Ukrainian company BlueBird Tech has unveiled a new version of its fixed-wing “Bebradron” UAV. The new modification has no warhead but can carry a payload of up to 2 kg, Oboronka writes.

The Bebradron-M is remotely operated. It has a cruising speed of 70 km/h and a maximum speed of up to 115 km/h. It can fly for up to 25 minutes, has a range of up to 30 km, and operates at altitudes of 200–700 meters.

The name Bebradron was not chosen by chance. It comes from the Ukrainian joke from a meme “nyukhai bebru” (“sniff the bebra”), a humorous euphemism hinting at the male genitalia.

What is such a small drone used for?

The specialized version is designed to train pilots and interceptor-drone operators and to practice scenarios for shooting down aerial targets using a real UAV.

The Bebradron-M can also be used to simulate a decoy target during exercises aimed at countering aerial reconnaissance.

The company said foil materials can be applied to the drone’s wings to increase its radar signature. This creates an additional radar return, allowing operators to practice scenarios involving multiple aerial targets.

What does the Bebradron-M lack?

The standard fixed-wing UAV configuration includes a low-light camera, analog video link, 915 MHz control system and a 6S3P battery.

The Bebradron-M, however, lacks cruise control or navigation systems.

Ukraine clears hundreds of new drones for military use in 2026

Since the beginning of 2026, 413 unmanned aerial systems have been approved for use by Ukraine’s Defense Forces. This is more than in 2025 and 2024, according to Ukraine’s Defense Ministry. Almost all of the newly codified drones are Ukrainian-made.

Among them is the Dovbush T40, a drone built to reach the deepest parts of Russia, designed for deep reconnaissance and precision strikes against distant Russian targets.

Ukrainian company AIDronesUA and US-based Empery Digital Inc. have signed a document creating the conditions for strategic investment, according to Defender Media. AIDronesUA develops the MAUL unmanned ground vehicle, a casualty evacuation, logistics, and ammunition-delivery platform that was previously presented at the Eurosatory 2026 defense exhibition in Paris.

MAUL is built on an all-terrain vehicle equipped with an internal combustion engine, which offers a significant advantage over electric motors by enabling higher speeds. The drone can travel at up to 70 km/h when a reliable communications link is available. Its engine also allows it to operate in cold weather without the limitations associated with batteries, ArmyInform reports.

MAUL is equipped with four different types of communication links, which can back each other up. The UGV can continue moving even after overturning. Ukrainian military personnel have reported instances in which a vehicle flipped over, returned to its wheels, and continued moving.

Final agreement has not yet been signed

The parties emphasize that, at this stage, this is not a finalized investment agreement. The companies will conduct a feasibility study, financial modeling, and due diligence to assess the potential for future cooperation.

Empery Digital Inc., with which negotiations are underway, has a market capitalization of more than $81 million. The company is involved in the production of electric vehicles and also operates in the digital assets sector, including cryptocurrency.

Access to the US investment market

As part of the due diligence process, Empery Digital plans to assess AIDronesUA's technologies, operations, production requirements, financial needs, regulatory considerations, supply chains, and opportunities for international expansion.

A final agreement can be concluded only after the necessary approvals are obtained, negotiations are finalized, and the relevant documents are signed.

Potential cooperation with the US company could give AIDronesUA access to US investment, international manufacturing expertise, and global markets. The company is also considering integrating Ukrainian-developed technologies into international manufacturing and supply chains.

The world’s largest cryptocurrency exchange, Binance, has helped Russia arrest one of its own citizens for supporting the Ukrainian military. Using information provided by the exchange, Russian authorities arrested 49-year-old Russian IT specialist Yuriy Bielenkyi, who was detained in September 2025 and is now being held in a Russian prison awaiting trial, Reuters reports.

The information was later included in the criminal case against him. Russian investigators also asked Binance to identify other people who had transferred funds to a wallet used to collect donations for Ukrainian soldiers.

What information can be obtained through Binance?

Journalists obtained documents showing that in October 2025, Russian investigators requested Binance’s transaction history for Bielenkyi.

The exchange provided information about transfers to Ukrainian cryptocurrency wallets. Russian law enforcement received not only transaction data but also the user’s personal information, including his date of birth, address, phone number, passport details, a copy of his Russian passport, and his Bulgarian residence permit.

Passing the buck

Crypto-regulation lawyer Mike Bystrov told journalists that Binance was not necessarily required to hand over the data to Russia. If Bielenkyi was registered with Binance as an EU customer, he could have been covered by rules that significantly restrict the transfer of personal data to countries that do not provide an adequate level of data protection.

Binance disagreed. The company said it cooperates with lawful law-enforcement requests in different countries, but that government authorities themselves decide how to use the information they receive.

Meanwhile, the European Data Protection Board, an EU body, declined to comment.

Previous precedents involving Alexei Navalny

Reuters previously reported that in 2021, Binance’s regional head met with representatives of Russia’s financial-monitoring agency, who wanted to help identify customers making Bitcoin donations to Alexei Navalny.

At the time, Binance told Reuters that Russian authorities had never approached the company regarding the anti-Kremlin activist, who died in an Arctic penal colony in 2024.

Russia struck Odesa's port again and hit a foreign civilian ship. Russian forces attacked port infrastructure in Odesa Oblast overnight, damaging a civilian vessel flying the flag of Togo, Oleh Kiper, the head of the regional military administration, reported.

The strike hit neutral commercial shipping at a port that Russia has repeatedly attacked. Odesa is Ukraine's main gateway for seaborne trade, and Russia has struck its port infrastructure throughout the war, endangering the foreign-flagged merchant ships that dock there to move Ukrainian grain and cargo.

Four people were injured

The strike caused casualties among those at the port. Four people were injured, three of them hospitalized and one in serious condition, and all are receiving the necessary medical care, Kiper said.

Fires broke out as a result of the strike and have now been fully extinguished, Kiper said.

The target was Ukraine's trade gateway

Hitting a foreign merchant ship strikes at the heart of Ukraine's economic lifeline. Odesa's ports are how Ukraine ships its grain and imports to the world, and the foreign-flagged vessels that call there are civilian commercial traffic, not military targets.

Earlier, Ukraine’s Agriculture Ministry cut its forecast for agricultural exports in 2026–2027 by 54% after Russia's strikes on the port. The ministry now expects 29.6 million tons of agricultural exports, down from 64.4 million. Its wheat export forecast fell by 53%, from 17.6 million tons to 8.3 million tons.

The scale of the crisis triggered by Russia

In July alone, Russian strikes damaged 28 vessels traveling to or from the ports of Greater Odesa, roughly 11–12% of maritime traffic, killing 21 sailors and injuring 34, according to Andrii Klymenko of the Black Sea Strategic Studies Institute’s monitoring group.

Land and river routes cannot make up the difference. Low water levels are limiting the Danube's capacity, and there is no full substitute for Ukraine’s deep-water ports in the medium term. If the delays continue, he said, Ukraine may have to store an additional 10–12 million metric tons of grain it cannot export.

Ukraine can now measure how cost-effectively it kills, and the math favors it. Every dollar Ukraine's Defense Forces spend on striking a target inflicts several times more losses on Russia, as confirmed by the Mission Control module in the DELTA battle system, Ukraine's Defense Ministry reported.

Mission Control, launched six months ago, now processes 50,000 missions a week and over 230,000 reports, allowing Ukraine to track not just what it hits but also what each strike costs relative to the damage it causes. In June, every dollar Ukraine spent on a strike cost Russia nearly five times as much.

The economics favor Ukraine's strikes

The system prices both sides of every strike. Mission Control records the cost of what Russia loses, ranging from a few hundred dollars for telecommunications equipment to hundreds of thousands of dollars for air-defense systems and other high-value targets.

The June figures show the gap. Hitting one enemy soldier costs Ukraine $3,032, compared with roughly $65,000 that Russia spends to maintain one. Meanwhile, hitting a piece of equipment costs $2,674, and targeting an infrastructure object costs $1,487.

Every mission feeds the next

Mission Control logs each mission to sharpen the next. The military analyzes what worked, what did not, and why to adjust tactics for the next mission rather than blindly repeating mistakes, according to the Defense Ministry.

The data breaks down by mission type and depth. It sorts missions into reconnaissance, strike, logistics, and evacuation, and by range, 20-plus and 50-plus kilometers, showing for each unit what it strikes, how effectively, at what cost, and what economic damage it inflicts, while also tracking which Ukrainian equipment is lost, at what depth, and under what circumstances.

The goal is fewer Ukrainian lives spent

The measurement serves a purpose beyond economics. The Defense Ministry said it continues implementing technologies so each mission makes the next more precise and helps preserve the lives of Ukrainian soldiers, gradually shifting the most dangerous battlefield tasks to robotic systems.

Ukraine went after the sites and systems Russia uses to launch and steer its most powerful attack drones. On the night of 17 August 2026, Ukraine's Defense Forces struck a series of important Russian military targets, hitting drone storage, launch, and control infrastructure across occupied Crimea and Kherson Oblast, the General Staff reported.

The strikes target the infrastructure behind Russia's drone attacks, not just the drones themselves. By hitting storage sites, control stations, and relay points, Ukraine degrades Russia's ability to launch and guide the Shaheds, reaching the launch and command nodes rather than intercepting drones one by one in the air.

The Shahed site and the Orion control station

The first strike hit a Shahed base. Ukraine struck a storage, preparation, and launch site for attack drones near Hvardiiske in occupied Crimea, with a fire recorded at the site, the General Staff said.

The second hit the launch platform for one of Russia's newer drone missiles. Ukraine struck the ground-control station of an Orion drone at Novofedorivka in occupied Crimea. The Orion is a large Kronshtadt strike-reconnaissance drone and the aerial launch platform for the jet-powered S8000 "Banderol" cruise missile, which Russia fires from Crimea at Odesa.

It flies at 520-560 km/h cruise speed and up to 650 km/h maximum, has a range up to 500 km, and carries a 114.3-kg fragmentation-high-explosive warhead.

Until Russia developed a ground launcher, the rare Orion, with only nine lost in the whole war, was the only way to fire a Banderol.

The relay points that extend the drones' reach

Ukraine also hit the relays that guide Russian drones. It struck a ground system for controlling Geran and Gerbera attack drones at Olenivka in occupied Crimea, and a communication and power point for a drone relay on the Tendra Spit in Kherson Oblast.

Those relays matter because they extend range. Russia uses ground relay stations to guide its drones farther than a direct signal reaches, so destroying them shortens how deep the Shaheds can be steered into Ukraine. The degree of damage is being clarified.

Russians moving into occupied Mariupol are buying apartments built over Ukrainian homes destroyed during Russia’s 2022 siege, German broadcaster Deutsche Welle (DW) reported on 15 August 2026. Ukrainians who lived on the sites received none of the new units, a source told the outlet.

The construction is part of Russia’s wider Russification of occupied Mariupol. Occupation authorities have separately listed nearly 900 apartments for redistribution, including properties belonging to residents forced out by the siege.

Economist Vyacheslav Shiryaev said the new apartments are being bought primarily by newcomers, including Russian security personnel, officials, and military logistics workers. Some simply want to live by the sea but cannot afford property in occupied Crimea or Sochi, a Russian Black Sea resort, he said.

In Russia-occupied regions, borrowers with Russian citizenship are offered mortgages at 2% annual interest, DW reported.

Occupation authorities also ordered some residents out of apartments that had survived the attacks. Some were sent to hostels or accommodation on Mariupol’s outskirts instead of receiving replacement apartments, a source told DW.

Unable to enter occupied Mariupol, DW based its investigation on former residents’ accounts, satellite imagery, and online research.

Homes erased, residents pushed out

For former residents, homes destroyed in the siege are being replaced with apartments for newcomers.

Halyna Artemova, an English teacher, lived in one of the demolished apartment blocks for almost 40 years. A Russian missile struck the building in March 2022. Wounded by shrapnel, she escaped with her mother and son. A new high-rise now stands where her home once did.

Yevhen Sosnovskyi, a photographer, and his wife had lived in a neighboring building for 20 years. It caught fire during the attack, and Russian troops drove residents out without allowing them to take food or clothes.

Sosnovsky photographed his apartment before and after the attack, preserving a record of the home they lost. A parking lot now covers the site.

