Russian forces carried out strikes throughout the day on Synelnykove and Nikopol districts of Dnipropetrovsk region, resulting in damage to civilian infrastructure.
A 45% jump from last year defies wartime expectations across Ukraine’s economic heartland and western regions. Kyiv Oblast dominated with 15,559 apartment permits despite regular missile strikes.
At the same time, western strongholds Lviv (6,956) and Ivano-Frankivsk (3,842) attracted developers betting on safer locations, according to State Statistics Service data released on 18 September.
Western regions fuel wartime construction wave
This construction revival comes despite the industry operating at roughly half of pre-war capacity. Before Russia’s invasion, Ukraine approved construction for 12.7 million square meters of housing in 2021. The war crashed that figure to 6.67 million in 2022, then 4.2 million in 2023.
The 2025 recovery follows the geographic logic of wartime Ukraine.
Kyiv Oblast’s 15,559 apartments represent a 130% increase from 2024, while Lviv Oblast’s 6,956 units reflect the region’s role as Ukraine’s migration hub. Meanwhile, frontline regions tell a different story: Donetsk managed just 16 apartment permits.
“Western Ukraine has now become a big construction site,” noted an analyst tracking western regions’ industrial real estate boom.
Business confidence drives long-term bets
The apartment surge reflects deeper economic confidence despite ongoing strikes on Ukrainian cities. Construction companies have maintained optimism for four consecutive months, with their business confidence index hitting 54.0 in August—the only major economic sector firmly in positive territory.
This optimism translates into serious investment commitments.
Starting apartment construction requires long-term planning, secure financing, and confidence in demand, suggesting Ukraine’s business community sees stability ahead despite daily missile attacks.
The housing market has adapted to wartime realities, with mortgage lending surging by 62% in 2024. This growth is concentrated in government programs supporting key societal groups.
International investors see opportunity
The 45% surge in construction permits coincides with foreign portfolio investors returning to Ukrainian real estate for the first time since the invasion began. Developers report institutional investors from countries spanning the UAE to Canada are now purchasing residential units in bulk, with some projects seeing foreign sales exceed domestic purchases.
“In our projects, the number of deals with foreigners sometimes exceeds the number of deals with Ukrainians,” said Irina Mikhaleva from Alliance Novobud, speaking to Interfax-Ukraine.
This suggests the construction recovery isn’t just domestic resilience—it’s attracting global capital, betting on Ukraine’s economic future.
Foreign investors from Spain, Japan, Türkiye, and other countries view Ukrainian real estate as promising assets. Some developers now guarantee 10% annual returns in foreign currency to attract international capital.
The return of portfolio investors represents a significant shift from 2022-2024, when the market focused mainly on end buyers.
International institutional money moving into Ukrainian real estate signals early positioning for the country’s eventual reconstruction phase, potentially indicating broader confidence in Ukraine’s long-term economic trajectory.
Recovery from a low baseline shows adaptation
While the 45% growth sounds dramatic, it starts from a collapsed baseline. The 2.97 million square meters of new construction permits in early 2025 remain far below the 12.7 million approved in pre-war 2021. Ukraine’s construction sector still operates at roughly half its peacetime capacity.
Yet the geographic concentration reveals strategic adaptation. Safer western regions now absorb construction investment that once flowed to industrial eastern cities.
This represents a probable permanent demographic and economic shift that will outlast the war.
The World Bank estimates Ukraine needs $524 billion for reconstruction over the next decade, with housing suffering the most damage.
The current construction boom suggests Ukraine isn’t waiting for war’s end to begin rebuilding—it’s adapting and growing within wartime constraints while attracting international capital that sees opportunity in the country’s resilience.
Poland is preparing a record defense budget amid Russian drone attacks. On 18 September, Polish Defense Minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz announced that in 2026, the country’s defense spending will reach a record $55 billion, which is 4.8% of GDP, ArmyInform reports.
The threat from Russia has grown significantly after attacks by 19 drones on various Polish cities. Despite deploying advanced air defense systems, only four drones were shot down, prompting Poland—a NATO member—to train alongside Ukrainian forces, who can intercept 500–600 Russian drones per night.
He emphasized that this is an all-time high for free Poland, though even this increase does not fully meet the country’s security needs.
“Between 2022 and 2026, the budget has tripled. Over four years, we have tripled spending on Polish state security, and we will continue to increase it because the needs are even greater,” Kosiniak-Kamysz said.
Poland urges NATO to accelerate defense spending
The Polish defense minister stressed that NATO allies must quickly reach 5% of GDP in defense spending.
“Within the next three to four years—by 2030—NATO countries should spend about 5%. We are talking 3.5% on ‘hard’ weapons and 1.5% on infrastructure,” he explained.
Poland’s security tied to Ukraine
Kosiniak-Kamysz made these statements during his visit to Kyiv on 18 September, where he met his counterpart, Denys Shmyhal.
“Poland’s security line runs along the front between Ukraine and Russia. I fully understand this, and for many who try to forget, it needs to be reminded,” the Polish defense minister added.
Joint UAV group to coordinate defense
Meanwhile, Poland and Ukraine are creating a joint operational group for unmanned aerial systems (UAVs), including representatives from both countries’ armed forces. The group will serve as a platform for coordinating and developing joint initiatives in UAV technology.
U.S. President Donald Trump and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer discussed the urgent need to increase pressure on Russia in order to end the war in Ukraine.
Ukraine has received the first shipment of military equipment under a new agreement between the United States and NATO, a NATO representative told Ukrainian media outlet Suspilne on Thursday.
The Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List (PURL) program is a new NATO-US mechanism that allows military aid to Ukraine to be financed collectively by allies, while weapons and equipment are drawn directly from American stockpiles.
The system is designed to speed up deliveries and share costs among NATO members, ensuring a steadier flow of support to Kyiv that does not rely on US political will.
The NATO official said additional aid packages are already on the way, with four packages financed so far through PURL.
The news comes a day after the Trump administration confirmed that Ukraine would soon receive its first assistance from NATO allies through US stockpiles under the PURL mechanism.
The agreement restores the flow of weapons from the United States to Kyiv after months of uncertainty.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said on Wednesday that the first PURL aid packages will include missiles for Patriot air defense and HIMARS systems.
The PURL agreement
The PURL initiative was announced by former US President Donald Trump on 14 July, 2025, pledging billions of dollars in weapons for Ukraine, to be purchased and distributed by European NATO allies. Trump specified plans to prepare up to 17 Patriot air defense systems for shipment.
By the end of August, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky reported that seven countries had committed to the program, contributing a total of $2 billion. Defense experts say Ukraine’s priorities remain focused on air defenses, interceptors, missile systems, rockets, and artillery.
