The Ukrainian government takes an unusual step amid EU pressure. Facing the threat of losing billions in aid, Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko has announced that Oleksandr Tsyvinsky, the selected candidate for Director of the Bureau of Economic Security (BEB), has agreed he will undergo a polygraph test.

Svyrydenko: “A civilized solution is the polygraph”

The Ukrainian prime minister says she has held a direct meeting with Tsyvinsky on 1 August, during which they agreed he would take a polygraph test. 

“We agreed with Oleksandr on how to remove all doubts in a civilized manner and arranged for him to take a polygraph test. This guarantees that the situation is free of manipulation and allows us to move forward,” Svyrydenko states. 

She adds that the selection commission has already made its decision and that the government has received the results from additional background checks.

Tsyvinsky is a National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) detective who won the BEB director position in June 2025. The competition involved international experts. Tsyvinsky leads one of NABU’s elite detective units. His appointment was to symbolize the restoration of trust in anti-corruption bodies. 

However, on 7 July, the Ukrainian government refused to approve him, citing “security concerns” as assessed by the Security Service. In response, Tsyvinsky stated that the government’s decision “does not comply with the law.”

Government promises final decision next week

The prime minister emphasizes the shared interest in making the Bureau of Economic Security an effective institution trusted by both business and the public. She expresses hope that the Ukrainian government will reach a final decision next week. 

“This will be a major contribution to rebuilding trust between the state and the business community,” Svyrydenko adds. 

The government’s refusal to approve the competition winner marked another escalation in tense relations between Ukrainian authorities and NABU, which sharply intensified this summer.

On 22 July, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the controversial bill, which curtails the NABU’s independence, as well as the liberty of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), by requiring their key decisions to be coordinated with the Prosecutor General’s Office.

The law led to mass civil society protests and criticism from international partners as it contradicts Ukraine’s commitments to the EU and the US on anti-corruption reforms.

A powerful tsunami triggered by a magnitude 8.8 earthquake has reportedly struck Russia’s secret nuclear submarine base in Kamchatka. Satellite images obtained by The Telegraph show severe damage to the pier at the Rybachiy base, a key facility of Russia’s Pacific Fleet.

Satellite images reveal a pier shift after a tsunami strike

According to Umbra Space, one of the docking structures was displaced at a “terrifying angle,” indicating the pier may have been partially torn from its foundation. No submarine was docked at the time of the impact, but the base’s vulnerability raises serious concerns. One image shows a submarine moored at the same pier as recently as 17 July.

The nuclear fleet base, just 75 miles from the epicenter struck by a natural disaster

Rybachiy is located in Avacha Bay, only 120 km (75 miles) from the quake’s epicenter. The base hosts Russia’s newest Borei-class and older Delta-class submarines.

Nearby facilities include Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky and other strategic military sites.

Although the Kremlin insists the infrastructure is “fully earthquake-proof,” experts warn that even minor pier damage could compromise combat readiness.

Experts question the safety of fleet concentration in one port

Analysts stress that concentrating so many submarines in a single location is a strategic risk.

“This is why having multiple bases is a good idea, because you never know when you’re going to get rogered by something you haven’t seen coming,” said retired Royal Navy officer Tom Sharpe.

He also criticized the pier’s construction.

“It looks classically Russian. Taped on,” he adds. 

While Russian sources deny any major damage, the base’s vulnerability to natural disasters casts doubt on the Pacific Fleet’s readiness for emergency scenarios.

Russian ruler Vladimir Putin has cynically commented on the war in Ukraine for the first time since US President Donald Trump issued his 10-day ultimatum on Russia. Last week, the American president gave Russia ten days to reach a peaceful settlement, threatening massive sanctions if this does not happen by 8 August, UNIAN reports.

Moscow is ready to wait

During a meeting with the self-proclaimed president of Belarus, Alexander Lukashenko, Putin spoke positively about the negotiations in Turkiye and the prisoner exchanges, stating that Moscow is “ready to wait” if Kyiv is not prepared for talks.

At the same time, he said the Ukrainian political regime “is not based on the Constitution” and supports prolonged negotiations “without any time limits.”

In June, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy revealed that the Kremlin used prisoner exchanges as a tool to delay the negotiation process with Ukraine and dodge sanctions. While sending back Ukrainian prisoners of war, beaten and tortured in captivity, Russia does not agree to any other proposition to end the war. 

Ukrainian soldier dies weeks after release from Russian captivity with his organs failing due to torture

Kremlin’s conditions remain the same as last year 

Putin confirmed that Russia’s conditions for ending the war, announced back in summer 2024, remain unchanged.

Last year, he insisted on the withdrawal of Ukrainian troops from the occupied territories of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia. Moscow has illegally incorporated these Ukrainian regions into its Constitution. Additionally, Russia demands that Ukraine renounce NATO membership, enshrine a non-nuclear status, and lift sanctions.

Lukashenko says Zelenskyy should ask Putin to negotiate

In talks with propagandists, Putin boasted about the production of the first serial ballistic missile Oreshnik and the Russian army’s offensive along the entire front line.

In 2024, Russia used a Multiple Independently Targetable Reentry Vehicle (MIRV) missile armed with conventional warheads to strike Dnipro. While MIRV technology has long been associated with nuclear delivery systems, this marked its first use in combat. The scale of the destruction remains unknown. According to Ukraine’s Air Force, Russia targeted industrial facilities and critical infrastructure in Dnipro.

Meanwhile, Lukashenko urged Zelenskyy “to simply sit down at the negotiating table” with Putin and emphasized that Minsk and Moscow will not kneel because they decisively defend their interests.

The latest deadly attack on Kyiv was an attempt by Russian ruler Vladimir Putin to humiliate American President Donald Trump. For half a year of his presidency, Trump has been trying to stop the war between Ukraine and Russia, says former Ukrainian Foreign Minister Volodymyr Ohryzko, Radio NV reports. 

Last week, Trump announced a new ultimatum to Russia, shortening to 10 days the time Russia has to end the war in Ukraine or face sanctions on its oil exports. The energy sector brings Moscow significant profits, which it directs toward new missiles and drones to terrorize Ukrainian civilians.

Putin was silent for a long time after the ultimatum. Then, on 31 July, he launched 300 drones and 8 missiles at Kyiv. The attack killed 31 people, including 5 children.

“What happened on 31 July once again proves that we are dealing with wild barbarians. And barbarism must be met with a strong and harsh response,” the diplomat says.

The former minister noted that while Trump might be accelerating events, he is unlikely to tolerate Putin’s blatant and public humiliation.

“I think two things must happen now. First, very tough economic sanctions. And very accelerated military aid to Ukraine. These two components, along with all the others, will be key to changing the situation on the battlefield and inside Russia in Ukrainian favor,” he explains. 

On 1 August, Trump promised new sanctions on Russia, but also sent US Envoy Steve Witkoff to visit Moscow for another round of talks after his visit to Israel. 

He again claimed that Russia’s war “is Biden’s war” and claimed it would allegedly not have started if he had been in office when it began. Meanwhile, Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Congress is ready to advance a sweeping sanctions bill against Russia if Trump decides he wants more pressure. The legislation was introduced by Lindsey Graham and has more than 80 senators signed on. 

According to media reports, at least 96 Russian drones violated Belarusian airspace in July, marking the heaviest month of drone incursions so far. These Russian long-range drones came from Ukraine and crossed into Belarus skies repeatedly during the month, with one night alone seeing 26 of them entering.

96 Russian drones in Belarus create record month of incursions

Belsat reported that in the early hours of 30 July, at least 26 Russian Shahed drones flew into Belarus airspace. According to the Homiel-based news site Flagshtok, this pushed the July total to at least 96 drones. The figure set a new record, with previous months showing far fewer flights. Flagstok said the last peak was in January, but July exceeded it.

Reports described how late in the evening on that day, observers noticed three drones near Khoiniki and Naroulia. Two of them moved toward Brahin. Later, five more drones were seen heading toward Brahin and further toward Ukraine’s Zhytomyr Oblast. Another three drones appeared over Homiel Oblast. One flew over Mazyr, while another was heard south of Homiel. Drones also appeared in the areas of Naroulia and Loieu. Witnesses said the sound of their engines was clearly heard during the night.

On 29 July, one of the Russian drones fell on the outskirts of Minsk. Authorities in Belarus admitted the crash but claimed that the drone was allegedly Ukrainian. This version was met with doubt because witnesses said the drone came from the direction of Russia. BELPOL, citing witnesses, reported that the drone engine noise was heard in Astrashytski Haradok and Baravliany, both located north of Minsk.

Belsat said that in all of 2023, at least 145 Russian Shahed drones entered Belarus. Of those, 109 disappeared from radars, while 36 continued toward Ukraine. 

Ukraine’s central bank reported on 31 July that inflation will moderate to 9.7% by December 2025, down from its May peak of 15.9%. This signaled monetary stability that exceeded many international expectations for a wartime economy.

The encouraging headline masks a troubling contradiction: Ukrainian families now pay more for basic groceries than their counterparts in EU countries, with butter costing 25% more than in Poland, according to Focus.ua analysis. This paradox — macro success alongside micro hardship — tests whether Ukraine can sustain the economic discipline that international lenders and reconstruction investors demand.

Central bank maintains credibility with a tight monetary stance

The National Bank of Ukraine kept its key policy rate at 15.5%, which would be considered restrictive in peacetime economies but demonstrates institutional strength that Western financial markets monitor closely.

“The NBU will stick to a rather tight monetary stance for as long as it is needed in order to ensure that inflation is steadily declining toward its 5% target over the policy horizon,” NBU Governor Andriy Pyshnyy said on 24 July during the monetary policy briefing.

The central bank revised its inflation trajectory, now projecting 9.7% in 2025, 6.6% in 2026, and a return to the 5% target only by 2027. This timeline that aligns with European Central Bank standards and signals Ukraine’s commitment to EU integration despite wartime pressures.

Real GDP growth projections remain modest at 2.1% for 2025, closely matching International Monetary Fund expectations of 2-3% growth and World Bank projections of 2% this year. This consensus among major multilateral institutions suggests Ukraine’s economic management has earned international credibility.

Foreign reserves cover more than five months of imports — exceeding the three-month standard that rating agencies use to assess emerging market stability — supported by continued international funding that maintains confidence among sovereign bond investors.

Household costs expose fragility behind stability

While macroeconomic indicators show stability, Ukrainian households face mounting cost pressures — a fact covered elliptically in the NBU report by the phrase “convergence of food prices.” The average Ukrainian food basket has become increasingly expensive, particularly affecting regions with damaged production capacity.

Weather-related harvest disruptions compound these pressures. The NBU expects agricultural improvements to help cool food inflation, but rising utility costs and excise tax increases offset these gains. Real wages are growing approximately 3-4% annually, providing some relief, but many households struggle with necessities despite overall economic resilience.

This contradiction between institutional success and widespread hardship raises questions about aid model sustainability and long-term economic transformation prospects.

International confidence hinges on continued discipline

Ukraine’s monetary achievement serves multiple strategic purposes that extend beyond domestic concerns. The country’s ability to maintain inflation targeting and currency stability while fighting an existential war demonstrates institutional resilience that reconstruction investors and EU accession evaluators closely monitor.

The contrast with Russia’s economic trajectory remains striking: while Ukraine maintains disciplined monetary policy at 15.5% rates, Russia’s central bank unexpectedly cut its rate by 200 basis points in late July — its biggest reduction since May 2022 — signaling growing economic pressures despite earlier rate hikes to combat inflation.

Yet the food price paradox illustrates Ukraine’s fundamental challenge: maintaining the macroeconomic frameworks needed for post-war integration while supporting a population under extreme stress. How Ukraine manages this balance will determine whether international support translates into genuine economic transformation or merely postpones deeper structural reckonings.

For foreign observers, Ukraine’s inflation report represents more than monetary policy — it’s a test case for whether a country can simultaneously fight for survival and build the institutional foundations for European integration.

Hungary helps Russia by routing helicopter repairs through Kazakhstan while sourcing spare parts from Moscow, InformNapalm reports. InformNapalm is a volunteer intelligence community known for cyber operations exposing Russian military networks. Their latest release reveals a Hungarian company, Milspace Kft, offering a sanctions workaround for Russia’s Mil Design Bureau — the producer of Mi-series helicopters actively used against Ukrainian troops.

Leaked document exposes Hungary’s Milspace Kft in sanction evasion scheme

InformNapalm, working with the Militant Intelligence group, disclosed new data from the OpsHackRussia’sDay cyber operation. The dataset comes from hacked corporate correspondence of Russian defense industry companies. The latest document shows that Milspace Kft sent an official proposal to the Mexican company Personas y Paquetes Por Aire SA de CV. In this letter, Milspace Kft explains that Russian helicopter factories are under sanctions and offers a route to bypass these restrictions.

The leaked letter states:

“The Russian factory in Kazan, Mil Design Bureau and Holding of Russian Helicopters are under sanctions because of Ukrainen (original spelling, – Ed.) war. So, nobody can work with them directly. But we found a solution”

Milspace Kft proposes to act as the formal contractor while repairs would be done in a Kazakhstan plant licensed by Mil Design Bureau.

“Our Milspace is authorized organization of licensed by Mil Design Bureau repairing plant in Kazahstan. We are ready to participate in process of overhaul for your helicopters,” the leaked letter reads.

Spare parts would come from Moscow, specifically from Mi-INTER Ltd. The work would be supervised and coordinated with Mil Design Bureau and Russian Helicopters, both parts of Rostec, a large Russian state-owned conglomerate.

“Every of these organizations ready to participate in our repairing process, so the start was made successfully,” the document states.

Evidence links Hungary to Russian helicopter support

InformNapalm reports that this letter details a service package worth $92,000. The plan includes a team of four “to carry out troubleshooting work on airframe and helicopters under a separate contract.”

“Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has consistently shown loyalty to the Kremlin, delaying EU sanctions and blocking military aid to Ukraine through NATO and EU structures. Therefore, Milspace Kft’s involvement in these operations aligns with Budapest’s geopolitical position, which often conflicts with the core interests of both the EU and NATO,” Inform Napalm says.

Risks for EU and NATO security

InformNapalm warns that Hungary’s involvement undermines NATO collective security. The practice ensures that sanctioned Russian helicopters remain operational, despite restrictions. This leak also highlights a broader pattern of using Kazakhstan as a hub for maintaining Russian equipment, similar to previous findings from the #SU30Leaks series.

Hacktivists call on journalists and European officials to investigate these sanction evasion networks before they grow further. They note that more documents from the OpsHackRussiasDay operation will follow.

US President Donald Trump promises new sanctions on Russia as the US Senate prepares a massive package, and envoy Steve Witkoff is set to visit Moscow for another round of talks. The US President said at a White House briefing that he will impose sanctions, even though he doubts they will make Russia’s leader Vladimir Putin change course.

Despite Trump’s efforts to “end” the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, Moscow has been repeatedly ignoring any calls for peace, only escalating its attacks against Ukrainian civilians. Yesterday’s Russian air attack on Kyiv killed at least 31 civilians, including three children. In the aftermath, Ukraine’s foreign minister Andrii Sybiha said Trump had been “very generous and very patient” with Putin, and called for immediate maximum pressure on Moscow to end the war.

Trump promises sanctions on Russia and sends Witkoff to Moscow

Speaking after Russia’s deadly air assault on Kyiv, Trump said late on 31 July that Russia’s actions in Ukraine are “disgusting” and “a disgrace.” He again claimed that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine “is Biden’s war” and claimed the war would allegedly not have started if he had been in office when it began. He again said many people are dying on both sides and that the United States should not be involved in the fighting.

Trump confirmed that sanctions are part of his plan to pressure Moscow, even as he questioned their effect.

“Yeah, we’re going to put sanctions. I don’t know that sanctions bother him (Putin, — Ed.). They know about sanctions. I know better than anybody about sanctions and tariffs and everything else. I don’t know if that has any effect, but we’re going to do it,” he said.

Trump added that the Russo-Ukrainian war “should be stopped. It’s a disgrace.”

“This was a stupid war to get into. Should have never gotten into this war,” he said.

The President also announced that his envoy Steve Witkoff will travel again to Moscow after a stop in Israel.

“Going to Israel. And then he’s going to Russia. Believe it or not,” Trump said.

