, but it happened:

• The offensive in the Sumy direction
• the Novopavlivka operation,
• the Pokrovsk operation,
• the Zaporizhzhia direction,” Zelenskyy explains.

Failure in Sumy and heavy losses

Russian forces were defeated in the Sumy direction and had to redeploy to other fronts.

“They suffered heavy losses, primarily personnel. Today, they have abandoned this direction and shifted their resources and troops elsewhere. I believe they incurred even more losses there,” Zelenskyy says.

No more large-scale offensives

Thanks to the successful actions of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, Russian troops have lost enough personnel to prevent them from conducting major offensives.

“At this point, they do not have sufficient forces for mass operations,” Zelenskyy stresses, noting that details of the losses will be published in the coming days.

Ukrainian Nemesis operators destroyed three high-value Russian air defense systems in a month. The fighters, part of the Ukrainian Unmanned Systems Forces (SBS), reported on the successful operation via social media, emphasizing that innovative technologies were used to strike the targets. 

Destroyed systems and their value

“We burned three enemy air defense installations worth $80–90 million,” the statement reads. 

In August, the 412th Nemesis Regiment’s soldiers took down two Tor-M2 SAM systems, a Buk-M3 launcher, and the radar of a Buk-M2 system, which is known as “chupa-chups.” 

Tor-M2 and Buk: capabilities

Tor-M2 is a Russian short-range surface-to-air missile system designed to protect military and strategic targets from aircraft, helicopters, drones, cruise, and ballistic missiles.

Its engagement range is 12–15 km, altitude up to 10 km, and targets moving at speeds up to 1,000 m/s. The system carries 16 9M338K missiles and can simultaneously engage four targets out of over 40 detected.

The Buk is also a Russian medium-range SAM system capable of destroying aerodynamic aerial targets, tactical ballistic missiles, and cruise missiles.

Innovations and secret SBS technologies

“The enemy changes tactics, tries to stop us, hides but in vain. Our retaliation always reaches its target,” the defenders noted.

They added that the strike footage remains unpublished to protect their innovative solutions, but promised to release it in the future.

A Kenyan athlete ended up in Ukrainian captivity after fighting on behalf of Russia. Ukrainian soldiers from the 57th Separate Motorized Infantry Brigade captured Evans on the frontlines, where he had been serving with Russian occupiers in Kharkiv Oblast.

The athlete ended up in a Russian military camp under the guise of a “tourist trip” organized by his agent and funded by Russia, after which he was forced to sign documents in Russian and join the military.

When he realized what was happening, he tried to refuse but was threatened with execution. Nevertheless, Evans escaped and surrendered to Ukrainian forces.

How the athlete became a Russian soldier

“Evans is a track and field athlete from Kenya. His sports agent offered him and three other Kenyans a tourist trip to Saint Petersburg, funded by Russia,” reports the 57th Separate Motorized Infantry Brigade named after Kostyantyn Hordiyenko.

At the end of the trip, the person accompanying the group suggested that the foreigners stay in Russia and take up work.

“By signing papers in Russian, without understanding them, he unwittingly became a Russian soldier,” adds the brigade.

Harsh training and threats of execution

“Training lasted a week, during which the Kenyan was taught how to handle an automatic rifle. His commanders and instructors did not speak English, so they would often pull or push him to make him follow orders,” Ukrainian troops said.

Evans tried to refuse service but was told he would be executed if he did not comply.

Escape and captivity

“On the way to his first combat mission, Evans escaped. He spent two days wandering through forests near Vovchansk, searching for Ukrainian soldiers to surrender to,” said the 57th Brigade.

This is how the athlete ended up safe in Ukrainian hands, becoming a direct witness to the realities on the frontline.

Skeptical note from the brigade

However, the brigade remains cautious.

“Keep in mind, this is a person who fought on the side of the enemy, so whether to trust his words and tears is left to your discretion,” the brigade states. 

Ukraine confronts one of the world’s most severe demographic crises as its fertility rate plummets to 0.8 children per woman—among the lowest globally—while deaths exceed births by nearly three to one, according to government statistics and demographic experts.

As Ukraine fights for survival, it simultaneously grapples with a shrinking population that undermines long-term military capacity, economic reconstruction, and social stability.

The crisis reflects broader European demographic trends accelerated by war, poverty, and uncertainty—factors increasingly relevant to Western nations facing population decline.

Government response meets expert skepticism

Ukraine just raised baby bonuses from 41,280 hryvnias ($1,001) to 50,000 hryvnias ($1,220), paid as a lump sum rather than monthly installments. Additional measures include 7,000 ($170) hryvnia monthly payments for unemployed pregnant women and expanded childcare support.

“One should not count on a significant increase in birth rates due to increased social payments for children,” says Iryna Ippolitova, senior researcher at the Center for Economic Strategy, noting that increased payments in 2005 and the “Baby Package” program in 2018 did not cause significant changes in birth rates.

The current payment also has much less purchasing power than the previously tried support mechanisms had. According to the media outlet Hromadske, in 2008, Ukraine paid $2,520 for the first child, $5,155 for the second, and $10,310 for the third and subsequent children.

Today’s 50,000 hryvnia payment equals only $1,220, regardless of birth order.

The math behind Ukraine’s disappearing future

Ukraine’s population has contracted from 52 million at independence in 1991 to approximately 30-35 million today. But that’s not the scary part.

The fertility crisis compounds multiple demographic pressures. Euromaidan Press report from February 2025 shows 495,000 deaths versus 176,600 births in 2024, with some frontline oblasts experiencing death-to-birth ratios exceeding 10-to-1.

Meanwhile, 5.7 million Ukrainians live abroad as refugees, according to UN estimates, with up to 800,000 being women of childbearing age. Only 40% of emigrants express certainty about returning, the UN reports.

Strategic implications for Ukraine’s future

The demographic crisis creates cascading strategic vulnerabilities that threaten Ukraine’s long-term viability:

War, economic misery, and housing costs create conditions that could affect other nations during future crises.

Why money can’t fix the baby problem

Ask a young couple in Kyiv about having children, and they’ll show you their rent receipt. A cashier spends 83% of their income on rent alone. A cook uses 57% of earnings just for housing. A barista dedicates 78% of their salary to keeping a roof overhead.

And if young people “don’t understand what tomorrow will bring, then what kind of children can we talk about?” asks Vasyl Voskoboynik, head of Ukraine’s Office of Migration Policy.

The housing crisis creates impossible mathematics. When working full-time barely covers rent, saving for a larger apartment to accommodate children becomes a fantasy. This explains why 21% of potential parents plan to have children only after the war ends—not because of physical danger but because of economic impossibility.

Having children increasingly becomes a lifestyle choice among many rather than a social expectation. Life offers alternatives—career advancement, travel, personal fulfillment—that compete with parenthood in ways previous generations never experienced.

War adds another layer of uncertainty. Even couples who planned children before February 2022 now delay decisions indefinitely. The stress, family separation, and unpredictable future create psychological barriers that 50,000 hryvnia cannot overcome.

What Ukraine teaches the West

Ukraine’s trajectory offers uncomfortable lessons for Western democracies managing their own fertility decline.

Population Europe’s research confirms that there is “no realistic prospect within the foreseeable future of the EU returning to total fertility rates of around 2 from today’s 1.5.”

The war reveals how quickly a manageable demographic decline transforms into an existential crisis. External shocks—economic collapse, social instability, military conflict—can accelerate trends that typically unfold over generations. Under the right combination of pressures, today’s gradual decline in the European population can lead to tomorrow’s rapid collapse.