The Council of Europe is preparing the International Claims Commission for Ukraine. The draft Convention has been published. The new agency will serve as the second stage of the international mechanism to compensate for damages caused by Russian aggression, following the international Damage Registry.
In July 2025, Ukrainian Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal stated that the cost of rebuilding Ukraine has reached $1 trillion. Since Russia shows no willingness to end the war, despite at least six calls from US President Donald Trump to Russian President Putin and an invitation to Alaska, the war of attrition continues, and total damages will keep rising.
The Commission will review claims and assign compensation to war victims, with Russia expected to pay reparations at the third stage. The document was agreed upon in The Hague after eight rounds of negotiations over 18 months.
International Commission and damage registry
The Convention covers the period from 24 February 2022, but Ukraine may propose extending it to 2014–2021, Babel reports. In 2014, Russia annexed Ukraine’s Crimea, forcibly changing the borders of another country and violating the international order established since World War II.
Key dates for the convention
22 October 2025 — Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe to review and approve the text.
16 December 2025 — Signing ceremony in The Hague.
The Convention may enter into force as early as November 2026.
Start of commission work and compensation payments
On 1 January 2028, the transition from the Damage Registry to the Commission will begin, allowing Ukraine to continue seeking reparations from Russia and protecting the rights of its citizens at the international level.
Earlier, Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski said providing security guarantees for Ukraine remains unclear, as no state “is willing to wage a war against the Kremlin.”
Sikorski recalled that Ukraine already had guarantees under the Budapest Memorandum, but they failed. The new arrangements, in his view, are also incapable of deterring Moscow.
U.S. President Donald Trump once again said that he had considered the war between Russia and Ukraine one of the easiest to resolve thanks to his personal relationship with Vladimir Putin, but the Kremlin leader had let him down.
During the morning attack on the capital on September 7, Russian forces launched several missiles: one struck the Cabinet of Ministers building, while another was heading toward residential neighborhoods. It was stopped by a volunteer with the callsign Hrek, who opened fire with a Maxim machine gun.
Ukrainian forces are conducting a counteroffensive operation in the Pokrovsk and Dobropillia areas of Donetsk Oblast, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy reported on 18 September.
The reported operation represents a significant strategic shift after Russia made major territorial gains in summer 2025 around Pokrovsk and surrounding areas, including a breakthrough near Dobropillia in August that Ukrainian forces subsequently contained and reversed.
“Since the start of the [counteroffensive] operation, our warriors have already liberated 160 square kilometers, and over 170 square kilometers have been cleared of the occupiers,” Zelenskyy said on Telegram.
He reported that seven settlements in the area have been liberated, and nine more “cleared of Russian presence.”
“Russian losses just since the start of this counteroffensive – in the Pokrovsk area alone, in these past weeks – are already more than 2,500, of which over 1,300 Russians have been killed,” Zelenskyy added.
He also said Ukraine has taken 100 Russian prisoners in the operation.
Pokrovsk and Dobropillia counteroffensive
The counteroffensive comes after months of intense fighting around Pokrovsk, where Russia concentrated nearly 100,000 soldiers in what analysts called a force capable of attacking a European country.
Ukrainian forces successfully contained a Russian breakthrough near Dobropillia in August, where Moscow’s troops had advanced 15 kilometers before elite Ukrainian units, including the redeployed Azov Brigade, reversed their gains.
Pokrovsk represents the key to unlocking Russia’s broader campaign to capture all of Donetsk Oblast, serving as a critical supply hub for Ukrainian forces across the eastern front.
The city’s potential fall would severely compromise Ukraine’s defensive positions throughout the region and open pathways for deeper Russian advances toward Kostiantynivka and the broader Donbas fortress belt.
Recent intelligence indicates Russia is preparing fresh assaults with redeployed naval infantry brigades and additional armor after their summer failures.
Ukrainians over 60 now have the opportunity to voluntarily defend their country. The Ukrainian Parliament has passed a law allowing citizens over that age to join the military under a contract, which is entirely voluntary and without coercion, reports deputy Iryna Friz from the European Solidarity party.
In 2025, men aged 25 to 60 remain subject to mobilization. In 2024, a law was adopted allowing men under 25 to enlist voluntarily through a contract with specific financial and social incentives under the “Contract 18-24” program.
“It’s important to understand that no compulsory mobilization is planned for this age group. This is purely a voluntary option for those who genuinely want to continue or start service after reaching the maximum age,” Friz explains.
Citizens over 60 can serve under contract
The new law allows citizens over 60 who wish to serve to sign a contract with the approval of their commander and the General Staff.
Military-medical commission confirms health
A fitness assessment by a military medical commission is a mandatory requirement. Contracts are for one year, with a two-month probationary period and the possibility of extension.
Voluntary choice, not mobilization
Social media recently circulated rumors about mobilizing people over 60. The law clarifies that this is only a voluntary opportunity for those who have the health, strength, and willingness to serve.
Poland’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski has called for tougher sanctions against Russia and continued support for Ukraine.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has said that Ukraine's Armed Forces have thwarted a planned Russian offensive near Pokrovsk and Dobropillia in the Donetsk region.
Ukraine is prepared to help train Polish engineers and military personnel, share its expertise in building a drone defense line, and provide access to specific software so that Poland can detect Russian attacks in advance.
Australia delivers a major blow to Russia’s oil profits. The country has slashed the price cap on Russian oil from $60 to $47.60 per barrel and imposed sanctions on 95 more vessels from Russia’s “shadow fleet.” The decision was coordinated with the EU, UK, Canada, New Zealand, and Japan.
Russian oil remains a key source of revenue that funds its military aggression against Ukraine. In 2025, profits from the oil and gas sector account for about 77.7% of Russia’s federal budget.
According to the International Liberty Institute, the main buyers of Russian oil remainAsian countries, as European markets are largely restricted by sanctions.
The Australian Foreign Ministry has stated that lowering the oil price cap from $60 per barrel to $47.60 will reduce the market value of Russian crude and help deprive Russia’s war economy of revenue from raw materials.
The government also maintains a total ban on Russian oil and petroleum product imports. More than 150 ships have been sanctioned since June 2025.
Australia tightens grip on Russia’s “shadow fleet”
The latest measures target 95 tankers, with intelligence on 60 vessels provided to international partners by Ukraine’s sanctions group.
“Ukraine has also imposed national sanctions on the captains of 15 of these tankers,” Andrii Yermak, the head of the Ukrainian Presidential Office, reveals.
Ukraine welcomes Canberra’s support
Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha has thanked his Australian counterpart Penny Wong for the decision.