Witkoff has already been to Moscow several times, but those trips have not brought a ceasefire closer, as Russia continues to demand Ukraine’s de facto capitulation.

Senate prepares its own sweeping sanctions bill

New York Post reports that Senate Majority Leader John Thune said Congress is ready to advance a sweeping sanctions bill against Russia if Trump decides he wants more pressure. The legislation was introduced by Lindsey Graham and has more than 80 senators signed on. Thune said in an interview that he is “hopeful” the bill will help Trump increase pressure on Putin.

Thune explained that the House and Senate are “ready to move” if the President wants harsher penalties for Russia. He said the support of the whole Congress would give the president more leverage in negotiations with Russia.

Trump, speaking earlier in the week to New York Post, expressed disappointment in Putin.

“I’m disappointed in him, I must be honest with you,” he said.

He described their earlier talks as unproductive, saying that each time “very bad things have happened” afterward.

Trump has also said earlier that if sanctions fail to produce results, he will consider tariffs on countries that continue buying Russian oil. According to Graham, these tariffs could target China, India and Brazil, which buy a majority of Russia’s oil.

Ukraine’s State Emergency Service, for over three hours, rescued a man trapped in the rubble of a house hit by a Russian missile on 31 July. The rescuers maintained voice contact with him all that time. He had fallen from the second floor to the first and was pinned by structural debris.

Reaching the injured man was difficult: rescuers broke a hole in the wall of a neighboring apartment and formed a sort of tunnel.

Special stabilizers were attached to the man to avoid causing further harm during the rescue.

Search and rescue operations are continuing at two Kyiv locations, and emergency recovery efforts are underway at six. At the strike sites, all available equipment and specialists have been deployed to save lives. Nearly 2,000 tons of rubble were removed from the strike site. 

Meanwhile, the number of victims continues to rise. Among the victims are a two-year-old and a six-year-old. The number may rise as emergency workers dig through the debris.

Kyiv Mayor Vitalii Klitschko announced yesterday that 1 August was declared a day of mourning in the city. Flags were lowered on municipal buildings, and all entertainment events were canceled. Both state and private institutions were asked to lower their flags as well.

A few minutes to strike 

During the night of 31 July, Russian forces attacked Kyiv with drones and later with Iskander-K missiles. According to Ukraine’s Air Force, Moscow used a total of 309 attack drones and eight Iskander-K cruise missiles in the assault on Ukraine, three of which were intercepted.

The Iskander-K missiles were launched from Russia’s Kursk Oblast, practically right on the border, leaving very little time to respond or deploy appropriate countermeasures. Moreover, Iskander ground-based launchers are harder to detect than carriers of Kalibr or Kh-101 missiles, as the latter must first head out to sea, and their flight time is significantly longer, Defense Express reports. 

Ukraine’s intelligence agency has reported that Russia is capable of producing up to 300 cruise missiles per month, including 20–30 Iskander-K missiles. 

Exclusives

Inside Zelenskyy’s failed coup against Ukraine’s anti-corruption agencies. Parliamentary manipulation, fake security crises, and Telegram warfare met Ukrainian teenagers.

Wounded, cut off and alone: Ukrainian grenadier spends three days in Russian positions and brings back a captive. A 54-year-old fighter survived wounds from shrapnel and being knocked unconscious before crossing back with a captured enemy soldier.

“Aren’t you tired of feeding people garbage?” Ukrainian parliament reverses anti-corruption law after street protests. After a week of protests, 331 lawmakers voted to restore NABU and SAPO independence, undoing a law passed just days earlier.

Brussels pulls the trigger: Why EU nuked $ 5.5 billion in Ukraine aid – and Kyiv’s path back.

Did Ukraine just unleash its first Bars cruise missiles? A 500 km strike deep inside Russia suggests it. Photos from Stavropol have fueled speculation that Ukraine’s new Bars missiles have entered the war.

Military

Putin’s response to Trump’s ceasefire deadline: Russian missiles and drones kill civilians in Kyiv. Russians killed a six-year-old boy and five more civilians, injured more than 50 other people, including nine more children.

Frontline report: Mines on their chests, drones above as Russia’s summer offensive stops dead. Cut off from supplies near Lyman, Russian troops now carry mines on foot. Most never make it through the drone fire.

Russian military claimed to seize Chasiv Yar. Ukrainian defenders say it is a lie. The Ministry of Defense in Moscow announced victory while fierce fighting continued.

Ukraine’s drone offensive pounds Volgograd–Rostov railway again — Kotelnikovo burns in overnight attack (video). The latest strike left fires raging at a traction substation as trains were halted.

Ukraine’s drones roar deep into Russia — Penza military electronics plant in flames (video). Regional authorities confirmed a large fire at the plant after residents posted videos of drones flying low over the city.

Russia launches record 6,297 drones at Ukraine in July 2025 — a 1,378% increase from last year, OSINT analyst reports. July 2025 became the first month to register over 6,000 Russian drone attacks on Ukraine, following June’s milestone of surpassing 5,000 launches for the first time.

Ukraine is very close to creating its own ballistics – Defense Minister

. An adviser to the head of the Ukraine’s Presidential Office said earlier that its range could reach up to 700 kilometers.

Intelligence and technology

Militarnyi: Russia now using jet-propelled Shaheds—Geran-3 drones—to step up deadly strikes on Ukraine. At least eight of these drones were used during one of the latest air attacks.

China secretly gave Russia cruise missile technology, US officials reveal at UN. Beijing is the “most important supplier to Russia’s military industry,” providing not only dual-use equipment but also cruise missile technology, a US representative told the UN Security Council.

Another Russian spy unmasked: National Guard soldier caught leaking secrets on Ukraine defense facility to Russia. SBU agents arrested him after documenting that he offered classified data in exchange for money.

TWZ: Four Western firms stole Ukraine’s drone tech — Russia and China learned instead. Western companies left Ukraine with new designs but no new methods, letting rivals adapt faster, says Deborah Fairlamb.

Prague announces new anti-air deals for Ukraine as Moscow puts Czech FM on “Russophobe” list. New packages will include ammunition supply and joint production projects aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s military.

WSJ: Republicans develop plan to allow Europeans to buy weapons for Ukraine

. Two Senate committee chairs are pushing a plan to raise up to $8 billion annually from European allies to fund US weapons deliveries to Ukraine.

International

“We’ve not seen any progress,” Rubio reveals secret Russia talks this week. American diplomats conducted previously undisclosed talks with senior Russian officials Monday and Tuesday but achieved no breakthrough on Ukraine peace negotiations, Secretary of State disclosed

Germany says Ukraine’s anti-corruption law “necessary” but not sufficient. The German FM said that Ukraine has to “continue reforms in the sphere of fighting corruption,” welcoming country’s passage of law aimed at strengthening anti-corruption agencies.

Lithuania summons Russian diplomat over deadly Kyiv attack that killed 15 people, including a child. Lithuania joined Baltic neighbors in condemning Russian strikes on Ukraine, summoning Moscow’s diplomat and delivering a formal note protesting attacks that injured over 130 people

Zelenskyy and Poland’s president-elect hold first call, plan mutual visits. Two weeks before taking office, Poland’s president-elect Karol Navrotsky committed to maintaining his country’s support for Ukraine during his first conversation with Zelenskyy

Ukraine’s FM after the night shelling: Trump has been very patient with Putin. Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha declared President Trump has shown “generous patience” with Vladimir Putin following overnight strikes on Kyiv that killed eight civilians, calling for immediate maximum pressure on Moscow to end the war.

Reuters: Ukraine’s financing gap could widen due to delayed reforms

. Only 1\3 of Ukraine’s $65 billion financing needs for 2026-2027 has been secured, Central Bank Governor Andriy Pyshnyi revealed, as delayed reforms threaten to widen the country’s funding shortfall

Humanitarian and social impact

Young Kyiv woman survives 9th-floor fall as Russian missile flattens another high-rise, killing 16. A missile hurled 23‑year‑old Veronika from her apartment. She lived; her parents were killed in the building collapse.

Muslim cultural centre damaged in Russian attack on Kyiv. A Russian missile and drone assault on Kyiv killed eight people, including a child, and damaged the city’s Islamic Cultural Centre

Slovenia highway crash kills 5 Ukrainians in collision with Russian truck driver. A pre-dawn collision on 30 July between a passenger van and commercial truck near Slovene Konjice claimed five lives. Slovenian authorities reported that the van’s Ukrainian passengers bore the brunt of the fatal impact.

Political and legal developments

Kyiv’s historic Zhytnii market gets heritage protection as city plans sale in 2025. A 45-year-old Soviet modernist market covering 11,000 square meters in Kyiv’s historic Podil district received official cultural heritage protection, potentially blocking planned municipal sale

RFE/RL reveals Ukraine’s top customs official lives in luxury: Mansions, cars, and lavish foreign schooling. The investigation exposes foreign villas, a million-dollar house near Kyiv and elite education that official income cannot explain.

Read our earlier daily review here.

The death toll from Russia’s attack on 31 July in Kyiv has reached 31 this morning, and the city is mourning as rescuers continue their work. A 2‑year‑old and a six-year-old among the victims. The number may rise as emergency workers dig through the rubble.

Death toll from Russia’s attack rises as searches continue

The combined missile and drone attack on Kyiv overnight on 31 July caused the destruction of an entire section of a residential high‑rise in Sviatoshynskyi district. Crews of the State Emergency Service of Ukraine have worked through the night under spotlights, dismantling 70% of the collapsed structure and recovering bodies from the ruins. The agency confirmed that thousands of tons of rubble have already been removed, but several residents remain missing.

As of 10:39 of 1 August, head of Kyiv City Military Administration Tymur Tkachenko said on Telegram that rescuers had recovered more bodies and that the death toll had risen to 31, including three children. His earlier morning updates showed the toll steadily increasing during the ongoing search.

Dozens wounded and widespread damage

According to the Emergency Service, the Russian attack also wounded 159 people, including 16 children.

Earlier updates from local authorities reported that apart from Sviatoshynskyi district, buildings in Solomianskyi, Shevchenkivskyi, and Holosiivskyi districts were also damaged. Windows were shattered, roofs destroyed, and basic services disrupted in several areas.

The attack also damaged railway infrastructure in one part of Kyiv, the Kyiv Islamic Cultural Center near a central mosque, and the premises of the Dovzhenko National Film Studio.

Mourning declared after the 31 July strike

Kyiv mayor Vitalii Klitschko announced yesterday that 1 August was declared a day of mourning in the city. Flags were lowered on municipal buildings, and all entertainment events were canceled. Both state and private institutions were asked to lower their flags as well.

A local woman stands at the site of search and rescue operations near a destroyed residential building in Sviatoshynskyi district of Kyiv on 1 August 2025. Photo: Suspilne/Nikita Halka.

Survivors recall the moments before the missile hit

Suspilne interviewed long‑time resident Raisa Adamenko, who explained that she was away from home when the strike happened. Her two children managed to escape through smoke moments before the missile destroyed the building. She lost her home and said she knew many of the neighbors who died, including a couple who returned home from a bomb shelter between alarms and were killed.

“From the ninth floor, Andrii and Natasha were in the bomb shelter. When they came back from it, the alarm was announced again. They had a smoke and went home. Then the missile came and they were killed,” Raisa said.

Explore further

Young Kyiv woman survives 9th-floor fall as Russian missile flattens another high-rise, killing 16

Rescue operations still underway

State Emergency Service spokesperson Pavlo Petrov told Suspilne that search operations are ongoing because people remain missing. Once specialists confirm there are no more victims under the rubble, work will move to clearing dangerous fragments so that the site can be made safe.

In June 2025, when corruption investigators reached President Volodymyr Zelensky’s inner circle, his team responded with a systematic operation to eliminate Ukraine’s anti-corruption infrastructure.

They deployed parliamentary manipulation, information warfare through Telegram channels, and legal machinations—the full authoritarian toolkit perfected across the post-Soviet space—all to subordinate two key anti-corruption institutions to the presidentially-appointed prosecutor general through a hastily-passed law on 22 July.

The operation was sophisticated, coordinated, and executed with surgical precision. What Zelenskyy’s team didn’t anticipate was that Ukrainian society had evolved beyond their understanding.

Detailed investigations by Ukrainska Pravda and Texty.org.ua reveal how the operation unfolded—and how Ukrainian civil society and European partners forced a complete retreat that exposed post-Soviet patronage reflexes colliding with European democratic standards.

When investigators reached Zelenskyy’s actual family

By June 2025, corruption investigators had crossed a line that post-Soviet leaders consider sacred: they reached Zelenskyy’s actual inner circle.

The National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) charged Deputy Prime Minister Oleksiy Chernyshov with organizing a land scheme that cost the state over $24 million.

Chernyshov wasn’t just another minister.

During Ukraine’s strict COVID lockdown in 2021, when gatherings were banned, Zelenskyy invited only a handful of intimates to celebrate his birthday. Chernyshov was the sole government official present.

Investigators were also preparing charges against Tymur Mindich, Zelenskyy’s business partner from Kvartal 95, the comedy studio where the current Ukrainian president gained his popularity—and a ticket to power. When pressure intensified, MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak reported that Mindich fled Ukraine and “will likely not return in the near future.”

As anti-corruption expert Olena Shcherban told the Kyiv Independent: “NABU and SAPO [Special Anti-Corrupution Prosecutor’s Office] have actually reached the immediate circle of the president’s ‘family.'” She predicted the Presidential Office would attack the institutions rather than abandon the minister.

She was right. When your survival network gets threatened, you protect the network.

The orchestrators revealed

Ukrainska Pravda’s investigation shows who planned the operation. The key figures were:

• Andriy Yermak (Head of Presidential Office);
• newly appointed Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko;
• and lawyer Dmytro Borzykh—a former military prosecutor positioned as the new behind-the-scenes fixer with histories of manipulating court systems.

Here’s what made the operation cynical: Kravchenko’s appointment coincided precisely with Deputy Prime Minister Oleksiy Chernyshov fleeing abroad to avoid corruption charges. The investigation reports that Kravchenko’s final meeting with presidential leadership occurred when Chernyshov “was already abroad and not going to return.”

One law enforcement source told Ukrainska Pravda the instruction was clear: “do everything possible to destroy the influence of NABU and SAPO.” But the plan required parliamentary votes—and that’s where the real manipulation began.

The machinery of power consolidation

The operation deployed multiple tools that aspiring authoritarians use to capture institutions:

• Parliamentary manipulation: On 22 July, deputies were told they were coming to vote on an important appeal to the US Congress about recognizing Russia as a terrorist state. Many had foreign trips canceled. Only when they arrived did faction leaders reveal the “main” vote would come after—a “marker” vote that was “principled for the president.” As one MP told Ukrainska Pravda: “People really had no idea what they would vote for. They said, ‘Why do you need the text?! Vote, it’s important.'” Parliament had roughly one hour to review amendments that fundamentally transformed corruption oversight.
• Buying loyalty through legal deals: MP Robert Horvat from the “Dovira” group had reached a plea agreement with SAPO in his land theft case. But after Kravchenko’s appointment, he refused to sign, telling prosecutors “Klymenko [head of SAPO] will soon be sacked.” Horvat voted both for the anti-corruption law and for Kravchenko’s appointment, along with nine colleagues from his group.
• Manufactured security crisis: On 21 July, SBU conducted 70 searches targeting 15 NABU employees, claiming Russian infiltration. The star villain was Ruslan Magamedrasulov, accused of selling hemp to Dagestan and contacting “FSB agents.” The timing was theatrical—exactly one day before the crucial vote. NABU noted most searches concerned traffic accidents, but Telegram channels immediately called NABU a “branch of the FSB” and photoshopped Russian flags onto its logo.
• Civil society intimidation: Parallel raids targeted anti-corruption activist Vitaliy Shabunin in the run-up to the law. The message was clear: supporting independent oversight brings consequences.
• Information warfare through Telegram: Texty.org.ua’s investigation tracked 246 coordinated posts across 24 popular channels from 5 June to 23 July, revealing a sophisticated influence operation that weaponized Ukraine’s most powerful information medium.

The comedy studio’s systematic capture

This wasn’t just about protecting two friends. After Zelenskyy’s 2019 victory, over 30 former Kvartal 95 employees moved into government positions—what Ukrainian analysts call a “comedy studio government.”

Take Chernyshov himself. In December 2024, Ukraine created the Ministry of National Unity specifically to give him a prominent role.