This creates strategic vulnerabilities that neighbors with ill intent notice. Aging populations struggle to field large militaries, support innovation economies, or maintain social cohesion during crises. Russia itself faces severe demographic challenges, but Ukraine’s crisis demonstrates how quickly declining nations can become targets.

But the population numbers tell only half the story. As Ukraine fights for survival on military and demographic fronts simultaneously, Western democracies must consider whether their aging societies can withstand similar pressures while confronting expanding authoritarian threats facing comparable demographic stress.

On 17 September, Kyiv ratified the century-long partnership agreement between Ukraine and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The document was approved by 295 out of 397 Ukrainian deputies.

The agreement creates a new long-term framework

The agreement establishes a new long-term framework for bilateral cooperation in security, defense, economy, science, technology, and culture, opening new opportunities to strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries.

Significant boost in military support

The document provides for annual military assistance from the UK to Ukraine of at least £3.6 billion until the 2030/31 financial year, and thereafter as needed.

This includes training Ukrainian troops, supporting pilots, supplying military aviation, developing joint defense production, and participating in joint expeditionary formats such as the Joint Expeditionary Force.

Framework nature and strategic significance

“Despite its grand title and good intentions, this agreement, unfortunately, does not provide security guarantees and is of a framework nature. Nevertheless, it is an important document aimed at strengthening strategic partnership with the UK,” said MP Iryna Herashchenko of the European Solidarity party.

New horizons of cooperation

Beyond the military sphere, the agreement opens prospects for scientific and technological projects, economic partnership, and cultural exchange, cementing Ukraine and the UK as strategic allies for decades to come.

The Pentagon confirmed on 16 September that American military officials observed the “Zapad-2025” joint exercises between Russia and Belarus, marking the first such attendance since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

Two US defense attachés attended the “Zapad-2025” drills on 15 September as part of a distinguished visitor program, Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell stated, Reuters reports. The last time this happened in 2021 before the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

The US embassy in Minsk had received an invitation to the exercises, which the American side accepted following what Parnell described as “recent productive bilateral engagements between our countries.”

“Attending exercise DV days is a common practice between militaries, and the US Defense Attache is part of a larger group of international military attendees,” Parnell said.

US relations with Belarus 

The military engagement represents part of broader diplomatic developments between Washington and Minsk under the Trump administration. Last week, Trump lifted sanctions on Belarus national airline Belavia after Belarusian leader Alexander Lukashenko agreed to release 52 prisoners, including journalists and political opponents.

Western analysts view the warming ties as either an attempt to distance Belarus from Russia or to leverage Minsk’s close relationship with Moscow in potential Ukraine war negotiations, though such strategies are considered unlikely to succeed.

Belarus “surprised” by US visit

Reuters identified one of the American officers as Air Force Lieutenant Colonel Bryan Shoupe. Belarusian Defense Minister Viktor Khrenin personally greeted the US officials, with the officers speaking Russian and thanking him for the invitation.

According to Reuters, Khrenin called the American visit a “surprise” and told the officers: “We will show you everything that interests you. Whatever you want. You can go there and look, talk to people.”

Exercises trigger caution from neighboring NATO countries

Previously, Belarus reported that its forces trained with Russia’s Oreshnik nuclear ballistic missile system during the Zapad 2025 exercises, marking the first known training with the weapon outside Russia. This hypersonic missile system was first used by Russia against Ukraine in November 2024.

The military exercises also triggered security measures across the region. Poland closed its border with Belarus entirely on 11 September, with officials indicating the closure would not automatically end with the exercises’ conclusion.

Last week, Russian drones violated Poland’s airspace from Belarus territory, prompting the Polish forces to shoot them down.

Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk warned that Russia and Belarus are conducting six “Zapad-2025” military exercises this fall that simulate attacks on Poland rather than defensive operations.

Latvia’s parliament also voted to seal borders with both Russia and Belarus during the maneuvers, while Finland warned that Russia’s military activities could take “unexpected turns.”

The Brave1-developed drones can target forward bases, supply lines, and infrastructure deep behind enemy lines, forcing adversaries to reconsider defensive strategies and highlighting the growing importance of locally developed, rapidly deployable UAV technology.

This signals a potential shift in modern conflict dynamics: NATO and allied forces may need to account for cost-effective drones capable of precision strikes far beyond front lines, influencing procurement decisions and future air-defense planning worldwide. The deployment of scalable, resistant drones in Ukraine demonstrates how conflict zones can accelerate innovation that could reshape future military doctrines globally.

Brave1, a Ukrainian defense cluster, coordinated the trials with military units and manufacturers to ensure the drones are effective and ready for operational use. The cluster also supports financing, logistics, and technical assistance, and plans grants to expand domestic production of explosive components to secure supply chains.

Ukraine’s Ministry of Digital Transformation reported that the final trials tested drones with warheads and countermeasures against electronic warfare. Minister Mykhailo Fedorov said:

Thanks to Brave1’s support and military feedback, manufacturers achieved the technological maturity needed to begin combat trials.

While 40–50 km strike drones also exist elsewhere, Ukraine’s combination of rapid development, mass production potential, and electronic warfare resilience makes these UAVs particularly relevant in ongoing and future conflicts.
The deep strike drones are now being prepared for combat testing. These field trials will determine operational deployment, marking the next stage in integrating locally produced UAVs into frontline tactics.

The Trump administration has approved weapons aid packages for Ukraine worth up to $1 billion, with NATO allies paying for American arms shipments to Kyiv rather than the United States funding the assistance directly.

Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Elbridge Colby approved up to two $500 million shipments under a mechanism called the Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List (PURL), two sources familiar with the situation told Reuters.

The renewed transatlantic cooperation aims to provide Ukraine with up to $10 billion worth of weapons.

The sources declined to provide a complete inventory of approved items but confirmed the packages include air defense systems. Ukraine requires these systems urgently given a huge increase in Russian drone and missile attacks.

“It’s the stuff they’ve been asking for. A lot of stuff,” one source told the news agency, adding that the flow has allowed Ukraine to “stabilize the lines thus far.”

What is PURL?

Trump announced the initiative on 14 July, confirming the United States would provide Ukraine with weapons worth “billions of dollars” that European NATO allies would purchase and distribute. The president specifically mentioned preparing up to 17 Patriot air defense systems for shipment to Ukraine.

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte described Trump’s decision as “quite logical” and said Trump called him on 10 July to explain that Ukraine should receive “everything necessary for self-defense,” but that Europeans should finance the assistance.

By 31 August, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy reported that seven countries had supported the PURL initiative, with total commitments reaching $2 billion. Defense experts indicate Ukraine’s requirements remain consistent with previous months, focusing on air defenses, interceptors, missile systems, rockets, and artillery.

Ukraine’s Armed Forces have received a fresh delivery of Patria 6×6 armored personnel carriers manufactured in Latvia, according to Latvia’s Ministry of Defense. The shipment included additional equipment for Ukrainian military personnel.

Latvian Defense Minister Andris Spruds emphasized his country’s commitment to supporting Ukraine’s fight for independence.

“Latvia continues to support Ukraine in its struggle for independence and will do so for as long as necessary,” Spruds said, highlighting that the Patria armored vehicles will enhance Ukraine’s capabilities against Russian aggression.