“They’re building on human bones, and fast, to eradicate the traces of their crimes,” Sosnovsky told DW.

Russia remakes a city it destroyed

The new housing is part of a wider Russian effort to reshape Mariupol after its forces destroyed and occupied the city. The UN assessed that up to 90% of the city’s residential buildings were damaged or destroyed.

On 16 March 2022, Russia bombed the Mariupol Drama Theater, where civilians sheltered beneath a large “CHILDREN” sign. An eyewitness described chaos, blood, and survivors using torn blankets as bandages.

In the wake of its destruction of the city, Moscow plans to move about 114,000 of its citizens into occupied Ukraine, with Mariupol as one of the main destinations.

Ukrainian gunners at one of the brigades rate one French howitzer above most of what they field. The French CAESAR self-propelled gun is one of the best in the Ukrainian arsenal, able to fire various munitions with long range and high accuracy, Major Denys Chmykhun of the 148th Separate Artillery Brigade's self-propelled artillery battalion said in an interview with Ukrinform.

The praise is a frontline verdict on the Western artillery that has helped keep Ukraine in the fight. France has supplied Ukraine with CAESAR howitzers throughout the war, and the crews who fire them rate its range and precision highly valuable.

Why the crews rate it

Chmykhun described CAESAR as newer than other guns, and very mobile and maneuverable.

"CAESAR is now one of the best self-propelled systems in service with the Armed Forces of Ukraine," Chmykhun said.

He wished Ukraine had fielded more of them sooner.

"If at the start of the full-scale war, when FPVs and Lancets were not yet used, there had been at least a few CAESAR battalions, it would have seriously affected the front line," the major noted.

The crews learned to repair it themselves

However, the gun's electronics are its weak point, but the crews adapted. The French system has a lot of electronics, and when it produced errors, crew members studied each one using an online translator and fixed them, Chmykhun explained. He added that the howitzer can be temperamental because it is not built for such intense combat.

Rather than pulling a finicky Western system off the line when its software faulted, the crews taught themselves to diagnose and clear the errors.

What it hunts

The CAESAR fires at everything the crews can find. It works against enemy personnel, drone-control points, landing pads, guns, mortars, and artillery, Chmykhun said, wherever its shells can reach.

He took particular satisfaction in counter-battery work. Destroying Russian guns, mostly 152mm, is gratifying because they trouble the Ukrainian infantry who assault, the major said.

"It's great when you hit precisely and understand that this gun is out of action, and somewhere, a field ammunition store starts to detonate. The enemy runs around, panic sets in, and it's pleasant to watch," he added.

Ukraine has approved a drone built to reach the deepest parts of Russia. Ukraine's Defense Ministry has codified the domestic Dovbush T40 uncrewed aviation complex, a strategic-level drone for deep reconnaissance and precision strikes on distant Russian targets, the ministry announced.

The drone extends the reach of Ukraine's homegrown deep-strike arsenal to Siberia. With a wingspan of nearly 5 meters, the Dovbush T40 has enough range to hit targets beyond the Urals and in Russian Siberia.

What the drone does

The Dovbush T40 is a multi-role strategic aircraft. It is designed for deep reconnaissance, fire correction, and precision strikes on structures, equipment, and enemy personnel far from the line of contact.

Its endurance is the enabler. More than a day aloft gives it the range to reach targets, letting Ukraine threaten the deep-rear sites, from factories to airfields, that Russia has kept far from the front for safety.

Its advantages over similar drones

The drone offers several edges, the ministry said. It has ultra-low radar visibility, a high-performance engine with electronic fuel injection, and a choice of strike methods, either as a kamikaze drone or by dropping a munition.

It is built to work under jamming. The Dovbush T40 stands out for high resistance to electronic warfare, according to the Defense Ministry, the recurring requirement for any Ukrainian drone meant to fly deep into a contested electromagnetic environment.

It builds on combat-proven predecessors

The drone comes from a maker with a track record. It was built by a Ukrainian enterprise whose Dovbush T20 and Kotyhoroshko drones have operated on the battlefield since 2022 with some of the highest effectiveness ratings.

The T40 is an evolution of a proven system. The medium-range Dovbush T20, used for reconnaissance, real-time artillery correction, and pinpoint strikes, evolved through battlefield feedback into the longer-range, more powerful T40. It joins a fast-growing domestic fleet: since the start of 2026, Ukraine's Defense Ministry has codified 413 uncrewed systems, almost all of which are Ukrainian-made.

Slovak company STV Machinery has produced the first two prototype hulls for the BMP-1 infantry fighting vehicle after a 36-year break in production. The plant in Dubnica nad Váhom began developing an updated design in 2024, and a contract with an unnamed foreign customer was signed in late 2025, with serial production scheduled for 2026 to 2027.

The Slovak outlet Future Army reported this on 15 August, citing STV Group's director of special projects, Pavel Beran. He said one prototype is being used to test final assembly and the integration of weapons systems, while the second is undergoing physical and stress testing. The company will not disclose the customer's identity, citing security and business-ethics considerations.

Ukraine has a substantial need for armoured vehicles. Its forces already use and modernise the BMP-1, and cooperation with Western manufacturers could help replenish the fleet faster. In 2024, for example, Ukraine and Germany's Rheinmetall agreed to produce the Lynx IFV and to expand defence cooperation.

The Slovak plant has returned to BMP-1 production

According to Militarnyi, the new hulls remain outwardly similar to the Soviet BMP-1 design but have been reworked to more modern requirements. STV Machinery revised the design to meet NATO standards for ergonomics and materials, and strengthened the armour using more modern materials.

Future vehicles will offer a choice of powerplant, with Western-made engines among the options. STV Machinery, the Slovak firm, will produce the hulls and other components, after which its Czech sister company STV Group will carry out full assembly and testing.

The exact size of the order is not yet known, though earlier reports suggested production could eventually reach up to 100 hulls a year.

The company has not named the customer. Defense Express suggested as early as December 2025 that it could be Ukraine. One scenario the outlet floated was the supply of hulls or turretless vehicles, which would allow other combat modules to be fitted.

Why Slovakia is building the BMP-1 again

The Dubnica nad Váhom plant previously built licensed versions of the BMP-1, known locally as the BVP-1. Serial production there ran until 1989, after which the plant went more than three decades without making new hulls for the vehicle. The site is the same, but the manufacturer is not: the original vehicles came off the ZŤS Dubnica nad Váhom line in the Czechoslovak era, while today's hulls are made by STV Machinery.

At the same time, the BMP-1 remains a vehicle of the 1960s. Even a modernised hull does not change the platform's fundamental limitations, particularly its level of protection. So if Ukraine really is behind the order, it is likely more a way to rapidly increase the number of armoured vehicles than a long-term replacement for modern Western IFVs, Defense Express noted in 2025.

Also Defense Express stressed that the customer's identity remains only speculation, adding that the buyer could turn out to be another country that operates or once operated the BMP-1, and that firmer detail will have to wait for the company.

Ukraine has knocked out seven of the 10 largest logistics hubs run by Russia's biggest online retailer, the US-based Institute for the Study of War assessed. The strikes are part of a campaign to wear down Russia's defense industry and the dual-use supply lines that feed its war. The newest raids hit two warehouses near Moscow overnight.

Two hubs near Moscow burned overnight

On 15-16 August, Ukrainian drones struck Wildberries' single largest hub, a 250,000-square-meter depot in the Koledino Industrial Park in Podolsk, Moscow Oblast. Ukraine's Defense Ministry reported the hit, about 420 kilometers from the border.

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“One of the most massive” Ukrainian drone attacks hits Moscow Oblast: two major warehouses ablaze

Wildberries confirmed the fire and said it had to reorganize its supply chains. Moscow Oblast Governor Andrei Vorobyov acknowledged the strike, and geolocated footage showed the depot ablaze.

Drones also hit a second warehouse the same night, in Domodedovo, roughly 430 kilometers from the border. Footage showed a fire at the Severnoye Domodedovo complex.

Why the warehouses are targets

Ukrainian officials say Wildberries helps supply the Russian military, moving drone components and navigation gear. Kyiv folded the retailer into a deep-strike campaign that began in mid-July.

The company is Russia's answer to Amazon, its largest online marketplace. Its sprawling depots make broad, hard-to-defend targets.

The damage keeps growing

By early August, the strikes had destroyed at least 1.18 million square meters of Wildberries storage, about a fifth of its capacity, ISW noted. The toll has climbed since.

The losses ripple outward to independent sellers who rent space in the hubs. Many have watched their stock burn with no compensation.

Russia has built or expanded at least 10 drone bases along its borders with Ukraine and Belarus, creating launch capacity for newer jet-powered attack drones, the most powerful of which could reach Warsaw, The Telegraph reported on 16 August 2026.

The network expands Russia’s capacity for mass drone attacks on Ukraine, while some sites could later threaten NATO. The findings come as Russia is also expanding bases and other military infrastructure along NATO’s northern and Baltic borders. The Telegraph found no evidence that Moscow is planning such an attack.

Seven of the 10 sites were used during recent bombardments of Kyiv, tracking data cited by The Telegraph showed. Using leaked documents, satellite imagery, and DroneSec's analysis, the newspaper identified at least 59 launch rails—tracks that launch fixed-wing drones without runways.

Around 20 appeared long enough for Russia’s latest long-range models, while one base could reportedly store over 1,000 drones.

Leaked Ukrainian documents cited by The Telegraph say the jet-powered Geran-4 and Geran-5 can carry 90-kilogram warheads. However, Ukrainian military intelligence puts the Geran-4’s range at up to 450 kilometers, while the larger Geran-5 has a stated range of up to 1,000 kilometers — enough to reach Warsaw from several of the new sites.

DroneSec founder Mike Monnik said expanded launch capacity and harder-to-intercept technology together increase pressure on Ukrainian air defenses.

Russia builds military infrastructure along NATO’s northern flank

Russia is also expanding military infrastructure elsewhere along NATO’s borders. A Nordic-Baltic investigation identified new or expanded infrastructure from Norway to Kaliningrad, with potential capacity for up to 115,000 personnel.

Satellite imagery showed new barracks, ammunition warehouses, and expanded bases near NATO’s northern and Baltic members.

The Institute for the Study of War, a US-based think tank, assessed that the construction likely supports future Russian operations against NATO rather than an imminent attack. Most Russian combat power remains committed to Ukraine, it said.

Other drone hubs support rapid Russian attacks

Russia has already built comparable hubs for attacks on Ukraine. Satellite imagery analyzed by the open-source intelligence group Strategic Aviation of Russia showed 10 additional launchers under construction at Tsymbulova in Oryol Oblast, following the start of work on 22 April 2026.

At occupied Donetsk Airport, the group identified enlarged launch pads, roads to a Geran and Gerbera drone warehouse, and the apparent construction of another storage building.

Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU) said it struck Shahed storage and launch sites at Primorsko-Akhtarsk on 2 August 2025. Ukraine’s Unmanned Systems Forces commander Robert "Madyar" Brovdi reported hitting drone logistics, warhead-storage, and preparation facilities at Donetsk Airport on 30 December 2025.

486 Africans recruited into Russia’s armed forces are dead, while Ukraine is holding 35 citizens from 17 African countries as prisoners of war, Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) told Ukrainian public broadcaster Suspilne in findings published on 16 August 2026. Its overall tally rose only slightly from May, climbing from 2,965 recruits from 36 countries to at least 2,982 from 37.

Russia’s recruitment in Africa is part of a broader effort to enlist foreigners for its war. A joint human-rights investigation found that Russia had recruited at least 27,000 people from more than 130 countries since 2022. The system helps Moscow replenish its forces while shifting battlefield risk onto foreigners, many of whom are drawn in by financial pressure, deception, or coercion.

The largest groups of recruits came from Kenya, Egypt, Cameroon, Ghana, Nigeria, Uganda, Algeria, and Mali, the ministry told Suspilne.

Russia’s wider recruitment pipeline in Africa

Russian security services use a “broad arsenal of manipulative methods,” the Ukrainian MFA said. Recruiters promise civilian jobs, education, high salaries, Russian citizenship, or migration benefits. In many cases, foreigners must sign Russian-language military contracts under threat of deportation or imprisonment.