The new ministry’s purpose remained deliberately vague—supposedly engaging with Ukrainian diaspora abroad, but critics noted this duplicated existing Foreign Ministry functions. Even some ruling party deputies refused to endorse Chernyshov’s nomination due to “lack of clarity regarding the ministry’s purpose.”

Seven months later, after Chernyshov’s corruption charges, the ministry was quietly merged with the Ministry of Social Policy—effectively eliminating it. A ministry created for one man, disbanded when that man became a liability.

But Chernyshov wasn’t appointed for competence—he was appointed for loyalty. He belonged to Zelensky’s intimate circle, invited to birthday celebrations during wartime restrictions. When you staff government based on personal relationships rather than merit, you create a state that can’t tolerate oversight.

The cynical gamble on European integration

What makes the July operation particularly cynical is the timing. European Pravda reveals that Brussels had secretly scheduled 18 July to open Ukraine’s first EU negotiating cluster, bypassing Hungarian obstruction entirely. Zelenskyy knew about these plans—he’d been personally involved in discussions with Danish officials since late June.

But instead of supporting this diplomatic breakthrough, Ukraine systematically undermined its reform credentials. The EU response was swift: Brussels froze $5.5 billion in aid programs, including loans backed by frozen Russian assets. As one European official noted: “Ukraine has done the dirty work instead of Viktor Orbán.”

Explore further

The EU is withholding billions from Ukraine and honestly, it’s kinda fair

The Soviet shadow: why personal loyalty trumps law

What happened next follows patterns that Cambridge academic Alena Ledeneva spent decades documenting in post-Soviet informal networks.

During the Soviet era, personal networks weren’t just convenient—they were survival tools. Ledeneva’s research on blat (the Soviet system of personal favors) shows how people learned to rely on informal connections because formal institutions were instruments of arbitrary repression.

When the law serves power rather than justice, personal loyalty becomes rational defense.

But the cruel irony is that this survival strategy becomes democratic poison when institutions actually start working. What protected people under totalitarianism destroys accountability under democracy.

Zelensky’s response perfectly illustrates this post-Soviet reflex. Instead of accepting that even his inner circle must follow the law, his team moved to eliminate the institutions enforcing accountability.

The mentality that personal loyalty creates immunity from prosecution—that being part of the president’s “family” places you above the law—represents exactly the thinking that helped people survive Soviet totalitarianism.

Ukraine had seen this before. Viktor Yanukovych, the fugitive pro-Russian authoritarian president used identical methods during his presidency.

His prosecutor general Viktor Pshonka called himself “a member of President Viktor Yanukovych’s team” and led the crackdown on protesters against the torpedoing of EU integration in 2013-2014, abusing state power to keep Yanukovych in power. His office pursued the politically motivated prosecution of Yulia Tymoshenko, charging her with abuse of power for a 2009 gas contract.

Both men fled to Russia during the 2014 Euromaidan Revolution.

When civil society said no

Ukrainian democracy had evolved since Yanukovych’s time in ways that proved deeper than anyone expected. Mass demonstrations erupted within hours—the largest protests since Russia’s invasion. Instead of riot police (“cosmonauts” in Ukrainian slang), authorities deployed “police of dialogue.” The contrast with Yanukovych’s Berkut units couldn’t have been starker.

Perhaps most telling was the demographic: teenagers and young adults leading chants and organizing through social media.

Ukraine’s response followed patterns that political scientists Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel documented in their World Values Survey research: successful democratic transitions correspond with societies shifting from “survival values” (emphasizing economic security and low tolerance) to “self-expression values” (prioritizing individual freedom, tolerance, and political participation).

When Zelensky’s team tried to preserve Soviet-style “family immunity,” Ukrainians chose institutional accountability over patronage protection.

European pressure reinforced Ukrainian resistance. On 31 July, parliament voted 331-0 to restore anti-corruption agency independence.

Explore further

They came. They cussed. They won.

The test and the warning

This was Ukraine’s first major test of whether it had outgrown the post-Soviet patronage trap. Zelensky’s team tried to replicate the loyalty-first system that had dominated Ukrainian politics for decades. When independent institutions threatened their inner circle, they deployed the full authoritarian toolkit.

However, Ukrainian civil society matured during three decades of independence and intensified during three years of war. When citizens recognized the Yanukovych pattern, they defended democratic accountability.

The victory comes with warnings. The machinery for institutional capture remains in place. Just weeks after the crisis, Zelenskyy appointed Yuliia Svyrydenko as Prime Minister—widely viewed as closely aligned with Yermak. As former President Petro Poroshenko noted: “Replacing Shmyhal, who was ‘Yermak in a shirt,’ with Svyrydenko, who will be ‘Yermak in a skirt,’ changes nothing.”

It is telling that in her first major western interview, which ran on the same day as the Rada gutted NABU and SAPO, Svyrydenko played down Ukrainian corruption, alleging that the problem is overstated. The pool of anonymous pro-Zelenskyy Telegram channels pushed this quote extensively while protests flooded four cities.

More substantially, her government has refused to appoint Oleksandr Tsyvinsky as head of the Bureau of Economic Security, despite his selection by an independent commission and backing from the IMF. The refusal continues the same pattern of blocking oversight appointments that triggered the July crisis.

Most concerning, the team that orchestrated this operation—Yermak, Kravchenko, and their networks—remain in position. They’ve learned from this failure and may attempt more subtle approaches next time.

A bitter irony is involved. Zelenskyy built his political career playing a fictional president fighting corrupt officials in his TV show “Servant of the People.” Six years into real power, when investigators reached his actual inner circle—not fictional corrupt officials but his birthday party guests and business partners—he chose loyalty over law. This is precisely why independent oversight exists: power corrupts even those who start as anti-corruption outsiders.

The comedy studio presidency may still view independent oversight as existential threat. But Ukrainian civil society has shown it’s stronger than the survival networks trying to capture it. That’s the foundation democracies are built on.

An earlier version of this article mistakenly said that Svyrydenko’s only comment on the crisis was the corruption in Ukraine is overstated

Kyiv woke up to horror on 31 July after a night of massive Russian drone and missile strikes. In one of the war’s most dramatic and heartbreaking stories, 23‑year‑old Veronika miraculously survived being blown out of her ninth‑floor apartment when a Russian Iskander missile struck a residential building in the Sviatoshyn district. Sixteen people have been confirmed dead so far, and rescue operations continue.

After more than three years of war, as peace talks remain stalled, Russia is intensifying attacks on civilians. Ukrainian cities are increasingly vulnerable despite extensive air defense efforts – a reality Kyiv experienced again during this latest overnight assault.

Thrown from the 9th Floor – and survived

As rescue teams combed through the rubble, the story of Veronika stunned even experienced emergency workers.

“I heard an explosion, and a second later I was on the ground,” she told Ukrainian TV channel 1+1.

The blast was so strong it hurled her – still in bed – straight out of her ninth-floor window. She landed outside the building with a broken leg, a concussion, and severe shock. Doctors described her survival as “nothing short of a miracle.”

Hospital director Serhiy Dubrov told Reuters:

“It’s extraordinary. Falling from the ninth floor and sustaining only relatively minor injuries… But she is in deep psychological distress and does not yet know the fate of her parents.”

Her parents were later confirmed dead, their bodies recovered from the debris.

Night of terror in Kyiv

While Veronika’s survival is extraordinary, the wider destruction across Kyiv is overwhelming.

The missile that destroyed her building was part of a massive overnight Russian attack. One Iskander missile evaded air defenses and hit the high‑rise in Sviatoshyn, collapsing an entire section.

• At least 16 people are confirmed dead, including two children.
• More than 130 are injured, 14 of them children.

Mayor Vitali Klitschko said it was “the highest number of injured children in one night in Kyiv since the start of the full‑scale war.”

Reuters and ABC News published the moment of Russian strikes on Kyiv overnight on 31 July

As a result of the attack, 16 people were killed and 155 were injured, including 16 kids. Rescue operations in Kyiv are still ongoing

ABC pic.twitter.com/4KGmJpujvd

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 31, 2025

Day of mourning

1 August has been declared a day of mourning in Kyiv. Flags will be lowered, and memorial events will be held.

But as many Ukrainians quietly admit, in a country under everyday bombing, every day is a day of mourning.

Ongoing rescues

Rescuers worked through the morning, often tunneling through concrete to reach survivors. A man trapped between floors was freed after three hours, and several others were pulled out alive.

A five-month-old baby was also wounded. “The Russians hit her directly,” said Tymur Tkachenko of the Kyiv City Military Administration.

Victims and damage

Among the dead are:

• 6-year-old karate student Matvii Marchenko
• Senior police lieutenant Liliya Stepanchuk

The strike damaged more than 100 sites across Kyiv, including schools, kindergartens, hospitals, and a mosque. Other districts reported burning cars, shattered windows, and collapsed buildings.

Scale of the Attack

According to Ukraine’s Air Force:

• Russia launched 309 Shahed drones and 8 cruise missiles overnight.
• 288 drones and 3 missiles were intercepted.
• Five missiles hit their targets, including the deadly strike in Kyiv.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy wrote:

“Missile strike. Direct hit on a residential building. People are under the rubble.”

A glimmer of hope

As rescue teams continue to clear debris, Veronika’s miraculous survival has become a symbol of resilience amid devastation.

From the ninth floor to the ground – she lived. But Kyiv, once again, pays a terrible price.

A Ukrainian grenadier survived alone for days behind Russian positions and returned alive with a captured Russian soldier. The 54-year-old fighter — a construction worker from Vinnytsia Oblast —endured injuries, fear, and isolation before making it back.

Cut-off Ukrainian grenadier survives strike and isolation

Texty reports that the Ukrainian grenadier, a sergeant named Pavlo with the call sign Did (“Grandpa”), described how a mission went wrong when his squad came under heavy attack. Five soldiers from the 107th battalion were moving toward their positions on 5 November 2024 when a series of enemy munitions hit close to the trenches. He jumped out of the vehicle and was knocked unconscious by a blast. When he woke up, he realized a fragment had entered near his jaw, his arm was torn and bleeding, but his legs were intact. He wrapped his wounds with a first aid kit and checked his surroundings.

The forest was silent. The rest of the squad and the vehicle were gone. He found the wreck of their transport later, around 200 meters away, smashed by strikes. He later learned that evacuation vehicles had taken away the wounded and the dead. A fallen soldier was mistaken for him in the confusion. Alone, with no radio, he hid in a dugout as Russian artillery and drones worked the area.

Fear, thirst, and survival in the forest

Did decided not to move during the night because the darkness was absolute. The next day, Russian shelling started again. He waited, knowing that only daylight offered any chance of finding a way out. During this time, he drank water he found on the position and discovered a pack of cigarettes, which kept him calm.

The unexpected surrender

While hiding in the dugout, he suddenly heard someone calling in Russian: “Is anyone here?” At first, he thought it could be one of his own, but the accent gave the man away. He answered, “Yes, yes! Come in!” with his weapon ready.

A tall Russian soldier, close to two meters, came in shouting that he wanted to surrender. The grenadier, much shorter, let him in and sat him in a corner, suspecting a trap and glancing outside in case more Russians appeared.

The man explained he was a recruited convict, wounded and concussed, and that their positions had been left without food or water. Weak and desperate, he decided to give himself up.

Escape and return with a captive

By evening it was almost dark, and he knew it was time to try to return. Moving was difficult because the captured Russian walked slowly and was hard of hearing after the blast. The sergeant worried that the constant loud talking would give them away. At one point, he even thought about shooting him to avoid being exposed, but he could not do it. They walked about three kilometers through the forest. Luck was on their side that night, as shelling slowed and Russian troops seemed distracted.

On 30 July, Kyiv’s Zhytnii Market in the historic Podil neighborhood was officially added to the “List of newly identified cultural heritage objects of Kyiv city.”

The order granting heritage status was signed by Marina Soloviova, director of the Department of Cultural Heritage Protection of the Kyiv City State Administration, according to the KMDA website.

The decision reportedly came through collaborative efforts involving activists, capital preservationists, the professional heritage protection team of the Cultural Heritage Protection Department, and the Advisory Council on Cultural Heritage Protection issues.

“The decision was made possible thanks to the work of activists, capital monument protectors, the professional monument protection team of the Department of Cultural Heritage Protection and the Advisory Council on Cultural Heritage Protection,” director of the Department of Cultural Heritage Protection of the KMDA, Marina Soloviova, said.

With this designation, Zhytnii Market now falls under the provisions of Ukraine’s Law “On Protection of Cultural Heritage” and protective measures defined by legislation.

Architectural significance and current state

Zhytnii, which translates as “rye,” spans 11,000 square meters across one of Europe’s largest covered markets. The Soviet-era modernist structure, built in 1980, features an engineering design with a curved glass roof suspended by cables from support columns rather than resting on walls.

The market sits on a site used for trade since medieval times. During construction, archaeological treasures from the time of Kyiv’s founding were discovered. However, the municipally-owned building hasn’t undergone proper renovation since construction, leaving the uniquely designed structure with a deteriorated appearance.

Battle for the market’s future

In 2025, Zhytnii Market celebrated its 45th anniversary amid recurring proposals for demolition or reconstruction. In January, Kyiv City Council registered a draft decision proposing the market’s sale.

Hennadii Kryvoshei, head of the Public Council under KMDA, said market management has driven it to unprofitability over the past 15 years. Now, during martial law, authorities plan to sell it at a reduced price, though the historic object could generate city profits after capital repairs.

Two parties have been fighting for the market’s fate over the past year: the restaurateur and social activist known for his efforts to promote and revive authentic traditional Ukrainian cuisine, Yevhen Klopotenko and investment company Inzhur.

According to Khmarochos publication, Klopotenko proposes granting architectural heritage status to protect the market from demolition, then creating a public organization involving experts and public figures with necessary experience and desire to restore Zhytnii. He suggested conducting repairs in stages without closing the building long-term, continuing to use premises for their intended purpose while renovation work proceeds.

Inzhur has invested over 100,000 euros ($114, 124) of its own funds, engaging international consulting company Colliers to formulate a revitalization concept and business model. Under Inzhur’s project, the building’s exterior appearance would be preserved while using modern, energy-efficient materials for renovation.

Russia has started using jet-propelled Shaheds in its war on Ukraine, Militarnyi says. Russia used at least eight of these Geran-3 drones during the 30 July attack in that strike from the north.

Jet-propelled Shaheds appear in Russian strikes

Militarnyi reports that Russian forces used jet-propelled Shaheds for the first time in large numbers on 30 July. These Geran-3 drones flew together with regular Shaheds and decoy drones in a combined night strike. The Ukrainian Air Force reported that Russian forces launched the air assault from the north and east. Airspace monitoring channels confirm missiles, Shaheds, decoys, and jet-propelled drones in that wave.

Ukrainian air defenses fought back with aviation, missile troops, electronic warfare and mobile fire teams. They downed 51 drones out of 78 launched that night. Twenty-seven drones hit seven locations. Debris from destroyed drones fell in two other locations.

The Air Force did not report whether any of Geran-3s were shot down. 

Details of the Geran-3 model

Russian sources cited by Militarnyi describe the Geran-3. It is 3.5 meters long and has a 3 meter wingspan. It climbs to 9.1 kilometers and can fly for two hours. It has a takeoff weight of 380 kilograms, much more than the 250 kilograms of the Shahed-136, designated by Russia as Geran-2.

Growing danger from jet-propelled Shaheds

Militarnyi notes that Russian forces may have used Geran-3 drones before in strikes on Kyiv. Their use now grows more frequent and organized. These jet-propelled Shaheds are faster and heavier than older models. They add more danger to Russian mixed strikes that combine regilar Shaheds and decoys.

Today, there are interesting updates from the Lyman direction. Here, the Russian frustration grows bigger with every day due to the lack of advances, shortage of supplies, and a disastrous kill-to-loss ratio.

This has forced Russian commanders to order even more desperate attacks with Russian soldiers being turned into unintentional suicide bombers by essentially carrying explosive vests with them during assaults.

Relentless Russian assaults bring only casualties

In the Lyman direction, Russian forces have found themselves hopelessly stuck, unable to advance despite relentless infantry assaults. The repeated frontal attacks have become disastrously costly, leading to massive casualties at unprecedented rates. In addition, frontline Russian units are starved of supplies, making it impossible to sustain effective combat operations.