The Latvian Defense Ministry noted the strategic value of the deployment: “In the hands of Ukrainian defenders, these Patria 6×6 armored personnel carriers will be used in the most difficult combat conditions. This will also allow us to gain valuable experience to strengthen Latvia’s defense.”

Latvia responded to Ukraine’s request in February this year by ordering the Patria 6×6 armored personnel carriers specifically for Ukrainian forces. Riga plans to deliver 42 such vehicles to Kyiv, along with additional military equipment, according to the Defense Ministry.

The delivery forms part of a broader international cooperation framework. Finland, Latvia, Sweden, and Germany signed a joint agreement on 30 August 2021, for the procurement of Patria 6×6 armored vehicles under an intergovernmental program. The agreement covers orders for more than 200 units.

Previous reports indicate that the first vehicles from Latvia were already delivered to Ukraine’s 3rd Separate Assault Brigade of the Armed Forces.

The Patria 6×6 armored personnel carrier represents a modern multi-purpose combat vehicle developed by Finnish company Patria. The vehicle is designed for personnel transport and combat operations at the front line.

According to specifications, the armor meets STANAG 4569 standards and protects crew members from small arms fire, artillery shell fragments, and mine explosions. The vehicle’s powerful engine and independent wheel suspension enable it to traverse difficult terrain and water obstacles while reaching speeds up to 100 km/h on roads. The operational range extends to 700 kilometers without refueling.

Alex Babich, a 47-year-old Ukrainian immigrant, has set a Guinness World Record by growing a sunflower that reached 35 feet and 9 inches in his Fort Wayne, Indiana backyard.

The flower, nicknamed “Clover,” was officially measured and confirmed as the world’s tallest sunflower on 3 September, according to Guinness World Records.

The record-breaking sunflower surpassed the previous world record holder in Germany by 5 feet. Babich grew Ukraine’s national flower as a tribute to his homeland, which has been devastated by Russia’s invasion since 2022.

“I’m going to die someday, but the stories of this flower will live on,” Babich said. “My kids will be telling this story to the grandkids.”

Babich, who works as a landscape gardener, seed seller, and outdoor gear designer, immigrated to the United States at age 14 following the Chernobyl disaster. He began growing sunflowers seven years ago as a symbol of love for his home country.

The sunflower earned its nickname from Babich’s 10-year-old son, who would climb scaffolding around the plant and place four-leaf clovers on its leaves for good luck. Babich described the plant with paternal affection: “It’s one of my kids. You’re out there every day taking care of it.”

The official measurement drew a crowd of approximately 85 people, including master gardeners from a local university and representatives from the Allen County Department of Weights and Measures. A 40-foot cherry picker was used to measure the towering plant while Babich spoke by phone with Guinness World Records representatives and camera crews documented the event.

Babich’s first attempt at growing giant sunflowers seven years ago produced a 13-foot-tall plant. The current world record flower represents years of experimentation. “The record-breaking flower was the result of trial and error over the years,” Babich said.

His motivation for growing sunflowers intensified after Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine. “We just pray that the war will end, that the killing will stop,” Babich said. “We just hope this inspires some people in the right places. It’s been long enough.”

The achievement will be featured in a documentary titled “Bloom,” scheduled for release this summer. For Babich, who describes himself as someone who grows giants, the record represents a personal milestone: “It’s very emotional. It’s as good as it gets for someone who grows giants.”

On the night of 17 September, Russia conducted another overnight attack on Ukraine using drones and missiles, targeting infrastructure facilities across multiple regions and causing power outages, railway disruptions, and property damage.

Ukrainian Air Forces reported that the attack involved an Iskander-M/KN-23 ballistic missile, an S-300 surface-to-air guided missile, and 172 strike drones including Shahed and Gerbera types.

Ukrainian air defense systems successfully intercepted 136 of the incoming targets, while military officials recorded impacts from missiles and 36 drones at 13 locations across the country’s north, south, and east.

Railway infrastructure targeted

The strikes caused significant disruption to railway operations, with Ukrzaliznytsia, Ukrainian major railway company, reporting that Russian forces conducted a comprehensive attack on electrical substations.

This resulted in delays for passenger trains on Odesa and Dnipro routes, with some services following altered paths and others halted at safe distances from impact zones.

Civilians in Kirovohrad Oblast lose electricity due to Russian attack

Kirovohrad Oblast in central Ukraine experienced what officials described as a massive drone attack targeting infrastructure. The regional center and 44 settlements in Oleksandrivka community had lost partial electricity supply, according to the regional military administration head Andriy Raikovych.

The attacks damaged several private residences in Oleksandrivka and sparked fires that required overnight firefighting efforts involving more than 60 rescuers and 14 fire trucks.

Train delayed after Russian strikes on Cherkasy Oblast

Cherkasy Oblast in central Ukraine also came under drone attack, with regional military administration chief Ihor Taburets confirming damage to critical infrastructure.

Taburets added that regional defenders neutralized 11 Russian drones during the assault. The infrastructure damage led to additional passenger train cancellations and delays for routes passing through the region.

Emergency services across affected regions worked through the night to extinguish fires and restore services, with officials reporting no casualties from the overnight strikes.

Exclusives

Bloomberg thinks Putin finally went too far (he didn’t). Bloomberg asks if Putin finally went too far—we examine why it’s likely more of the same.

BBC: Ukrainian civilian freed after years in Russian captivity — his story is one of beatings, starvation, and survival. Journalist Dmytro Khyliuk spent three and a half years in captivity without charges before finally returning home in a rare swap.

Ukraine asks West to fund half its government as defense spending hits record 27% of GDP. $10 billion gap tests whether Western taxpayers can sustain Ukraine’s unprecedented military mobilization through 2026.

Ukrainian troops are on the attack in Sumy—and advancing. Moscow stripped troops from Sumy to double down on its attack in Donetsk. For Kyiv, that was an opportunity.

A study by the Humanitarian Research Lab (HRL) at Yale University’s School of Public Health has identified 210 facilities in Russia and occupied Ukrainian territories where children abducted from Ukraine are held and “re-educated.” The report also found evidence that some children are being militarized.

“Russia has been engaged in the deportation, re-education, militarization, and coerced fostering and adoption of children from Ukraine since at least 2014 in the temporarily occupied territories of Crimea, Luhansk, and Donetsk. Following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia in February 2022, these efforts significantly expanded in scale and scope. Cohorts of children were rapidly included in the Russian Federation’s pre-existing program of Russification from newly occupied regions such as Zaporizhzhia, Kherson and cities such as Kharkiv and Mariupol.” – the report reads.

210 “re-education” facilities for Ukrainian children

The majority of the facilities identified in the report are located in European Russia and occupied Crimea.

Children are being held in camps and sanatoriums (most frequently), as well as cadet schools, a military base, medical facilities, a religious site, secondary schools and universities, a hotel, and family support centers and orphanages.

Researchers found that re-education activities occurred at 130 sites (62%), involving cultural, patriotic, or military programming aligned with pro-Russia narratives.

Militarization programs were observed at 39 sites (19%), and 49 sites (23%) have been expanded or newly constructed, including two new cadet schools, likely to accommodate more children.

More than half of the facilities (106 of 210) are managed by the Russian federal or local government, including 55% of re-education sites and 58% of militarization sites.