“Australia is helping to restrict Russia’s ability to fund its war and undermine global peace. We value our strong partnership with Australia and continue to stand together for shared values,” he said.
A united front to cut the Kremlin’s oil revenues
Australia’s sanctions are part of a wider Western strategy to reduce the Kremlin’s energy income. Partner governments believe that only sustained pressure on Russia’s oil sector can significantly weaken its capacity to fund the war against Ukraine.
On 18 September around 10am, Russian forces struck the eastern Ukrainian city of Kostiantynivka with a FAB-250 bomb with a UMPK guiding module, killing 5 civilians, the National Police of Ukraine reported.
Kostiantynivka, in Donetsk Oblast, eastern Ukraine, is located near the front line and has been frequently targeted by Russian forces since the start of the full-scale invasion.
The FAB-250 is a Soviet-designed, 250-kilogram general-purpose bomb that Russia often modifies with glide kits such as the UMPK module to increase its range and accuracy.
The victims – three men and two women aged 62 to 74 – were killed in the street. Four apartment buildings were also damaged.
The Donetsk Regional Prosecutor’s Office has opened a pre-trial investigation into a potential war crime over the attack.
US President Trump has issued a set of sweeping demands to the European Union on how to escalate pressure on Russia — but unnamed European diplomats told The Wall Street Journal they believe the plan is intentionally designed to fail.
This comes amid the ongoing Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Despite multiple Russia sanctions rounds, EU countries imported around $27 billion worth of Russian energy in 2024 alone. Hungary, Slovakia, and larger economies like Germany, France, and Italy continue to resist a full energy embargo. Brussels has also ruled out tariffs on India and China, opting instead for targeted sanctions.
Since taking office in January, President Trump has repeatedly pushed for Russia-Ukraine talks, allegedly to end the ongoing war. Moscow, however, continues to escalate attacks and rejects any peace proposals that fall short of Ukraine’s de facto capitulation. Despite multiple threats to impose new sanctions on Russia, Trump has so far taken no action.
Trump’s Russia demands spark alarm in Brussels
According to WSJ, Trump urged the EU to immediately halt purchases of Russian oil, impose tariffs on India and China over their trade with Moscow, and seize frozen Russian assets to fund Ukraine’s defense.
“Some European diplomats” said the US President set his demands “knowing the EU wouldn’t meet them, which would allow him to avoid exerting more economic pressure on Russia.”
The EU delayed a new sanctions package this week as leaders scrambled to respond. President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen said after speaking with Trump that the bloc would push for additional restrictions on Russia’s banking sector, crypto market, and energy system. This response falls far short of what Washington is pressing for.
According to Dr. Marina Miron of King’s College London, Moscow has shifted its approach. Instead of massive assaults such as those in Bakhmut which cost tens of thousands of lives the Russian army is now applying a “squeeze-out” strategy: controlling supply routes, deploying swarms of drones, and gradually creating conditions in which Ukraine’s defenses collapse without a direct assault on the city.
Pokrovsk, with a pre-war population of around 60,000, is a key transport hub where major highways and railways intersect. For Russia, it is both a symbolic and strategic target the “gateway to Donetsk.” If the city falls, it could place Kramatorsk and Sloviansk, the main strongholds of Ukrainian defenses in Donbas, under immediate threat.
At the same time, Russia is intensifying its offensive in Kharkiv Oblast, advancing near Kupiansk. According to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), this city where several critical railway lines converge holds immense logistical importance. Its loss would severely disrupt Ukraine’s supply chains across a large section of the front.
The battle for Pokrovsk and the pressure on Kupiansk carry implications far beyond Ukraine. If Russia succeeds in breaking Ukrainian defenses with its new tactics, it will send a clear message to NATO and allied nations: Moscow has adapted and is now capable of achieving objectives with fewer losses. This development would force the West to rethink its defense strategies and highlight the urgent need to supply Ukraine with air defense systems, ammunition, and counter-drone technologies.
Amid this escalating threat, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy leveraged an interview with Sky News to call on Donald Trump to clarify his position on sanctions against Russia and security guarantees for Ukraine. His message underscores a stark reality:
The time for decisions in Western capitals is running out just as quickly as Ukraine’s resources on the battlefield.
Ukrainian forces are conducting a counter-sabotage operation in Kupiansk, Kharkiv region, with Russian sabotage group members already taken prisoner. For civilians who remain in the city, the situation is critical, though evacuations continue despite the risks.
Ukraine and Poland will sign a new agreement focused on drone operations and military cooperation, RMF24 reports. The pact, announced during an unannounced visit by Polish Defense Minister Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz to Kyiv on 18 September, will include drone crew training and draw heavily on Ukraine’s battlefield experience.
This comes a week after around 20 Russian military drones violated Polish airspace during a massive air attack on Ukraine — some were shot down by NATO aircraft, others crashed, and the rest returned to Ukrainian territory.
Poland and Ukraine to cooperate on drone warfare under new agreement
RMF24 says that Kosiniak-Kamysz stated in Kyiv that the two countries will sign an agreement covering cooperation between their defense ministries and joint efforts in mastering drone operations.
“We will sign an agreement on cooperation between the ministries, and also on acquiring skills in drone operations,” he said.
According to Kosiniak-Kamysz, Polish troops will work with their Ukrainian counterparts to develop skills in using unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). He added that another focus will be improving Polish forces’ capabilities based on the experience gained by Ukraine during its war against Russian forces.
“Another issue is improving the skills of our troops based on experience from Ukraine,” the minister said.
He emphasized that implementing battlefield lessons is vital not just for Poland’s military reforms, but for NATO as a whole.
“The implementation of lessons from the new battlefield is crucial for the transformation of the Polish Armed Forces and, in general, for the transformation of NATO,” he said.
Kosiniak-Kamysz also highlighted the importance of the NATO-Ukraine Joint Analysis, Training, and Education Center (JATEC) located in Bydgoszcz. He said it is “the only institution that tangibly connects NATO and Ukraine,” and noted it will be central to further defense integration and drone warfare development.
Polish minister acknowledges tensions but stresses shared strategic goal
Kosiniak-Kamysz acknowledged that tensions occasionally arise between the two countries but stressed that the broader goal of confronting the real threat must remain the focus.
“I am aware of the emotions that sometimes grow between us, between Poland and Ukraine, but they cannot obscure our strategic goal. The enemy is elsewhere. He cannot be sought in ourselves or between us,” he said.
The Standard reports that three people were arrested in the town of Grays, Essex, England on suspicion of assisting Russian intelligence services. The UK police operation reflects growing concern over foreign states using British citizens as local proxies.