Drones reveal Russian troops carrying mortar shells by hand

In multiple engagements, Ukrainian drone operators have observed Russian soldiers being sent forward carrying individual mortar rounds to deliver to mortar crews on their way to the front, a desperate measure indicating a total logistical breakdown and highlighting the grim conditions Russian troops face in this sector.

Ukrainian drone crews crush Russian night assaults

Geolocated video evidence has extensively documented how Russian forces continually get bogged down in front of Ukrainian defenses, immobilized by dense minefields, carefully placed caltrops, and relentless drone strikes. Ukrainian drone operators from the 63rd Mechanized Brigade have become exceptionally proficient at hunting down and neutralizing isolated Russian assault groups at night with one crew eliminating 23 enemy soldiers in one night.

Whenever Russian troops manage to briefly occupy new positions, swift Ukrainian counterattacks and drone bombardments immediately push them back or eliminate them. This cycle of attrition leaves Russian infantry units trapped in a futile loop of unsuccessful and deadly assaults. This extreme frustration has led Russian commanders and soldiers to adopt increasingly desperate and reckless methods.

Mine-carrying vests turn soldiers into suicide bombers

One striking phenomenon captured repeatedly in battlefield footage is the unintended emergence of kamikaze-like Russian soldiers. In a released video, a Russian soldier was running to assault Ukrainian positions with a grenade in his hand, but when Ukrainian troops met him with heavy fire, he began to retreat, fell on his grenade, and blew himself up.

Instead of reconsidering their reckless tactics, the Russian command doubled down on the idea. Soldiers were soon seen wearing specially designed vests meant to carry anti-tank mines, intended as a practical way to carry mines to the front, and quickly deploy explosives upon reaching Ukrainian positions, allowing troops to remain armed while carrying the mines.

However, these vests turned into deadly traps, as when these mine-carrying soldiers are hit by Ukrainian fire, their vests detonate, instantly killing the wearer and any comrades nearby. Though not intended as literal suicide vests, the practical outcome has ironically turned Russian soldiers into unintentional suicide bombers, grim evidence of the extreme desperation gripping the Russian frontlines.

Russian war crime: Civilian shot dead in Torske

Beyond battlefield absurdity, this sense of desperation has manifested in horrific violence against Ukrainian civilians as well. Recent footage from the village of Torske captured Russian troops cruelly shooting a civilian riding a bicycle, a clear and disturbing war crime. While desperation offers context, it certainly provides no justification for such barbaric and needless violence.

Unfortunately, such incidents have been systematically documented across multiple sectors of the frontline, revealing a broader pattern of brutality and indiscipline among Russian forces.

Ukrainians track and eliminate the killers

However, Ukrainian drone operators and artillery teams swiftly respond to such atrocities. After observing the killing of the civilian on his bicycle in Torske, Ukrainians methodically tracked down and eliminated the Russian soldiers responsible, delivering some measure of justice and demonstrating Ukraine’s resolve in protecting and defending their civilians’ lives.

Overall, such distressing examples highlight a deeply troubling trend driven by Russian desperation and logistical failure. The inability to adequately supply their forward-deployed troops has created the absurd situation of soldiers advancing while strapped with anti-tank mines, transforming themselves into explosive targets. Such grotesque improvisations underline how disconnected Russian commanders have become from battlefield realities, willing to grasp at even the most dangerous and ill-advised tactics simply to achieve some negligible progress.

More than half of the summer offensive season is already gone with virtually no progress achieved near Lyman, and none at all at Torske specifically. Now, Russian forces have resorted to self-defeating and absurd methods out of sheer frustration and desperation vividly demonstrating the catastrophic failure of their offensive ambitions.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Russia fired 6,297 Shahed-type kamikaze drones and Gerbera-type decoy targets at Ukraine in July 2025, marking an absolute monthly record since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, according to OSINT analyst Kyle Glen who analyzed official Ukrainian Air Force report.

The July figure represents a 1,378% increase compared to July 2024, when 426 drones were launched. The scale of July attacks equals the total number of drones launched over ten months of 2024 — from January through October inclusive.

July is also the first month to see more than 6,000 drones reported by the Ukrainian Air Force, this follows June when more than 5,000 were reported for the first time, according to Glen.

“July also had periods of relative calm when Russia held off on major launches (likely due to poor weather),” he added.

The data revealed a steady monthly escalation in drone attacks. The analyst attributes this trend to Russia’s expansion of drone production facilities in the second half of 2024 and early 2025. Ukrainian air defense forces now operate under unprecedented attack volumes that constantly increase in complexity due to evolving enemy tactics.

The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported that Russian forces have installed thermal imaging cameras on some Shahed drones to improve strike accuracy.

Previous reports said that Russia prepares thousands of strikes daily.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio revealed that American officials held conversations with high-level Russian representatives earlier this week regarding Ukraine war settlement, but Washington saw no advancement toward peace negotiations, according to his interview with Fox News published by the State Department press service.

“We continue to engage with the Russian side, as early as this week – earlier this week, on Monday or Tuesday.  We had a whole conversation with them as well – not with Putin but with some of Putin’s top people – in hopes of arriving at some understanding on a path forward that would lead to peace, and we’ve not seen any progress on that,” Rubio said.

The Secretary of State said that President Donald Trump has waited over six months and made extensive efforts to establish peace. Rubio said Trump becomes most frustrated with phone calls where Russians claim they want the conflict to end, only for cities to be bombed shortly after.

“What bothers the President the most is he has these great phone calls where everyone sort of claims yeah, we’d like to see this end, if we could find a way forward, and then he turns on the news and another city has been bombed, including those far from the frontlines,” Rubio said.

Rubio added that potential sanctions options available to the President, including secondary sanctions on Russian oil sales and sectoral banking sanctions.

The Secretary claimed that the US remains willing to participate in peace negotiations if the opportunity arises, but warned that Trump “is not going to wait forever.”

Trump recently shortened his ultimatum to Putin from 50 days to 10-12 days for reaching a peace agreement, threatening secondary tariffs on Russian resource buyers otherwise. The following day, the President declared Putin has 10 days to end the war against Ukraine, though Trump believes settling the war will take considerable time.

A senior US diplomat revealed that China has provided cruise missile technology to Russia as part of its support for the country’s military operations, according to statements made during a UN Security Council session.

“North Korea has sent ammunition, missiles, military equipment and approximately 12,000 soldiers to Russia, Iran has provided ballistics, drones and other technologies,” John Kelly, the high-ranking American diplomat, said during the Security Council meeting.

Kelly emphasized China’s particularly crucial role in sustaining Russia’s military capabilities.

“China, as its representatives have noted, does not supply weapons to Russia directly,” he said. “However, China has become a decisive factor contributing to Russia’s military efforts, being the most important supplier to Russia’s military industry.”

According to the diplomat, China has provided Russia with a significant amount of machine tools, microelectronics, optics, drones and cruise missile technology, as well as [a significant amount of] nitrocellulose, which Russia uses to manufacture gunpowder for weapons.

Kelly did not specify which particular cruise missile technology was being referenced in his remarks.

The US official stressed that if China were serious about helping to end the conflict, it would cease supplying these critical components to Russia.

During the same address, the American representative announced that an agreement between Russia and Ukraine must be reached by 8 August, with Washington prepared to take additional measures to ensure peace.

The allegations align with previous Ukrainian intelligence findings from May, which reported discovering over foreign components in Russia’s new “Banderol” cruise missile, including parts from China.

Ukrainian intelligence identified Chinese microchips, what appeared to be a Chinese copy of an Australian telemetry module, a jet engine from China, and an inertial navigation system also possibly from that country.

The Chinese Swiwin engine for model aircraft reportedly is sold through online platforms, with an approximate cost of $16,000 on AliExpress. It remains unclear whether Kelly was referring to the “Banderol” missile or other weaponry.

Germany has called for continued anti-corruption reforms following Ukraine’s parliament approval of law №13533, designed to restore independence to the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO).

The German Foreign Ministry described the parliamentary vote as “a positive and necessary step on the path to restoring lost trust.” However, Berlin emphasized that more work remains ahead.

“Now it is necessary to continue reforms in the sphere of fighting corruption,” the German Foreign Ministry reported.

On 31 July, Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine’s Parliament) supported the presidential bill №13533 on restoring the independence of NABU and SAPO. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the document shortly after its parliamentary passage.

The move represents a reversal from events, when on the evening of 22 July Zelenskyy signed a law that limited the independence of the anti-corruption institutions NABU and SAPO.

That decision prompted thousands of people to participate in protest rallies in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities.

Western politicians also pressured Ukraine to strengthen its institutional framework for combating corruption, particularly as the country continues to receive substantial Western financial and military support.

Following the approved law which reportedly restores the independence of anti-corruption agencies, the European Union has confirmed it has no plans to freeze funding for Ukraine, addressing speculation about potential financial consequences tied to the anti-corruption legislation.

On 31 July, Ukrainian forces denied Chasiv Yar capture claims from Russia and say Russian troops do not fully control the city in Donetsk Oblast. This morning, Russia’s Ministry of Defense claimed full occupation of Chasiv Yar, but the spokesman of Ukraine’s Khortytsia Operational-Strategic Grouping of Forces Viktor Trehubov called the announcement “just another Russian fake.” Also, the 11th Army Corps also confirmed that Russian troops failed to take full control.

The 11th Army Corps explains that despite Russian information manipulation, Ukrainian troops still hold positions inside Chasiv Yar. Soldiers from the 24th Separate Mechanized Brigade continue to defend the city while Russian forces keep trying to advance.

The Ukrainian OSINT project Deepstate also rejects the statement from the Russian Ministry of Defense.

Russian propaganda stunts inside parts of the city to fake Chasiv Yar capture

Military reports from the 11th Army Corps describe what happened on 27, 28 and 29 July. Russian soldiers during daylight entered some locations in Chasiv Yar because they received promises of short leave for such actions. They planted Russian flags on the territory of the refractory plant, which Ukrainian defenders had not controlled for a long time, and on a part of the Pivnichnyi district that remains temporarily under Russian control. Before raising a flag in the Shevchenka district, Russian forces shelled Ukrainian positions with artillery. Ukrainian officers call these actions a performance staged for video and propaganda.

“The enemy did not occupy Chasiv Yar, but only carried out another flag-planting stunt behind the defense lines. Today a video appeared where the enemy placed flags in the Shevchenka district and at Workshop No. 2, but the Russians have no control over the city or over the places where they did that,” DeepState wrote.

According to the project’s data, in the past two months, the occupiers only “managed to advance just a little” from the northeast and east toward the Shevchenka district.

“The rest of the events are just banal penetration behind the lines at night with capes and then raising flags in daylight. Most of those so-called flag-planters are already dead because this action was a one-way mission,” DeepState reported.

Dawn assault on 30 July ends with losses for Russia

On 30 July from 5 a.m. to 9 a.m., Russian troops attacked Ukrainian positions with two assault groups of six soldiers each. Later the same day, they added two armored vehicles to support another push. Ukrainian defenders stopped the attack on the eastern outskirts of Chasiv Yar in Pivnichnyi district.

Soldiers from the 11th Army Corps report that they destroyed both armored vehicles and inflicted heavy losses on Russian troops who tried to hide in nearby buildings. They note that at least three women were among the attackers.

Lithuania’s Foreign Ministry summoned Russia’s temporary chargé d’affaires on 31 July, following massive strikes on Ukrainian cities including Kyiv, according to a statement from the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The Russian representative received a protest note regarding strikes on Kyiv, Zaporizhzhia, Dnipro, Sumy, Kharkiv, Kherson and other Ukrainian oblasts that killed dozens and wounded hundreds of civilians, the ministry reported.

The statement follows a Russian missiles and drones attack that ripped through Kyiv overnight on 31 July, collapsing apartment buildings and setting fires in several districts of the city. The attack killed at least 15 civilians and injured over 130 people. Russian missile struck an apartment building kin one of the Kyiv’s disctrict, collapsing its entire section.

The Lithinuan FM wrote in the statement after the morning attack that “Russia’s military actions against Ukraine’s civilian population and systematic cruel treatment of prisoners of war are unacceptable and illegal.

Lithuania pledged to continue efforts to ensure those responsible for these and other war crimes face criminal prosecution.

Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys called for “increased pressure” on Russia and its partners following the deadly strike on the Ukrainian capital.

The Russian attack was also condemned by Finland’s Foreign Minister Elina Valtonen, whose country currently chairs the OSCE, and her Estonian counterpart Margus Tsahkna.

Ukraine’s Parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, voted to restore the independence of its main anti-corruption bodies — the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) — by passing presidential draft law No. 13533.

The bill passed with 331 votes and was immediately signed in the chamber by Speaker Ruslan Stefanchuk and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

For a week leading up to the vote, thousands of Ukrainians across Kyiv, Lviv, Dnipro and Odesa took to the streets — demanding the reversal of controversial changes even under martial law restrictions on public gatherings. It became the largest wave of protests since Russia’s full‑scale invasion.

Although the effectiveness of these anti-corruption bodies has often been questioned, the earlier law that weakened them was widely condemned at home and abroad as authoritarian and unacceptable, concentrating power in the President’s Office and threatening Ukraine’s reform commitments.

“This is a guarantee of the proper independent functioning of our state’s anti-corruption bodies and all law enforcement agencies. This is the right decision,” Zelenskyy wrote on Telegram.

Mass protests force a U-turn

The debate in the chamber was heated, with shouting, accusations, and visible anger.

MPs insisted that the Speaker and President sign the new law immediately, without delay, to quickly cancel the controversial changes adopted a week earlier.

Outside Parliament, in Mariinskyi Park, protesters gathered to listen to the live broadcast of the vote. When the result was announced, they cheered and shouted: “Power belongs to the people!”

Despite martial law restrictions on public gatherings, police did not disperse the rallies that took place in several Ukrainian cities, and the authorities seemed unprepared for such large‑scale resistance to the new law.

For the first time since the start of Russia’s full‑scale invasion, the session of the Verkhovna Rada was broadcast live on the Rada TV channel — a move widely seen as a concession to public pressure and a demand for transparency.

International pressure grows

After the vote, European Commission spokesperson Guillaume Mercier confirmed that the EU has no plans to freeze financial aid for Ukraine.

EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos welcomed the move but noted on X:

“Today’s law restores key safeguards, but challenges remain. The EU supports the Ukrainian citizens’ demands for reform.”

Brussels emphasized that Ukraine must continue to strengthen reforms as part of its EU accession process.

What triggered the crisis

In July, the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) arrested a NABU detective on charges of spying for Russia, alleging that classified information had been passed to Russian intelligence. Critics said these arrests were used as a pretext to attack and weaken independent anti-corruption agencies.

Anti‑corruption activists further accused President Zelenskyy of retaliating against NABU and SAPO because they had investigated figures close to him, including former Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Chernyshov and businessman Timur Mindich, a long‑time associate and former partner in Zelenskyy’s media company Kvartal 95.

Soon after, on 22 July, Parliament passed law No. 12414, originally about missing persons. At the last minute, MPs added amendments that made NABU and SAPO dependent on the Prosecutor General, granting that office the power to seize cases, close investigations, and weaken the agencies’ independence.

The move provoked protests and drew sharp criticism from the US and EU. Despite the backlash, Zelenskyy signed the law the same day.

Reversal under pressure

A week later, under public pressure, threats to cut foreign funding, and continuing protests, Zelenskyy introduced draft law No. 13533, restoring NABU and SAPO’s full powers.

The bill was fast-tracked and adopted in full on 31 July.

Harsh words in Parliament

Before the vote, former Speaker Dmytro Razumkov criticized his colleagues:

“Aren’t you tired of eating excrement in this chamber and feeding it to people??!”

Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze of the opposition party European Solidarity said Parliament is “run like a collective farm from the President’s Office.”

Yulia Tymoshenko, leader of Batkivshchyna, opposed the bill and claimed Ukraine is under “external control.” Meanwhile, Dmytro Kostiuk, a member of the presidential party Servant of the People, announced he was leaving the faction because of the previous controversial vote.

Other members of Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party admitted mistakes and even held up protest-style posters inside the chamber.

The episode also highlighted the growing centralization of power in the President’s Office in Kyiv. With elections suspended due to the war with Russia, Parliament is widely seen as following instructions from the presidential administration rather than acting as an independent branch of government.