The FIDH–Truth Hounds–KIBHR report found recruiters using social media and intermediaries to advertise civilian jobs. Of 16 foreign POWs interviewed, 13 said they had been promised they would not fight. Most reached combat positions within weeks.

The human toll on African recruits

Kenyan engineer Francis told journalist Dmytro Karpenko, who interviews prisoners captured while fighting for Russia, that he thought he had accepted a security job. In Russia, he received a military uniform instead. After two weeks of training, he reached the front and was captured.

Nigerian recruits Hamzat Kazeen Kolawole and Mbah Stephen Udoka died in an assault after receiving little or no training, Ukrainian military intelligence said. Botswana reported “heartbreaking calls” from its citizens describing “perilous conditions” at the front.

Ukraine’s response to Russia's recruitment campaign

Ukraine’s diplomatic missions regularly inform African officials about the recruitment of their citizens and run awareness campaigns, according to the ministry.

The MFA and Ukraine’s POW Coordination Headquarters also launched Stop Russian Recruiters, a website that explains recruitment methods, shares victims’ accounts, advises people at risk and their families, and accepts reports about recruiters.

Germany has placed part of a federal ministry directly next to a Berlin building that France links to Russian intelligence, the newspaper Tagesspiegel reported. The branch office shares a wall with the Russian House, a cultural center long suspected of serving as a Kremlin front. One of its units works on protecting Germany's critical networks from attack.

A shared wall in the heart of Berlin

The Federal Ministry for Digital Affairs opened a branch at Taubenstraße 42/43 on 1 July. It sits wall-to-wall with the Russian House on Friedrichstraße, reporter Claudia von Salzen found. The ministry moved in because its main headquarters nearby had run out of space.

Two of the ministry's six departments now operate there. One covers digital infrastructure, including a unit for the security and resilience of public telecom networks.

The other handles digital identities, trust services, and the cybersecurity industry. Both are fields a hostile intelligence service would want to watch.

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Why the address raises alarms

The Russian House is officially a science and culture center. It opened on Friedrichstraße in 1984 to promote friendship with the Soviet Union.

Rossotrudnichestvo, a Russian state agency, runs it. The EU sanctioned that agency in July 2022 as the Kremlin's main tool for hybrid influence. In Germany, it allegedly helped organize pro-Russian rallies, and many of its staff abroad are Russian intelligence officers.

A leaked French Interior Ministry letter states the building serves as cover for Russian intelligence. The Russian House rejected that and claimed it is a purely cultural institution.

Other branches of government took the threat seriously

Across town, German lawmakers near the Russian Embassy hardened their offices years ago. They were told to avoid Bluetooth devices and to fit their windows with anti-espionage film.

Berlin is also reviewing whether to close the Russian House over the espionage suspicions, TVP World reported. A senior lawmaker, Roderich Kiesewetter of the CDU, called the ministry's choice a clear failure of risk awareness.

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The ministry said it picked the site because the building is federally owned and the right size. It did not answer whether the proximity to the Russian House counts as a security risk.

Russia's shadow war has already reached Germany

Germany has become one of the busiest fronts in Russia's campaign of drone incursions, sabotage, and spying. By December, Germany had logged more than 1,000 suspicious drone flights in 2025 alone. The drones have swarmed both civilian airports and military sites, shutting Munich Airport over two days in October 2025 and stranding thousands of travelers. Analysts judge it highly likely that Russia flew some 144 surveillance drones over a dozen NATO countries between August 2024 and February 2026, including near Ramstein Air Base and NATO nuclear sites. In early August 2026, security staff found an explosives-laden drone beside a Ukrainian cargo plane at Leipzig-Halle airport, an incident Western intelligence tied to Moscow.

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A bomb-laden drone hit a Ukrainian An-124 in Germany, then lay unnoticed for hours

Much of the ground work runs through disposable agents recruited online. In March 2026, authorities arrested operatives who had surveilled the head of a Bavarian drone firm arming Ukraine, a case its domestic service treats as a planned assassination. Prosecutors separately charged three men over a plot to mail exploding parcels from Germany, described as a test run for future arson attacks.

Russia's most-used mapping service has digitally hidden a military missile site near Finland by copying a fake forest over it on satellite imagery, Finnish public broadcaster Yle reported. Western map services still show the same position, and a Finnish military analyst called the concealment careless and self-defeating. The clumsy edit points to Moscow's growing fear of Ukrainian drones.

What Yandex tried to erase

The concealed site sits beside the Kronstadt naval base, on Kotlin Island off St. Petersburg in the Gulf of Finland. Editing software copied trees from another image and laid them over the missile position. Until now, Russia mostly blurred sensitive locations rather than deleting them, but this edit tries to hide the target's existence outright. The same battery still appears on Google, Apple, and Microsoft satellite maps. In the covered zone, Russia has previously kept Bastion anti-ship missiles and their radar and reconnaissance systems.

A cover-up that gives itself away

Marko Eklund, a military expert and former Finnish intelligence officer, called the secrecy pointless. Western and Ukrainian analysts read their own satellite images, not Yandex, so the edit protects nothing in practice. He believes an administrative order drove it, and that the work was done sloppily. Anyone who knows what to look for can spot the seams and repeating patterns. 

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A pattern set by Ukraine's drones

Russia's map cover-ups have tracked Ukraine's deep strikes. A Moscow court ordered Yandex to mask an oil refinery in Ryazan in 2024 after repeated Ukrainian strikes, and a Nordic-Baltic investigation later counted 119 blurred sites near Russia's northwestern border. Blurring shows up at once, while cloned forest hides the tampering itself.

Kronstadt gives Russia one of its main Baltic Fleet bases, and Ukraine's drones have already reached it. In early June, they set a Russian missile corvette ablaze in dry dock there.

Russian forces shelled and struck front-line and border regions across northern, eastern, and southern Ukraine over the past 24 hours, killing at least eight civilians and wounding more than 40, regional authorities reported on 17 August. Sumy, Donetsk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts reported deaths, while people were wounded in Kharkiv, Kherson, Dnipropetrovsk, Chernihiv, and Odesa Oblasts.

Russia's daily strikes have hit populated areas and civilian infrastructure both near the front line and far behind it. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said that 13 regions had come under attack over the past week, with more than 1,550 attack drones, nearly 1,560 guided aerial bombs, and 62 missiles, most of them ballistic, launched at Ukraine.

North: FPV drone attacks firefighters’ vehicle

In Sumy Oblast, Russian forces carried out more than 50 strikes on 24 settlements across 11 communities. A drone strike in the Sumy community killed a 75-year-old man and a 72-year-old woman and wounded another civilian, the Sumy military administration said. It also said two more people were wounded in the Seredyna-Buda community. A mass drone attack on Sumy caused large fires and wounded at least one person, Sumy city military administration head Serhii Kryvosheienko said.

In Chernihiv Oblast, a 41-year-old man was wounded in a Geran drone strike on the Kozelets community, Head of the Regional Military Administration Viacheslav Chaus said. He added that Gerbera drones destroyed a hangar and farm equipment in the Kholmy community. In a border village in the Horodnia community, an FPV drone struck a yard, and a second FPV drone hit a firefighters' vehicle that had arrived at the scene. A house later caught fire. A critical infrastructure facility was also hit.

In Kharkiv Oblast, six people were wounded in strikes on Kharkiv and nine other settlements. The heaviest damage was reported in Izium, where 19 houses and four apartment blocks were damaged, head of the Regional Military Administration Oleh Syniehubov said.

East: Russian strikes destroy 30 stalls

In Donetsk Oblast, Russian forces killed two residents of Kramatorsk and wounded 18 people across the region, Head of the Regional Military Administration Vadym Filashkin said. In Sloviansk, round-the-clock strikes damaged critical infrastructure and destroyed 30 stalls at the Lisnyi market, Sloviansk City Military Administration Head Vadym Liakh said.

In Poltava Oblast, two industrial facilities were hit, causing fires, and drones also attacked another industrial facility in Myrhorod district, Head of the Regional Military Administration Vitalii Diakivnych said. No casualties were reported.

In Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, Russian forces attacked four districts nearly 20 times from the evening of 16 August, wounding five people, Head of the Regional Military Administration Oleksandr Hanzha said. He added that houses and outbuildings caught fire in Pavlohrad and Nikopol district.

In Zaporizhzhia district, two people were killed and three wounded, Head of the Regional Military Administration Ivan Fedorov said. He also reported 1,217 strikes on 60 settlements across the oblast, including 20 air strikes, about 846 drone attacks, and 350 artillery strikes.

South: strike damages civilian vessel flying the flag of Togo

Russia struck facilities of Ukraine's state-owned Naftogaz Group 13 times over the past week, hitting several regions with drones and missiles, the company reported on 17 August. Gas extraction infrastructure was among the targets, and one asset was hit several times. Naftogaz said the strikes seriously damaged equipment and production capacity and cut part of its output. No employees were injured this time.

The strikes are part of a systematic Russian drone and missile campaign against Ukraine's oil and gas production, intensifying as winter approaches. Naftogaz has now counted 293 strikes on its facilities since the start of 2026.

Acting Naftogaz CEO Serhii Fedorenko has said the strikes are meant to inflict maximum damage on Ukraine's infrastructure ahead of the heating season. The company said Russian attacks destroyed 37 sites in its network during the first seven months of 2026, 32 Ukrnafta filling stations and five Ukrhazvydobuvannia complexes.

The strikes carry a human cost too: EP has reported 312 workers killed across the group since 2022. In what Naftogaz called its largest strike on gas production infrastructure, Russia fired 35 missiles and 60 drones at facilities in the Kharkiv and Poltava regions in October 2025.

Russia's long war on Ukraine's energy grid

Russia has bombed Ukraine's power and heating systems through every winter of its full-scale invasion. Each year the strikes have grown heavier. Then-Energy Minister Denys Shmyhal said last winter's attacks damaged or destroyed roughly 80% of Ukraine's energy system. Across 2025, Russia hit energy sites more than 600 times, damaging all 15 of the country's thermal plants. The strikes have forced repeated nationwide blackouts and cut heat to homes in sub-zero cold.

That previous campaign failed to collapse the grid, so Moscow now eyes Ukraine's water systems as its next winter target. Heading into the coming winter, Ukraine received about three times fewer air-defense missiles in the first half of 2026 than a year earlier. Kyiv is answering with its own deep strikes on Russian refineries and military plants. For civilians, the pattern means another winter of cold homes, rationed power, and threatened water supplies.

Two adults allegedly attacked a 14-year-old Ukrainian girl and her 12-year-old brother after hearing them speak Ukrainian, Ukraine’s Consulate General in Gdańsk said. The attack occurred on 14 August 2026 in a park near a railway station in Bydgoszcz, north-central Poland.

The case comes amid a documented rise in anti-Ukrainian violence in Poland, with recent attacks reported throughout the country. Recent incidents include attacks on Ukrainians in Poznań and Wrocław, as well as on people mistaken for Ukrainians or defending them. Police data obtained by the Polish newspaper Rzeczpospolita showed 180 hate-crime reports involving Ukrainian citizens in the first half of 2026, over 30% more than a year earlier.

The pair, a man and woman with a small dog, shouted obscenities and made nationality-based threats, the consulate said.

“They twisted a child’s arm, broke a toy drone, and threw fragments at the boy,” the Ukrainian consulate said, adding that the fragments scratched him.

The consulate said a complaint had been filed, police were searching for the pair, and the children were physically safe but severely stressed. It urged witnesses to contact the police. Polish police had not commented by the time of publication.

Other attacks on Ukrainians in Poland

The attack on the children came amid a string of assaults on Ukrainians across Polish cities.

Shortly after midnight on 13 August 2026, an intoxicated woman insulted two Ukrainian men, spat at one, and struck one of them outside a restaurant in Poznań, according to Polish media. Police detained her and another woman the following day.

In July, three men allegedly beat a young Ukrainian couple in Wrocław after first asking whether they were Ukrainian. Police detained two suspects and continued searching for the third.

That month, a man in Łódź attacked a passerby he supposedly mistook for a Ukrainian, breaking his nose and jaw. Three men also reportedly beat a 60-year-old Pole who intervened when they harassed a Ukrainian teenager on a Poznań tram.

The deepening Polish-Ukrainian rift and decline in relations

The attacks coincide with a broader decline in Polish-Ukrainian relations. Polish support for accepting Ukrainian refugees fell from 94% in March 2022 to 48% by early 2026, while politicians increasingly use Ukraine as a wedge issue.

