Portugal is the most geographically distant EU country from Ukraine, yet in the past year, it has become a steady partner. On 28 May 2024, the two nations signed a bilateral Security Cooperation Agreement, outlining how Portugal would support Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression and rebuilding after the war. This pact was the 12th in a series of bilateral agreements Ukraine began concluding in early 2024.

That series grew out of the G7 Joint Declaration of Support of 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation. Some commitments come directly from Portugal, while others are delivered through EU-wide programs that Portugal supports collectively.

The agreement with Portugal is broad, extending far beyond the battlefield. It includes support for weapons and training, strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry, sanctioning Russia and using frozen Russian assets, humanitarian aid, and work to hold Moscow’s leadership accountable.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Portugal’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

Portugal’s commitments

At the time of signing, Portugal pledged at least €126 million in military aid for 2024, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s air and naval capabilities. Beyond this financial support, the agreement also envisaged:

• Participation in the EU training mission EUMAM
• Cooperation in defense industry development
• Using frozen Russian assets to help fund Ukraine’s defense
• Humanitarian support, including demining and reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure
• Joint efforts to prosecute Russia’s crimes

In essence, it laid out a ten-point roadmap that blends military, political, and humanitarian support.

A year of implementation

The first year proved that this partnership is much more than a statement. Portugal overdelivered on its military commitments while also supporting Ukraine’s defense production, reconstruction, and the pursuit of justice.

Key achievements between May 2024 and May 2025:

• €226 million in military aid, nearly double the initial pledge
• Helicopter deliveries: six Ka‑32 and eight SA‑330 Puma aircraft
• €100 million to the Czech-led initiative for artillery shells
• €52 million to the Drone Coalition to produce drones in Portugal
• Opening of a Tekever branch in Ukraine to expand drone support
• €6 billion from frozen Russian assets channeled to Ukraine through EU programs (collective funding)
• Training for tens of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers through EUMAM and the F‑16 pilot coalition
• Active support for four new EU sanction packages
• Reconstruction efforts including rebuilding schools and funding Superhero Schools
• Participation in coalitions for a special tribunal and the return of deported children

Military aid beyond expectations

Instead of the pledged €126 million, Portugal allocated €226 million to Ukraine in 2024. Early in the year, €100 million went to the Czech-led procurement of 155mm artillery shells, while €52 million funded drone production for Ukraine through the Drone Coalition.

Equipment followed as well. In September 2024, Ukraine received six Ka‑32 helicopters for transport and search-and-rescue missions. At the end of the year, eight SA‑330 Puma helicopters arrived, equipped with systems that allow them to launch Exocet anti-ship missiles.

Earlier contributions included M113 armored vehicles, three Leopard 2A6 tanks, five medical vehicles, 105mm howitzers, and ammunition. For 2025, Portugal has already pledged another €220 million.

Since 2022, Portugal has also joined three multinational “capability coalitions”—on armored vehicles, aviation, and naval power—each aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defenses. Unlike many partners, however, it has not joined the IT Coalition (IT, communications, cybersecurity) or the Demining Coalition, which is the largest by number of participants.

Strengthening technological capabilities

Since 2022, Ukraine has worked closely with Tekever, a Portuguese company producing AR3 and AR5 reconnaissance drones. The AR5 model can fly longer and carry up to 50 kg of payload. These drones have already caused over $4 billion in losses to Russian forces, including the destruction of two S‑400 systems.

In April 2025, Tekever announced the opening of an office in Ukraine to speed up drone servicing and operator training.

Frozen assets turned into support

Portugal also supports the EU plan to direct profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine. These ERA funds are EU-level resources, not Portugal’s national budget, but Portugal backed these measures as part of the collective effort.

The first €1.5 billion tranche arrived in mid‑2024, funding air defense, ammunition, and defense-industry investment.

By May 2025, €6 billion had been transferred through the ERA program. On 9 May 2025, in Lviv, EU leaders committed an additional €1 billion, part of a €1.9 billion package for weapons, artillery, and air defense.

In total, €35 billion is expected to be delivered during 2025 under ERA and the Ukraine Facility, with Portugal participating in these collective decisions.

Training Ukrainian forces

Portugal contributes actively to the EUMAM mission, which has trained over 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers since 2022.