What the new law changes

The new law cancels the 22 July amendments and returns NABU and SAPO to full independence.
It adds one condition: NABU staff with access to state secrets must pass a polygraph, carried out by NABU’s own internal control unit rather than the SBU.

According to NABU, more than 200 such tests were already conducted in 2024. NABU and SAPO said they took part in drafting the new law, are satisfied with its provisions, and strongly supported its swift adoption.

Criticism of NABU and SAPO

Ukraine’s anti‑corruption system includes NABU, SAPO, the National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NACP) and the High Anti‑Corruption Court (HACC).

Despite significant funding and Western support, their effectiveness remains debated. Critics point out that these bodies are costly, operate in a grey constitutional area, lack independent audits, and have brought few senior officials to justice in almost ten years.

Supporters argue that these problems cannot be solved by a single, quickly adopted law, but require long‑term reforms, stronger oversight and real political independence.

The creation of these institutions was one of the EU’s key conditions for granting Ukraine a visa‑free regime and a requirement for Western financial aid. Western partners helped launch and fund them after concluding that Ukraine’s “old” police and prosecution services had failed to eradicate top‑level corruption.

A suspected Russian spy was caught by the Security Service of Ukraine after investigators exposed a National Guard serviceman who leaked secrets about a defense plant. SBU agents said he gave Russian intelligence information about a key Dnipropetrovsk Oblast facility and the unit that guarded it.

Russian spy exposed in National Guard ranks

Ukraine’s Security Service reported on 31 July that it exposed another agent working for Russian intelligence. The SBU said the man served in a National Guard brigade based in Zaporizhzhia. He allegedly sent Russian forces classified data about a strategic defense plant in Dnipropetrovsk oblast. That plant manufactures explosives and different types of ammunition. The mole also passed information about the military unit responsible for guarding the site.

Insider reached out to Russia

According to the SBU, the serviceman had worked at the plant before he was mobilized. Investigators said he personally contacted Russian intelligence and offered them secret information in exchange for money. His knowledge of the site and its security measures came from his previous work there.

Arrest and charges

The SBU, supported by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the command of the National Guard, documented the actions of the suspected “mole.” Agents detained him after confirming his involvement. Investigators from the SBU’s main investigative department notified the suspect of suspicion under part 2 of article 111 of Ukraine’s criminal code. That article covers state treason committed during martial law. The suspect faces life in prison with confiscation of property if found guilty.

Ukraine reversed a controversial oversight law on 31 July, a move that promises to restore the independence of key anti-corruption bodies. However, the damage may already be done: the EU has frozen $1.7 billion in aid, which puts more people at risk. Why did Brussels pull the brakes, and what will it take to unfreeze the funds? Here’s what you need to know.

1

What happened?

On 22 July, Ukrainians took to the streets in mass protests after the Verkhovna Rada hastily passed draft law No. 12414. The law aimed to place Ukraine’s premier anti-corruption agencies — the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) — under broader prosecutorial oversight.

Protesters saw this as an attempt to weaken the country’s flagship anti-corruption institutions. Days later, the European Union froze $1.7 billion in financial support — the first such move under the $57 billion Ukraine Facility fund. Another $3.8 billion now hangs in the balance.

On 31 July, facing pressure from protesters and foreign partners, the Verkhovna Rada repealed the law. This was a victory for civil society, but Brussels remains cautious.

2

Why did Brussels act now?

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion began, the EU has shown considerable patience with reform timelines. But patience has limits. The European Commission clarified that financial support depends on concrete, verifiable reforms — not just promises.

For years, Ukraine has pledged to protect independent anti-corruption institutions, something most Ukrainians see as a tangible result of the 2013-14 Revolution of Dignity. Brussels now believes those promises are eroding.

The hastily passed law on 22 July was the final trigger. Even though Ukraine repealed it nine days later, credibility was damaged.

3

Was this just about one law?

No. Behind the scenes, European diplomats had been signaling concerns for weeks. According to official commentary cited by Serhiy Sydorenko in European Pravda, the European Commission flagged structural problems during an 11 July subcommittee meeting — weeks before the controversial law was passed.

EU officials warned Kyiv of backsliding in anti-corruption policy, including slow appointments to key posts like the SAPO head and a lack of follow-through on previously promised reforms. While the protest and repeal made headlines, the decision to suspend funds had deeper roots.

The EU’s emphasis isn’t on a single legislative act, but on Ukraine’s broader governance trajectory. The freeze wasn’t a reaction — it was a culmination.

4

What’s the problem with NABU and SAPO?

NABU was created in 2015 to investigate high-level corruption. SAPO, its prosecutorial counterpart, was founded the same year to ensure such cases reach court. Together, they form Ukraine’s flagship anti-corruption structure.

Both agencies have delivered results — investigating former MPs and state-owned company executives, exposing schemes like Ukrzaliznytsia officials purchasing more than 11,000 COVID-19 PCR tests at inflated prices. But they’ve also faced internal pressures and political interference.

The now-repealed law would have effectively removed their operational autonomy by altering oversight mechanisms — precisely what the EU wants Ukraine to safeguard. Repealing the law was necessary, but Brussels is watching what comes next.

5

Is it just about NABU and SAPO?

No. The Asset Recovery and Management Agency (ARMA) presents an even bigger problem. ARMA handles confiscated assets from corruption cases: bank accounts, apartments, luxury cars, and company shares. The concept is straightforward — crime shouldn’t pay.

But ARMA has a serious credibility problem. Assets have vanished, and auctions have been opaque, with luxury items sold at suspiciously low prices. Some of ARMA’s officials are under investigation.

A March 2025 audit by Ukraine’s Accounting Chamber revealed the scope of dysfunction. Of more than 100,000 court rulings instructing ARMA to manage seized assets, only 1% were transferred, leaving over UAH 39 billion unmanaged. Over 61% of disposed assets lacked proper market valuation, resulting in estimated losses of UAH 769 million. Staff shortages and underfunding (just 56% of needed resources) have impeded the agency’s ability to conduct proper oversight.

The EU demands serious structural reform: a public asset registry, transparent auction procedures, and an independent supervisory board. Without these, the additional $3.8 billion will be suspended.

6

How does the EU make these freezing decisions?

The Commission’s actions are tied to the European Reform Agenda (ERA), a jointly agreed-upon roadmap between Ukraine and the EU. The ERA outlines reforms needed to keep financial and political support flowing, covering judicial reform, public administration, democratic standards, and anti-corruption.

The Commission can recommend a funding freeze when Ukraine fails to meet ERA milestones. This decision must be endorsed by a qualified majority of EU member states — not a unilateral move, but a multilayered institutional process. Bodies like the European Court of Auditors and the European Anti-Fraud Office also provide input.

This wasn’t a political knee-jerk reaction. It was a coordinated decision by multiple EU institutions concluding that Ukraine had failed to meet key transparency and institutional independence conditions.

7

Is the EU turning its back on Ukraine?

Far from it. Brussels is doubling down on standards. After missteps with countries like Hungary, where Viktor Orbán took EU money while gradually dismantling democratic institutions, Brussels learned that early neglect leads to long-term democratic backsliding.

With Ukraine, the stakes are higher. Never before has the EU committed so much money, and never to a country at war. The EU is holding Ukraine to higher standards precisely because it wants Ukraine to succeed.

8

What’s at risk for Ukraine financially?

The war has ballooned Ukraine’s budget needs. Western aid helps fund pensions, salaries, schools, and basic services — not just weapons. The frozen $1.7 billion was part of that lifeline. The potential additional $3.8 billion represents almost 10% of the total Ukraine Facility.

Even temporary freezes hurt. Creditors grow nervous. Budget planning becomes chaotic. Most importantly, public trust in government commitments begins to erode. Credibility becomes your most valuable currency when you’re fighting a war while depending on international support.

9

Does war excuse reform fatigue?

Ukrainian officials argue that wartime makes reforms harder to implement. Brussels has responded that being at war makes transparent, accountable institutions more critical, not less. When you’re depending on billions in international aid, donors need absolute confidence that money is being handled properly.

The EU’s position is clear: wartime doesn’t justify rolling back anti-corruption measures — it makes them more urgent.

10

Can Ukraine reverse the freeze by year-end?

Yes, and there are signs of movement. Repealing the oversight law on 31 July was a first step. Ukraine must demonstrate “verifiable corrective steps” — actions, not promises.

This means protecting NABU’s independence, restoring SAPO’s prosecutorial authority, and ensuring both agencies can operate without political interference. Some draft laws are already in the works, and civil society remains vocal.

According to European Pravda, EU officials have reportedly received informal commitments from Ukraine to pass corrective measures in the autumn. These will be scrutinized not only for their content, but also for how transparently and independently they’re implemented. There’s quiet hope that the suspension can be reversed before year-end — but only if progress becomes visible soon.

The $1.7 billion freeze stems from three unmet reform indicators:

• Territorial reorganization of executive power (draft law #4298, registered in 2020, costing $570 million in lost funding);
• Selection of High Anti-Corruption Court judges (legally enabled in June but still not implemented);
• ARMA reforms (already discussed above).

Additionally, Ukraine faces another overdue commitment — vocational education reform legislation due by the end of June — which could trigger further funding penalties in the next reporting period.

The EU’s rules give Ukraine 12 months to complete any reform milestone after the original deadline has passed. This grace period means the funds can still be released in full — but with a delay. However, Kyiv has already lost four of those twelve months. In the case of ARMA, that delay is even more tangible. Due to the agency’s non-compliance with basic criteria, Ukraine has definitively lost out on $85 million in performance-based funding tied to asset recovery benchmarks.

11

Can Ukraine save the $3.8 billion?

Saving the $3.8 billion requires comprehensive ARMA reform. Ukraine needs legislation ensuring transparency, accountability, and protection from political interference. This means proper oversight mechanisms, clear asset management procedures, and eliminating corruption opportunities.

The reforms must address ARMA’s documented failures: the suspicious auctions, unexplained losses, and criminal investigations of top officials. Brussels wants systemic changes, not personnel shuffles. A reliable asset registry, transparent valuation processes, and adequate staffing are non-negotiable.

If Ukraine delivers these reforms, the $3.8 billion will remain available. If not, it will join the frozen $1.7 billion.

12

What happens if Ukraine fails both tests?

Failure to restore NABU and SAPO independence keeps the $1.7 billion frozen. Failure to fix ARMA suspends another $3.8 billion. That’s $5.5 billion at risk — nearly 10% of the entire Ukraine Facility.

Beyond immediate financial impact, failure damages Ukraine’s credibility with other international donors and delays EU accession. The EU has clarified that Ukraine’s membership path depends on building accountable, transparent institutions.

The stakes are particularly high because Ukraine’s citizens have demonstrated a desire for better governance. If the government can’t respond to domestic and international pressure for reform, it raises fundamental questions about its commitment to European integration.

13

Why does this matter beyond Europe?

The United States, World Bank, and other international donors are watching closely. For Ukraine, credibility is currency. Others might follow if the EU — Ukraine’s strongest backer — loses confidence. That could slow financial flows and military and political support.

The outcome will help define the kind of state Ukraine is becoming and whether the West can demand reform while supporting a war partner.

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In the span of two weeks starting in early July, the German government signaled separate investments in Ukraine’s best attack drone—the Ukroboronprom An-196 Liutyi—as well as its first mass-producible cruise missile, apparently the Bars.

With substantial stocks of the new drones and missiles, Ukrainian forces should be capable of striking Russian targets as far away as 800 km. The drones would fly slower and may carry lighter, 50kg warheads. The missiles should fly faster and hit harder with heavier warheads weighing perhaps twice as much.

There’s some evidence the German spend is already making a difference. The An-196 and Bars “are being deployed on the front line with increasing frequency,” the pro-Ukraine Conflict Intelligence Team noted. On July 26, drones slammed into the Signal plant in Stavropol, in southwestern Russia 500 km from the front line in Ukraine. The plant manufactures radar and electronic warfare systems.

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A photo that circulated on Russian social media the same day may depict, for the first time in public, wreckage of one of the Bars missiles. 

In funding Ukraine’s expanding deep-strike complex, Germany is helping Ukraine do to Russia what Russia has been doing to Ukraine throughout its 42-month wider war on the country: disrupt Russian command, logistics and production where the Russians are most vulnerable—at home.

Major Gen. Christian Freuding, the head of the German defense ministry’s Situation Center Ukraine, announced the missile deal in early July. The weapons, apparently Bars, would begin arriving in Ukraine within weeks—meaning now.

Drones galore

Just days prior, Welt broke the news that Germany would also finance as many as 500 of the An-196 drones. The propeller-driven, satellite-guided Liutyi carries a 50-kg warhead farther than 800 kg. The $200,000 drone can follow a complex flight path and change altitude in order to dodge Russian defenses.

The An-196 already had German connections. The 3.5-m drone sports a German-made Hirth F-23 aviation engine producing 50 horsepower.

The Liutyis have been responsible for some of the most damaging strikes on targets deep inside Russia. Before Ukraine largely paused strikes on Russian oil facilities this spring, possibly bowing to pressure from the United States, the An-196s accounted for up to 80% of hits on refineries.

The turbojet Bars ranges around as far as the propeller-driven Liutyi does, but should hit harder thanks to a bigger warhead. And it should be more survivable owing to its likely higher speed. An An-196 motors along at slower than 320 km/hr; most cruise missiles travel twice as fast. 

The Bars is reportedly capable of ground and aerial launch. The Ukrainian air force has modified its Sukhoi Su-24 bombers to carry British-made Storm Shadow and French-made SCALP cruise missiles that are 5 m long and weigh nearly 1,400 kg. The Bars should be smaller and lighter, and may also be compatible with the Su-24s.

We don’t know how much a Bars costs, but it’s almost certainly less than the millions of dollars a Western-made cruise missile can cost. “Its main advantage is reportedly its potential for mass production within Ukraine,” CIT explained.

“The extent to which the new Bars missile will affect the front line will depend entirely on how many are made available to the Ukrainian military,” CIT wrote. Considering that Russia produces 600 or so of its best Kh-101 cruise missiles every year, the hundreds of Bars the Germans may be financing should help the Ukrainians chip away at the Russians’ missile advantage.

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Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy held his first phone conversation with Poland’s president-elect Karol Navrotsky on 31 July, Zelenskyy wrote on Telegram.

Navrotsky is set to take office on 6 August.

The leaders agreed to exchange visits during the call, according to the statement.

Zelenskyy congratulated Navrotsky on his 1 June election victory and expressed hope that Poland would remain a reliable partner and ally to Ukraine. The Ukrainian president briefed his Polish counterpart on the consequences of overnight shelling and the situation at the front.

“It is very important for us that Poland continues to help Ukraine. After all, we are defending not only ourselves, but all of our Europe, including Poland,” Zelenskyy emphasized during the conversation.

The two leaders reportedly discussed key events scheduled for the coming months.

“We agreed on an exchange of visits, during which we will discuss all current issues of bilateral cooperation. We will definitely determine formats of interaction that will give real results for our countries, our people,” the president wrote.

Zelenskyy thanked Navrotsky “for his readiness to work together and assurance of continued support for Ukraine,” according to the statement.

The conversation follows previous diplomatic signals between the two leaders. On 28 June, Zelenskyy said that Ukraine would continue working to strengthen relations with Poland’s new government, saying the country intended to “do everything that depends on it.”

On 1 July, Navrotsky declared “with complete confidence” that he would meet with the Ukrainian president.

RFE/RL reports that the luxury life of customs official has triggered protests after an investigation revealed villas, cars and expensive foreign schooling that far exceed his declared income. The Schemes investigative unit of RFE/RL examined the finances of 44-year-old Anatolii Komar, head of the Ukrainian Customs Service department that manages duties on energy imports and exports.

Luxury life of customs official draws anger

RFE/RL says Komar’s family has access to luxury real estate, elite foreign education and high-end cars while his official monthly income is about $2,000. His wife Maria declares about $8,000 per month as a tour guide and online course provider, but this sum still cannot cover the expenses shown.

Social media posts reveal their daughter graduating in 2023 from the Pascal English School in Nicosia, Cyprus, with fees close to $30,000 per year. Other posts show her traveling to Venice, Montreux, Dublin and Albania. This year, she appears to be enrolled at King’s College London, where tuition for non-UK students is nearly $35,000 annually.