Amid the ongoing all-out war in Ukraine, Russia has escalated espionage and sabotage operations on foreign soil — not only within Ukraine, but also beyond, targeting Ukraine’s allied countries largely in Europe.
Suspects arrested under new spy law in UK suburb
According to The Standard, two men and a woman were detained in Grays, a commuter town located east of London. The Metropolitan Police said the arrests were made as part of a national security investigation targeting individuals believed to be working with or for Russian intelligence.
Authorities stated that the suspects were taken into custody on suspicion of assisting a foreign intelligence service, under section 3 of the National Security Act (NSA), 2023. The suspects include a 41-year-old man and a 35-year-old woman arrested at the same residential address, and a 46-year-old man arrested separately nearby.
All three were transferred to a police station in London for questioning. Following searches at both Essex locations, the individuals were released on bail with conditions. The investigation is ongoing.
Police say Russia is now recruiting local “proxies” in the UK
Commander Dominic Murphy, Head of the UK’s Counter Terrorism Command, warned that recent cases show a rising trend of British citizens being recruited as proxies by hostile intelligence agencies.
“Through our recent national security casework, we’re seeing an increasing number of who we would describe as ‘proxies’ being recruited by foreign intelligence services,” Murphy said.
He cited a separate case involving two British men who were recruited by the Wagner Group — a Russian state-affiliated paramilitary organization — to commit arson against a warehouse linked to Ukraine. The men have been convicted and are awaiting sentencing. Murphy clarified that the Essex arrests are unrelated to that incident but urged anyone contacted by foreign actors to think twice.
“This kind of activity will be investigated and anyone found to be involved can expect to be prosecuted,” he said, adding that there could be “very serious consequences for those who are convicted.”
Senior Kremlin officials, likely with Russian President Vladimir Putin’s approval, pushed Deputy Chief of Staff Dmitry Kozak out of his position after repeated clashes over the war in Ukraine, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 17 September. Russian state media outlet RBK stated that two sources familiar with the situation confirmed Kozak “resigned” from his post over the weekend of 13 to 14 September. RBK noted he is now considering business offers following his exit.
Kozak was once among Putin’s closest advisors and directed Kremlin war policy in Ukraine. He replaced Vladislav Surkov as the Kremlin’s “gray cardinal” in 2020 but was himself sidelined in 2022 by Sergei Kiriyenko. In the first months of Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, Kozak led the Russian delegation in talks aimed at forcing Ukraine into capitulation, an effort that predictably failed.
The allegedly dissenting voice in 2022
Russian political scientist Arkady Dubnov reported on 17 September that sources in Moscow said Kozak “voluntarily” left his position. Dubnov highlighted that Kozak was the only official at the 21 February 2022 Security Council meeting who opposed launching the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Russian journalist Alexey Venediktov also confirmed this account.
Kozak reportedly attempted to negotiate with Ukraine at the start of the war, proposing that Kyiv renounce NATO membership. Putin allegedly rejected the talks because he also wanted to annex Ukrainian territory, according to ISW.
Collapse of influence inside Kremlin
The New York Times reported on 10 August that both Western and Russian sources said Kozak’s influence declined sharply in recent months, aaccording to ISW. He reportedly urged Putin to stop fighting in Ukraine, begin peace talks, and reduce the power of Russia’s security services. Those disagreements placed him at odds with Putin and his allies, including Kremlin Deputy Head Sergei Kiriyenko.
Putin signed a decree on 29 August abolishing two Kremlin departments Kozak supervised: the Department for Interregional and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries and the Department for Cross-Border Cooperation. Analysts assess this was likely in preparation for Kozak’s removal. Reports on 17 September that he is considering business positions refuted earlier claims that he was a candidate for Presidential Plenipotentiary Representative in the Northwestern Federal DIstrict, showing the Kremlin opted to remove him entirely from state structures.
Reports indicate Kiriyenko has also recently assumed control of the Kremlin’s Moldova portfolio. This handover consolidates Kiriyenko’s power and responsibilities within the Russian Presidential Administration.
“Putin’s likely decision to push an established senior Kremlin official from his inner circle after expressing a desire to end the war in Ukraine further indicates that Putin and his advisors are coalescing around their commitment to continue the war in Ukraine and around Putin’s maximalist war demands,” ISW assessed.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has met with Ukrainian soldiers who took part in the Dobropillia counteroffensive operation in the Donetsk region.
Anonymous Telegram channels have been spreading false information aimed at discrediting Ukrainian intelligence services and destabilizing the situation inside Ukraine.
Ukraine has received 1,000 bodies which the Russian side says are Ukrainian servicepeople, as part of coordinated repatriation efforts, Ukraine’s Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War reported on 18 September.
The repatriation of fallen soldiers is a critical component of wartime humanitarian and legal obligations. It allows families to recover the remains of loved ones, ensures proper identification, and supports official record-keeping and investigations.
Law enforcement investigators and expert institutions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs will conduct necessary examinations and identify the repatriated remains in the coming days.
The operation involved a broad range of Ukrainian authorities, including the Armed Forces, the Security Service, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the State Emergency Service, and the Office of the Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights. The International Committee of the Red Cross also assisted in the efforts.
Personnel from the Armed Forces organized the transport of the fallen to state facilities and facilitated handover to law enforcement and forensic experts for identification.
In conflicts like the war in Ukraine, coordinated efforts between military, law enforcement, and international organizations such as the Red Cross are essential to carry out these operations safely and respectfully.
Russia burns through 68 soldiers for every square kilometer around Pokrovsk. The math is starting to matter.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has reached peak offensive operations as the Kremlin orders its armed forces to capture the rest of the Donbas region. With casualties climbing dramatically as Moscow attempts to capture their primary objectives in the four occupied regions, Kyiv is fortifying Pokrovsk—what’s becoming the largest battle of the war so far.
Russia has massed one of their largest troop gatherings since the beginning of the full-scale war, hoping to make a decisive push to break through Ukrainian lines in Pokrovsk and open the remaining stronghold cities to further offensives.
After a year of continuous offensive activity, Russian forces still don’t have a foothold in the city. Ukraine’s Armed Forces continue holding a concrete defense.
The Russian push toward Pokrovsk is seeing casualties and equipment losses that dwarf all other battles of the war so far.
With Vladimir Putin putting all chips on the table for this offensive, it’s becoming this war’s Stalingrad.
Why Russia bled out at Avdiivka
In February 2024, Russian forces captured the strategic city of Avdiivka, which sat on key terrain overlooking Donetsk City center.
The capture came at a heavy price—the Russian military suffered casualties ranging from 25,000 to 40,000, making the battle deadlier than Bakhmut. Regular forces, rather than Wagner mercenaries, took the brunt of the fighting.