The country also belongs to an 11-country coalition preparing Ukrainian pilots and crews for F‑16 fighter jets, with Norwegian instructors conducting the training on Portuguese Air Force bases.

Sanctions and political pressure

In the year following May 2024, the EU adopted four new sanctions packages, all backed by Portugal. These measures targeted Russia’s military and energy industries, over 340 shadow fleet ships, propaganda outlets, and senior officials, including those linked to the bombing of the Okhmatdyt children’s hospital in Kyiv.

They also extended restrictions to countries helping Russia evade sanctions or supplying drones and missiles, including China, North Korea, India, the UAE, Singapore, Uzbekistan, Iran, Türkiye, Kazakhstan, and Serbia.

Humanitarian and reconstruction support

Portugal has also helped Ukraine on humanitarian and reconstruction fronts.

Since 2023, it has contributed €7 million to the Grain from Ukraine Initiative to stabilize the global food supply. Economic ties have also grown through Portugal’s AICEP agency, which in 2024 ran programs to attract investment and support Ukrainian business.

In November 2024, at the third Joint Economic Cooperation Commission, both sides agreed to expand trade and involve Portuguese companies in rebuilding efforts.

Portugal is already involved in rebuilding schools in Zhytomyr, including School No. 25 destroyed in 2022, and in 2024 invested €160,000 to create Superhero Schools in Chernihiv and Cherkasy, allowing hospitalized children to continue their education.

Justice and accountability

Portugal is part of the Coalition for a Special Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression, which finalized draft statutes in May 2025 for a tribunal in The Hague. In June 2025, Ukraine and the Council of Europe signed an agreement to formally establish this Special Tribunal. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders—including Vladimir Putin—even in absentia.

Portugal also participates in the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, which in 2024 helped return almost 600 deported children. And in 2023, it contributed €75,000 to the International Criminal Court and sent an expert to help gather evidence of war crimes.

One year on, the Portugal–Ukraine security agreement has grown into a partnership that reaches well beyond geography. Portugal may be Europe’s far west, but its support—especially in military aid, training, sanctions, and justice—has brought it close as a committed ally.

Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching the David vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.

Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.

On 27 May 2024, a historic handshake in Madrid sealed a new chapter in Ukraine’s struggle for survival. That day, Ukraine and Spain signed a 10‑year bilateral security agreement, a pact that committed Spain to stand by Ukraine during its fight against Russia’s full‑scale invasion.

A year later, that signature has proved to be more than words. Spain has become one of Ukraine’s most consistent allies, delivering weapons, training thousands of soldiers, investing in rebuilding projects, and helping create legal mechanisms to hold Russia accountable.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Spain’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

A tenth agreement that mattered

This agreement was not a one‑off act. It became the tenth in a series of security agreements Ukraine began after the G7 Joint Declaration of Support in 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements in total — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation.

Yet the Spanish pact stands out because of its broad scope.

Under this agreement, Spain committed to:

• Deliver weapons and military equipment
• Train Ukrainian military personnel
• Cooperate with Ukraine’s defense industry
• Provide humanitarian support and reconstruction aid
• Join sanctions and legal actions against Russia

And in 2024 alone, Spain pledged €1 billion for military aid, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s artillery, air defenses, armored forces, and maritime security.

Weapons that protect lives

The first visible results came from the skies. In the spring of 2024, Spain sent batches of MIM‑104 Patriot missiles, strengthening Ukraine’s air defenses. Then in November, a full HAWK air defense battery – six launchers – arrived in Ukraine, designed to shoot down Russian missiles and drones.

On land, Spain has been no less active. Nineteen Leopard 2A4 tanks, once left unused in Zaragoza, were overhauled at the Santa Bárbara Sistemas plant. Ten of them were delivered to Ukraine in July 2024, with the rest planned for September.

Since the beginning of the full‑scale war, Spain has repaired and modernized 29 Leopard tanks for Ukraine and provided M113 armored personnel carriers. Between May 2024 and May 2025, Spain also delivered 155‑mm artillery shells, counter‑drone systems, surveillance optics, and modern combat turrets, giving Ukraine more tools to defend itself.