Mansion near Kyiv and cash from relatives

According to the report, the family does not live in the Kyiv apartment officially registered to Komar in 2021. Instead, they live in an apartment bought by Maria’s father, Serhii Hladkov. Hladkov also built a 450-square-meter house with a pool and staff quarters in February 2025 in the village of Vyshenky near Kyiv. Experts interviewed by RFE/RL valued the property at more than $1 million.

Hladkov and his wife, Lidia, both retired from modestly paid state jobs, later declared self-employment earnings of about $400,000 and $180,000 respectively. Despite this, they have purchased several properties and gifted almost $120,000 to the family. Hladkov told RFE/RL that he had earned the money and then ended the conversation.

The luxury Mercedes and a “wealthy godfather”

Komar has been driving a Mercedes S-class since 2021. He told RFE/RL that the car is rented by his wife and refused to disclose the price. RFE/RL reports that rental companies estimate the cost at $6,000 per month. The vehicle is registered to the Primorskiy Energy Generating Company, which declared only about $14,000 in three years of car rental income, a figure far below market value. The company’s director, Roman Vorobel, refused to answer detailed questions and said he would consult a lawyer.

Conflict of interest questions over VM Groupe

RFE/RL also found that Komar is president of an amateur soccer club in his hometown of Rokyta. The team is sponsored by VM Groupe, an importer of petroleum products that is under investigation by law enforcement for large-scale tax evasion and by the SBU for importing Russian raw materials.

Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha called for immediate maximum pressure on Moscow following a deadly overnight strike on Kyiv that killed at least eight people and injured over 120 others.

Russian missiles and drones ripped through Kyiv overnight on 31 July, collapsing apartment buildings and setting fires in several districts of the city. The attack killed at least eight civilians and injured over 120 people.

Russian missile struck an apartment building kin one of the Kyiv’s disctrict, collapsing its entire section.

Ukraine’s FM posted photos of a destroyed nine-story building entrance on his X account, detailing the casualties and damage from the night attacks. Schools and hospitals were among the damaged facilities, with some people still trapped under debris.

“It is probably time to reduce to zero all of the timeframes that had been given to Putin to demonstrate a constructive approach. President Trump has been very generous and very patient with Putin, trying to find a solution,” Sybiha said.

The Foreign Minister emphasized Putin’s deliberate actions, saying the Russian leader “clearly acts as he acts with conscious intent.”

“The entire existence of this war criminal is based on this senseless war, which he cannot win but refuses to end… It’s time to put maximum pressure on Moscow. It is time to synchronise all sanctions steps. It’s time to achieve peace through strength,” Sybiha wrote on X.

The statement comes as US Secretary of State Marco Rubio recently announced that President Donald Trump is “losing patience” while waiting for concrete steps from Moscow to end the war.

Trump has set a 10-day deadline for Russia to demonstrate progress in ending the Ukraine war, threatening to impose tariffs and other measures against Russia if no advancement is shown.

The overnight shelling represents the latest escalation in the war, with civilian infrastructure continuing to bear the brunt of Russian attacks on the Ukrainian capital.

Ukraine faces a potential funding shortfall of $10-15 billion next year as the country struggles to meet reform commitments demanded by international lenders while maintaining intensive defense spending, according to a Reuters analysis.

The government currently directs most state revenues toward military operations, relying on foreign aid totaling $139 billion since Russia’s February 2022 invasion to cover social and humanitarian expenses, state data shows.

Central Bank Governor Andriy Pyshnyi revealed that only one-third of the $65 billion required for 2026-2027 has been secured, with negotiations continuing for the remainder. A survey of eight economists by the Centre for Economic Studies in Kyiv indicates Ukraine will need between $39 billion and $58 billion in external financing for 2025 alone.

“A key challenge for the government now is to look for $10-15 billion in addition to that volume of aid which partners have already pledged for 2026,” ICU investment house stated in a research note, according to Reuters.

The funding gap has widened after Ukraine missed several reform targets agreed with lenders, including judicial appointments and anti-corruption leadership positions. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s decision to tighten control over the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office sparked the largest wartime street protests and drew sharp criticism from European allies.

Zelenskyy subsequently reversed course, submitting new legislation to parliament to restore institutional independence. The draft bill was scheduled for a vote on 31 July.

Last night, Ukrainian drones hit the Volgograd-Rostov railway section again, now setting fires at Kotelnikovo station and forcing Russian authorities to restrict train traffic. The attack caused blazes at an electrical substation. Kotelnikovo is situated around 400 km east of the frontline.

Drones strike Kotelnikovo station on Volgograd-Rostov railway

Telegram channels and OSINT analysts reported that a night drone strike set the Kotelnikovo station area in Russia’s Volgograd oblast on fire. Videos from local residents showed burning railway infrastructure, including a traction substation. Fires were visible across the station area, while the governor of Volgograd oblast, Andrei Bocharov, confirmed that movement of trains was temporarily restricted.

Bocharov wrote, as cited by Astra, that Russian air defenses allegedly repelled what he described as a massive drone attack on transport and energy facilities. He claimed there were no injuries. The governor added that dry grass ostensibly caught fire in Surovikino district and that specialists were working to restore gas supply to about 65 single-family homes in Kotelnikovsky district.

According to him, sappers are clearing drone wreckage from railway tracks near Tinguta station in Svetloyarsky district.

“To clear the wreckage of the drones located on the railway tracks, train traffic was temporarily restricted. No damage to the tracks was recorded,” Bocharov claimed.

Satellite data confirms multiple fires around Kotelnikovo

OSINT analyst Tatarigami, founder of Frontelligence Insight, highlighted numerous heat signatures detected by NASA FIRMS satellites around Kotelnikovo after the night attack. He added that geolocation data confirmed the fires were in the area of the railway’s electrical substation.

He noted that this was another strike on the same Volgograd-Rostov railway section.

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Ukrainian drones turned Russia’s Salsk station into a firestorm — fuel train destroyed (video)

“Another successful drone strike targeted the same railway section between Volgograd and Rostov-on-Don. Multiple fires are visible,” Tatarigami posted. 

This marks the fourth strike on the same Russian rail line since 27 July. On 29 July, drones hit Salsk, a key rail junction in Rostov Oblast, setting a fuel train at the station on fire. The same night, they also struck the railway’s power substation in Orlovsky. Two days earlier, on 27 July, another drone attack destroyed a traction substation in Zhutovo in Volgograd Oblast, causing major delays and forcing Russian trains to be rerouted.

Similar drone strikes also took place two weeks ago in Rostov oblast, hitting a rail station in Kamienolomni on 21 July and a railway substation in Novocherkassk on 23 July. 

The Russian night missile and drone attack on 31 July damaged the Kyiv Islamic Cultural Centre at one of the capital’s central mosques, Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said.

Russian missiles and drones ripped through Kyiv overnight on 31 July, collapsing apartment buildings and setting fires in several districts of the city. The attack killed at least eight civilians and injured over 120 people.

Russian missile struck an apartment building kin one of the Kyiv’s disctrict, collapsing its entire section.

According to Ukraine’s FM, the attack also damaged a cultural center, which served as a gathering place for representatives of various religions and denominations for joint prayers for peace and victory in Ukraine since the start of the full-scale war.

“As a result of another brutal Russian strike on Kyiv this night, the Kyiv Islamic Cultural Centre at one of our central mosques was damaged,” Sybiha wrote. “This is another demonstration that Moscow is waging a criminal war against the very foundations of humanity. Russian terror spares no one.”

Ukraine has called on all Islamic countries, international governmental and non-governmental organizations, and Muslim communities worldwide to condemn the attack, Sybiha said. He emphasized that “Russian barbarism must be confronted with the strength and unity of the world.”

“Together we must force Moscow to agree to a ceasefire and put an end to the war and terror,” the foreign minister added.

The Ukrainian Air Force reported that Russian forces used reactive drones for the second consecutive night in their strikes against Ukraine.

Ukraine turned wartime desperation into rapid defense innovation, fielding drones and autonomous systems at unprecedented speed. But the West isn’t learning fast enough, warns American investor Deborah Fairlamb, who co-founded Green Flag Ventures in Kyiv during the war.

Lacking long-range missiles and jets, Ukraine improvised an industry that rapidly designs, builds and fields everything from FPV drones to sea drones—closing capability gaps Russia once held.

“The lessons of success are being lost on or ignored by the US and NATO allies,” Fairlamb told The War Zone.

Battlefield innovation at breakneck speed

Fairlamb described how Ukraine’s defense ecosystem has evolved from almost nothing in 2022 to a network of small workshops and startups producing vast numbers of drones.

“The speed of iteration of everything is just extraordinary,” she said. “The Ukrainians have really had this incredible focus on homegrown drones… It’s navigation systems. It’s resistance to electronic warfare. It’s the ability to fly in GPS-denied environments.”

Unlike Western programs, these systems are created alongside soldiers at the front: build, test; build, test; build, test. By the time the Ministry of Defense sees them, they are already combat-proven. Procurement that once took years now takes three to four months.

What Ukraine does differently

Fairlamb pointed to four battlefield-proven practices that Western defense establishments are ignoring:

• Rapid adaptation – systems change monthly, not yearly
• Decentralized production – thousands of small shops making parts
• Mass, low-cost systems – FPV drones cost $500–$1,000 instead of $100,000+
• Empowering units – frontline units buy directly from vetted suppliers

A model the West isn’t following

Fairlamb believes this speed is something the United States and NATO need to copy – and soon.

“The speed at which things are happening is just completely and utterly incompatible with the processes that exist in most Western systems,” she warned. “This is how Russia and China are going to fight. It is going to be just vast numbers of relatively low-price-point things that are extremely destructive.”

Instead, she sees allies trapped in slow cycles, expensive platforms, and outdated assumptions about war.

Copying without learning

Fairlamb also described a more troubling pattern from early in the war: Western companies arriving in Ukraine under the pretext of partnership, only to walk away and later release similar technology of their own.

“There have been instances… yes, there are Western companies that have come to Ukraine under the guise of: ‘hey, we would like to invest. We would like to partner. Can we spend a couple of days with you, learning what you’re doing?’ … And then they would essentially disappear. And six months later, they would come out with something that was very, very similar to what they wanted to partner with a company about,” Fairlamb said.

She said she personally knows of at least four examples.

Low cost, high impact

The tools Ukraine has built are cheap and expendable. Most FPV drones cost between $500 and $1,000; larger fixed-wings cost a few thousand dollars. These drones are printed, assembled, modified and sent out in weeks, with new versions appearing on the front every month.

Fairlamb contrasted that with Western military systems, where a single drone might cost hundreds of thousands of dollars and require years to reach the field. That, she said, will not work against adversaries who are willing to mass-produce millions of small, smart, disposable machines.

A final warning

“The speed at which this technology is evolving, and that the US, Europe and NATO are all really slow,” she said. “There are a lot of very scary scenarios that are out there that I am not seeing a lot of response to yet.”

For Ukraine, drones have become the answer to weapons it does not have. For the West, Fairlamb’s warning is clear: pay attention, or risk falling behind in a kind of war that is already here.

Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, Czech aid to Ukraine is set to grow after new commitments from Prague that include fresh military packages and a firm response to Russia’s attempt to intimidate Czech leaders. The plans were announced following meetings between Denys Shmyhal and Czech officials, as Moscow placed the Czech foreign minister on its so-called “Russophobe” list.

Czech aid to Ukraine focuses on anti-air and ammunition

On 30 July, Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal met with Tomáš Pojar, an adviser to the Czech prime minister, to discuss urgent needs for Ukraine’s armed forces. Shmyhal said their talks centered on air defense, electronic warfare and long-range capabilities. He explained that particular focus was on ammunition supply, as the Czech initiative to secure artillery shells of key calibers has become an important source for Ukraine.

According to Shmyhal, the discussions covered specific schedules and plans for supplies for the rest of this year and 2026. They also reviewed cooperation between defense industries. He said that joint enterprises are already working and some projects are underway. These include the production of shells and Bren 2 rifles in Ukraine.

The Czech delegation and Ukrainian officials also analyzed possibilities for new projects in Czechia that would involve leading Ukrainian companies. These projects are intended to support Ukraine’s defense forces in the face of Russia’s ongoing war.

Moscow’s blacklist sparks Czech response

Meanwhile, Czech Foreign Minister Jan Lipavský responded after the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs added him to a published list of so-called “Russophobic” politicians.

In his comments to ČTK, Lipavský said he does not use hate speech against Russia but stands firmly against the imperial policies of Vladimir Putin. He added that his criticism targets Putin, his ideology, the Kremlin’s aggression against Ukraine, and sabotage acts even in Czechia.

Lipavský emphasized that his stance on Putin’s aggression would not change and that his plans for a future holiday in Crimea remain unaffected. He repeated that “Crimea is Ukraine” and that the Kremlin’s ban on his entry to Russia has no effect on him. This hints on the future liberation of the Crimean Peninsula, occupied by the Russians since 2014.

The Penza drone attack hit deep inside Russia overnight on 31 July, igniting a major fire at a factory that produces equipment for the Russian military. Regional authorities confirmed a large fire at the plant after residents posted videos of drones flying low over the city. The factory is more than 600 km from Ukraine.

Penza drone attack hits a factory producing military systems

Telegram channels reported that in the early hours of 31 July, Ukrainian long-range strike drones flew over Penza and attacked an industrial site. Local residents filmed the drones passing over houses, followed by several explosions and a fire in the industrial zone. Mobile internet was shut down during the air alert.

Penza Oblast governor Oleg Melnichenko admitted in the morning that a drone attack caused a fire at one of the industrial facilities.

“There are no casualties and no destruction. There is a fire on the territory of the enterprise, which is now being eliminated,” he wrote.

Local reports and Russia’s official version

The Center for Countering Disinformation of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine identified the target as the Radioworks factory in Penza, an important enterprise of the Russian military-industrial complex.

Melnichenko wrote that the fire began after an overnight drone attack and that damage control continued in the morning. Social media videos posted from Penza show columns of smoke rising above the factory buildings and the sound of explosions in the distance.

In its daily report, the Russian Ministry of Defense claimed that its forces allegedly shot down 32 drones in five Russian oblasts and in Russian-occupied Crimea during the night. The ministry did not list Penza Oblast among those locations.

As of the morning, local officials reported that firefighting operations continued at the industrial site. No casualties have been confirmed. The strike reached deep into Russian territory, underlining the range of Ukrainian drone operations.

Russian missiles and drones ripped through Kyiv overnight on 31 July, collapsing apartment buildings and setting fires in several districts of the city. The attack killed at least six civilians and injured 52. The strikes caused destruction in Sviatoshynskyi, Solomianskyi, Holosiivskyi and Shevchenkivskyi districts and were described by city officials as one of the heaviest attacks on the capital in weeks. Ukraine shot down most of 300 explosive drones, but five of eight ballistic missiles reached the city, hitting apartment buildings.

Russians hit high-rises and kill civilians

Kyiv mayor Vitalii Klitschko reported that the strikes destroyed homes and killed six civilians. Russians killed four people in Kyiv’s Sviatoshynskyi district when a Russian missile struck an apartment building, collapsing its entire section. Klitschko called the damage in Sviatoshynskyi horrific. Two more people died in Solomianskyi district where a missile hit another residential building.

In the morning, Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy shared a video showing the ruined section of a high-rise in Sviatoshynskyi district, captioned:

“Kyiv. Rocket strike. Direct hit on a residential building. People under the rubble. All services are on site. Russians are terrorists.”

Head of the Kyiv Military Administration Tymur Tkachenko said 52 civilians needed medical help after the strikes, and medics hospitalized 30 of them. Two civilians were rescued alive from under the rubble.

Interior minister Ihor Klymenko reported that one of the rescued was a man, blocked under the rubble of a collapsed apartment section. He fell from the second floor to the first and got trapped by debris, so emergency workers broke a hole through a neighboring wall and used a tunnel to reach him safely. The emergency workers kept voice contact with him for three hours during the entire operation.

Among the injured are three police officers who were driving to a call. Nine children were among the injured. 

“This is the largest number of injured children in one night in Kyiv since the start of the full-scale war,” Klitchko says

Klymenko told Suspilne that doctors tried to save the six-year-old boy but could not. 

“The boy was rescued, doctors fought for his life, but sadly they could not save him.”