Despite inflicting heavy attrition on the Russian military, Kyiv hadn’t fortified the defensive lines behind Avdiivka sufficiently. The Ukrainian high command—whether due to negligence, miscommunication, or poor leadership—left gaps that would prove costly.
The lack of defenses, which should have been installed in the first months of the invasion, became exposed as Russia steadily advanced, capturing the strategic city of Ocheretyne. This gave Russian forces a growing salient that ultimately put them within range of Pokrovsk.
During summer 2024, Ukraine pulled off a shock offensive into Russia proper with the Kursk offensive. One goal was drawing Russian forces away from frontlines under pressure, like Pokrovsk.
But the Russian Ministry of Defense regrouped units from Kherson and continued pressure on the Pokrovsk front.
The Kursk offensive took away potential reserves to reinforce the frontlines as Kyiv faced manpower shortages, and the offensive turned in Moscow’s favor.
From summer 2024 to winter, Russia captured the outlying villages of Krasnohorivka, Kurakhove, Novohrodivka, Selydove, and Ukraisnk—putting their forces only several kilometers from the city.
Since seizing Avdiivka in February 2024, Russia has edged towards Pokrovsk. Map by Euromaidan Press
Where Russian armor goes to die
For most of late winter to early spring 2025, the frontline situation was a stalemate as Ukrainian reserves came in, partially due to the Kursk offensive failing, and Ukrainian forces from the operation being allocated in the sector. Ukraine is also mass-producing various types of drones that help alleviate the artillery shortage by targeting Russian armor.
At the same time in 2025, Russia conducted various offensives in Toretsk, Chasiv Yar, Kupiansk, Sumy, and Zaporizhzhia Oblast, which hampered major reinforcements entering the Pokrovsk sector, allowing Ukraine to build up fortifications and consolidate its defenses continuously.
A 155th Mechanized Brigade Leopard 2A4 in Pokrovsk. 155th Mechanized Brigade photo.
The Czech shell initiative also gathered artillery for the Ukrainian frontlines, giving Ukrainian forces more defense allocations to hold the lines against daily Russian assaults.
Despite being only a few kilometers from the outer city, waves of FPV drone attacks have littered the roads into Pokrovsk with Russian armor and corpses that are nearly unretrievable, turning the frontlines into a no-man’s land. According to the Institute for the Study of War, Russian forces are suffering 68 casualties per square kilometer gained in the Pokrovsk direction.
The equipment losses during this offensive are staggering.
Independent open-source analysts have tracked and geolocated 602 destroyed tanks, with another 100 abandoned, along with 1,300 destroyed armored fighting vehicles as of September 2025.
To put this in perspective: according to the Oryx blog, Russia has lost 4,000 tanks total, making Pokrovsk the deadliest offensive for Russian forces to date.
Explore further
Russia saved armor all year for this moment—150,000 troops close in on Pokrovsk
When glide bombs meet drone swarms
Russia holds an advantage in the air with dozens of airstrikes from its deadly glide bombs that can take out fortifications, despite taking extremely heavy casualties. On the ground, Russia has a 4-to-1 or 5-to-1 manpower advantage.
Ukrainian units also face difficulties with recruitment, unit rotations, and morale due to poor leadership—weaknesses the Russians have exploited. One of Ukraine’s biggest challenges in the war today is fixing issues related to recruitment, negligence of commanders, and improving morale.
Kyiv was able to reorganize its defense and conduct localized counterattacks from late February to early March 2025, as the settlement of Kotlyne was liberated, which pushed back a potential Russian salient. Russia conducted its major summer offensive a month later, putting pressure on the strategic H-32 highway.
With tank and armor losses littering the highways, Russia adopted tactics of sending unsupported infantry assaults, known as sabotage and reconnaissance groups.
The Kremlin sends these groups toward weak points in Ukrainian positions, some of which suffer from slow unit rotations or a lack of infantry due to manpower issues.
If the groups exploit those positions, Russia gradually sends more forces to reinforce that point—which they did during the summer, as there were fears of infiltration into Pokrovsk city in July.
How Azov crushed Russia’s breakthrough
Near Dobropillia, Russia sent several hundred reconnaissance groups, which managed to break through Ukrainian lines in mid-August, causing enough panic for Kyiv to send major reinforcements.
One reason Russia pushed its groups rapidly into the city was the timing of the Alaska Summit between President Trump and Putin—Moscow wanted a psychological victory to convince Washington that there was a “breakthrough.”
The 1st Azov Corps, one of the most battle-hardened units, was redeployed to Dobropillia, ended the breach, and stabilized the frontlines alongside the 1st Assault Battalion, Rubizh Brigade, and 93rd Mechanized Brigade. Localized counterattacks pushed the Russians back with various reports of either complete or operational encirclement in three different pockets outside Dobropillia.
Ukraine successfully counterattacked and exposed the groups to encirclement because Russian forces overextended their front lines, pushing forward without consolidating their positions. As the war drags on and Russia suffers catastrophic losses with minimal gains, their general staff and the Kremlin grow desperate to capture Pokrovsk before the end of the fighting season.
Explore further
Russia lost a brigade near Dobropillya—more brigades are coming
Why this city decides everything
The Pokrovsk offensive is becoming the pinnacle of warfare during the Russian invasion of Ukraine. As both countries have exhausted their militaries, the fate of the city during the next few months could determine how the war concludes.
But here’s what’s at stake globally: occupying Pokrovsk could give Russia strategic topography to press onto the rest of the Donetsk fortress cities. Ukrainian forces continue buying valuable time to prepare defenses for the rest of the oblast.
What makes Donetsk crucial to Ukrainian defense is strategic terrain and over a decade of fortifications, with Pokrovsk being no exception.
Ukraine’s goals in the sector should be continuing attrition against the Russian military alongside other sectors of the frontlines, and continuing to build fortifications while addressing manpower gaps.
The longer Pokrovsk stays in Ukrainian hands, the less time Russia has to achieve one of its primary war goals of capturing the rest of Donbas, as the wartime economy shows signs of exhaustion.
Outside of Pokrovsk, Russian forces will still need to capture Druzhkivka, Kostiantynivka, and the fortress cities of Lyman, Kramatorsk, and Sloviansk.
This effort will require more manpower than Russia can currently muster, and without a rapid capture of Pokrovsk, those war aims become even more difficult for the Kremlin to achieve.
A major reason Putin is demanding that Trump force Ukraine to cede the rest of the Donbas is due to the decimation of his military’s force projection capabilities, which can no longer take key objectives without catastrophic manpower and equipment losses.