Building a defense industry together

Spain’s assistance has not stopped with shipments. It is also helping Ukraine develop the capacity to produce and modernize its own weapons.

The Leopard tanks overhauled in 2024 are one example. At the same time, Ukrainian armored vehicles – including the Kozak‑5 – were equipped with Guardian combat modules from Spanish company Escribano Mechanical & Engineering.

In May 2025, Ukroboronprom signed a memorandum with Escribano to jointly develop weapons and localize Spanish module production inside Ukraine. Another partnership followed: Ukrainian company Praktyka signed an agreement with Spain’s Tecnove to begin licensed production of Dzura and Kozak armored vehicles in Spain, opening access to the European market.

Financial backing through frozen Russian assets

Support has also come through the European Union, where Spain, together with other EU members, takes part in the collective effort to redirect profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine.

• July 2024: the EU transferred the first tranche of €1.5 billion
• By May 2025: four tranches in total, amounting to €6 billion
• May 9, 2025: the EU announced another €1 billion, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry

Passing on knowledge: Training Ukrainian soldiers

Weapons and funding are critical, but training saves lives. Spain is part of the EU’s EUMAM mission, which has already trained more than 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers. About 7,000 of them have trained in Spain.

There, soldiers learn to operate Patriot and HAWK air defense systems, maintain artillery, and master combined‑arms tactics. Most of these programs are run at the Toledo Training Coordination Centre (TTCC).

Beyond air defense, Spain has also been training Ukrainian troops on the very equipment it has supplied since the start of the full‑scale war — from OTO Melara Mod 56 towed howitzers and Aspide air defense systems to M113 armored personnel carriers and Leopard 2A tanks.

In March 2025, Ukraine and Spain signed a new agreement to expand training, ensuring more soldiers will benefit from Spanish expertise.

Support beyond the battlefield

While the frontlines define much of this partnership, Spain has been active on other fronts too:

• Sanctions and cyber defense: Spain supports EU sanction packages that have targeted Russia’s military industries, energy companies, and individuals involved in war crimes. It also joined the IT Coalition in September 2024, which raised €482 million to strengthen Ukraine’s secure communications and cyber defenses.
• Humanitarian demining: In 2024, the demining coalition – with Spain among its members – allocated over €50 million for clearing mines. Ukraine received hundreds of specialized vehicles and equipment, and over 4,000 engineers completed NATO‑standard training. Spain added €3 million to these efforts, bringing its total to €4.5 million, and co‑funded a UNDP project using trained dogs for mine detection.
• Restoring energy: Spain delivered 17 large generators, invested €4.5 million in the Ukraine Energy Support Fund, and financed a new solar power plant in Chornobyl in April 2025.
• Humanitarian and reconstruction aid: Spain provided $3 million for the HEAL Ukraine healthcare project, welcomed over 150 wounded Ukrainians for medical care, and supported the creation of a rehabilitation center in Barcelona. Since 2022, Spain has delivered more than €100 million in humanitarian aid and €400 million for reconstruction.

Seeking justice

Spain has also joined two major international coalitions. The first led to the June 2025 signing of an agreement between Ukraine and the Council of Europe to establish a Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders, including Vladimir Putin, even in absentia.

The second coalition focuses on the return of deported Ukrainian children; in 2024, nearly 600 children were brought home through these joint efforts.

One year in review

From Patriot missiles to solar power, from tanks to hospitals, Spain’s support has been comprehensive and steady.

One year after that handshake in Madrid, Spain has gone far beyond promises. Its help now shows in the skies above Ukraine, on the ground in training centers, in rebuilt power plants, and in the return of Ukrainian children.

It is a partnership built on solidarity – a partnership that continues to shape Ukraine’s resilience and its hope for victory and peace.

Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching the David vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.

Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.

Donald Trump’s new Ukraine strategy—arming Kyiv while demanding Europe fund it—is drawing sharp debate. But according to former British Army Colonel Richard Kemp, it’s exactly the right move.

Writing in The Telegraph, Kemp says Trump has “correctly adjusted his policy” in response to Vladimir Putin’s refusal to negotiate. His critics, particularly in Europe, “would be more convincing if they had their own realistic proposals, but they do not,” Kemp argues.