Much of the fallout stems from disputes over the Volhynia massacres—the 1943–44 mass killings of Polish civilians by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and Polish retaliatory violence against Ukrainian civilians.

The dispute escalated after President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed a 26 May decree granting a Ukrainian special forces unit the honorary title “Heroes of the UPA.” Polish President Karol Nawrocki responded on 19 June by stripping Zelenskyy of the Order of the White Eagle, Poland's highest state honor.

Japan's Self-Defense Forces shadowed four Russian missile boats as they passed close to the country's northern coast, the Japanese Joint Staff reported. The warships never entered Japanese waters, yet the move sharpened a diplomatic standoff over islands Russia seized in 1945. Tokyo lodged a protest and summoned Russia's ambassador.

Japan tracked the warships back through the strait

On 14 August, Japan's Maritime Self-Defense Force spotted the four boats near Cape Soya on Hokkaido, heading west. A P-3C patrol aircraft from the 2nd Air Wing watched them and gathered information. The boats stayed 40 kilometers from shore and did not cross into Japanese waters.

The vessels carried hull numbers 916, 946, 971, and 978. Japan had spotted the same four ships on 9 August, 70 kilometers northwest of Rebun Island. They then passed east through the Soya Strait before doubling back.

The transit followed Putin's trip to a contested island

The return passage came days after Vladimir Putin visited Iturup—one of the Kuril Islands—on 13 August. The Soviet Union seized the island in 1945, breaking a neutrality pact it had signed with Japan. Moscow treats the Kuril archipelago as strategically vital and keeps building up forces there. Iturup hosts the Burevestnik military airfield.

Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi called Putin's trip absolutely unacceptable. She said it contradicts Tokyo's stance on the Northern Territories, as Japan calls the islands. Japan's Foreign Ministry summoned Russia's ambassador, Nikolai Nozdrev, and lodged a firm protest. It asked him to pass Tokyo's position to Moscow at once.

Explore further

Japan weighs sanctions after Putin’s first visit to disputed Kuril Islands

What the Molniya-1 missile boats carry

Militarnyi noted that the project 12411M Molniya-1 boats, which NATO calls Tarantul III, come from the Almaz Central Marine Design Bureau. The first entered service in 1981.

They are built to hit surface targets in coastal and near-sea zones. Their main upgrade over earlier versions was four supersonic Moskit anti-ship missiles, replacing the older Termit.

Each boat can reach 41 knots and carries a crew of 40. Its weapons include a 76mm gun, two rapid-fire 30mm mounts, and Igla-1 air-defense missiles.

The four belong to Russia's Pacific Fleet. The oldest, hull 971, entered service in 1990, and the newest, hull 916, in 2003.

A Russian drone knocked out the robot sent to evacuate two wounded Ukrainian assault troops. Their company commander went in himself. He drove into the kill zone in an unarmored pickup truck, without body armor, and carried them out.

The Joint Forces Group released the footage on 16 August 2026. It identified the commander as Vladyslav Polskyi of the 475th Separate Assault Regiment (Code 9.2).

The two soldiers had captured Russian positions and were pulling back when Russian Molniya drones hit them, the group said. Both were seriously wounded and could not move on their own. A ground robot was sent to pull them out. A second drone hit it, and it stopped in the open, leaving the men exposed.

The group framed the rescue as the reason the regiment's soldiers take on the hardest assaults when others hold back: they know their commanders do not hide behind them, and will give everything to save every one of their men.

In June, Ukrainian ground robots ran nearly 17,000 supply and evacuation runs, taking on the exposed trips that used to get crews killed. Ukraine now fields some 25,000 combat robots. Their main limit, a presidential adviser says, is not hardware but staying connected under jamming, and a new Ukrainian antenna is meant to help. But no antenna stops what happened here. A drone hit the evacuation robot and knocked it out.

When the robot failed, the risk it was built to absorb fell back on the commander.

Russia built a quicker Shahed because Ukraine was good at shooting down the old one, and the new version has weaknesses of its own. The jet-powered Geran-3 outpaces its predecessor but is easier to detect on radar and vulnerable to shoulder-fired missiles, Colonel Artem Skurativskyi of the 7th Rapid Response Corps' air-defense directorate said in an interview with ArmyInform.

Ukraine's combined air defenses raised the interception rate of Geran-2 and Shahed-136 drones to between 80 and 93%, depending on the scale of the attack, and that success is what pushed Russia to develop the jet version.

The jet Shahed outruns the defenses

Speed is the jet model's main advantage.

"Unlike its predecessor with piston engines, the jet modification has a higher flight speed, which significantly complicates air defense's task of destroying them, and also lets them cover large distances much faster," Skurativskyi explained.

The numbers are stark. The Geran-3 can fly from the Belarusian border to Kyiv in 35 minutes, four times faster than the previous version, and its optical-electronic camera module lets an operator guide the loitering munition online, the colonel noted.

Its size and heat are the Achilles' heel

The jet drone's advantages come with real weaknesses. Its large size, a body 3.5 meters long with a 3-meter wingspan, lets radar systems detect it easily over Ukraine, the colonel noted, and its engine gives it away in the thermal band.

That "powerful radiation in the thermal range makes them vulnerable to MANPADS," he added, so the same jet engine that gives the drone its speed also makes it a bright heat target for shoulder-fired missiles.

Russia uses it sparingly, for now

Still, the jet Shahed is not replacing the old one yet. Jet Geran-3 drones make up to 20% of the Shaheds Russia launches, with most strikes still using the Geran-2, the colonel said, though he pointed out that the rising share "indicates a scaling-up of production capacity." Russia sends the jet version against critical infrastructure, energy, and military targets in eastern, southern, and central Ukraine, both hunting targets with the camera module and folding them into massed strikes to overload air defenses.

Ukraine is still adapting.

"Mobile fire groups, which performed excellently in downing Shaheds, are of little effect against the jet modifications because of their high speed," Skurativskyi said.

Even so, he confirmed, troops of the 81st Air Assault Brigade are already downing jet Shaheds with interceptors.

Former Polish prime minister Jarosław Kaczyński accused groups in western Ukraine of desecrating remains and stealing WWII-era victims’ jewelry. The leader of the national-conservative Law and Justice (PiS) wrote on X on 14 August 2026 that his party would demand Polish government intervention.

Kaczyński’s claim comes amid growing anti-Ukrainian sentiment in Poland and a dispute with Kyiv over how Polish wartime victims are remembered. However, Kaczyński’s X post named no location and provided no public evidence, while authorized Polish-Ukrainian teams continue exhuming and reburying Polish victims.

“Illegal excavations at the sites of former Polish villages in Eastern Galicia are turning out to be real,” Kaczyński wrote, referring to a historical region now largely in western Ukraine.

He called the alleged looters “black diggers,” a term for people who dig through burials or archaeological sites for valuables. He said they were pilfering the graves of Poles killed in the World War II-era Volhynia massacres and alleged that local Ukrainian officials were allowing it.

Kaczyński said PiS would appeal to Poland’s state authorities, including the Foreign Ministry, and demand “explanations and a response.”

The evidence described by PiS has not been made public. Onet reported that it was unclear which incidents he meant and that neither government had responded at the time. PiS spokesperson Rafał Bochenek later told the publication Interia that citizens had sent photographs allegedly showing damaged graves and listings for excavated objects. Interia published neither.

Polish-Ukrainian teams continue authorized exhumations

Meanwhile, Poland’s Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), the country's state historical institute, said Ukraine authorized its latest excavations at Ostrówki and Wola Ostrowiecka in Volyn.

From 13 July to 7 August, Polish and Ukrainian specialists recovered 55 victims, including 26 children. They also secured more than 300 personal items and pieces of clothing. The remains are due to be buried at Ostrówki cemetery on 30 August.

The excavation followed a wider thaw. Ukraine lifted its moratorium on Polish searches, while joint teams exhumed and reburied 42 people at Puźniki in 2025. Both countries have exchanged lists of sites for further searches.

Historical disputes deepen the Polish-Ukrainian rift

Relations between Kyiv and Warsaw worsened after Ukraine gave a military unit the honorary title “Heroes of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA)."

The UPA fought for Ukrainian independence but is held responsible in Poland for the World War II-era massacres of Polish civilians. Polish President Karol Nawrocki later stripped President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of the Order of the White Eagle, Poland’s highest state honor.

Violence is also rising on the Polish streets. Reports of suspected hate crimes against Ukrainians in Poland rose by more than 30% in the first half of 2026, even as anti-xenophobic voices became more visible online. Kaczyński’s claim adds an unverified criminal allegation to the dispute.

Ukrainian forces have used British drones to attack targets inside Russia for the first time, adding two UK-built systems to Kyiv’s arsenal, The Sunday Times reported on 15 August, citing Ukrainian military sources. The newspaper explicitly identified oil refineries in Volgograd and Yaroslavl among the targets struck during the previous six months.

Ukraine still relies mainly on domestically produced drones. But the British systems give Kyiv cheaper weapons that can be replenished and launched in volume. They help sustain Kyiv's attacks on Russian oil, logistics, and military targets without running down limited stocks of Western long-range missiles.

The Sunday Times called this a new phase in UK–Ukraine military cooperation. A senior British defense source said the deployments showed London was “not nervous anymore” about Russian pressure.

What British support adds to Ukraine’s homegrown drone force

Britain has supplied Ukraine with two systems with very different ranges. The Nyan, a jet-powered one-way attack drone made by BAE Systems subsidiary Callen-Lenz, can travel more than 150 miles. The second is catapult-launched and has a range above 600 miles; The Sunday Times withheld its manufacturer’s name on security grounds.

Long-range drones typically cost £50,000 to £100,000, compared with more than £750,000 to replace a Storm Shadow missile, the newspaper said. They can also be stockpiled and launched in swarms, helping Ukraine strain Russian air defenses without exhausting finite missile stocks.

The drones extend wider British support. In June, the UK announced funding for 150,000 Ukrainian-produced drones by the end of 2026. Ukrainian forces have also deployed British Rapid Ranger systems against Russian Shaheds and used UK-supplied Storm Shadows inside Russia, protecting Ukraine at home while widening its options across the border.

Ukraine’s deep-strike campaign reaches 52 Russian regions

Across Ukraine’s overall campaign, The Sunday Times reported almost 700 successful deep strikes between January and June. They reached 52 Russian regions and caused more than £35 billion (about $47.3 billion) in economic damage.

A senior Ukrainian military source said the British systems were proving successful. “When we launch them, we always say Slava Ukraini and God save the King,” the source told The Sunday Times.

Former UK Air Marshal Greg Bagwell predicted Moscow would “sabre rattle” and potentially declare British factories legitimate targets. Other defense sources warned of intensified cyberattacks or espionage against the UK.

France, Germany, and the UK are working to create a format representing Europe in talks over Russia’s war against Ukraine, The New York Times reported on 15 August, citing five European officials. Known collectively as the E3, the three countries would support Ukraine’s position and protect European interests in any settlement.

The initiative is Europe’s attempt to secure a place in talks the US is expected to lead. The three governments fear that Washington and Moscow could reach a deal without them, although Europe would have to enforce sanctions, decide how to use frozen Russian assets, and help protect Ukraine afterward. European officials also doubt Washington will stay committed to serious negotiations.

The officials expect Washington to lead negotiations with Moscow. The E3 wants to become the core group supporting Ukraine, following Kyiv’s request that it prepare for talks. France and Germany are shaping the position, while Britain fears damaging relations with Trump.

Poland, Italy, and the Nordic countries would be consulted, with the EU later involved. Some Baltic states and Hungary do not trust France and Germany to represent them. London called the discussion speculative.

The Coalition has rehearsed a force but not agreed to deploy it

The E3 forms the core of the Coalition of the Willing. At a 7 June meeting with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, its leaders backed an immediate ceasefire and legally binding guarantees, including the deployment of a multinational force.

More than 600 British troops rehearsed with French paratroopers and an Italian platoon in February for a possible deployment. They could form the core of a 10,000-strong force pledged by London and Paris after a ceasefire.