According to the British Ministry of Defense, it would take Russia another two million men and perhaps four years even to capture the rest of Donbas—time Putin can’t afford. Ukraine’s military intelligence chief, Lieutenant General Budanov, stated Russia looks to end the full-scale war sometime in 2026 before the economy cracks, and to do that, Pokrovsk will need to be captured to open up the rest of the fortified cities of Donetsk.
Right now, the longer Ukraine holds Pokrovsk, inflicts catastrophic losses, and buys time for greater fortifications to be completed in the fortress cities, the better it is for Kyiv. Without capturing Pokrovsk, particularly by the end of winter 2026, Russia—with its economy already reeling from Ukrainian strikes on refineries—could finally be forced to negotiate fairly.
If Russia doesn’t want to negotiate and presses beyond its current economic and military capabilities after exhausting its forces, Moscow could face a homegrown collapse akin to the Soviet-Afghan War, and the Battle of Pokrovsk could be the catalyst for it.
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Frontline report: Russia’s Pokrovsk offensive collapses into chaos — Ukrainian forces seize the moment and liberate Udachne
Julian McBride is a former US Marine, forensic anthropologist, defense analyst, and independent journalist born in New York. His bylines can be found in the National Security Journal, Byline Times, 19FortyFive, Heritage Daily, The Defense Post, Journal of Forensic Psychology, Modern Warfare Institute, Manara Mag, The Strategist, Pacific Forum, E-International Relations, NKInsider, Cipher Brief, Mosern Diplomacy, and UK Defence Journal.
An investigation by RFE/RL has uncovered details about the highly secretive elite Russian drone formation: the Rubicon Center for Advanced Unmanned Technologies.
Rubicon has become one of Russia’s most formidable forces on the battlefield since the battle for Russia’s Kursk Oblast in mid 2024.
Throughout Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, drones have increasingly become critical to the conflict, reshaping both battlefield tactics and long-range operations. Both Moscow and Kyiv are constantly adapting, deploying new drone technologies and countermeasures to strike supply lines, observe enemy movements, and target key infrastructure.
Russia’s Rubicon has proven especially effective at challenging Ukraine’s previously-superior drone capabilities on the battlefield.
Key findings from the RFE/RL report:
Commander: Colonel Sergei Budnikov, 37, former artillery and marine officer.
Headquarters: Facilities include Patriot Park near Moscow, used for training and testing drones.
Formation: Established mid-2024, shortly after Andrei Belousov became Russia’s defense minister.
Structure: At least seven detachments, 130–150 personnel each, specializing in drone attacks, reconnaissance, and electronic warfare.
Recruitment: Offers bonuses up to 3 million rubles ($36,000) to attract skilled personnel.
The RFE/RL reporting identifies Colonel Sergei Budnikov, a 37-year-old career artillery and marine officer, as the unit’s commander – the first public confirmation of his leadership.
One of the unit’s main facilities appears to be at the Patriot Park Exhibition and Congress Center near Moscow, which hosts training and testing activities.
Analysts say Rubicon represents a new level of organization and systematic planning within the Russian military, narrowing Ukraine’s previously decisive advantage in drone warfare.
Rubicon was created in mid-2024, shortly after Andrei Belousov became Russia’s defense minister. It operates as a hybrid organization, combining drone development, operator training, and electronic warfare, with at least seven detachments of 130-150 personnel each, each specializing in different aspects of unmanned operations.
Rubicon in Kursk Oblast
The unit first made its mark countering Ukraine’s operations in Kursk Oblast. Working alongside Russian regular troops and North Korean reinforcements, Rubicon employed highly coordinated drone strikes on short sections of roads supplying Ukrainian positions, often striking vehicles from multiple angles to overwhelm defenses.
These efforts ultimately forced Kyiv to retreat from the region and allow Russia to regain almost all of Kursk Oblast.
Previous reporting has shown that Rubicon’s drones use rapid frequency shifts and electronic countermeasures to bypass Ukrainian jamming, targeting both frontline convoys and operators stationed far behind the lines.
Rubicon units now systematically target Ukrainian drone operators who fly drones from distant positions away from the front lines.
One brigade reportedly lost 70% of their drone operators in a single week due to Rubicon’s precision strikes.
Experts warn that unless Kyiv develops more advanced counter measures, Russia’s elite drone force will remain a persistent threat across multiple sectors of the front.
Ukraine and Poland have agreed to establish a joint operational group on unmanned aerial systems, with representatives from both countries’ armed forces, Interfax-Ukraine reported on 18 September.
Ukrainian Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal announced the agreement during a press conference in Kyiv with his Polish counterpart Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz, who arrived on an unannounced visit.
“Today we agreed on a number of important steps. First – the creation of a joint operational group on unmanned aerial systems, which will include representatives of Ukrainian and Polish armed forces,” Shmyhal said.
The group will serve as a platform for coordination and development of joint initiatives, according to the Ukrainian minister. “We will integrate the latest defense technologies and initiate new projects that should strengthen the protection of our people and our critical infrastructure,” he stated.
Joint training programs will form the central element of this operational group. “…Which, I am confident, will strengthen our ability to resist a common enemy,” Shmyhal added.
Polish Defense Minister Kosiniak-Kamysz announced the signing of an agreement on acquiring drone operation skills during his Kyiv visit. “Discussions will focus on developing joint industrial initiatives. I think Poles are looking forward to this after such large-scale efforts aimed at helping the population,” the Polish minister said.
Kosiniak-Kamysz emphasized that implementing lessons learned from the Ukrainian battlefield is crucial for transforming Poland’s Armed Forces and NATO as a whole. He noted “obvious openness and readiness for cooperation” from the Ukrainian side.
The Polish minister addressed bilateral tensions directly: “I realize the emotions that sometimes arise between us, between Poland and Ukraine, but they should not overshadow our strategic goal. The enemy is elsewhere. It should not be sought within ourselves, among ourselves.”
The agreement represents a step toward deeper defense cooperation between the two countries, with focus on drone technology and joint military training programs.
Ukrainian drones struck Russia’s Salavat refinery in Bashkortostan on 18 September, about 1,300 kilometers from the Ukrainian border. The attack targeted the heart of the facility — a crude distillation unit, essential for the refinery’s operations.
The long-range assault came amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, as Kyiv targets Russia’s oil infrastructure to undermine military logistics and oil export profits sustaining the invasion of Ukraine.
Strike hits Gazprom’s Salavat refinery
Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ published video clips and photos showing flames at the Gazprom Nefetkhim Salavat refinery, located in the city of Salavat in Russia’s Bashkortostan.
The channel wrote that the drone which flew through the night and was tracked in the morning eventually hit its target during the day-time.