“Put their money where their mouth is”

At the heart of Trump’s plan is a demand: the US will send weapons, but Europe must pay.

Kemp calls this “sheer genius, at least as a concept,” adding that it “forces the EU countries and Britain to put their money where their mouth is.”

The move also taps into American frustration over continued US funding of the war. “It ought to play well to American voters,” Kemp writes.

Patriots and priorities

Trump’s plan includes sending Patriot missile systems to shield Ukrainian cities from increased Russian attacks. These may come from US stockpiles or NATO reserves.

But Germany is hesitating. Defence Minister Boris Pistorius said delivery could take months—a delay Kemp sees as telling.

“Despite the continent’s supposed insistence that it is prepared to do whatever it takes to help Ukraine win,” Kemp writes, Europe is still slow to act.

Zelenskyy to Trump: “Give us the tools”

In a recent call, Trump reportedly asked Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy whether Ukraine could hit Moscow and St. Petersburg. Kemp likens Zelensky’s response to Churchill: “Give us the tools and we will finish the job.”

Kemp stresses that while air defenses are important, long-range weapons and the freedom to use them would have a far greater effect on Putin.

“Smouldering military bases… might well” force a rethink in Moscow, he argues.

Targeting Russia’s economy

Trump has also proposed secondary tariffs on countries doing business with Russia. Kemp believes this economic pressure could be effective, but says EU leaders are reluctant.

When EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas called Trump’s 50-day peace deadline “very long,” Kemp responded bluntly:

“Perhaps Kallas… should immediately impose EU secondary tariffs, rather than shouting criticism from the sidelines?”

“A chance of success” – if Europe steps up

Kemp concludes that Trump’s new strategy has “a chance of success”, but only if Europe gets serious. Otherwise, he warns, it will remain a US-led effort.

“Do they really want to help Ukraine win its war, or do they just want America to do it for them?”

Euromaidan Press: Hello, Peter. Can you tell what the film is about shortly?

Peter Duke:  The film basically tells the story of what we do with the convoy effort, and some of the people—just a few of the people—that are participating, and of course, some of the heroes that we go and help there in Ukraine.

I first joined the convoy in February of 2023. That was my first time. As an American, I was one of the first two that had gone on convoy. So it was a very new thing to myself. I didn’t know what to expect, but the connections that I made there and the people that I met were just heroes through and through. I was so impressed with the abilities of the people who both were organizing the convoy and participating in it, and the ones who were helping get that supply of vehicles and supplies to the troops there in Kyiv.

This has been going on since March of 2022. In April 2025, we’re delivering our 40th convoy to Kyiv. That’s almost 670 trucks full of supplies that we brought.

Euromaidan Press: So it’s not only trucks that you deliver, it’s also some other aid for Ukrainian soldiers. What is it usually?

Peter Duke: The trucks themselves are pretty standardized. They are second-hand but very mechanically sound trucks, and they’re all like a civilian pickup truck—they’re a four-door, four-by-four, diesel pickup truck. Then it’s been outfitted with a night vision camera, a drone jammer, and other things. Some of them are specialized as medevac vehicles as well.

These vehicles go there and they come with a set of street tires that we drive them there on, but also a set of mud tires for each truck because that can be very important in the off-road conditions. But then we fill the trucks up with any other things we’ve got, and that may be everything from medical kits to sleeping bags. We provide a lot of drones—we fundraise and send a lot of FPV and Mavics, things like that. Also, if there’s something special that a unit’s requested, we’ll do our best to fill that request as well.

And then many of the drivers just bring along their own sort of care package. Whether it’s chocolates from Belgium or supplies—I’ve brought a bunch of stuff from the US. Some people will get other donations of everything from trench candles to tourniquets and provide those just to let the troops know that we’re looking out for them. We’re doing everything we can on the home side to provide them with the tools and kit that they need.

Euromaidan Press: And how is it all funded?

Peter Duke: We’ll get the stuff however we can get it. But yeah, we’re a fully volunteer and donation-funded group. We fundraise, we make the social media appeals. I know everyone is very exhausted from giving, frankly. I mean, like this war—people were generous in 2022, they did what they could to give to support the Ukrainians. And then it went into 2023, and some donors got tired or their resources became short through 2024. Here we are in 2025.