Children in these facilities fall into four main groups:

• children taken to summer camps for what was intended to be temporary “re-education” by pro-Russian patriotic organizations;
• children taken from Ukrainian orphanages and other institutions for children, and/or children with physical disabilities;
• children forcibly separated from parents in frontline areas after the 2022 invasion; and
• children taken directly from their parents in Russian-operated filtration camps in and around Mariupol in 2022 when the city was first occupied.

The report urges international organizations and governments to support the return and reintegration of Ukrainian children, hold perpetrators accountable, and strengthen protections to prevent such abuses in the future.

“The impact of the alleged crimes perpetuated by the Russian government are likely to leave generational scars,” the report concludes.

Russia’s history of abducting Ukrainian children

The systematic abduction of Ukrainian children has accelerated since Russia’s 2022 invasion, building on practices begun in 2014 in occupied Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk.

Over 3,000 children from occupied Kherson Oblast were taken to remote Russian regions during summer 2024 alone. Separate documentation identified 40,000 children relocated to various Russian locations including Moscow, Saint Petersburg, and facilities as far as 8,000 kilometers from Ukraine. 

The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants in March 2023 for Russian President Vladimir Putin and Russian Children’s Rights Commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova on charges of illegal child deportation.

Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR) published a detailed analysis of Russia’s new turbojet attack drone, the Geran-3 “U” series, showing it relies heavily on foreign components. The drone, a localized version of the Iranian Shahed-238, incorporates parts from the US, China, Switzerland, Germany, Britain, and Japan.

Despite Western sanctions, Russia continues to acquire foreign technology for its weapons programs. Moscow remains able to develop and produce advanced weapons systems for its war against Ukraine.

In total, 45 foreign components were identified in the new Russian Geran-3 drone: 

• roughly half from American manufacturers;
• eight from China;
• seven from Switzerland;
• three from Germany;
• two from Britain, and 
• one from Japan. 

The Russian Geran-3 drone

HUR reports that the drone can operate at ranges up to 1000 km, and can reach speeds of 300-370 km/h, powered by a Chinese Telefly JT80 turbojet engine.

It can reach its top speed in areas covered by Ukrainian air defenses, electronic warfare systems, and drone interception zones, and during the terminal stage of its flight descending towards a target. 

To maintain satellite navigation in contested areas, the Geran-3 also features a jam-resistant navigation system with a 12-element adaptive antenna array known as Kometa-M12.

The drone’s internal layout closely mirrors that of the gasoline-powered Geran-2, including a standard inertial navigation system, air pressure measurement unit, and power distribution unit. The drone also uses cameras and video systems adapted from earlier Geran-2 models.

Russia’s Geran drone is a locally made version of the Iranian Shahed drone, supplied by Iran and used against Ukraine. Moscow is producing its own variants and gradually improving their design and capabilities.

Russia uses these drones to carry out long-range attacks on Ukrainian targets, including civilian areas and critical infrastructure.

HUR published the findings as part of its “Means of Destruction” series, which now catalogs over 5,000 foreign components in 177 weapons systems used by Russia and its allies. The Geran-3 is the eighth Russian weapon system to be detailed in the series.

Russia carried out a large-scale overnight assault on Ukraine on 16 September, striking the eastern city of Zaporizhzhia with multiple rocket salvos.

The strikes killed two people and injured 20 others, including four children. The attack also caused widespread destruction to residential areas, according to regional and national officials.

Zaporizhzhia, a major city in southeastern Ukraine, has been a frequent target of Russian strikes since the start of the full-scale invasion in 2022. The city lies close to the front line and just north of the occupied Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant, Europe’s largest.

Though never captured, Zaporizhzhia has endured repeated barrages of missiles, drones, and artillery that have destroyed residential neighborhoods, energy facilities, and infrastructure. The region has become a symbol of both Ukraine’s resilience and the ongoing vulnerability of civilian areas to Russia’s campaign of aerial terror.

Ukraine’s Air Force reported that around midnight Russian forces launched ten Tornado-S multiple rocket system rounds at Zaporizhzhia. The strikes hit private homes and non-residential buildings, sparking fires across several neighborhoods.

“They struck deliberately to terrorize our people,” said Ivan Fedorov, head of the Zaporizhzhia Regional Military Administration.

Russian “aerial terror” overnight

The strike on Zaporizhzhia was part of a wider wave of Russian attacks on early 16 September. According to Ukrainian officials, more than 100 drones and 150 guided aerial bombs were used against multiple regions, including Kyiv, Sumy, Kharkiv, Donetsk, and Kherson.

In Mykolaiv Oblast, a strike on a farm killed one civilian.

Since the beginning of September, Russia has fired more than 3500 drones, nearly 190 missiles, and over 2500 aerial bombs against Ukraine. Fedorov described these attacks as “aerial terror.”

“Now is the time to implement the joint protection of our European sky with a multilayered air defense system. All the necessary technologies exist. What is needed are investments and the will, strong actions, and decisions from all our partners,” he added.

Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko urged the world to respond by strengthening sanctions against Russia and providing Ukraine with more air defenses to protect cities and people.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has linked the potential end of Russia’s war in Ukraine to European action against countries purchasing Russian oil.

Speaking in a joint interview with Reuters and Bloomberg on 15 September, Bessent said the conflict could conclude within 60 to 90 days if European nations imposed substantial secondary tariffs on Russian oil buyers because it would eliminate Moscow’s primary revenue source.

Bessent also stated that the Trump administration will not impose additional tariffs on Chinese goods to halt China’s Russian oil purchases unless European countries implement steep duties on China and India.

“We expect the Europeans to do their share now, and we are not moving forward without the Europeans,” he said.

Bessent’s comments follow President Donald Trump’s decision to impose an additional 25% tariff on Indian imports.

During talks with Chinese officials in Madrid focusing on trade and TikTok, Bessent said he informed them that the US had already imposed tariffs on Indian goods and that Trump has been urging European countries to impose tariffs of 50% to 100% on China and India. 

The treasury secretary criticized European countries for continuing to purchase Russian oil directly or buying petroleum products refined in India from discounted Russian crude. 

The treasury chief outlined next steps: stronger sanctions on Russian oil giants Rosneft and Lukoil, plus expanded use of the $300 billion in frozen Russian sovereign assets. Small seizures could start immediately, or the funds could serve as collateral for Ukrainian loans.

Meanwhile, Ukraine took matters into its own hands. Drone strikes in August eliminated four major Russian refineries, wiping out one-seventh of the country’s refining capacity. Gasoline prices surged 40-50% since January. Ukrainian forces also severed the Druzba pipeline, Russia’s main oil export route to Europe, cutting supplies to Hungary and Slovakia.

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Fighters from the “Steel Border” brigade are sharing their experience in countering the enemy’s use of fiber-optic FPV drones. According to them, such devices are less vulnerable to electronic warfare systems but are at the same time heavier and less maneuverable, which gives Ukrainian troops certain tactical advantages.

They are used for reconnaissance and precision strikes, posing a serious threat to Ukrainian infantry and armored vehicles. This makes developing effective countermeasures a vital part of Ukraine’s defense effort.

The commander of an intelligence unit with the callsign Veduchyi, serving in the reconnaissance Askold detachment, explained:

UAV operations are a coordinated team effort, where the speed of information exchange and coordination save lives. Border guards said they employ various methods to neutralize fiber-optic copters; sometimes simple tools or accurate fire are enough to disable the device. The report even mentions a case where a drone was destroyed after its fiber cable was cut with scissors.