In Holosiivskyi district a missile damaged a school and a kindergarten and caused fires. In Shevchenkivskyi district the blast wave blew out windows in a children’s medical ward and burned parked cars. 

More civilian casualties expected

Tkachenko and Klymenko warned that rescuers continue to search the rubble and that the number of victims will grow. The city opened assistance points for those who lost their homes and promised payments to cover temporary rent and support.

Air raid sirens began around 23:00 on 30 July and Suspilne reported explosions soon after. Another siren sounded at 04:29 on 31 July warning of missiles, followed by more explosions across the city. The Kyiv Military Administration said that missiles and drones were used in the attack.

The Prosecutor’s Office opened a pre-trial investigation under article 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, treating the strike as a war crime because of the civilian deaths.

Air Force report on the scale of the assault

Ukraine’s Air Force said that from 18:00 on 30 July until the morning of 31 July Russians launched 317 aerial weapons: 309 Shahed one-way attack drones and decoy drones from Russian territory, and 8 Iskander-K cruise missiles. Air defenses destroyed or suppressed 291 targets: 288 drones and 3 missiles.

Despite this, five missiles, including one that hit an apartment building in Kyiv, and 21 drones struck 12 locations, while debris from intercepted targets fell in 19 places, almost all in the Ukrainian capital. The main target of the assault was Kyiv.

A fatal collision between a Ukrainian-driven van and a Russian-operated truck occurred early morning on 30 July near Slovene Konjice on the route toward Ljubljana, Slovenian broadcaster RTV SLO reported.

The van carried seven passengers when it struck the truck’s trailer, according to RTV SLO. Five occupants of the van died in the crash, while two injured passengers were transported to hospital. Emergency services airlifted one of the survivors.

Police identified four of the deceased as Ukrainian citizens, RTV SLO reported. One hospitalized passenger also holds Ukrainian citizenship, while authorities continue working to establish the identity of the second injured person.

The Ukrainian van driver sustained minor injuries in the collision, while the Russian truck driver remained unharmed, according to the broadcaster.

Police preliminary findings point to excessive speed as the cause of the accident. The highway remained closed for five hours following the crash.

Two senior Senate Republicans have unveiled legislation that would enable European allies to finance US weapons donations to Ukraine, providing the most detailed framework yet for President Trump’s proposal to shift war funding to Europe, The Wall Street Journal reported on 30 July.

The Peace Act, proposed by Sens. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) and Jim Risch (R-Idaho), would establish a Treasury fund to accept money from allies, allowing the Defense Secretary to pay contractors to replenish US stockpiles while continuing weapons shipments to Ukraine without compromising American military readiness, according to GOP aides familiar with the proposal.

The legislation aims to generate $5 billion to $8 billion annually, with Germany and the United Kingdom identified as likely contributors, the aides said.

“This is the fastest way to arm Ukraine as well as to minimize the strategic and military threat posed by Russia to the US and NATO,” Wicker said, according to the WSJ.

The proposal comes as Trump has grown increasingly frustrated with Russian President Vladimir Putin’s rejection of US-led cease-fire efforts. After initially giving Putin a 50-day deadline for a cease-fire, Trump moved that deadline up to 10 days on 28 July, threatening Russia and its trading partners with new tariffs and secondary sanctions if Moscow refuses to negotiate.

Wicker, who chairs the Senate Armed Services Committee, and Risch, who leads the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, have discussed the legislation with the White House, which has been “largely receptive to the idea,” aides said. The plan involves passing the measure later this year as part of the annual defense policy bill.

The mechanism would complement existing European payments to US contractors for new weapon production, which can take years to complete. The Peace Act would accelerate delivery by tapping existing US inventories, according to the WSJ report.

The US has provided nearly $66 billion in security assistance to Ukraine since Russia’s 2022 invasion, but the Republican-led Congress shows little appetite for authorizing additional foreign aid packages.

Trump has approximately $3.85 billion in previously authorized drawdown authority remaining, though he has not yet used this tool to send new arms packages to Ukraine. His administration continues delivering previously approved weapons packages from the Biden era, following a brief Pentagon pause in certain munitions earlier this month.

Ukraine is very close to obtaining its own ballistic missiles, Defense Minister Denis Shmygal said in his first interview since taking the position of Defense Minister, BBC Ukraine reported on 30 July.

“Ukraine’s president has already announced that Ukraine will have its own ballistics. We are very close to this. That’s basically all I can say publicly on this matter,” Shmyhal said during the interview.

The announcement comes after former Deputy Defense Minister Anatoliy Klochko said in June that Ukrainians would soon hear “more concrete statements” about Ukrainian ballistics, as the country had made “serious progress” on the issue.

The production of its own ballistic missiles is crucial for Ukraine to enhance its long-range strike potential, deter Russian aggression, and target deep Russian military infrastructure, thereby strengthening its security and defense amid ongoing war.

In his interview for BBC, Shmygal also outlined his vision for bringing Russia to genuine peace talks, emphasizing the need for dual pressure. “I would very much like our partners to help us create sufficient pressure on the Russian aggressor both on the battlefield and through sanctions, and bring them to the negotiating table,” he said.

The minister demonstrated his approach using two hands: “On one side, we must create pressure on the battlefield. There must be weapons supplies that will give us if not an advantage, then parity in this war. On the other side, there must be counter-pressure – sanctions that will financially bleed the enemy.”

“If these two factors are not present, then negotiations may continue, but more likely they will lead us and our partners in circles around this diplomatic negotiating table,” Shmygal said.

The German government approved on 30 July its draft budget for 2026 and medium-term financial planning through 2029, which includes increased support for Ukraine, European Pravda reported.

According to the report, the draft federal budget for 2026 envisions expenditures of approximately 520.5 billion euros—3.5% more than allocated in this year’s budget. Borrowing is projected at nearly 174.3 billion euros, representing a 31 billion euro increase from current levels.

Government investments will reach a record 126.7 billion euros in 2026, marking an 11 billion euro increase from this year. This unprecedented figure for Germany became possible partly due to relaxed debt rules.

The budget expansion extends to defense spending, which will surge from 62.4 billion euros to 82.7 billion euros in 2026—primarily driven by weapons and ammunition procurement funding. According to the medium-term budget plan, Germany’s defense expenditures will gradually increase through 2029, ultimately reaching NATO’s target of 3.5% of GDP.

The 2026 budget allocates approximately 8.5 billion euros in military aid to Ukraine.

Budget discussions in the Bundestag will begin at the end of September, with both chambers of the German parliament required to approve the budget by year’s end.

Exclusives

Portugal sent Ukraine $ 250 million in military aid — the drones alone cost Russia $ 4 billion. Portugal nearly doubled its pledge to Ukraine, sending $250 million in 2024. Its Tekever drones alone have destroyed two Russian S‑400 air defense systems.

Social media’s invisible battlefield: Who decides what you see? (Viplikes’ Guide). What you see—and what you don’t—is shaped by a mix of corporate interests, political agendas, and opaque systems designed to keep you engaged

Tech innovation: How blockchain cloud mining is reshaping passive income in 2025. Blockchain-based cloud mining platforms are positioning themselves as a user-friendly alternative to traditional mining, which often requires expensive hardware, ongoing maintenance, and technical expertise

Ukrainian war documentaries Russia doesn’t want you to see. These films expose Russian war crimes and showcase Ukrainian resilience through stories of survival, volunteering, art creation amid destruction, and resistance that directly contradict Moscow’s propaganda about Ukraine.

20,000 wrecked vehicles behind them, Russia’s last tanks crawl toward Siversk. A Russian tank column rolled into a bloody disaster outside Siversk in eastern Ukraine. But Moscow’s troops are still advancing.

Military

Ukraine destroys Russian electronic warfare hub in occupied area of Black Sea, sets up Ukrainian flag. Ukrainian special forces eliminated the entire Russian garrison, while not a single Ukrainian soldier was killed or injured in the nighttime assault.

Russian missile struck Ukrainian military training ground, killing three soldiers and wounding dozens. An investigative commission will examine whether command failures and safety protocol violations have contributed to the casualties.

As of 30 JUL 2025

, the approximate losses of weapons and military equipment of the Russian Armed Forces from the beginning of the invasion to the present day:

• • • Personnel: 1052190 (+890)
    • Tanks: 11066 (+1)
    • APV: 23065 (+1)
    • Artillery systems: 30895 (+30)
    • MLRS: 1451
    • Anti-aircraft systems: 1202
    • Aircraft: 421
    • Helicopters: 340
    • UAV: 48685 (+100)
    • Cruise missiles : 3548
    • Warships/boats: 28
    • Submarines: 1
    • Vehicles and fuel tanks: 56754 (+67)

Intelligence and technology

Ukrainian pilot instructor caught selling Western fighter jet secrets to Moscow. The arrested major served in an air brigade tasked with shooting down the same Russian drones and missiles his intelligence helped target Ukrainian airbases.

Massive data breach hits Russian authorities in occupied Crimea as Ukrainian intelligence downloads secret military files. Ukrainian cyber specialists downloaded 100TB of Russian military data from occupied Crimea before destroying the original files on government servers, according to intelligence sources cited by RBK-Ukraine.

International

Dozens of politicians boycott Russian sanctioned official invited speaking at conference in neutral Switzerland. Ukraine called Valentina Matvienko’s conference participation “disgraceful” and emphasized that she belongs behind bars and not at international events.

Europe can’t defend itself without Ukraine, Estonia’s NATO envoy warns. Estonia’s NATO ambassador Jüri Luik warns that without Ukraine’s military power, Europe cannot contain the Russian threat or build a defense independent of US support.

Frontline report: Trump unleashes economic war on Brazil to cripple Russian anti-Western BRICS alliance. The US experiments with attacking Russia’s most vulnerable ally first, testing whether economic pressure on BRICS members can isolate Moscow without direct confrontation.

Humanitarian and social impact

Russian daily terror of civilians in Ukraine continues: five injured and extensive damage

. Three people were injured in Kharkiv as the drone debris landed on residential areas.

Political and legal developments

Ukraine’s government again fails to appoint head of Bureau of Economic Security. Ukraine faces missing a crucial International Monetary Fund benchmark as the Cabinet of Ministers refused for the 2nd time to appoint Oleksandr Tsyvinsky as head of the Bureau of Economic Security

Rada Committee backs Zelenskyy’s NABU independence u-turn after mass protests. Ukrainian MPs voted to restore independence to the country’s main anti-corruption agencies, just nine days after President Zelenskyy signed legislation that sparked mass protests across the country.

US senator: Stop giving Putin extra time, vote on 500% sanctions now. Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal pushes for 500% tariffs on Russian oil buyers, including China and India, while President Trump proposes lower 100% tariffs.

ISW: Putin allies dismiss Trump tariff threat, vow to continue Ukraine war. The Kremlin told President Trump that Russia will determine the timing of peace negotiations, not Washington, after Trump shortened his Ukraine war ultimatum from 50 days to 10 days with threats of new tariffs.

EU threatens to withhold $3.3 billion over Ukraine’s failure to reform another anti-corruption agency. The intertwined challenges of anti-corruption scandals and stalled reforms place Ukraine’s international support at a critical crossroads.

• • Read our earlier daily review

  here.

Russian service sector companies faced another wave of technical disruptions, with the Vkusvill supermarket chain’s website and mobile application ceasing operations, The Moscow Times reported on 30 July

The majority of complaints came from Moscow, the Moscow Oblast, and St. Petersburg. The company confirmed it experienced “a local internal failure” but ruled out a cyberattack, sying that “there are no configuration changes, suspicious logins, or data leaks.” Vkusvill did not specify what caused the technical problems but added that the failure did not affect offline store operations.

Simultaneously, the Samokat delivery service stopped functioning. The application indicated that “the failure will be resolved soon” without providing details about the causes.

Additionally, hackers attacked the Dobrocen discount chain network. The company was forced to suspend operations at distribution centers and all five offices in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Yekaterinburg, and Samara.

Dobrocen reported that its server was paralyzed, the official website would not open, and computers either failed to start or froze during endless updates. The attack is linked to the presence of network stores in occupied Ukrainian territories – in the “DNR,” “LNR,” and Crimea. Restoring IT infrastructure reportedly may take a week.

The previous day, on 29 July, the Neopharm and Stolichki pharmacy chains halted operations due to hacker attacks.

However, the most large-scale cyberattack targeted Aeroflot on 28 July. Hackers from the “Cyberpartisans” and Silent Crow groups breached the national carrier’s systems, destroying 7,000 servers and provoking a new collapse at Moscow airports. More than 100 flights were canceled, causing the airline to lose at least 250 million rubles in a single day. Cancellations continued on 29 July. Russia’s Prosecutor General’s Office confirmed the disruption was caused by a cyberattack.

The “Cyberpartisans” claimed that Aeroflot’s system ran on outdated Windows XP and Windows 2003, and that company CEO Sergey Aleksandrovsky had not changed his password since 2022. According to the hackers, the total volume of the data leak was 20 TB.

Demonstrators gathered on the evening of 30 July in six Ukrainian cities calling on authorities to approve a draft law strengthening the powers of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO).

The protests come after the parliamentary committee on law enforcement unanimously supported earlier on 30 July President Zelenskyy’s draft law №13533 on restoring the powers of the NABU and SAPO.

People assembled in Kyiv despite inclement weather. Protesters chanted “Power belongs to the people,” “Corruption kills,” and “Hands off NABU,” while also singing the national anthem.

People’s Deputy Yaroslav Zheleznyak joined demonstrators, saying journalists that he has no doubt the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine’s Parliament) will pass presidential draft law #13533 on 31 July.

“One should expect the adoption of the law by which President Zelenskyy, together with the coalition, will heroically, powerfully and unstoppably fix everything that they so heroically, powerfully and unstoppably created on 22 July,” Zheleznyak responded with irony.

In Zaporizhzhia, people gathered near the regional administration building holding themed posters and chanting “Cancel,” “Our voice is stronger,” “We stand for democracy,” and “Hands off NABU,” according to correspondents.

Radio Svoboda reports that nearly 200 protesters assembled in Kharkiv, chanting “Corruption kills,” “Ukraine’s power belongs to the people,” and “Hands off NABU.” Similar demonstrations took place in Lviv, Dnipro, and Odesa.

The protests follow the parliamentary committee on law enforcement unanimously supporting presidential draft law #13533, which would restore powers to anti-corruption agencies that were previously removed.

On 22 July, the Verkhovna Rada passed law #12414 with amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code that made NABU and SAPO dependent on decisions by the prosecutor general. President Zelenskyy signed the legislation that same evening, prompting protests across multiple Ukrainian cities.

Following the backlash, Zelenskyy submitted a new draft law to parliament that he said would ensure “strength to the law enforcement system” while preserving “all norms for the independence of anti-corruption institutions.”

The National Anti-Corruption Bureau reproted that Zelenskyy’s draft law would restore all powers and independence guarantees for NABU and SAPO.

Portugal is the most geographically distant EU country from Ukraine, yet in the past year, it has become a steady partner. On 28 May 2024, the two nations signed a bilateral Security Cooperation Agreement, outlining how Portugal would support Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression and rebuilding after the war. This pact was the 12th in a series of bilateral agreements Ukraine began concluding in early 2024.

That series grew out of the G7 Joint Declaration of Support of 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation. Some commitments come directly from Portugal, while others are delivered through EU-wide programs that Portugal supports collectively.

The agreement with Portugal is broad, extending far beyond the battlefield. It includes support for weapons and training, strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry, sanctioning Russia and using frozen Russian assets, humanitarian aid, and work to hold Moscow’s leadership accountable.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Portugal’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

Portugal’s commitments

At the time of signing, Portugal pledged at least €126 million in military aid for 2024, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s air and naval capabilities. Beyond this financial support, the agreement also envisaged:

• Participation in the EU training mission EUMAM
• Cooperation in defense industry development
• Using frozen Russian assets to help fund Ukraine’s defense
• Humanitarian support, including demining and reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure
• Joint efforts to prosecute Russia’s crimes

In essence, it laid out a ten-point roadmap that blends military, political, and humanitarian support.

A year of implementation

The first year proved that this partnership is much more than a statement. Portugal overdelivered on its military commitments while also supporting Ukraine’s defense production, reconstruction, and the pursuit of justice.