That’s both been a marathon of endurance for the donors, but also it’s enabled us to build a pipeline of experience. A track record, so people know, “Hey, these guys are delivering the vehicles. They’re continuing to deliver the supplies. They’ve got proof they’ve been doing it successfully.” And this all continues to build confidence in the donors that their money is going to a good cause. So we’ve been lucky enough to be able to keep up the pace. And yeah, there is definitely fatigue among people who read the news.

Euromaidan Press: Do you also feel this fatigue personally? How do you cope with it? Why should people still care and help Ukraine?

Peter Duke: Yeah, we all get tired. I get tired. We’ve got a busy life. We have families. We have jobs. We have stuff to do. But I remember that every one of these Ukrainians that’s out there sacrificing and fighting and defending is doing it for us. Make no mistake—if Russia is allowed to take Ukraine, they are not going to be satisfied. That will not be the end of it. So this effort is for all of us. All of us in the Western democracies that hope for peace and security need Ukraine to succeed.

And the effort also affects people in the East. Because if this is allowed to continue unopposed, people in Taiwan will pay the price. Maybe Korea’s neighbors to the South will pay the price. Because if it’s not stopped, if people like Putin are not put in their place and stopped, this kind of authoritarianism and this kind of evil will spread.

There have been times of peace in the world and there have been times of turmoil, and we should never take those times of peace for granted. So that thought keeps pushing me forward.

But on a more personal level, whenever I am tired, whenever I get exhausted, whenever I get a little bit overwhelmed, I just think of the people in Kyiv who have to go to sleep and hope that the buzzing sound of a drone doesn’t get louder and louder until it bursts into their apartment wall, or that when they wake up, maybe the power is on. The sacrifices that they continue to make day in and day out pick me up and push me forward.

So anything I can do here in the peace of my country—and all the Europeans who likewise are pushing forward this effort from the peace of their country—should prize that peace and know that this freedom is not free. It comes at a price that the Ukrainians are paying every day.

Euromaidan Press: I read some of your statements about the film and you mentioned that you see parallels between Ukraine’s resistance now and America’s founding in 1776. Can you elaborate more on this connection?

Peter Duke: Oh, man. Yeah, that one is so clear and so obvious to me.

Thinking back to the founding of our own nation in 1776, we wanted to break free from a colonial power that was so powerful that we were not able to break free from it initially. We wanted to break from that power that had been dictating terms to us and sapping our resources for the gain of that empire. And of course, those parallels are very clear with what has been happening with Russia and Ukraine.

Russia for a long time interfered in Ukraine’s affairs. You can go back centuries and Ukraine was, unfortunately, the collision place of Russia and the Western world. Russia finally had that connection broken in the Maidan revolution, and again Ukraine tried to reinstate their own vision of how they wanted to lead their life. And Russia keeps pressing—they just cannot take the hint that this nation wants to be free and lead a future of self-determination.

This is like an ex-boyfriend or ex-husband that just can’t let go of that woman and keeps saying, “No, you belong to me. I’m going to dictate to you. You belong to me.” This is disgusting. These people in Ukraine should not have to put up with Russia constantly pressing on their affairs and trying to make them a part of a Russian empire that they don’t want to be part of.

So in 1776, the Americans had had enough of the British empire dictating terms to us here. And we moved for our independence. And thankfully, at that time, we had the support of France, which enabled us to eventually have that victory. It wasn’t easy, and a lot of life was lost. In 1812, the British returned to try and have a round two of that, and we eventually were able to push this colonial power away. We eventually were able to succeed in that contest and we had our independence.

But it’s a question of who’s going to arise at this time to support Ukraine in this battle, to finally put Russia back behind its border and have the peace that Ukraine deserves. And I think it’s patriots from all over the world that understand that this freedom comes at a cost and they’re going to support Ukraine in this.

Euromaidan Press: In the film, you also show a lot of destruction that Russia brought to Ukraine and you visit memorials in Irpin and Bucha. These are places where Russian soldiers committed war crimes—they killed and tortured civilians. You also said that the film changed you and your perspective on the war. How did it change you and what was your perspective earlier?