They also emphasized the difference between mass-produced Russian drones, which come with fixed reels and built-in cameras, and Ukrainian drones, which are modular and can be adapted for specific missions. Because of these differences, Ukrainian units adjust their tactics for using UAVs in urban areas and during clearance operations.

An example from the 225th Separate Assault Regiment describes a method where a fiber-optic FPV drone flies ahead of the infantry to check buildings, significantly reducing risks for assault groups: if the enemy is detected, the drone marks the target and the infantry advance along a safer route. Commanders describe this approach as both safer and more effective in urban combat.

Russian forces struck an educational facility in Kharkiv’s Slobidskyi district with a drone on Tuesday morning, hitting the roof of the building and injuring several people, according to Kharkiv Mayor Ihor Terekhov and emergency services.

The State Emergency Service of Ukraine reported that “Russian forces struck an educational facility in the Slobidskyi district of the city with a UAV in the morning. About 2 women were injured. As a result of the hit, the roof of the facility building was damaged, and a fire broke out over an area of 150 square meters.”

Mayor Terekhov reported 4 people injured in the attack. The prosecutor’s office released video footage capturing the moment of impact on the educational facility.

“It was a strike drone. In the video it might seem like it’s not a drone, but that’s just the angle. A UAV, if you look at it from the side, is not wide but rather flat. Plus there are collected fragments. According to preliminary data, these are parts of a ‘Geran-2’ type drone,” said Valeriia Chirina, spokesperson for the Kharkiv Regional Prosecutor’s Office, in comments to Ukrainska Pravda.

According to Suspilne media, the Russians struck the administrative building of the Pharmaceutical University. Vice-rector for scientific and pedagogical work Oleksandra Kukhtenko said that employees who were inside the building went down to shelter during the air raid alert, so they were not wounded.

An analysis of over 100 Russian propaganda telegram channels revealed coordinated efforts to exploit the assassination of former Ukrainian parliament speaker Andriy Parubiy, with identical narratives appearing across pro-Russian social media accounts commenting on Ukrainian YouTube videos, according to research by Texty.org.ua.

The study identified 380 messages about Parubiy’s murder across Russian propaganda channels, with 231 publications containing “insults, joy, propaganda clichés, and fakes,” while 149 provided dry informational reports about the killing and investigation status.

Former Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian Parliament) Andriy Parubiy was shot and killed in Lviv on 30 August. 

The 54-year-old politician served as Speaker of Ukraine’s parliament from April 2016 to August 2019 and played a key role during the 2014 Ukrainian revolution as Secretary of the National Security and Defence Council. 

Parubiy gained prominence during the 2013-2014 Euromaidan protests as commandant of the tent camp and head of self-defense detachments. During the February 2014 revolution, after the ousting of pro-Russian President Viktor Yanukovych, Parubiy led forces that took control of the government quarter in Kyiv, including the Verkhovna Rada, Presidential Administration, Cabinet of Ministers, and Interior Ministry buildings.

Russian propaganda portrayal

For Russian propagandists, Parubiy embodied “everything bad in this world,” described as a “black politician, primary enemy of Russians in Ukraine, Maidan ideologue, [supporter of] all these wild slogans ‘hang the Moskals’.”

Russian channels labeled him an “ideological backbone of this terror formation,” “Maidan instigator,” “inciter of interethnic hatred,” and “one of the founding fathers of the Nazi regime.”

Maidan organizer narrative

Russian propaganda emphasized Parubiy’s role as “one of the main organizers of Euromaidan” and “Maidan commandant,” making him responsible for the “state coup in Ukraine.”

According to their narrative, Parubiy “brought snipers to Ukrainian Maidan in 2014,” with claims that “police and protesters at Maidan were shot from the philharmonic hall — Parubiy was responsible for the building.”

Odesa “organizer” claims

A recurring theme claimed Parubiy organized the 2 May 2014 Trade Unions House fire in Odesa: “He will remain as complicit in organizing the Odesa Khatyn and mass murders at Maidan.”

Russian channels alleged he attempted to cover up the “truth” by creating a journalist group codenamed “May 2”: “Under the guarantee of the ex-speaker of the Verkhovna Rada, they created a group of biased journalists under the unofficial name ‘Second of May.'”

War criminal accusations

Propaganda channels branded Parubiy a “war criminal” who “directly coordinated the use of the army against the civilian population of Donbas in 2014.”

They claimed “Parubiy repeatedly stated the need for forceful suppression of Donbas following the model of the Croatian operation ‘Storm.'”

Murder theories deflecting Russian involvement

Russian propagandists promoted multiple contradictory theories while denying Moscow’s involvement: “Russia was completely uninterested in Parubiy 11 years after Maidan. With such a motive, he should have been eliminated during Maidan.”

However, the lexicon suggested Russian involvement through terms like “liquidation,” “destruction,” and “denazification” rather than “murder”: “The liquidation of Andriy Parubiy became revenge against one of the direct perpetrators of the Odesa tragedy.”

One propaganda channel summarized the campaign: “Officially Russia will deny its involvement in the liquidation of the terrorist, unofficially ours are already congratulating each other.”

Political conspiracy theories

The primary target of blame was President Volodymyr Zelenskyy: “This is not an investigation, but a pathetic setup. They framed a random person, called him a killer and closed the case. The real customers are at Bankova [presidential office].”

Propagandists suggested Zelenskyy planned to surrender Donbas to Russia, and nationalists like Parubiy would have started a revolt: “If Ze is forced to eventually sign some agreements on Russia’s terms, then the greatest danger for him is extreme nationalists and national battalions.”

YouTube comment analysis confirms narrative penetration

Analysis of nearly 8,000 comments on 10 Ukrainian YouTube videos about Parubiy’s death revealed widespread promotion of identical Russian narratives.

The most popular theories blamed the government, personally Zelenskyy, with 7.5% of comments (612) promoting this line: “That is, looking at the video, you can see that the murder was recorded with a camera with an operator… this government killed him,” wrote user @BorisShtatnov.

Another user, @AlexanderKizim, commented: “The government killed Mr. Andriy. Don’t look, because they won’t find the government.”

Six percent (485 comments) promoted internal political conflict theories, with @VitaliyUrban writing: “No, I think it’s not the Moskals. But this is the work of our hands. He knew a lot, and that’s why it happened.”

Coordinated disinformation campaign

The research concluded that Russian propaganda effectively transformed an individual’s death into “a multi-level theatrical story, where real motives disappear in the chaos of political and criminal versions,” demonstrating the propaganda machine’s ability to “act in coordination, create multiple alternative realities and manipulate the emotions of Ukrainians through tragedy.”

According to a new Bloomberg analysis, Donald Trump outlined specific conditions for imposing “major sanctions” on Russia. At the same time, the European Commission reportedly backs using Moscow’s $330 billion in frozen assets against it.

The latest announcements continue a three-year cycle of sanctions rhetoric that has left Ukraine dependent on unfulfilled pledges while Moscow adapts to leaky restrictions.

Since February 2022, Ukrainian officials and ordinary citizens have oscillated between hope and frustration as Western allies announce measures that either never materialize or prove insufficient to change Russia’s strategic calculations.

Trump’s conditional sanctions blueprint

Bloomberg columnist Marc Champion reported on 16 September that Trump posted conditions on Truth Social requiring all NATO members to end Russian oil consumption and join sanctions on China and India before the US would “ramp up sanctions on Moscow.”