Key achievements between May 2024 and May 2025:

• €226 million in military aid, nearly double the initial pledge
• Helicopter deliveries: six Ka‑32 and eight SA‑330 Puma aircraft
• €100 million to the Czech-led initiative for artillery shells
• €52 million to the Drone Coalition to produce drones in Portugal
• Opening of a Tekever branch in Ukraine to expand drone support
• €6 billion from frozen Russian assets channeled to Ukraine through EU programs (collective funding)
• Training for tens of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers through EUMAM and the F‑16 pilot coalition
• Active support for four new EU sanction packages
• Reconstruction efforts including rebuilding schools and funding Superhero Schools
• Participation in coalitions for a special tribunal and the return of deported children

Military aid beyond expectations

Instead of the pledged €126 million, Portugal allocated €226 million to Ukraine in 2024. Early in the year, €100 million went to the Czech-led procurement of 155mm artillery shells, while €52 million funded drone production for Ukraine through the Drone Coalition.

Equipment followed as well. In September 2024, Ukraine received six Ka‑32 helicopters for transport and search-and-rescue missions. At the end of the year, eight SA‑330 Puma helicopters arrived, equipped with systems that allow them to launch Exocet anti-ship missiles.

Earlier contributions included M113 armored vehicles, three Leopard 2A6 tanks, five medical vehicles, 105mm howitzers, and ammunition. For 2025, Portugal has already pledged another €220 million.

Since 2022, Portugal has also joined three multinational “capability coalitions”—on armored vehicles, aviation, and naval power—each aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defenses. Unlike many partners, however, it has not joined the IT Coalition (IT, communications, cybersecurity) or the Demining Coalition, which is the largest by number of participants.

Strengthening technological capabilities

Since 2022, Ukraine has worked closely with Tekever, a Portuguese company producing AR3 and AR5 reconnaissance drones. The AR5 model can fly longer and carry up to 50 kg of payload. These drones have already caused over $4 billion in losses to Russian forces, including the destruction of two S‑400 systems.

In April 2025, Tekever announced the opening of an office in Ukraine to speed up drone servicing and operator training.

Frozen assets turned into support

Portugal also supports the EU plan to direct profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine. These ERA funds are EU-level resources, not Portugal’s national budget, but Portugal backed these measures as part of the collective effort.

The first €1.5 billion tranche arrived in mid‑2024, funding air defense, ammunition, and defense-industry investment.

By May 2025, €6 billion had been transferred through the ERA program. On 9 May 2025, in Lviv, EU leaders committed an additional €1 billion, part of a €1.9 billion package for weapons, artillery, and air defense.

In total, €35 billion is expected to be delivered during 2025 under ERA and the Ukraine Facility, with Portugal participating in these collective decisions.

Training Ukrainian forces

Portugal contributes actively to the EUMAM mission, which has trained over 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers since 2022.

The country also belongs to an 11-country coalition preparing Ukrainian pilots and crews for F‑16 fighter jets, with Norwegian instructors conducting the training on Portuguese Air Force bases.

Sanctions and political pressure

In the year following May 2024, the EU adopted four new sanctions packages, all backed by Portugal. These measures targeted Russia’s military and energy industries, over 340 shadow fleet ships, propaganda outlets, and senior officials, including those linked to the bombing of the Okhmatdyt children’s hospital in Kyiv.

They also extended restrictions to countries helping Russia evade sanctions or supplying drones and missiles, including China, North Korea, India, the UAE, Singapore, Uzbekistan, Iran, Türkiye, Kazakhstan, and Serbia.

Humanitarian and reconstruction support

Portugal has also helped Ukraine on humanitarian and reconstruction fronts.

Since 2023, it has contributed €7 million to the Grain from Ukraine Initiative to stabilize the global food supply. Economic ties have also grown through Portugal’s AICEP agency, which in 2024 ran programs to attract investment and support Ukrainian business.

In November 2024, at the third Joint Economic Cooperation Commission, both sides agreed to expand trade and involve Portuguese companies in rebuilding efforts.

Portugal is already involved in rebuilding schools in Zhytomyr, including School No. 25 destroyed in 2022, and in 2024 invested €160,000 to create Superhero Schools in Chernihiv and Cherkasy, allowing hospitalized children to continue their education.

Justice and accountability

Portugal is part of the Coalition for a Special Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression, which finalized draft statutes in May 2025 for a tribunal in The Hague. In June 2025, Ukraine and the Council of Europe signed an agreement to formally establish this Special Tribunal. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders—including Vladimir Putin—even in absentia.

Portugal also participates in the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, which in 2024 helped return almost 600 deported children. And in 2023, it contributed €75,000 to the International Criminal Court and sent an expert to help gather evidence of war crimes.

One year on, the Portugal–Ukraine security agreement has grown into a partnership that reaches well beyond geography. Portugal may be Europe’s far west, but its support—especially in military aid, training, sanctions, and justice—has brought it close as a committed ally.

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Dozens of parliamentarians from various countries staged a coordinated walkout during a speech by Russian Federation Council Chairwoman Valentina Matvienko at the World Conference of Speakers of Parliaments in Switzerland on 30 July.

Why the mass walkout? According to Ukrainian Parliament Vice-Speaker Olena Kondratiuk, it sent a clear message about Russian aggression.

“This is a walkout against the aggressor,” Kondratiuk said, describing tears in her eyes as she watched international colleagues leave.

The half-empty hall, she argued, showed exactly how democratic parliaments view Russia.

Czech Parliament’s Chamber of Deputies Speaker Marketa Pekarova Adamova also made her reasoning explicit. She refused to be “a prop in the lies on which the criminal Kremlin regime is based.”

“She herself bears personal responsibility for the crime of aggression and all subsequent Russian atrocities after publicly approving the use of armed forces on Ukrainian territory,” Adamova wrote.

Better to spend time with colleagues “who support Ukraine in its fight for freedom and democracy,” she added.

But why was Matvienko allowed into Geneva at all? Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry had called her conference participation “disgraceful.” Spokesman Heorhii Tykhyi put it bluntly: her place should be “in the dock, not at international conferences.”

Here’s the problem: Matvienko appears on EU sanctions lists related to Russia’s invasion. So does much of the Russian delegation. Switzerland honors these sanctions—with one exception. The country permits sanctioned individuals to enter when visiting international organizations based there.

What had Matvienko been saying? Two days earlier, she invited international parliamentarians to visit occupied Ukrainian territories and see the “Alley of Angels.” This is a memorial in Donetsk that Russian forces erected allegedly commemorating children killed by Ukrainian forces in the conflict, which is considered a Russian propaganda narrative as there is no independent proof and convincing evidence. 

Earlier, Ukraine’s Security Service charged Matvienko in absentia in 2024 under multiple articles. According to investigators, she signed parliamentary decisions authorizing Russian troop deployment in Ukraine. She also approved ratification agreements for annexing occupied Ukrainian territories. She faces additional charges including incitement to wage aggressive war, for which Ukraine plans to prosecute her at a Special Tribunal.

A pilot trusted with Ukraine’s most sensitive air operations was secretly feeding targeting data to Russian intelligence, Ukraine’s Security Service says.

The major worked as a flight instructor in an air brigade responsible for shooting down Russian missiles and drones. His unit also conducted ground strikes supporting Ukrainian army operations. Perfect access.

What was he selling? Coordinates of F-16 and Mirage 2000 airbases. Flight schedules. Aircraft tail numbers. Even pilot names.

The Security Service of Ukraine announced the arrest on 30 July, revealing how military counterintelligence tracked the officer as he prepared to pass another batch of classified information to Russia’s GRU military intelligence service.

But the betrayal went deeper than basic intelligence gathering.

The major authored analytical reports for his Russian handlers, outlining specific tactics for combined missile and drone strikes designed to penetrate Ukrainian air defenses. Essentially providing a how-to guide for destroying the aircraft he was supposed to protect.

How did he communicate with Moscow? Anonymous email channels and encrypted messaging apps, according to investigators.

The timing matters. Ukraine has been integrating Western fighters including F-16s and Mirage 2000s into its air force operations. Russia has repeatedly targeted these aircraft with long-range strikes, making the intelligence particularly valuable.

The major faces life imprisonment with property confiscation under Ukraine’s wartime treason laws. The Security Service in western Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast is handling the investigation.

Estonia’s permanent representative to NATO, Ambassador Jüri Luik, said on 28 July 2025, on Vikerraadio — Estonian Public Broadcasting’s main radio channel — that Europe cannot realistically mount a credible defense against Russia without Ukraine’s involvement, highlighting Ukraine’s indispensable role in sustaining European security architecture.

“If Europe manages to achieve some kind of peace or truce [in Ukraine — EMP], or if we talk about Europe being able to defend itself against Russia, it is very difficult to imagine such a defense without Ukraine,” Luik said.

European and NATO intelligence agencies have increasingly warned of a growing hybrid and conventional threat from Russia, particularly toward NATO member states. Moscow appears to be preparing a multifaceted campaign — including sabotage of critical infrastructure, disinformation operations, and electronic warfare — aimed at projecting pressure beyond Ukraine’s borders. In the Baltic region, disruptions to undersea cables and power infrastructure — including the Estlink cable between Estonia and Finland — have raised alarms over possible sabotage by the so-called Russian “shadow fleet.”

Luik emphasized in the interview that Ukraine’s large and battle-hardened ground forces are essential not only for defending its own territory but also for enabling a cohesive European defense posture — one that can operate independently of US military dominance and deter potential Russian aggression.

Estonia and Ukraine have deepened bilateral cooperation since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, including joint military training, intelligence sharing, cyber defense collaboration, and political coordination within NATO and EU frameworks. Estonia now allocates more than 4% of its GDP to defense spending and has emerged as one of Ukraine’s strongest advocates in both Brussels and NATO, underscoring a shared strategic view of Moscow’s threat.

The Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine has once again declined to appoint Oleksandr Tsyvinsky as director of the Bureau of Economic Security (BEB), MP Yaroslav Zheleznyak said.

30 July marks the final day before Ukraine misses an International Monetary Fund benchmark regarding the BEB appointment.

Under the IMF’s Extended Fund Facility (EFF) program review, a new BEB director should have been selected by the end of February 2025. Ukraine failed to meet this deadline as the competition process was only in its initial stages at that time. The IMF then moved the benchmark deadline to July 2025.

Last week, the BEB Head Selection Commission resubmitted documents to the Cabinet regarding the appointment of competition winner Oleksandr Tsyvinsky. International partners’ commission member Donatas Malaskevičius told Forbes Ukraine that the Selection Commission rejected the government’s proposal to hold a repeat vote and insists on appointing their chosen candidate.

“The commission returned the documents because there are no reasons or legal grounds for submitting another candidacy,” Malaskevičius explained.

Prior to this, more than 50 civil society organizations published an appeal to the new Cabinet headed by Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko, calling on them not to repeat the mistakes of the previous government and appoint Tsyvinsky as BEB director.

Background of the controversy

On 25 June, Oleksandr Tsyvinsky, a current NABU detective who previously led a special operation exposing “toilet schemes” in Kyiv, won the competition for BEB director and received unanimous support from international commission members, whose vote is decisive.

However, during the session it became known that Tsyvinsky has relatives with Russian citizenship. Tsyvinsky himself explained that his father holds a Russian passport, but he has not communicated with him for several years.

Subsequently, the government received a submission for Tsyvinsky’s appointment as BEB director, but the Cabinet rejected his candidacy. This decision was made after reviewing additional materials provided by the Security Service of Ukraine, among others, which “concern national security issues and contain relevant security assessments.”

In response, the Ukrainian business community expressed concern about the government’s decision not to appoint the BEB director and called on the Cabinet to reconsider its decision.

Tsyvinsky himself said that it is “a matter of principle for him to clarify what specific ‘security assessments’ became the basis for the corresponding decision,” given that he has state secret clearance.

Why does Ukraine risk losing IMF funding?

The Bureau of Economic Security (BEB) in Ukraine is responsible for combating economic crimes such as fraud, tax evasion, smuggling, and money laundering. It acts as both an analytical and law enforcement body to protect the economic interests of the state and improve the business environment.

The IMF (International Monetary Fund) and Ukraine’s Bureau of Economic Security (BEB) are connected through Ukraine’s IMF-supported reform programs, particularly the Extended Fund Facility (EFF). 

The IMF provides Ukraine with financial help but only if Ukraine commits to reforms like fighting corruption and economic crimes, which the Bureau of Economic Security (BEB) enforces. Essentially, the IMF funds support Ukraine’s economy in exchange for stronger institutions like the BEB to make sure the economy is safer and more transparent. This teamwork helps Ukraine keep receiving money from the IMF and improves the country’s financial health.

If the government does not appoint Tsyvinsky as BEB director after the second deadline, it will send a red signal for further support for Ukraine.

The risk of disrupting the BEB competition could cost Ukraine very dearly – not only the loss of billions due to the failure to fulfill the IMF’s structural beacon, but also the loss of further trust and financial support from international donors.

You scroll through your feed, liking a friend’s vacation photo, skimming a news headline, pausing at a viral meme. It feels random—just a stream of whatever the internet serves up. But behind the scenes, a quiet battle is being waged over every piece of content that lands in front of you.

Some posts soar to the top. Others vanish without a trace. And it’s rarely an accident.

What you see—and what you don’t—is shaped by a mix of corporate interests, political agendas, and opaque systems designed to keep you engaged. Viral trends can be manufactured. Organic reach is dwindling. And if you’re a creator or business trying to be heard, the game is rigged against you.

But there’s a way to push back. Understanding how visibility works is the first step. The second? Using tools like Viplikes—where real engagement from actual users can give your content the momentum it deserves, without shady bots or empty clicks.

This isn’t about gaming the system. It’s about leveling the playing field.

So—who’s really deciding what you see? And how can you take back control? Let’s pull back the curtain.

The hidden hand: How your feed gets curated without your knowledge

•  The illusion of choice

What you see first when opening your favorite app isn’t random. Complex systems analyze thousands of signals to construct a version of reality they think will keep you scrolling longest. Your past behavior creates an invisible blueprint that determines future content.

•  The disappearing act

Creators report a disturbing phenomenon: posts vanish from followers’ feeds despite no violations. A musician might share new work only to find it never reaches their most engaged fans. This silent filtering happens without notification or appeal process.

•  The credibility paradox

Some accounts get special treatment without explanation. Their content travels further, appears more prominently, and survives moderation that catches others. These unspoken tiers of trust determine who gets heard and who remains background noise.

• The engagement mirage

What appears popular often got an invisible boost. Certain posts get artificial momentum through undisclosed partnerships or internal promotion. The viral content you see may have been placed there deliberately, not organically.

The truth is simple but unsettling: what reaches you has been carefully selected, not freely discovered. Recognizing this selection process allows for more conscious consumption and sharing.

The puppeteers of your digital diet: Who really shapes what you see

•  The paid priority lane

Behind the scenes, financial transactions determine post placement. Certain content gets invisible boosts through undisclosed partnerships, while organic material struggles to surface. It’s not about quality – it’s about who can afford visibility.

•  The geopolitical editors

Content gets filtered differently based on location. A news story trending in one country might be suppressed in another. These invisible boundaries create parallel digital realities where the same platform shows radically different versions of events.

•  The automated thought police

Sophisticated systems scan posts before humans ever see them. Certain topics trigger automatic demotion, regardless of context. Controversial issues get buried under safer, more advertiser-friendly content without any human making that decision.

The content you consume isn’t an accident – it’s the product of numerous invisible hands shaping your digital experience. Recognizing these forces is the first step toward more conscious consumption.

The art of authentic growth: Smart strategies for meaningful reach

•  The quality-over-quantity approach

Genuine growth begins with real connections. Services like Viplikes demonstrate how thoughtful audience building works – matching content with interested viewers rather than chasing empty numbers. This creates sustainable momentum that platforms recognize and reward.

•  The gradual growth principle

Effective promotion mirrors natural discovery patterns. Instead of sudden spikes that trigger suspicion, the best results come from steady, measured increases that appear organic to both viewers and platform systems.

•  The visibility paradox

Sometimes good content needs an initial push to be seen by its natural audience. Strategic promotion acts like a spotlight – it doesn’t create value, but helps existing value get noticed in crowded digital spaces.

This approach represents the mature evolution of digital presence – recognizing that while great content matters, even the best work sometimes needs help finding its audience in today’s saturated online environment. When done with integrity, it levels the playing field for creators of all sizes.