Peter Duke: Well, reading about war and seeing the effects of war are two different things. You can look at all the books and you can look at all the newscasts, and the human mind has just a weird way of compartmentalizing things. I’ve seen videos, I’ve seen newscasts, I know the bombs are dropping, I know things are getting blown up and I know there are people dying. But being there and seeing the charred shells of these buildings, and seeing the destruction—the broken machines and the broken men walking around missing limbs and so on—that makes it real.

You have to see these things for your own eyes. I’m sure that when you get closer to this, the human empathy comes forward and pushes past the propaganda and whatever disassociation was happening in your head before, and it becomes black and white.

And that’s why I want to bring viewers a little bit closer to that by seeing it through our eyes, through eyes of average Americans, people who have gone there and seen it so they understand what is really going on. 

And that’s why the convoy is important in one regard—because of the hundreds and hundreds of drivers who have participated in this, they all leave changed. Having been there with their own eyes, having visited some of the places that you mentioned and having seen both the tragedies of war and the warmth and the welcomeness and the gratitude of the Ukrainians we meet, they go back home with that in their heads and their hearts, and they know that supporting Ukraine is the right thing for them, for the Ukrainians, and for the world.

Euromaidan Press: What impact do you think your film can have on viewers?

Peter Duke: You want to affect people and make their hearts and their minds understand what’s happening and make it real for them. So I think a movie is a good medium to do that. It should be more relatable. So hopefully we achieve that goal.

I really think that being there is the best way. And of course, that opportunity is limited because not everyone can take so much time out of their life to go there in person and do it. But hopefully this vehicle will show that many people, regular people like myself, have made that choice, have gone there and have seen this. And I hope that they will take away what their eyes and their ears are telling them—that real people can make a difference in the history that we are writing together.

Euromaidan Press: So people who are who will watch this interview or will watch your film “No Sleep Till Kyiv,” how can they get involved in helping Ukraine? Is it through donations or is it even possible to join this convoy?

Peter Duke: Yes and yes. But the most important thing is that they know in their hearts that this is the right thing to do, because I believe when someone sees this and it comes to them, they’re like, “Wow, I can’t imagine supporting the other side in this—Russia. Certainly the things they are saying that I’ve read on social media or whatever don’t look at all like the situation on the ground. It would be crazy not to support the Ukrainians.”

And despite some of the things you read on social media that may be negative or misinformation, much of that comes from paid bot accounts that are set up by the Russians and their allies. In the real world, something like 70% of Americans support maintaining aid for Ukraine, sending more aid. And they know black from white. They know this is the right thing to do. So I just want to help reaffirm that inner empathy and let people see for themselves what’s going on so that they know this is the right thing.

Euromaidan Press: Have you ever met Americans who are not supportive of Ukraine?

Peter Duke: Of course. I talk to some people. And usually, this is the thing—when you’re having a face-to-face conversation, it’s different. Social media is terrible in that regard because someone will just shoot some rude thing off into the internet and turn around and never think twice about it. And that rude thing can be read by tens of thousands or millions of people and it can affect them. But personal conversations, face-to-face, are much more diplomatic.

Usually what happens is they’ll say something like, “Well, I don’t speak Ukrainian,” and I’m like, “That’s no trouble. English will get you further and it’s appreciated there, but it’s okay. You can speak the tongue you’re comfortable with. That’s the same in Ukraine.”

Or they’ll say something ridiculous like, “Well, Zelenskyy is stealing all the money.” I’m like, “Well, have you seen Putin’s palaces? I mean, do you see how this guy gets around with his entourage? Do you see the huge yachts that his oligarch friends have?” I mean, all the evidence points to them doing what they are accusing others of doing. Meanwhile, Zelenskyy is there doing his work in Kyiv and trying his best to keep his country together. Please, folks, let’s look at some facts here.

And so if I’m calm and have a few sentences with a person and I share these viewpoints, usually the reasoning comes through, and then it’s easy to make them an ally. I don’t meet too many people that are strongly pro-Russia, anti-Ukraine here in the US. And that’s why I think it’s important to share the story with the movie because so many people are either lightly in favor of Ukraine or they’re just kind of on the fence. And it doesn’t take much to make them a believer. So by sharing the message of the movie, that usually is enough to make their mind up.