This follows Trump’s pattern of shifting responsibility to European allies. Three days earlier, Euromaidan Press reported Trump writing that “major sanctions” would come only if NATO countries acted in concert—the exact framework Bloomberg now highlights as potentially significant.

Sanctioning China and India—Russia’s largest oil customers—would require economic disruption that Western allies have consistently avoided.

European asset seizure remains hypothetical

Bloomberg’s analysis suggests the European Commission has finally backed a mechanism to use Russia’s frozen central bank reserves by converting them to loans “repayable to Russia just as soon as it pays the reparations that a United Nations-appointed commission will inevitably find due.”

As Euromaidan Press documented already in May, Europe proved capable of seizing Russian assets when Western financial interests were at stake, redistributing €3 billion to compensate European investors—but not for Ukraine’s defense needs.

The vulnerability window Russia exploits

Bloomberg correctly identifies Russia’s economic vulnerabilities: 42% to 54% of defense spending occurs off-budget, corporate debt has surged 71% since the war began, and interest rates have reached 21%. Ukraine’s drone campaign has damaged Russian oil infrastructure, creating potential leverage points.

Moscow continues escalating despite financial constraints because sanctions loopholes still allow access to critical technology (even if at inflated prices), the military remains functional even as civilian sectors suffer, and Russia has adapted to operating a war economy where normal financial logic doesn’t apply.

Most critically, Russia plays for long-term exhaustion—not just of Ukrainian forces, but of Western political, moral, and economic resilience.

Ukraine’s dependence on unfulfilled promises

Bloomberg gets one more thing right—Ukraine depends on Western pressure that never really materializes. Recent Euromaidan Press coverage shows sanctions preparation without implementation, asset freezing without seizure, and conditional promises that require unlikely cooperation.

This, in turn, creates the psychological tension that Bloomberg misses: Ukrainian officials and citizens experience hope and anxiety with each new Western announcement, knowing that implementation depends on inconsistent political will.

Until sanctions are implemented rather than announced, Moscow has little reason to change course.

An overwhelming majority of Ukrainians maintain confidence in their country’s ability to achieve victory in the full-scale war against Russia, provided adequate Western support is sustained, according to a new survey by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS).

The poll found that 76% of respondents believe Ukraine can win the war with proper backing from Western allies. This support encompasses strengthening existing sanctions against Russia and its partners, implementing new restrictive measures, and providing Ukraine with necessary financial and military assistance including long-range missiles, air defense systems, and aircraft.

Some 15% of surveyed Ukrainians consider victory impossible even under such conditions, while 9% of respondents could not determine their position on the matter.

KIIS researchers noted minimal change in Ukrainian confidence levels over the past year. The institute conducted similar surveys in December 2023 and September 2024, though those earlier polls asked about achieving success on the front rather than outright victory. In September, 81% of Ukrainians believed their country could achieve battlefield success, while 14% deemed this impossible even with proper Western support.

“One can reasonably assume that over the past year there has been no significant decline in belief in the possibility of victory, and at the same time, for a convincing majority, victory is possible – with proper support from the West (from which sending troops is not expected, but at least effective sanctions and sufficient provision of weapons are expected),” the survey conclusions state.

The findings contrast with international public opinion trends. According to KIIS data from 7 August, over three-quarters of Ukrainians categorically oppose Russia’s peace plan. However, as of 27 August, 53% of Germans believed Ukraine should cede territories to Russia to end the war. Meanwhile, 28 September polling data showed 46% of Americans consider US assistance to Ukraine insufficient, while 25% of respondents expressed the view that America is doing too much.

The survey underscores the persistent gap between Ukrainian resolve and varying levels of international support, with Ukrainian confidence in victory remaining largely stable despite ongoing challenges on multiple fronts.

Researchers at Yale University have identified at least 210 facilities across Russia and occupied territories where Russian authorities illegally transport Ukrainian children for “re-education,” according to a new report from the Yale School of Public Health’s Humanitarian Research Lab (Yale HRL).

The study reveals the scope of what researchers describe as a systematic program operating since Russia’s full-scale invasion began in 2022. However, the actual number of facilities is likely higher, as Yale HRL continues investigating additional locations, according to the report.

The 210 identified facilities include military cadet schools, bases, medical institutions, religious sites, secondary schools, universities, hotels, family support centers, and orphanages. Most frequently, the locations are camps and sanatoriums, researchers found.

At least 130 of these facilities implemented “re-education” measures that include pro-Russian cultural, patriotic, or military programs, the study documents. Ukrainian children are forced to sing the Russian anthem, attend pro-Russian events, and participate in history and geopolitics lectures conducted entirely in Russian.

The report separately identifies 39 facilities where deported children undergo militarized programs that include combat training. While some organizations claim their programs target children aged 14 and older, Yale researchers note that participants appear to range from 8 to 17 years old.

Children in these military programs are forced to develop firearms and naval training skills, participate in shooting competitions and grenade throwing, and receive instruction in tactical medicine and drone operation, according to the findings.

Researchers documented one instance where children from Donetsk region underwent “airborne training” at a military base, transported there by aircraft belonging to the Russian presidential property management office.

The Russian government directly operates more than half of the documented locations, Yale University researchers emphasize. At least 106 facilities are managed by Russian federal or local government authorities.

The study builds on previous Yale HRL research that identified more than 8,400 children from Ukraine systematically relocated to at least 57 facilities, including locations in Belarus and Russia-occupied territories. Separate research has documented 314 individual Ukrainian children transferred to Russia for coerced adoption and fostering, actions the International Criminal Court has characterized as war crimes.

The investigation spans 20 months of research and represents what experts describe as the largest missing persons case since World War II.

Ukraine unveiled a new robotic battlefield platform — a ground drone, capable of transporting over 2 tons of cargo, navigating without GPS, and supporting both logistics and direct combat roles, Ukrainian defense news site Militarnyi reports.

Ukraine presents VATAG heavy robotic ground system

On 16 September 2025, Ukraine officially introduced the VATAG heavy NRK — “robotic ground complex,” a multifunctional platform designed to support troops on the battlefield across a range of tasks. The system can carry more than 2 tons of payload, powered by a hybrid propulsion system that enables autonomous operation and high fuel efficiency, Militarnyi says.

The drone is built to handle a diverse set of missions — from logistics transport and engineering duties to direct participation in combat operations. According to the developers, VATAG’s features include a silent mode for covert missions, the ability to operate as a mobile powerbank for frontline units, and built-in resistance to electronic warfare.

Designed for the battlefield — not just the backend

The VATAG platform goes beyond transport. It integrates armament options, including a proprietary 25 mm combat module revealed alongside the system. This allows the robot to actively support armed engagements, not just logistical functions.

Its architecture reportedly enables autonomous navigation without relying on GPS, using convoy mode and obstacle avoidance to move through contested environments. This allows it to support forces even in areas under heavy jamming or in need of stealth movement. The system’s hybrid power unit improves fuel efficiency.

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The drone reportedly includes software-hardware solutions powered by artificial intelligence that enhance its autonomous capabilities.

Militarnyi says the system was developed by an international robotics and drone company with 11 years of experience, already having a manufacturing base capable of launching full-scale production and adapting components to meet customer requirements rapidly.

Estonia is building new fortifications along its eastern frontier as part of a sweeping Baltic defense effort against possible Russian invasions in the future. ERR reports that construction has started on a 40 km anti-tank trench on the border with Russia.