Yet some members reportedly made Russia’s consent a condition for deploying troops, effectively giving Moscow a veto. Bulgaria has left, and Germany has not committed troops. The Coalition’s leadership is also shifting after Keir Starmer’s resignation and ahead of Emmanuel Macron’s departure in 2027.

Ukraine talks still misunderstand Russia's intentions

European officials see few signs that Vladimir Putin is ready for serious negotiations, the NYT reported. A separate EU attempt to open direct contact with Moscow divided member states.

Experts told Euromaidan Press that Russia uses peace processes to stall, press maximalist demands, and improve its battlefield position. Moscow also dismissed a Black Sea ceasefire proposal after Kyiv offered a mutual halt to attacks on civilian targets.

Ukraine’s partners risk mistaking Russia’s presence at talks for a willingness to compromise. Former Ukrainian diplomat Iuliia Osmolovska warned that Moscow also benefits from failed negotiations by exhausting Western governments until they pressure Kyiv to concede.

Before 2022, Russia signed 26 ceasefires in eastern Ukraine; none lasted more than two weeks. A pause can bank concessions, rotate troops, and let Moscow resume fighting from a stronger position.

A Ukrainian company has built a tiny antenna to solve one of the drone war's hardest problems: staying connected. Ukraine's BlueBird Tech has unveiled the CLOVER 5.8 GHz antenna, a 25-gram device for transmitting and receiving radio signals, according to RBC-Ukraine.

The antenna addresses the connectivity problem at the center of Ukraine's drone war. Keeping drones linked to their operators under heavy jamming is one of the war's persistent technical challenges, and the CLOVER is one Ukrainian company's answer.

Previously, Serhii “Flash” Beskrestnov, an adviser to the Ukrainian president, confirmed that the main problem for Ukrainian forces operating some 25,000 combat robots is not hardware limitations but connectivity restrictions.

The design is built to hold a link in motion

The antenna's shape is engineered for stability. Due to its clover design, circular polarization, and omnidirectional radiation pattern, the antenna works even in dynamic conditions.

Weight is decisive for a drone. At 25 grams, the CLOVER adds almost nothing to a small aircraft, leaving weight for payload, battery, or range, which matters for the small FPV drones that do much of the fighting, where a reliable signal and low weight are both at a premium.

It works on drones and ground robots

The antenna is not only for flying drones. It can be installed and used on ground robotic systems as well as FPV drones, and extended to the uncrewed ground vehicles that Ukraine increasingly uses for logistics and evacuation, which face the same connectivity challenge.

In June, Ukrainian ground robots ran nearly 17,000 supply and evacuation missions. Every one of those runs depends on the robot holding a signal, the problem the CLOVER is built to address.

It is built for quick integration. Despite its compact size, the CLOVER covers a wide 4.9-6.1 GHz range and comes with an SMA male connector and an RG402 cable, allowing it to integrate quickly into drone-detection tools, radio-monitoring complexes, and measurement equipment. It is compatible with the main systems on the market.

A man killed by a bomb in occupied Sevastopol was likely a Ukrainian naval officer who had switched sides to Russia. The Insider has identified the victim of a 13 August explosion in Sevastopol as Robert Shageev, a former Ukrainian Navy officer, the journalists reported.

The killing reportedly struck a man whose career embodied the choice between homeland and working with enemy forces during the annexation of Crimea in 2014.

Robert Shageev commanded the Ukrainian submarine Zaporizhzhia, which was blockaded in Sevastopol's Striletska Bay when Russian forces seized the peninsula, and he deserted the Ukrainian Navy to serve in the Russian fleet, The Insider writes.

The bombing

The explosion was likely a targeted attack. An improvised bomb was placed in a bin next to a bench on Stoletova Avenue in Sevastopol and detonated as a man passed by on the afternoon of 13 August, and he died of his injuries, according to Telegram channels.

Russian authorities confirmed a death without naming Shageev. The FSB confirmed only that a soldier of Russia's Defense Ministry was killed, according to Russian state media. That Shageev was the victim was first claimed by pro-Russian bloggers before The Insider's identification, and the claim has not been officially confirmed.

A suspect was detained

Russian authorities said they detained a suspect. The FSB reported detaining a suspected woman, and a court in Sevastopol later said she had been sent to pre-trial detention, without disclosing her identity, according to The Insider.

Meanwhile, pro-Russian Telegram channels and a Crimean informant claim the detained woman is a 32-year-old. Crimean informer Alexander Talipov, as well as Telegram channels linked to Russian security forces, claim that the detainee is 32-year-old Margarita Reut. Last year, she was fined for "discrediting the Russian army".

According to the New York Post, the Russian citizen appeared on escort websites and also worked as a biologist, producing vaginal suppositories with a floral scent.

The identification comes from Russian sources and has not been verified. Ukraine has not commented on the killing, and no party has claimed responsibility.

Targeted killings and sabotage have recurred in occupied Crimea and Russia through the war. Collaborators, occupation officials, and defectors have been killed in bombings and shootings, some claimed by Ukrainian intelligence or partisans, many never definitively attributed.

As Russia damages Ukraine's holiest sites, other countries are paying to rebuild them. Switzerland will contribute about $730,000 to the preservation and restoration of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, whose Dormition Cathedral was damaged in a Russian strike two months ago, Ukraine's Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha wrote on X.

The gift is a piece of an international effort to protect the Ukrainian heritage that Russia is attacking. On the night of 15 June, a Russian attack drone struck the altar section of the Dormition Cathedral, igniting a large fire that burned about 80% of the roof structures, according to UkrInform.

The Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra, where the cathedral is located, is a UNESCO World Heritage site and carries enhanced protection under the 1954 Hague Convention's Second Protocol.

The strike hit a site weeks before its anniversary

Sybiha framed the strike as a deliberate blow to a spiritual landmark. Russia hit the centuries-old shrine two months before the Lavra's 975th anniversary, deliberately targeting one of Ukraine's most important spiritual and cultural landmarks, he said.

He tied the damage to a wider Russian aim.

"While Russia seeks to destroy Ukraine's cultural heritage and erase our identity, our partners stand with us in protecting and preserving it for future generations," Sybiha said.

Switzerland's aid comes through UNESCO

The Swiss contribution channels international heritage protection. Switzerland's Federal Council delegate for Ukraine, Jacques Gerber, announced in Kyiv that Switzerland would provide the contribution through UNESCO to protect and restore the shrine.

Sybiha thanked Switzerland for its support and for Gerber joining Ukraine in Kyiv to mark the 975th anniversary of the Kyiv-Pechersk Lavra.

"Together, we are safeguarding Ukraine's heritage and an invaluable part of Europe's and the world's cultural legacy," he said, framing the Lavra's preservation as a shared European and global responsibility, not Ukraine's alone.

The aid answers a documented campaign against heritage

As of the end of July 2026, Russian forces damaged or destroyed 1,990 cultural heritage sites and 2,625 cultural infrastructure sites in Ukraine, according to the Ukrainian government.

The Ministry of Culture records the highest number of damaged cultural heritage sites in Kharkiv Oblast — 358, Kherson Oblast — 303, Kyiv — 272, Donetsk Oblast — 229, and Odesa Oblast — 211.

Cultural institutions have been damaged in 354 territorial communities, representing 24% of all communities in Ukraine.

Ukraine’s Navy said its forces struck the launch positions and deployment site of a Russian Bastion coastal missile system in occupied Crimea overnight on 16 August, reportedly inflicting significant losses in equipment and personnel.

Russia has regularly used Crimea as a launch platform for strikes against Ukraine, making its missile systems there a priority target for Ukrainian forces seeking to reduce Russia’s ability to attack Ukrainian territory.

The Navy said the final Russian losses were still being assessed and did not provide details on the weapons or personnel destroyed.

Bastion systems used to strike Ukraine

The Bastion is a costly and scarce Russian coastal missile system that can launch P-800 Oniks cruise missiles. Russia has used Oniks missiles launched from occupied Crimea to attack targets across southern and other regions of Ukraine.

Oniks is a supersonic anti-ship cruise missile that Russia has adapted for strikes against ground targets in Ukraine, including Odesa Oblast. The missile can travel at more than 3,000 km/h, making it difficult for air defenses to intercept. Its standard range is about 300 kilometers, while upgraded variants can reportedly reach up to 800 kilometers and carry a 300-kilogram warhead. Russia launches ground attacks with Oniks from mobile Bastion systems based in occupied Crimea.

The Navy also said Russia uses Bastion systems to launch Zircon hypersonic missiles against Ukraine.

The Zircon is a newer hypersonic cruise missile designed to reach speeds of roughly Mach 5–9. Russia has used it against Ukrainian cities, including Kyiv, with launches previously reported from Bastion systems in occupied Crimea. Its officially claimed range exceeds 1,000 kilometers, although analysts question that figure; Ukrainian analysts have estimated a lower effective range.

Bastion launchers in Crimea are a particularly important target for Ukraine: they give Russia a mobile platform for striking targets across southern Ukraine and, with Zircon, deep into the country. Ukraine’s air defenses have struggled to intercept these missiles, making strikes on the launchers an important way to reduce the threat before the missiles are fired.

The Ukrainian Navy said the strike was part of ongoing efforts to reduce Russia’s combat potential in the Black Sea region.

Several Ukrainian strikes recorded overnight

The Crimea strike came amid a broader wave of Ukrainian attacks on Russian military, industrial, and logistics targets overnight on 16 August.

Ukraine’s General Staff reported a strike on the Kamensky Combine in Russia’s Rostov Oblast, where a fire was recorded. The plant produces solid rocket fuel for Russia’s Uragan, Smerch, and Tornado-S multiple-launch rocket systems, as well as components for other missile and aviation weapons.

In Moscow Oblast, a Ukrainian drone struck a 250,000-square-meter Wildberries warehouse in Koledino, while another fire was reported at the Severnoye Domodedovo logistics complex. Ukraine’s Defense Ministry later confirmed the Wildberries facility had been put out of operation, saying it was the retailer’s largest warehouse by area.

The General Staff also confirmed the results of two earlier strikes. It said the ZapSibNeftekhim petrochemical complex in Tobolsk was shut down after its central gas-fractionation unit was struck on 10 August, while an 11 August strike damaged several processing units at the Orsknaftaorgsyntez refinery in Orenburg Oblast.

The strikes show the expanding reach of Ukraine’s campaign against the military and industrial infrastructure supporting Russia’s war, from missile systems and rocket-fuel production to oil, petrochemical, and logistics facilities.

A dog was caught in mesh beside a frontline road and could not free itself. Ukrainian soldiers stopped their vehicle, cut away the netting, and released it, as footage Ukrainian serviceman Denys Lysak posted on 10 August 2026 shows.

The netting is meant to shield traffic from Russian FPV drones, but it can also trap animals left in the combat zone. The roadside rescue reflects how Russia's war against Ukraine has adversely impacted animals throughout Ukraine, while also highlighting a familiar relationship along Ukraine’s front, where soldiers feed, shelter, and sometimes take in the animals they encounter.

Lysak wrote that animals left without owners suffer greatly in areas affected by fighting. Ukrainian troops try to feed, evacuate, or shelter them, he said. Many units have taken in several rescued cats and dogs.

“Unfortunately, you can’t help all of them, but we try,” Lysak said.

The animals Ukrainian troops find at the front

Across Ukraine, animals are caught in the crossfire—injured, stranded, or driven from their habitats. Sometimes Ukrainian troops reach them in time, as they did during the Special Operations Forces' (SSO) “Operation Bambi.”

Rangers from the 6th Separate Special Operations Regiment found a frightened fawn while clearing a Russian position, according to footage the SSO released on 15 August. The video shows the animal nestled against one soldier as the unit moved out.

Some animals remain with the units that find them. Euromaidan Press reported in 2022 on Max, a Belgian shepherd abandoned by a Russian National Guard unit in Mykolaiv Oblast. A villager sheltered him before handing him to Ukraine’s National Guard, where handlers began teaching the former Russian service dog to follow commands in Ukrainian.

The fawn’s destination remains unknown. The SSO said only that it had been evacuated from the danger zone. Kharkiv volunteers had evacuated 18,800 animals by October 2024, but only around one-fifth had been reunited with their owners.

Russia's assault on Ukraine's ecosystem

Russia’s war has also affected wildlife beyond the trenches. Marine biologist Ivan Rusev estimated that more than 100,000 Black Sea dolphins have died since 2022, with sonar, underwater blasts, mines, and pollution among the suspected causes.