Exilenova+ reported the strike occurred around 10:00 and damaged the ELOU-AVT-4 distillation unit. The channel commented that Russian refineries are vulnerable even at a distance of 1,300 kilometers, praising the successful hit.
Another post from Exilenova+ shared coordinates of the damaged site and noted that the ELOU-AVT-4 unit is a key facility.
Local reports of explosions
Russian news Telegram channel Astra said residents of Salavat reported explosions and then heavy smoke after the strike. The channel noted that confirmation of details was limited at the time, but eyewitness videos showed the burning facility.
Bashkortostan’s head Radyi Khabirov later confirmed the attack. He called it a “terrorist attack” on Gazprom Neftekhim Salavat, claiming two aircraft-type drones were used.
“Two aircraft-type drones attacked the facility. There are no dead or injured. Passive and active defenses were triggered, and the plant’s security opened fire to destroy them. We are determining the extent of the damage. The fire is now being extinguished, and all services are on site,” Khabirov stated.
Strategic importance of the refinery
Gazprom Neftkhim Salavat is one of the largest petrochemical and oil-processing factories in southern Bashkortostan. Astra reported it produces more than 150 types of products, including gasoline, diesel fuel, bitumen, and polyethylene. In 2024 the company reported revenue of 303 billion rubles and net profit of 4.4 billion.
The refinery processes up to 10 million tons of crude annually, Militarnyi wrote. The defense outlet stressed that the ELOU-AVT-4 unit handles primary crude purification, making it crucial for the plant’s entire production cycle. Militarnyi added that disruption of the unit would have serious consequences for the enterprise.
Previous strikes in Bashkortostan
Salavat was previously targeted in May 2024, when a drone hit the pumping station of the same oil facility. Earlier this month on 13 September, drones also struck two Bashneft refineries in Ufa, damaging installations and pipelines. On 16 September, Khabirov signed an order banning publication of information about drone strikes in Bashkortostan.
The Verkhovna Rada has passed a law establishing a Unified Information System for the Social Sphere, aimed at automating social support processes and strengthening the protection of citizens’ personal data.
Tanks from Ukraine’s 63rd Separate Mechanized Brigade completely destroyed a building occupied by Russian infantry in a close-range engagement, the Third Army Corps press service reported on 18 September.
Russian forces had fortified themselves in an abandoned residential building in one of the settlements within the corps’ area of responsibility.
“For the defeat of enemy forces, a tank from one of the battalions was deployed: the combat vehicle approached point-blank to the structure and opened aimed fire,” the press service said.
The precise shots completely destroyed the building along with the Russian assault troops positioned inside, according to the military report.
The engagement highlights the operational methods of the Third Army Corps, which incorporates the 3rd Separate Assault Brigade as its core unit. The formation also includes the 53rd, 60th, and 63rd Separate Mechanized Brigades of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.
As of early August, the corps has taken up a section of the front in Luhansk Oblast, where it simultaneously confronts three Russian armies – the 1st Tank Army and the 20th and 25th Combined Arms Armies of the Russian Federation, the press service reports.
The tank engagement demonstrates the tactical approach employed by Ukrainian armored units in urban combat situations where Russian forces attempt to establish defensive positions in civilian infrastructure.
Ukraine and the European Commission wrapped up final agricultural screening meetings in Brussels on 15 September, completing a multi-year process that marks a historic milestone in the country’s EU accession journey.
This breakthrough has profound implications for global food security and European integration.
Ukraine’s agricultural sector—which supplied 50% of the UN World Food Programme’s grain before the war and remains a critical supplier to food-stressed regions—is moving closer to EU Common Agricultural Policy integration.
Yet, the milestone also exposes a fundamental disconnect that threatens Ukraine’s European future and the EU’s strategic coherence. While Brussels debates abstract concerns about Ukrainian “mega farms,” the reality on the ground reveals a far more complex agricultural landscape fighting for survival under Russian bombardment.
Screening completion sets the stage for integration challenges
The three-day Brussels meetings represented years of preparation culminating in Ukraine presenting 28 thematic blocks covering agricultural reforms, digitalization, state support, and market regulation.
Officials reported that the European Commission positively assessed Ukraine’s readiness to integrate into the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy.
The screening completes Cluster 5, “Resources, Agriculture and Cohesion Policy,” the final piece in Ukraine’s six-cluster accession negotiations. According to EU officials, the bilateral screening process will be finalized by autumn 2025, with Ukraine aiming to meet opening benchmarks by the end of 2026.
But agriculture remains the most politically sensitive chapter. Deputy Prime Minister Taras Kachka called it one of the “most sensitive” negotiation topics, reflecting concerns that have triggered farmer protests across Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia, forcing the EU to pay €156 million in compensation to affected farmers.
War damage meets policy misconceptions
Let us consider the context. As Ukrainian agriculture faces its most challenging period since independence—with an estimated $80 billion in war damages and farmers operating under daily missile and drone attacks—European policy debates continue to focus on abstract threats.
The European Parliament’s research briefing, published in April 2024, confirmed that Ukrainian agriculture has been “a primary military target of Russia’s aggression,” with Ukraine now controlling an estimated 26.5 million hectares of arable land, down from 32.7 million before the war.
Yet as Ukrainian farmers die defending their fields, European discourse remains fixated on what Politico describes as “farm giants and oligarch-owned holdings” that have become “the face of the country’s agriculture in Europe, looming as an existential threat at the border.”
The human reality tells a different story. Oleksandr Hordiienko, a 58-year-old farmer from Kherson, was killed by a Russian drone in early September while driving across his war-scarred fields.
At his funeral, mourners called him “the farmer with a shotgun”—he had cleared thousands of mines from the 1,000 hectares his cooperative shared with a dozen other farmers and patrolled the skies with a Turkish shotgun to protect his workers from drones.
Current agricultural statistics underscore the wartime challenges. Ukrainian exports dropped 33% in the first two months of the 2025/26 marketing year compared to the previous season, with wheat exports totaling just 3.1 million tons through early September—over 1 million tons less than last year.
Ukrainian farmers increasingly challenge the aforementioned European misconceptions about the country’s agriculture being dominated solely by oligarch-held farm giants.
“Ukrainian farmers must start now: To explain who we are: not oligarchs, but independent producers. To show what we need: not handouts, but clarity and fairness,” argues Andrii Dykun, Chairman of the Ukrainian Agri Council.
The reality indeed is quite diverse, with medium-sized and family businesses accounting for about 80% of agricultural enterprises, while only 20% operate companies with more than 10,000 hectares. Nearly 4 million households work the land, producing 95% of Ukraine’s potatoes, 85% of vegetables, 80% of fruit and berries, and 75% of milk.