40 km trench planned on southeast border

According to ERR, the work has begun in villages along the country’s southeast border. The trench is part of a defense system designed to slow and block armored advances. The first section near Vinski village in Meremäe measures half a kilometer. Future trenches will be dug inside delay fences and equipped with dragon’s teeth and razor wire.

Natural barriers in northeast, fortifications in southeast

Colonel Lieutenant Ainar Afanasjev, pioneer inspector at the Estonian General Staff, said Estonia’s northeast already benefits from natural defenses. The Narva River and Lake Peipus act as barriers. Southeast Estonia lacks such features, so the plan calls for 40 km of trenches across vulnerable ground. Marshlands will remain untouched, as heavy vehicles cannot pass through them. By the end of 2027, Estonia expects more than 40 km of trenches completed along with about 600 bunkers, either dug in or stored near original sites.

Defense zone stretches 100 km

The Baltic defense line in Estonia will extend about 100 km along the eastern border and 40 km inland. This year, two strongpoints will be built: one in northeast Estonia and another in the southeast. Each strongpoint will consist of up to 14 bunkers. According to Armin Siilivask of the Estonian Center for Defense Investment’s procurement department, storage areas are also being prepared. Materials now placed in pre-storage sites will be transported closer to strongpoints to ensure quick deployment.

Since his release from a Russian prison, Ukrainian journalist Dmytro Khyliuk has barely been off the phone. BBC reports that he spent three and a half years in Russian captivity after being detained in the first days of the full-scale invasion. He was freed last month in a prisoner swap, one of eight civilians released in a rare move by Moscow.

Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, most exchanges between Russia and Ukraine have involved soldiers. The return of eight civilians, including Dmytro, came in a group of 146 Ukrainians. They did not disclose the exact terms of the deal, only that it included “people Russia was interested in.” One source told BBC that some of them were residents of Russia’s Kursk region, evacuated during Ukraine’s incursion in 2024.

Crowds gathered waving Ukrainian flags when the freed men returned, many of them emaciated from years behind bars. Stepping off the bus, Dmytro immediately phoned his mother to say he was finally free. His parents are elderly and unwell, and he had long feared never seeing them again.

A testimony of constant cruelty

Speaking to BBC after his release, Dmytro described brutal treatment in multiple Russian facilities.

“They grabbed us and literally dragged us to the prison and on the way they beat us with rubber batons shouting things like, ‘How many people have you killed?’” he recalled.

Guards sometimes set dogs on prisoners.

“The cruelty was really shocking and it was constant,” he said.

He was never charged with a crime. In the first year, he endured starvation, losing more than 20 kg in a few months. He lost more than 20kg in the first few months. He also saw soldiers tortured with electric shocks during interrogations. The sounds of their pain and the bruises on their bodies left lasting impressions.

Captivity begins at home

The ordeal started in 2022 in Kozarovychi, his family’s village near Kyiv. As he and his father Vasyl checked damage to their home during Russia’s assault on the capital, troops detained them. Both men were bound, blindfolded, and held in a basement under warehouses used as a Russian base.

Vasyl was released, but Dmytro was transferred deeper into Russia. His parents later received just two scraps of paper from him. One note read, “I’m alive, I’m well. Everything’s ok.” For months, they feared the worst.

Families left waiting

BBC reports that more than 16,000 Ukrainian civilians remain missing. Officials have confirmed that only a fraction are in Russian prisons. Moscow does not publish lists. In Dmytro’s area alone, 43 men remain unaccounted for.

One of them is Volodymyr Loburets, detained at the same time as Dmytro. He has a new grandson he has never met. His wife Vira told BBC,

“I had a husband – and now I don’t.”

Families are frustrated because the Ukrainian government will not swap Russian soldiers for civilian hostages.

Ukraine’s impossible choices

Ukraine’s human rights ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets told BBC that dealing with Russia is like “playing chess with an opponent who stands up, pulls on boxing gloves and punches you.” Ukraine has no Russian civilian prisoners to trade, while sending soldiers back in return for civilians would trigger more abductions. Only one previous exchange involved Ukrainians accused of collaboration. It is unclear if that approach will be repeated.

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Home again, but changed forever

For Dmytro, the long wait is almost over. He is recovering in a Kyiv hospital before returning to his village. His mother Halyna can hardly mention his name without crying.

“When Dima called, he told me to be calm, that I shouldn’t cry anymore. But we haven’t seen our son for three and a half years!” she said.

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Back home, his house still bears shrapnel scars from Russia’s advance. He admits returning requires adjustment.

“So the trees are the same, the buildings are the same. But you understand this is a different country. You’re in a different reality,” he said.

Ukraine says it is ready to train NATO partners in downing Russian drones after recent incursions into Poland and Romania. Kyiv stresses that Europe must urgently learn from Ukraine’s battlefield-tested drone warfare or risk falling behind Moscow. 

NATO skies breached

Russian drones have repeatedly violated NATO airspace in recent weeks. Poland shot down at least three Geran drones with Russian Cyrillic markings on 7 September, while Romania confirmed a drone incursion near the village of Chilia Veche during a Russian strike on the Danube.

“These are not accidents,” Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky warned. “It is an obvious expansion of Russia’s war.”

Romania summoned Moscow’s ambassador, while Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk ordered ground-based air defenses to the highest alert. NATO allies scrambled F-16s, F-35s, and AWACS surveillance planes in response.

Ukraine offers to train NATO in drone defense

Yurii Ihnat, spokesperson for Ukraine’s Air Force Command, said Kyiv is ready to share hard-won expertise in shooting down Russian drones.

“The type of missiles used to shoot them down is their business. But they don’t have as much experience as Ukraine,” Ihnat said.

He proposed hosting training in Lviv or Kraków, noting that Polish and Romanian jets have struggled to intercept the “Gerans” — Iranian-designed Shahed kamikaze drones, which he called “not an easy target, especially for fighter aircraft.”

“For over 40 minutes, two fighter jets couldn’t do anything. They tried, but lost a lot of time,” Ihnat said, recalling a recent Romanian encounter.

Ukraine’s drone ecosystem: speed, scale, urgency

Over 3.5 years of the all-out war, Ukraine has built a unique drone warfare ecosystem — a blend of military innovation, civilian expertise, and private-sector production. From garage workshops to defense tech startups, more than 200 UAV types have been developed, with Ukraine now streamlining to 20–30 effective models.

Operations like Spiderweb, where 117 drones struck four Russian bases, destroying dozens of bombers, illustrate both the precision and mass Ukraine brings to the battlefield. This “War DevOps” culture—borrowing from software development—lets Ukraine redesign, test, and deploy new drone variants in weeks, sometimes days, far faster than NATO procurement cycles.

Lessons Europe cannot ignore

In these consequences, ignoring Ukraine’s experience might be a strategic error. Drone incursions into Poland and Romania show that Europe’s air defense remains vulnerable. Kyiv’s bottom-up innovation culture—where frontline pilots, instructors, and civilian volunteers constantly refine tactics—offers a model NATO allies should adopt.

Ukraine is already in talks with Denmark, Norway, and Germany to share knowledge, and Zelenskyy has openly proposed a “mega-deal” with the US to transfer Ukraine’s advanced drones in exchange for American weapons.

During one of his visits to the White House, Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskyy pitched President Donald Trump on a $50 billion deal to supply and co-produce drones with the US. Zelenskyy told journalists that the program, which hasn’t been finalized, would deliver 10 million unmanned systems annually over five years.