Russia’s destruction of the Kakhovka Dam dealt another blow. The floodwaters swept through areas holding 70% of the world’s Nordmann’s birch mice and half its sandy blind mole-rats, while killing tens of thousands of nesting birds.

Ukrainian emergency services confirmed a large fire at the Pochaina book market in Kyiv’s Obolonskyi district after an overnight Russian ballistic attack on 16 August. Several rows of stalls were burned. The strike comes amid mounting losses across Ukraine’s book industry, as Russian strikes burn printing houses, markets, and the millions of books within them.

Pochaina’s latest fire is at least the third to damage the market or adjoining trading rows since mid-June. For decades, the sprawling market has served as part bookshop, part flea market, and part archive of Kyiv life — a place to hunt through rare titles, vinyl, and remnants of the 20th century. Officials have not said Russia deliberately targeted it, however, the damage lands amid repeated attacks on Ukraine’s publishing chain and efforts to remove Ukrainian literature under occupation.

By 9:36 a.m., rescuers had extinguished fires at four locations in Kyiv and were dismantling damaged structures. Three people were hospitalized: two in moderate condition and one with light injuries. Pochaina metro station remained open, but damage to its glass entrance temporarily closed one vestibule.

Founded in 1997, Pochaina grew into Kyiv’s largest book market, offering everything from novels to specialist literature, according to a 2020 preservation petition. Independent vendors organized to defend it after plans emerged to clear the site for another shopping center. The campaign described the market as a cultural institution that supported thousands of jobs.

The adjoining weekend flea market endured the invasion and disappearance of tourists. In 2023, the Associated Press found hundreds browsing stalls stocked with vintage medals, ceramics, VHS tapes, and cracked guitars.

Russia destroys books as part of its war against Ukraine

Russian attacks have damaged publishing houses, printing plants, warehouses, libraries, bookshops, and markets across Ukraine.

The 16 August attack was not the first time Russia had hit Pochaina. A Russian attack damaged book-market pavilions in mid-June. On 30 July, falling missile debris ignited nearby stalls and destroyed collections of antiques, vinyl, and Ukrainian household artifacts, Suspilne reported.

Russia's war against Ukraine has particularly devastated Ukraine's publishing houses and their infrastructure. A 2024 Russian strike on Kharkiv’s Factor Druk printing house killed seven workers and burned 50,000 books. On 1 August 2026, a drone destroyed about eight million books at publisher Ranok’s warehouse.

Reuters reported that Russian strikes destroyed more than 10 million books in recent months.

In occupied areas, Russian forces have also seized Ukrainian history books and burned Ukrainian literature in boiler houses, Ukrainian authorities say.

Yet the Ukrainian book industry continues to thrive, despite Russia's assault. In 2025, Ukraine registered a record 117 new publishing businesses.

A drone hit a major Wildberries warehouse at Koledino near Moscow overnight on 16 August 2026 and set it ablaze, Moscow Oblast Governor Andrey Vorobyov said. Vorobyov described the overnight swarm as “one of the most massive drone attacks in recent times.”

It comes amid an expanding Ukrainian campaign against Wildberries, Russia's largest online retailer with a vast network of warehouses and logistics centers, that has reached warehouses from Moscow Oblast to the Urals. Ukrainian authorities say Wildberries facilities are used to supply components for Russian drone production and navigation equipment, making them part of Russia’s wartime logistics network.

The Koledino fire puts a major part of Wildberries’ storage and sorting capacity at risk. At about 250,000 square meters, the complex is one of the retailer’s largest logistics hubs. Ukrainian sources say the marketplace has moved drone parts and other military-linked goods. Wildberries denies supporting Russia’s military. 

Wildberries’ parent company, RWB, confirmed the fire, saying workers had been evacuated and deliveries rerouted. 

Unlike the 28 July fire at Koledino industrial park, the latest blaze was confirmed at Wildberries’ own Koledino warehouse. Initial reports in July had also pointed to Wildberries, but open-source investigators later identified the burning building as a neighboring warehouse run by a third-party logistics company.

A second fire broke out at Warehouse No. 15 in MLP Severnoye Domodedovo, a multimodal logistics complex near one of Moscow’s main airports. Vorobyov said the warehouse stores medications.

Vorobyov claimed an 83-year-old man was killed after a drone fell on a private home in the Ramenskoye district, while at least six other people were injured across the region.

Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin claimed that Russian air defenses destroyed 201 drones approaching the region.

Ukraine confirms Wildberries warehouse was targeted

Ukraine’s Defense Ministry confirmed that the Wildberries logistics hub in the Koledino industrial park was put out of operation during the overnight drone attack.

The ministry said the facility, which covered 250,000 square meters, was Wildberries’ largest warehouse by area. It also said Ukraine has now disabled seven of the company’s 10 largest logistics centers.

Ukraine’s campaign against Wildberries keeps growing

Ukraine’s campaign against Wildberries began on 18 July 2026, when drones struck warehouses in Elektrostal and Kotovsk. Reported attacks have since reached the retailer’s sites across Russia, including a newly opened hub near Voronezh and a warehouse in Tver targeted three times in two weeks.

By 14 August, Agentstvo had counted fires at more than 20 Wildberries sites. The sustained attacks had already prompted Wildberries to prohibit warehouse workers from bringing smartphones to work, citing concerns that photos and videos taken during drone alerts could pose a security risk. 

The effects on Russia’s economy

The number and geographic spread of Ukraine’s strikes have put sustained pressure on the retailer’s nationwide warehouse network and Russia’s economy at large. 

Earlier fires destroyed goods belonging to independent sellers, The Moscow Times reported. Wildberries said it was considering compensation, although its contracts do not require the company to cover losses caused by drone attacks. 

In response to Ukraine’s strikes, the company has also reportedly sought additional storage in Kazakhstan, giving local warehouse operators greater leverage as it tries to replace capacity lost in Russia.

The physical disruption was followed on 15 August by a Ukrainian cyberattack targeting Wildberries’ payment and customer service systems. The hackers said customers could not make payments or reach the company through its main online support channel. 

Ukraine struck the plant that fuels the rockets Russia rains on its frontline cities. On the night of 16 August 2026, Ukraine's Defense Forces hit an important Russian military-industrial enterprise, the Kamensky Combine in Kamensk-Shakhtinsky, Rostov Oblast, and a fire was recorded at the site, the General Staff reported.

The plant makes the fuel for weapons that Russia uses to grind down Ukrainian civilian areas. The Kamensky Combine produces solid rocket fuel for the Uragan, Smerch, and Tornado-S multiple-launch rocket systems, which Russia fires at frontline cities like Zaporizhzhia, where there is no metro to shelter in and civilians have only minutes to get behind walls the rockets punch through easily.

The Tornado-S is one of Russia’s most advanced long-range rocket artillery systems, capable of striking targets up to 120 kilometers away. Russian “Tornado-S” and “Smerch” systems are designed to fire and retreat rapidly, making them extremely difficult to locate.

The target feeds Russia's rocket artillery

The Kamensky Combine is a node in Russia's weapons production. It produces solid rocket fuel for the rocket systems, as well as a range of missile systems and aviation strike weapons, with its output directly serving the needs of Russia's armed forces.

The damage is still being assessed. The extent of the damage and the results of the strike are being clarified, the General Staff said, with a fire confirmed at the site.

Two earlier strikes were confirmed hit

The General Staff also confirmed results from recent deep strikes. Analysis of additional data confirmed the shutdown of the ZapSibNeftekhim complex in Tobolsk, Tyumen Oblast, one of Russia's largest petrochemical plants, after its central gas-fractionation unit was struck on 10 August.

A refinery was confirmed to have been hit, too. The 11 August strike at the Orsknaftaorgsyntez refinery in Orsk, Orenburg Oblast, damaged its hydrocracking unit, several primary oil-processing units, and a secondary distillation unit. The refinery produces gasoline, diesel, aviation fuel, and other products for Russia's armed forces and military industry.

The campaign continues

The General Staff signaled more to come. Work on key military and military-industrial targets of the enemy continues, it said, closing with "to be continued."

That promise fits a campaign that has spent 2026 reaching ever deeper into Russia, hitting the refineries, petrochemical plants, and now rocket-fuel factories that supply the war. Each confirmed strike degrades a different piece of Russia's ability to produce the weapons and fuel its forces run on.

Video shows thick plumes of smoke rising from a burning Wildberries warehouse in Moscow, after Ukraine launched hundreds of drones against Russia overnight.

An international sports body has welcomed Russia back under its flag while Russia keeps killing Ukraine's athletes and civilians. The World Archery Federation has lifted restrictions on Russian athletes, allowing them to compete with their country's identity, including under the Russian flag and anthem, the federation announced.

Russia has killed more than 760 Ukrainian athletes and coaches since the start of the full-scale war, with many others made refugees or losing loved ones to strikes on civilians, and some who took up arms without combat experience. Among them is Ukrainian archer Oleksandr Onyshchuk, a master of sport and European champion, killed fighting the occupiers.

What World Archery decided

The federation acted on an Olympic ruling. Its Executive Board met online on 14 August to review the International Olympic Committee's (IOC) 7 July decision, which confirmed that earlier recommendations restricting Russian athletes no longer applied, then lifted the restrictions on Russian athletes, teams, and officials at its events.

The Russians may now compete fully. They can take part under their national flag and anthem at events including the Archery World Cup and World Championships, and the 2022 restrictions on the Russian flag and anthem were removed, in line with a similar decision on Belarus in May. The federation said participation remains subject to standard eligibility, anti-doping, host-country, and visa requirements, and that it supports the Ukrainian archery community and all affected by the war.

Ukraine calls it sportswashing

For Ukraine, the reinstatement serves Russia's propaganda. Allowing Russian athletes into international competition is a means of sportswashing, spreading disinformation, and legitimizing the aggression against Ukraine before foreign audiences, while presenting Russia as still part of the civilized world.

Ukraine also points to who Russia sends. Ukrainian intelligence has documented Russian athletes who are direct participants in the war, including a lieutenant colonel in Russia's armed forces and a deputy brigade commander who competed internationally, according to Ukraine's Defense Intelligence.

Ukraine's National Olympic Committee called the IOC decision behind the reinstatement premature and unjustified and has appealed it to the Court of Arbitration for Sport. The archery ruling arrives as Russia's strikes keep killing Ukrainian civilians and athletes in the war that the returning competitors' flag represents.

On 14 August 2026, Polish broadcaster RMF FM identified American-Ukrainian rapper and video blogger Kyivstoner as the previously unnamed target of an alleged Russian-directed assassination plot in Warsaw. The case comes as European authorities investigate suspected Russian attacks and sabotage across the continent.

The alleged plot against Kyivstoner comes amid attacks on Kremlin critics abroad, including the fatal shooting of a Russian opposition artist in Poland in June.

Polish authorities disclosed the Kyivstoner's case on 13 August but withheld the target’s identity. RMF’s identification points to a possible motive, though it relies on unverified allegations from the FSB, Russia's domestic security agency that Kyivstoner of managed drone deliveries intended for attacks near Moscow.

Who is Kyivstoner?

Kyivstoner was born Albert Vasiliev and uses the name Slevin Dadyan on his US passport. He gained attention through humorous videos and the Ukrainian group Hryby before releasing solo tracks, including “Leto” (Summer) and “Zvuk” (Sound).

In a 2025 interview, Vasiliev voiced support for Ukrainians and opposition to Russian occupation, saying Russian ruler Vladimir Putin made him angry and that he wanted civilians and soldiers to stop dying.

In July 2026, Russia’s FSB accused Kyivstoner of overseeing logistics for a foiled drone attack on a defense enterprise near Moscow.

The agency alleged that 35 drones assembled in Kyiv were concealed in a shipment of ceramic tiles and smuggled into Russia through Slovakia, Poland, and Belarus. Russian authorities also added Vasiliev to a register of people they label as involved in extremist or terrorist activity.

Vasiliev responded on Instagram by mocking Russia's allegation, saying he had been relaxing and playing video games rather than organizing an attack.

Russian authorities also accuse him of cooperating with Ukrainian intelligence. He denies the accusations, and RMF offered no independent evidence to substantiate them.