These small-scale operations, invisible in European debates, are keeping Ukrainian families fed throughout the war.
The 8,600 medium-sized farms of 200-2,000 hectares—not the massive holdings that dominate headlines—produced over 50% of cereal output before the war. Even EU analysis acknowledges that 58% of production comes from structures under 1,000 hectares.
The picture is quite far from the “oligarch” stereotype, also when looking at operations that would be considered massive by European standards.
Politico recently profiled Akhmil Alkhadzhi, whose Syrian father helped build a family company cultivating 3,500 hectares—“middling” in Ukraine but enormous by European standards. When Russia invaded, wheat prices collapsed from $250-300 per ton to $70. To keep the business alive and support 60 employees representing “300 or 400 lives depending on us,” Alkhadzhi sold his apartment abroad. “We stayed without an apartment, but with a business,” he said.
Markets diversify as political tensions persist
Russia’s systematic targeting of Ukrainian food systems has evolved beyond direct agricultural attacks toward economic warfare. Moscow inflates costs across food production sectors by attacking energy infrastructure while maintaining plausible deniability.
Despite these pressures, Ukrainian agriculture demonstrates remarkable adaptability.
While the EU became increasingly important during the war, now taking 51% of Ukraine’s wheat exports compared to 30% in 2021, Ukraine maintains global diversification. In the first months of 2025/26, key destinations included Egypt (18% of grain exports), Indonesia (13%), China (10%), Vietnam (8%), and Türkiye (8%). India takes 17% of vegetable oils, with Iraq, Türkiye, and China following.
This diversification proves Ukrainian farmers’ core argument: they seek “regulatory access” to EU markets rather than dependency. As Dykun notes: “Once it became clear that Ukrainian producers were not looking for shortcuts, but rather fair treatment under EU rules, the tone softened.”
Political tensions nonetheless persist. Trade preferences expired in June 2025, quotas were reinstated, and emergency brake mechanisms now cover multiple Ukrainian agricultural products.
The legacy of previous restrictions by Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia continues to shadow EU-Ukraine agricultural relations, with tensions persisting into 2024 despite political changes in some countries.
These ongoing disputes underscore the challenges ahead as Ukraine moves from completing technical screenings to implementing actual integration. The 15 September screening completion was easy, demonstrating regulatory alignment on paper. The harder test comes with the political acceptance of Ukrainian competition in European markets.
Integration challenges and strategic stakes
Chapter 11 on Agriculture and Rural Development encompasses substantial EU law governing direct payments, rural development measures, and market interventions. Most rules apply immediately upon accession, making proper implementation critical.
Yet historically, agriculture has proven contentious in most enlargement negotiations, and integrating Ukraine’s sizeable agricultural sector poses unique challenges, especially without prior Common Agricultural Policy reform.
The screening completion demonstrates Ukraine’s institutional capacity for European integration amid active warfare.
For Western policymakers, understanding Ukrainian agriculture’s complexity becomes essential for supporting Ukraine’s EU aspirations and broader democratic resilience.
As Deputy Prime Minister Kachka noted, “This screening session is not a starting point but a culmination of years of cooperation with the EU. We know our strengths, we understand the challenges and today we have the opportunity to lay the foundation for further integration of Ukraine’s agricultural sector into the EU’s common policy.”
While Russian forces steal grain from occupied territories and systematically target food infrastructure, Ukrainian farmers continue producing crops that feed both domestic and global markets.
This agricultural persistence represents more than economic necessity—it demonstrates the resilience and institutional capacity that make Ukraine’s European integration both possible and strategically vital—if Brussels can move beyond its misconceptions to recognize the complex reality of Ukrainian agriculture fighting for survival and a European future.
Ukrainian drones struck a Russian Sopka-2 radar complex in Voronezh Oblast on September 16, damaging the antenna of the long-range surveillance system located more than 170 kilometers from the Ukrainian border, according to ASTRA media outlet.
The attack targeted the tracking radar complex near Garmashevka village in the Kantemirovka district, with one drone detonating and causing damage to the Sopka-2 antenna system, ASTRA reports. Voronezh Oblast Governor Pavel Gusev confirmed the attack occurred but claimed “the drone was destroyed.”
The Russian Ministry of Defense reported shooting down one drone over the region, following its standard practice of announcing successful intercepts.
The Sopka-2 represents a three-coordinate radar system capable of surveillance within a 450-kilometer radius, designed to detect aircraft and determine their range and altitude. The complex operates in all weather conditions, including winds up to 40 meters per second and temperatures as low as -40°C, according to technical specifications.
The strike follows a pattern of Ukrainian forces targeting Russian radar installations. Days earlier, Ukrainian drones destroyed a Russian RLK-1 “Navigation of the South” radar complex in Rostov Oblast, deployed at a former air defense military unit.
Ukrainian Defense Forces have intensified strikes against Russian radar stations in recent months, seeking to degrade radar coverage in specific areas, particularly around temporarily occupied Crimea. On September 5, Ukrainian drone operators struck Russian air defense radars “Podlyot” and “Nebo-M” on the peninsula.
The Sopka-2 operates as an S-band ground-based air surveillance radar with a range of approximately 450 kilometers, according to manufacturer specifications. The system serves to collect, consolidate and analyze data on air situation awareness for Russian military operations.
The attack demonstrates the expanding reach of Ukrainian drone capabilities, with the strike occurring at significant distance from the border and targeting critical radar infrastructure used for early warning and air defense coordination.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov declared on 16 September that territorial exchanges will not “stop” Russia’s war in Ukraine, directly contradicting recent statements by US President Donald Trump that peace would require “land swaps” between the warring nations, Russian state media TASS reported on 17 September
Speaking on 17 September, Lavrov dismissed proposals to restore US-Russian trade as an incentive for peace, stating such attempts to “entice” President Vladimir Putin would not end the war. The foreign minister reiterated Moscow’s position that any settlement must eliminate what the Kremlin calls the “root causes” of the war.
These root causes, as defined by Kremlin officials, include Ukraine’s alleged discrimination against Russian-speakers and NATO expansion. According to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), Moscow has repeatedly used this “root causes” framework to demand the replacement of Ukraine’s current government with a Russian puppet regime, Ukraine’s commitment to neutrality, and the revocation of NATO’s Open Door Policy.
Despite the hardline stance from Lavrov, Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov maintained on the same day that Russia remains open to negotiations, claiming Moscow’s “preferred solution” is a political and diplomatic settlement, according to ISW.
The ISW assessed that Russia shows no interest in good-faith negotiations requiring Russian concessions and remains willing to protract the war to achieve its original maximalist war demands through military means rather than diplomacy.
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