Euromaidan Press: You delivered aid to Ukraine with volunteers from Estonia, some from Ukraine, some Americans also. Did you feel fully united with them in your vision and values? Or were there some differences in your perception of war and support for Ukraine? What did this international experience teach you as an American?

Peter Duke: It’s important to think about how Americans view the world. And I’m not really sure how to define this well, but it’s different than Europeans. Americans, we’ve normally been much more isolated. It’s normal for a European to speak several languages and have traveled through several countries just by nature of the geography. But here in America, English is all we need. And we just know our own country and the way we think and the way we’ve been told the world works.

So it’s always interesting to speak to my Ukrainian friends and get their viewpoints. It definitely expands the mind some. And also being on the convoy, being together with this common purpose, there’s a sense of camaraderie between the men and women on the convoy, what we are doing. The way we’re feeling together, the experience that we share—it’s very heartwarming. And we all leave changed for the better.

Euromaidan Press: So the movie is called “No Sleep Till Kyiv.” And you mentioned that the road from the capital of Estonia, Tallinn, to the capital of Ukraine, Kyiv, took you over 30 hours. So did you really have no sleep for this long time? Why did you decide to do it?

Peter Duke: Yeah, so we were trying to think of a name and we were like, “We should call the movie ‘The Convoy.'” I don’t know, it’s sort of a generic name.

So as the movie production was happening, we would sit around and talk. And I was talking with a buddy of mine, and we’re like, “Man, what should we call it? We need a better name.” And there’s a song from a group called the Beastie Boys—it’s like a hip hop group. They were popular in the 80s and 90s, early 2000s. And it was called “No Sleep Till Brooklyn.” And so that name is kind of imprinted in the memory of many people of my generation and the generation after me—”No Sleep Till Brooklyn.”

So that catchphrase, probably somewhere in our subconscious, came up. And my buddy is like, “Let’s call it ‘No Sleep Till Kyiv.'” And I was like, “Actually, it’s got a ring to it,” because that’s kind of what we do.

I mean, although no one is stopping and rolling out their bed and taking an actual rest on the convoy, we do take our turns sitting in the passenger seat and kind of dozing for a short spell. But I’ll tell you, basically, for 30-something hours, we get no good sleep. So there’s that part of it—the endurance of the drive, the marathon to Kyiv. And the fact that it has a ring to it. So “No Sleep Till Kyiv” is the name. And for us, there’s going to be no rest until there’s peace for Ukraine. So that’s the name and that’s how it is.

The United States has resumed weapons shipments to Ukraine, delivering 155 mm artillery shells and guided missile systems, two US officials told Reuters. The deliveries come after a short pause in arms transfers by the Trump administration that raised concerns in Kyiv and Washington.

Diplomatic efforts remain frozen, while Russia escalates its attacks. On 9 July, Moscow launched the largest combined missile and drone assault of the war, firing over 740 projectiles at Ukrainian infrastructure. The barrage signals Russia’s hardened military posture and fuels fears the war could stretch on for years.

US sends artillery shells and GMLRS missiles

The resumed shipment includes 155 mm artillery shells and GMLRS (guided multiple launch rocket system) missiles—vital to Ukraine’s front-line operations. The officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, did not disclose the size of the shipment or confirm if deliveries were complete.

The pause, which occurred last week, was reportedly tied to Pentagon concerns over depleted US munitions reserves. The White House has not formally commented on the internal review.

Trump: “I don’t know who ordered the pause”

President Donald Trump told reporters he was unaware of who had ordered the temporary halt in arms deliveries. He added that the US would continue sending weapons to Ukraine, with an emphasis on defensive systems to counter advancing Russian forces.

It is unclear whether the resumed shipment reflects a broader shift in policy or a continuation of prior aid commitments.

Russia escalates with record drone and missile barrage

Ukraine reported over 740 drones and missiles launched by Russia in a single night—the most extensive aerial attack since the war began. Strikes targeted infrastructure across multiple regions.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy responded by calling for tougher sanctions on Russian revenue sources, especially oil exports.

Ukraine expands military coordination with US

In a statement on Tuesday, Zelenskyy said he has ordered expanded coordination with the United States to secure urgent deliveries of air defense systems and other military aid. Kyiv continues to press Washington for faster and more consistent support amid ongoing attacks.