Suspect detained before alleged attack

Prime Minister Donald Tusk said Polish services detained the Russian suspect on 7 August, stopping the alleged attack “at the last minute.” US services assisted the operation. A Polish court remanded the man in custody for three months.

The journalists described the Russian citizen as a native of Donbas in eastern Ukraine. Tusk said the target, who holds Ukrainian and US passports, was “inconvenient to the Putin regime.”

The prime minister called it the first Russian-ordered attempt of its kind against a US citizen in another NATO country.

Killings and disrupted plots across Europe

Throughout Europe, Russia has tried to hunt down and kill anti-Kremlin critics and supporters of Ukraine. In June, Russian opposition artist Robert Kuzovkov, known as Semyon Skrepetsky, was shot dead in eastern Poland. Hours earlier, he had reported threats from “Russian patriots.” Polish authorities detained two Belarusian nationals, but have not attributed the killing to Moscow.

US and German services also reportedly foiled a Russian plot against Rheinmetall CEO Armin Papperger in 2024. German intelligence later treated the surveillance of Bavarian drone manufacturer Donaustahl’s CEO as a suspected planned assassination.

Polish police detained two women in connection with an attack on Ukrainian men outside a Poznań restaurant, Interior Minister Marcin Kierwiński announced. The incident comes as Polish-Ukrainian relations grow more strained and public attitudes toward Ukrainians worsen. The incident occurred shortly after midnight on 13 August on Półwiejska Street.

Police data obtained by Rzeczpospolita show 180 hate-crime reports involving Ukrainian citizens in the first half of 2026, over 30% more than a year earlier. Police have not said whether they are treating the Poznań case as a hate crime, although the recording includes nationality-based abuse.

One woman insulted two Ukrainian men, spat at one, knocked over a restaurant parasol, and struck one of the men, the Polish radio station RMF FM reported.

Regional police spokesperson Iwona Liszczyńska said officers responded to reports of two apparently intoxicated women. However, the women had left before officers arrived. Police contacted the restaurant manager, who filed a formal complaint on the morning of 14 August. Officers had already begun identifying the women before the complaint was filed.

Kierwiński first reported that police had detained one woman and identified the other. He later announced the second woman’s detention and declared “zero tolerance for aggression and hatred.”

Previous attacks on Ukrainians in Poland

Kierwiński’s warning followed a series of attacks against Ukrainians in Poland this year. In July, three men allegedly beat a Ukrainian couple in Wrocław after asking whether the woman was Ukrainian. Police detained two suspects and treated the assault as a nationality-motivated hate crime.

In May, police detained five suspects aged 15 to 18 after an attack on three Ukrainian teenagers in Warsaw. One of them, 16-year-old Artem, suffered a fractured skull. 

Earlier in July, two men linked to Poland’s far right confronted a Ukrainian woman at her legal-aid office in Poznań. They demanded entry and asked whether she supported Stepan Bandera, a WWII-era Ukrainian nationalist disliked by many Poles.

Historical dispute deepens political rift

The Poznań incident comes as anti-Ukrainian themes have gained ground in Polish far-right politics, while Warsaw and Kyiv remain divided over the WWII-era Ukrainian Insurgent Army. Many Ukrainians honor the UPA for resisting Soviet rule. Poland holds it responsible for massacring Polish civilians. 

Poland and Ukraine’s dispute over the Volhynia massacres, exhumations, and UPA symbols has prompted protests and a diplomatic clash over state honors. Police have not linked the Poznań attack to that dispute. 

Ukraine condemns Russia for jailing people on fabricated terrorism charges. Yet, its own security services keep sending Kremlin opponents back to Moscow, human rights defender Borys Zakharov said in an interview with Ukrainian outlet Texty.org.ua.

The handovers are not a relic of a friendlier past. They slowed after Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022, then resumed; the transfers now run through third countries, Zakharov says, and at least one has ridden the prisoner swaps that bring Ukraine's captured soldiers home. Ukraine is returning the exact people who bet their lives on it; at the moment, it presents itself to the world as the rule-of-law side of this war.

A double standard, few in Kyiv discuss

Zakharov directs the charitable foundation Human and Law, which defends people fleeing authoritarian states. Russia prosecutes captured Ukrainians on invented terrorism charges, and Kyiv rightly calls it a sham. But when Chechens, Ingush, and other North Caucasians ask Ukraine for protection, officials sometimes brand them criminals and send them back—men who often fled two brutal Chechen wars and the crackdowns after them, and some of whom later fought Russia in volunteer units.

"We say: yes, they are criminals. We hand them over to Russia to die," Zakharov said.

International law forbids this. The principle of non-refoulement bars any state from returning a person to a country where they face death, persecution, or torture. Zakharov says Ukraine's migration authorities often skip that risk assessment entirely.

The cases the West never heard about

Take Timur Tumgoev, an Ingush volunteer fighter whom Ukraine extradited in September 2018. A Russian court sentenced him to 18 years on terrorism charges, his defenders call fabricated. Zakharov says he was tortured so badly that he can barely move.

Others escaped by luck. Ukraine nearly removed Zelimkhan Belkharoev, a wrestler, in 2016 despite an emergency order from the European Court of Human Rights, Zakharov says; a deputy justice minister intervened in time. Adam Osmayev, a Chechen battalion commander whose wife Amina Okueva was killed in a 2017 assassination attempt, was saved the same way years earlier.

Why did it not stop after 2022

The war did not end the handovers—it rerouted them. Direct extraditions paused; the transfers now run through Belarus, Moldova, and Turkiye, Zakharov says.

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Zakharov says Zaur Shogentsukov, a Kabardian who crossed from Belarus to join Ukraine's forces, allegedly failed a polygraph test with the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) and was pushed back into Belarus under a readmission deal. His tortured body later came back to his family in Nalchik, he says.

Alexey Gerasimov, a student from Russia's Chuvash region who reportedly backed his homeland's independence, slipped into Ukraine in 2024 to join the Sibir Battalion, a unit of Russian volunteers. He ended up in one of the large prisoner exchanges that followed the May 2025 Istanbul talks, and Ukraine delivered him to Russia, where he now faces terrorism charges—the independent Russian outlet Verstka reported in an investigation carried by Novaya Gazeta Europe.

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The most recent case is still unfolding. Aslan Khakimov, a Russian engineer who fled the Federal Security Service (FSB) in 2015 and spent years building robots for Ukraine's army, has sat in a migration facility since April 2026, accused of financing terrorism and facing deportation.

The most recent case is still unfolding. Aslan Khakimov, a Russian engineer who fled the Federal Security Service (FSB) in 2015 and spent years building ground robotic systems for Ukraine's army, entered on forged documents and lived for a decade under a false identity, Ruslan Puptaiev—the illegal stay Ukraine's migration service cites for the deportation order it issued in April 2026. Russia has separately convicted him in absentia of terrorism, a charge his defenders call fabricated. His supporters argue that returning him would be a death sentence.

Ukraine's services frame these as wartime security decisions, and infiltration is a genuine risk. But non-refoulement admits no wartime exception: even a proven spy is not a country's to send to his death.

The money question

Zakharov offers a blunter explanation for at least some cases: money. In the Tumgoev handover, he says, the man's family was quietly invited to outbid Moscow—to top the sum Russian handlers allegedly pay SBU officers for each person delivered.

"Totalitarian regimes spare no money persecuting their opponents," he said.

Ukraine's security service has not confirmed his account, and the allegation rests solely on his testimony.

Russia, for its part, has already shown its games in these exchanges, at times swapping in people with no link to the war. As Kyiv negotiates ever-larger exchanges to free its own soldiers, the same machinery can carry the Russians and Caucasians who fought for Ukraine the other way — a propaganda gift to Moscow and a warning to the next would-be defector that Ukraine's protection may not hold. For a state that anchors its whole cause in the rule of law, that is a debt that keeps compounding.

Ukraine sent rescuers to help fight wildfires in France, and they returned from a first-of-its-kind mission. Workers of Ukraine's State Emergency Service (DSNS) have reached Ukraine from France, where they spent nearly two weeks helping to contain large forest fires, Interior Minister Ivan Vyhivskyi announced.

The deployment was Ukraine's first mission to aid an EU member state under the bloc's own civil-protection system, with a combined unit of 70 rescuers and 15 pieces of special equipment, a role reversal for a country that has spent the war receiving European aid rather than sending it.

What the team did in France

The Ukrainians worked the fires alongside crews from several countries. Their work involved dozens of call-outs, hundreds of hectares of surveyed territory, and fire pockets that kept smoldering underground, Vyhivskyi says

With them, they took wartime methods to the work. The Ukrainian rescuers patrolled the forests, used drones to spot new ignitions, and contained the fire together with their colleagues. The days became shared work and shared experience, uniting rescuers from Ukraine, France, Slovakia, and other countries, with different languages but with one profession and goal. For the European emergency employees, it was a chance to grasp the unique experience they gained during the full-scale war.

The mission is a marker of Ukraine's changed role

Vyhivskyi says that every day, Ukraine's rescuers respond to the aftermath of Russian strikes dozens of times, working in extremely difficult conditions, but despite those challenges, Ukraine is always ready to lend a shoulder to its partners.

When Ukrainian and French forces fought wildfires together, the combined detachment deployed six water tankers on the ground, supported from the air by three French aircraft, two planes, and a helicopter.

During the mission, the Ukrainian rescuers discovered that local residents hang “thousand thanks” banner in recognition of their service.

Russia is upgrading more of its drones to escape Ukraine's drone hunters. Russia has begun fitting jet engines to another attack drone model, the BM-35, presidential adviser Serhii "Flash" Beskrestnov reported.

The move is a direct answer to Ukraine's interceptors, and it is spreading across Russia's drone fleet. As Ukraine's interceptors have improved, the Russians are replacing their engines with jet engines not only on long-range Geran drones but also on budget mid-strike drones.

Each Ukrainian advance in shooting drones down pushes Russia to make them faster, Beskrestnov says.

The jet BM-35 is built to be harder to catch

Beskrestnov shared a Russian report showing the jet version of the BM-35 and its claimed characteristics. According to the Russian segment, the jet BM-35 can reach over 350 kilometers per hour, has a range of over 200 kilometers, and carries a 10-kilogram warhead.

The speed is the whole point. Russian fighters claim the increased speed is intended to make the drone harder for Ukrainian interceptors to catch, according to the Russian report. A faster drone gives Ukraine's interceptors less time to close and strike, which is exactly the problem the jet engine is designed to create.

The change is driven by Ukraine's own success

Ukraine has scaled up cheap interceptor drones that take down tens of thousands of Russian drones a month, and that success is what forces Russia to respond, swapping propeller engines for jets to fly above the speed interceptors can reliably catch.

The result is a cost-and-speed contest. Jet engines make each drone more expensive and complex than the cheap propeller models Russia has relied on for mass attacks. So by making its interceptors effective, Ukraine has pushed Russia toward pricier, faster drones, the same dynamic seen with the jet Gerans that now strike Ukrainian cities.

Russia's war is driving advances in weapons technology without limits. This means that soon Ukraine will have to find more ways to protect itself from new weapons, as well as its allies, who have also come under Russia's attacks, such as Poland, Romania, and the Baltic States.

Russian assault troops spent days crawling through a pipe to reach Ukrainian lines, and most of them were killed before reaching the place. Russian soldiers walked 28 kilometers, then came under fire on emerging and ultimately surrendered, Ukraine's 71st Separate Air Assault Brigade reported.

This is a portrait of how Russia spends its infantry who enlist voluntarily for the war against Ukraine. The soldiers were sent on a grueling underground infiltration with bad information and no proper food, ordered forward despite wounds, and largely killed.

The 28-kilometer crawl

The group reached Ukrainian positions through underground infrastructure. The Russians covered about 27 to 28 kilometers moving inside a reinforced-concrete pipe roughly a meter and a half in diameter, spending three days on the way, sleeping inside the pipe, the 71st Brigade reports.

Their command had lied to them about what waited. The soldiers were told they were only going to reinforce a battalion and that there were no Ukrainian troops in the forest, a captured Russian says. On arrival, the opposite was true, and they were sent onward without a normal food supply, forced to forage on their own. Many of the assault troops, the prisoner said, are recruited from prison colonies, signing contracts to avoid long sentences.