Polish authorities have identified and detained two young people who operated a drone over government buildings in Warsaw on 15 September, according to spokesman for Poland’s special services coordinator Jacek Dobrzyński.

The detained individuals are a 21-year-old Ukrainian citizen and a 17-year-old Belarusian woman, TVN24 reports. Both were apprehended by the State Protection Service after the drone was spotted flying over Polish government buildings and the Belvedere Palace.

“This is a young Belarusian woman and her twenty-something colleague from Ukraine. These individuals were directly detained by State Protection Service officers. Police were notified, who also arrived at the scene and took these persons into custody,” Dobrzyński said at a press conference on 16 September.

The spokesman clarified that both individuals are in Poland legally – the Belarusian woman for several days, and the Ukrainian for eight years, according to RMF24.

Polish special services have ruled out espionage as a motive. Dobrzyński dismissed speculation about intelligence activities, stating: “We are refuting rumors that this was some massive spy operation. At this stage, no one can definitively determine this.”

The investigation points toward a violation of aviation law rather than criminal espionage. “These are young people, perhaps this resulted from carelessness, perhaps from ignorance, perhaps from the fact that they wanted to make some film here over Łazienki (Royal). Especially since they were in Łazienki Park and launched the drone from there,” Dobrzyński explained.

Warsaw District Prosecutor’s Office spokesman Piotr Antoni Skiba confirmed that evidence and circumstances indicate “violation of aviation law regulations, not the commission of espionage crime.” The prosecutor’s office expects to receive case materials on Wednesday.

Police secured the drone used by the detained individuals and are conducting proceedings under Article 212 of the Aviation Law. The article stipulates that anyone who violates air traffic regulations while operating an aircraft faces up to five years imprisonment.

The incident occurred on 15 September evening when Prime Minister Donald Tusk announced that the State Protection Service had neutralized a drone operating over government buildings and the Belvedere Palace in Warsaw. Initially, Tusk reported the detention of two Belarusian citizens, but later information revealed one detainee was Ukrainian.

Polish law prohibits drone flights over government buildings and critical infrastructure. Special markings and signs indicate no-drone zones, and operators must use the DroneTower application to register flights and check permitted areas through the DroneMap system provided by the Polish Air Navigation Services Agency.

The detained individuals are currently providing testimony at a police station, while the Internal Security Agency monitors the investigation to determine their motives for operating the drone in the restricted zone.

The Institute for the Study of War reported on 15 September that Russian officials are intensifying threats against NATO member states following recent drone incursions into Poland, with top Kremlin figures warning of direct confrontation over Western support for Ukraine.

Russian Security Council Chairperson Dmitry Medvedev claimed on 15 September that a “no-fly zone” over Ukraine permitting NATO aircraft to shoot down Russian drones would “mean only one thing – a war between NATO and Russia,” according to ISW analysis of his Russian- and English-language channels.

Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov explicitly said on 15 September that “NATO is at war with Russia” and “NATO is de facto involved in” the war in Ukraine by providing support to Ukraine.

The threats target European financial measures against Russia. Medvedev warned that Russia will “go after” EU states providing Ukraine with loans backed by Russian assets in “all possible international and national courts.” He added that “in some cases, [Russia will] bypass court procedure” – what ISW characterizes as a possible threat to use kinetic action against EU states.

Peskov condemned European efforts to seize frozen Russian assets, stating that “such steps will not go unnoticed,” according to the analysis.

ISW assesses that these statements aim to prevent NATO and European states from defending themselves and Ukraine against Russian provocations, including the 9-10 September drone incursion into Poland.

ISW notes that Kremlin officials routinely invoke narratives similar to those Russia used to justify its Ukraine invasions – including territorial claims and false characterizations of Euromaidan as a “coup” – when threatening neighboring states, including NATO members.

Meanwhile, Russian and Belarusian forces continued Zapad-2025 joint military exercises on 15 September, implementing tactical lessons from Ukraine operations, according to the Russian Ministry of Defense. Forces conducted training at Borisovsky and 227th Combined Arms training grounds in Minsk Oblast, Kaliningrad Oblast, and the Barents Sea.

The Russian MoD confirmed that Leningrad Military District elements practiced deploying nuclear-capable Iskander-M ballistic missile systems in Kaliningrad Oblast, which borders NATO members Lithuania and Poland. The nuclear-capable Arkhangelsk submarine practiced launching missile strikes against naval targets, while Northern Fleet elements struck mock enemy submarines in the Barents Sea.

Russian Tu-22M3 strategic bombers patrolled “the neutral waters of the Barents Sea” for four hours, the MoD reported. The Belarusian MoD stated that representatives from 23 countries, including the United States, Hungary, and Türkiye, observed the exercises.

ISW highlights that Russian and Belarusian forces practiced maneuvering with all-terrain vehicles to reduce crossing times in open areas and decrease vulnerability to first-person view drone strikes – tactics developed from Ukraine battlefield experience. The exercises allow Russia to institutionalize combat lessons outside active combat zones while improving joint interoperability with Belarus.

The analysis warns that Russia is using Zapad-2025 to practice potential kinetic provocations against NATO states. Nuclear capability exercises occurred in Barents Sea waters bordering Norway and in Kaliningrad Oblast near Lithuania and Poland.

EU Commissioner for Defense and Space Andrius Kubilius said on 15 September that 40% of European flights face jamming – likely from Russia. ISW reported that Russian officials previously used Kaliningrad for GPS jamming across Europe and reportedly constructed a military-grade Circularly Disposed Antenna Array 25 kilometers from the Polish border.

The report concludes that Zapad-2025 provides Russia and Belarus a platform to refine escalation techniques that serve as pressure against NATO.

Ukraine’s General Staff confirmed that special forces units struck the Saratov oil refinery overnight on 16 September. Explosions and fire were reportedly recorded at the site, a facility that plays a critical role in fueling Russia’s armed forces. At the same time, Ukrainian Telegram channels reported a possible hit on another Russian refinery in Kstovo, Nizhny Novgorod Oblast.

Strike on Saratov refinery

According to the General Staff, Ukrainian special operations forces, in coordination with other defense units, carried out the attack in Saratov Oblast. Explosions and a blaze were recorded near the refinery after the overnight strike. Officials said the full results of the attack are still being clarified.

The Saratov refinery produces more than 20 types of oil products, including gasoline, diesel, fuel oil, and various grades of bitumen. It also processes vacuum gas oil and technical sulfur. In 2023, the refinery’s output reached 4.8 million tons. Ukrainian authorities stressed that the facility has been directly involved in meeting the supply needs of Russia’s armed forces.

Euromaidan Press could not independently confirm the fire and damage to the refinery in Saratov. 

Reported hit on Kstovo refinery

Ukrainian Telegram channels reported that another refinery in Russia may also have been hit. Telegram channel Supernova+ shared photos of a distant smoke and wrote that in Kstovo, Nizhny Novgorod Oblast, a refinery flare was burning more intensely due to an emergency pressure discharge following a strike.

The information has not been officially confirmed.

Part of wider Ukrainian campaign

This strike follows a pattern of Ukrainian attacks on Russian oil infrastructure.

• On 30 August, defense forces hit the Krasnodar and Syzran refineries.
• On 5 September, the General Staff confirmed hits on the Ryazan refinery.
• On 13 September, Ukrainian drones attacked the Bashneft-Novoil refinery in Ufa.
• On 14 September, a Ukrainian drone strike ignited a major fire at the Kirishi refinery near St Petersburg, forcing a key unit offline