From 16 to four

When the group emerged onto open ground, Ukrainian troops hit them. Of the 16 Russians who set out, only about 8 reached the forest, and later, just 4 survived.

The wounded were abandoned by their own side. Russian command was in no hurry to evacuate them, and despite wounds and Ukrainian drone strikes, the assault troops were ordered only to keep moving forward, per the captured soldier. The survivors eventually ran into fighters of the 71st Brigade, laid down their weapons, and asked the Ukrainians not to shoot.

"No money is worth this"

The captured soldier was given medical care and made an appeal to other Russians. He urged them not to go to war against Ukraine.

"I will not advise anyone to go to war. No money is worth this, nor any benefits they promise us. To die and go to a foreign land, for what? For whom? Let them put me in prison. As long as they don't send me here, I will never come here again," the prisoner said.

Ukraine has hit Russia's biggest marketplace in cyberspace as well as with drones. Cyber specialists disrupted Wildberries' operations across Russia, Ukraine's Defense Ministry's Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR) reports.

Ukraine says that Wildberries is not ordinary commerce but a piece of Russia's war logistics. According to the military command, the network moves military-related goods, and President Zelenskyy has said Russia uses the platform to bring in sanctioned drone components, which is why Ukraine has spent weeks burning its warehouses and now strikes its servers.

HUR reports that on 10 and 11 August, specialists from the Cyber Corps community attacked Wildberries' digital infrastructure, causing failures in its payment and customer service systems.

The attack hit payments and support

The disruption struck where customers feel it. Because of the problems with the payment infrastructure, users complained they could not complete certain transactions.

For a platform whose whole value is the frictionless movement of goods and money, a payment system that will not process transactions is a direct hit to the business.

The strain spread to customer service. At the same time, the load on the support service rose, causing failures in the contact centers, so the attack degraded both the ability to pay and the ability to get help across Russia.

It pairs with the warehouse strikes

In July, Ukrainian drones destroyed eight Wildberries warehouses, about 15.4% of the marketplace's storage.

Pairing strikes on physical infrastructure with Ukrainian cyber operations strengthens the pressure on the company, HUR assessed.

The logic is to squeeze the same target from two directions at once: burn the warehouses that store the goods, then disable the systems that move them to customers, so damage in one domain amplifies damage in the other.

Earlier, Ukraine hit the Progress Rocket Space Center in Samara, which builds Soyuz-2 rockets used to launch Rassvet, Russia’s planned alternative to Starlink.

Samara Oblast Governor Vyacheslav Fedorishchev confirmed that a missile struck an unnamed industrial enterprise overnight on 15 August 2026. Andrii Kovalenko, head of Ukraine’s Center for Countering Disinformation, said the Progress Rocket Space Center was burning. He provided no damage details.

Progress would be a significant target because it builds Soyuz-2 rockets used to launch Rassvet, Russia’s planned alternative to Starlink. Its Soyuz-2.1b rockets carried Russia’s first serial-production Rassvet satellites into orbit this year. However, neither the governor’s statement nor available imagery establishes that Progress itself was hit.

Exilenova+ published early footage from Samara and reported that a Flamingo cruise missile had struck the city.

A mature Rassvet network could reduce Russia’s dependence on unauthorized Starlink terminals. For now, neither damage to Progress nor the reported use of a Flamingo missile has been independently confirmed.

Open-source analysts at Falcon Insight Map geolocated the smoke near Aviakor’s Building No. 106. Militarnyi said Aviakor and Progress sit a few hundred meters apart, and available images could not establish which enterprise was hit. The industrial area lies roughly 900 kilometers from Ukraine.

Kyiv pushes strikes deeper into Russia

Ukraine has increasingly attacked factories far behind the front to disrupt the supply chains sustaining Russian weapons production.

Speaking separately to Euromaidan Press, defense scholar Marc DeVore urged Ukraine to disrupt Russian missile production and launches. Retired US Lieutenant General Ben Hodges noted that Ukraine’s interceptor shortage means it is better to “kill the archer” than try to stop every arrow. 

In June 2026, Ukrainian cruise missiles hit a Voronezh semiconductor plant supplying components for the Pantsir-S1, Iskander-K, and Kh-101.

A reported Flamingo strike in July also damaged the Avitek defense plant in Kirov, more than 1,200 kilometers from Ukraine.

The deeper strikes come as Ukraine’s military intelligence (HUR) says Russian factories are producing 110% to 120% of their monthly missile quotas. 

How the Samara plant supports Russia’s Starlink alternative

The Progress factory in Samara makes the Soyuz-2.1b rockets used to launch Rassvet satellites developed by Russia’s Bureau 1440. A second batch of 16 entered orbit in July, bringing the serial constellation to 32.

Rassvet’s coverage remains intermittent. However, Moscow plans to deploy 292 satellites by the end of 2027 and 924 by 2035. A Ukrainian defense adviser estimated that continuous service would require 200–250 satellites.

More than 100 drones were detected near Romania over the past 96 hours, with NATO fighter jets scrambled seven times in response to the increased aerial activity, Romanian Defense Minister Radu Miruță said, according to Antena 3 CNN.

The figures come as Romania faces a growing number of drone incidents linked to Russia’s war against Ukraine. Romanian forces have recently shifted from monitoring and escorting drones to actively destroying those that enter Romanian airspace, while NATO aircraft are increasingly being called on to respond to aerial threats along the alliance’s eastern flank.

NATO aircraft repeatedly activated

According to Miruță, Romanian authorities detected more than 100 drones in the vicinity of Romanian territory during the four-day period. NATO fighter jets participating in air-policing missions were activated seven times.

Miruță did not report how many of the detected drones entered Romanian airspace, nor how many were identified as Russian or Ukrainian.

Miruță said most of the drones were destroyed by Ukrainian air defenses outside Romania, but close enough for their debris to reach Romanian shores.

“[Russia’s war in Ukraine] is a real war, with real consequences. That is why we are taking every measure we can to limit the indirect consequences that are also being felt here,” Miruță wrote on Facebook.

The report comes shortly after Romania destroyed two Russian Gerbera-type drones that were found drifting in the Black Sea near the Neptun Deep offshore gas project on 11 August. Romanian military divers carried out controlled detonations after Ukraine confirmed the drones were not Ukrainian.

Romania has begun shooting down drones

The latest figures follow a significant change in Romania’s response to drone incursions.

In late July, Romanian F-16s shot down three drones over Romanian territory and territorial waters in three consecutive days. One of the drones was identified as a Russian Shahed-type attack drone, while investigations were conducted into the others.

The July incidents marked a shift from Romania’s previous approach of tracking or escorting drones that crossed into its airspace during Russian attacks on Ukraine. Four of the five drones shot down in EU and NATO countries at that point had been neutralized by Romanian military pilots, according to Miruță.

Romanian President Nicușor Dan called the repeated violations of Romanian airspace “inadmissible and intolerable” and Bucharest prepared a diplomatic protest to Moscow after one of the downed drones was identified as Russian.

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Drone war reaches beyond Ukraine

Romania has repeatedly dealt with drones crossing its border during Russian attacks on Ukrainian territory, particularly in the vicinity of Ukrainian ports on the Danube and the Black Sea.

In June, a Ukrainian sea drone that had lost control, which Kyiv attributed to Russian electronic warfare, exploded near an oil terminal in the Romanian port of Constanța. No one was injured, but more than 1,000 people were evacuated from the area as a precaution.

The incidents have also extended beyond Romania. On 14 August, NATO fighter jets shot down a foreign drone after it entered Latvian airspace. Latvia said the drone had entered its airspace as a result of Russian electronic warfare activity.

The repeated incidents have made drone activity around NATO’s eastern border an increasingly regular consequence of Russia’s war against Ukraine.

Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) plans to abolish special border zones along several boundaries with Ukrainian territories occupied by Russia, according to draft orders reviewed by the Russian outlet Agentstvo.

The proposed changes would remove restrictions that currently treat movement between Russia and occupied parts of Ukraine much like crossing an international border. The FSB says the move follows Russia’s claimed incorporation of the occupied Ukrainian territories into Russia.

FSB seeks to remove border zones

The draft orders, as reported by Ukrainska Pravda, would invalidate previous FSB orders establishing border zones along the boundaries between Russia’s Rostov and Voronezh oblasts and the occupied territories of Ukraine.

A similar change is planned for occupied Crimea, where the current border zone along the boundary with occupied Kherson Oblast would be abolished.

The existing rules effectively impose additional controls on people entering and leaving the occupied territories, making movement subject to procedures similar to those used at Russia’s state border.

In the draft orders, the FSB justifies the changes by referring to the alleged “admission into the Russian Federation” of the occupied parts of Donetsk, Luhansk, and Kherson oblasts.

Russia illegally claimed to annex those territories, along with Zaporizhzhia Oblast, in September 2022. The move has been rejected by Ukraine and the international community, and Russia does not control all of the territory it claims to have annexed.

Border zone would remain around Crimea's islands

The FSB proposal would not completely eliminate the border zone in occupied Crimea.

A restricted zone would remain “within the boundaries of the Black Sea islands belonging to the Russian Federation,” according to the draft. The FSB’s regional directorate would determine where and when people could enter the zone and would install warning signs.

The proposed changes would remove the existing border zones along Russia’s boundaries with occupied Ukrainian territories, while retaining a border zone around certain Black Sea islands in occupied Crimea.

Russia treats occupied territory as part of its territory

The planned changes reflect Moscow’s effort to incorporate occupied Ukrainian territories into Russia’s administrative and legal system.

In September 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed so-called “accession treaties” claiming to incorporate Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts into Russia. Russia’s parliament subsequently approved the claims.

The treaties purported to define the boundaries of the annexed territories according to the borders they had on the day Russia claimed to admit them into the Russian Federation, despite Russia not controlling the entirety of those regions.

Russia previously used similar measures to formalize its control over occupied Crimea after illegally annexing the peninsula in 2014.

A Ukrainian court has sentenced a Russian soldier to 12 years in prison for repeatedly raping a 57-year-old civilian woman for about two months in an occupied village in Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine’s Prosecutor General’s Office said on 14 August.

Ukrainian authorities and international monitors have documented hundreds of cases of conflict-related sexual violence by Russian forces in Ukraine, while warning that the true number is likely higher because many cases go unreported, particularly in occupied territories.

Woman was trapped with Russian soldiers

The 50-year-old Russian serviceman entered a village in the Pokrovsk district in September 2025 as part of a small infantry group, according to prosecutors. He and two other Russian soldiers occupied the basement of a private home where two local civilians were sheltering from Russian attacks.

During one of the attacks, the civilian man was killed. The woman was then left in the basement with the three armed Russian soldiers.

In early October, one of the soldiers began sexually assaulting her. The court found that the abuse became systematic and continued for about two months.

The soldier threatened to kill the woman if she refused. Two other Russian servicemen were present during this period, while the woman was effectively unable to leave the basement or protect herself.

The abuse ended in December, when Ukrainian forces captured the Russian soldier during fighting. The woman was freed.

Convicted Russian soldier had spent 32 years in prison

The convicted man is a resident of Russia’s Sverdlovsk Oblast who had spent a total of 32 years in prison for robbery and armed robbery before joining the Russian military.

He signed a contract with the Russian army while serving his sentence and was later deployed as a rifleman with the 114th Separate Motor Rifle Brigade of Russia’s 51st Combined Arms Army.

The defendant denied committing the crime in court. Prosecutors presented evidence that the court found sufficient to establish his guilt in the cruel treatment of a civilian.

He was sentenced to 12 years in prison, the maximum punishment under the provision of Ukraine’s Criminal Code used in the case.

Sexual violence as a weapon of Russia’s war

Ukraine’s Prosecutor General’s Office had recorded 401 cases of sexual violence against civilians allegedly committed by Russian military personnel since the start of the full-scale invasion as of June 2026.

The victims included 250 women and 151 men, including 23 girls and one boy.

Donetsk Oblast had the second-highest number of documented cases, with 92, behind Kherson Oblast’s 124. Ukrainian prosecutors had sent 64 indictments involving 81 people to court, while Ukrainian courts had issued 19 verdicts against 26 individuals. All those convicted received prison sentences.

The documented figures do not capture the full scale of the abuse. The Prosecutor General’s Office has noted that the actual number may be higher because these are cases victims have been able to report.