Despite the US’s absence, the Ramstein meeting on 4 June kicked off a new era of military aid for Ukraine, with billions in investments and joint weapons production.

Ramstein moves forward without the US 

For the first time since the group’s creation, the US Secretary of Defense was absent from the meeting. 

The Pentagon explained that Pete Hegseth had a tight schedule, writes ArmyInform. He also won’t attend today’s NATO–Ukraine Council meeting, although he did arrive for the NATO ministerial and attended the Alliance’s headquarters on the morning of 5 June.

Nevertheless, the meeting results demonstrate that the rest of the allies remain committed to supporting Ukraine militarily, as confirmed by the announcement of new aid packages.

Ukraine and allies won’t just share weapons

The central takeaway from the Contact Group meeting was the agreement to create a joint defense production mechanism. Ukraine’s Defense Minister Rustem Umerov said the concept came from partners offering to help establish defense production involving Ukrainian companies.

“Our partners are ready to fully finance the production, and the products made under Ukrainian licenses will be sent to Ukraine as long as the war continues,” he explained.

During the discussions, however, the plan evolved into mutual investment: Ukrainian manufacturers will be able to invest in partner countries, while companies from these countries will be able to build large-scale factories in Ukraine.

Umerov noted that the idea is still new, with details under discussion and no official name yet.

“We’re calling it ‘Ramstein investments in the defense industry,’ but this is a strategic breakthrough,” the minister emphasized.

There are already specific agreements on joint production:

• A Western European company announced it will produce modern anti-Shahed missiles in Ukraine,
• The UK and Ukraine will jointly manufacture LMM missiles and launchers,
• Rheinmetall is building cutting-edge Lynx combat vehicles in Ukraine,
• Ukrainian companies are producing ammunition under Nammo licenses,
• SAAB, Kongsberg, KNDS, FFG, and Raytheon are all expanding their presence in Ukraine.

The SAAB produces Gripen fighter jets, Raytheon manufactures Patriot missiles, the only type capable of intercepting Russia’s ballistic missiles, KNDS makes missiles for NASAMS, and FFG is notable for supplying military vehicles and equipment, including contributing Leopard 1A5 tanks. 

“Ukrainian drones have changed the situation on the battlefield, and now they will change how Ramstein countries prepare for future threats,” Umerov stated.

100,000 drones and a record £4.5 billion in aid

Before the session even began, London announced a new aid package with a special focus on drones: 100,000 drones for Ukraine’s Defense Forces by the end of 2025, ten times more than last year, with record investments of £350 million.

Additionally, 140,000 artillery shells have already been delivered. Another £247 million will go toward training Ukrainian troops as part of Operation Interflex, which has already trained 55,000 Ukrainian soldiers.

German long-range weapons to be built on Ukrainian soil

Germany, in turn, confirmed its previously announced €5 billion military aid package. It includes funding for long-range weapons to be produced in Ukraine, as well as the delivery of air defense systems, weapons, and ammunition.

German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius assured that supporting Ukraine remains a priority both for the new German government and for him personally.

War at Sea: Netherlands, Canada, and Belgium expand maritime and electronic warfare fronts

Support for Ukraine goes far beyond just two countries. The Netherlands is focusing on maritime security: €400 million will go toward a mine countermeasure ship, boats, and maritime drones for Ukraine.

Norway is prioritizing support for Ukraine’s defense industry, allocating $700 million for drones and contributing $50 million to the NSATU fund.

Canada will provide $45 million for drones, electronic warfare equipment, and will send Coyote and Bison armored vehicles to Ukraine.

Belgium, which hosted Ramstein for the second time, announced a long-term initiative — committing to €1 billion annually in aid to Ukraine through 2029 and the delivery of a mine countermeasure vessel.

Sweden allocated €440 million for international programs to purchase artillery shells, drones, and other weaponry for Ukraine.

Last year, Ukrainian military intelligence did what sounds like science fiction: they fed thousands of images of Russian jets into artificial intelligence systems, training machines to hunt and dive-bomb strategic bombers meant to launch nuclear annihilation.

On 1 June, those AI-trained killing machines proved they learned their lessons perfectly.

Ukrainian forces loaded homegrown drones into ordinary trucks, smuggled them deep into Russia’s rear, and unleashed mechanical predators that struck four airbases from the Arctic to Siberia — wiping out a $7 billion of Russia’s elite air force in a single day.

With 41 aircraft reduced to wreckage — the largest single-day funeral for Russian aircraft since WWII — Putin’s elite “red lines” air threat that kept the West cowering for years would take decades to restore — if sanctions ever allow it.

Behind this massacre lies Ukraine’s domestic drone empire that has exploded from desperate start-ups into a $2.8 billion war machine in just three years — and it just launched the AI arms race that will haunt every future battlefield.

From garage tinkering to 4.5 million killer drones

The devastating attack, dubbed the operation “Spiderweb,” resulted from three years of rapid drone evolution — a transformation that turned Ukraine’s drone warfare from a desperate improvisation to a high‑volume, precision‑strike ecosystem Russia often struggles to match.

In the early days of full-scale war, Ukraine’s defense ministry purchased thousands of drones, still relying heavily on ad hoc production, crowdfunding, and volunteer ingenuity. Yet, it took just two years to leap from garage builds to global leadership, pioneering drone technology.

By 2024, the government had scaled up procurement to over 1.5 million drones, with 96% of contracts awarded to domestic manufacturers. In 2025, Ukraine tripled its investment, allocating more than $2.6 billion – one-fifth of Ukraine’s total defense procurement – toward drones, including plans to deliver 4.5 million FPV models to the battlefield.

With factories now producing millions of drones and some operators flying up to 15 missions a day, Ukraine’s domestic drone industry has evolved from battlefield improvisation to full-scale industrialization — delivering lethal, low-cost systems at speed, with growing flexibility and automation.

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These drones have become central to Ukraine’s battlefield strategy — pinpointing, punishing, and relentlessly pushing back Russian forces. As The New York Times put it, “It feels as if there are a thousand snipers in the sky.” Still, Ukraine’s technological edge is under pressure, with questions mounting over how long it can maintain dominance.

In contrast, Russian troops are often starved for drones, with some battalions receiving just 10 to 15 FPV (First-person view) drones per week.

“We know where they are flying from, but there is nothing to kill with,” lamented one Russian operator.

Regulatory bottlenecks have made matters worse. “Heavy drones now require state approval,” wrote a Russian blogger, noting that units have begun constructing their own drones to fill the gap left by a struggling domestic industry, increasingly strained by the relentless race to modernize.

The bomb witch that haunts Russians armed with sticks

While Russia faces production setbacks, Ukraine is pushing forward with increasingly advanced systems. Among the most distinctive innovations is the “Baba Yaga” — a heavy multirotor drone named after the mythical Slavic witch.

Unlike smaller FPV drones, the Baba Yaga can carry 45-pound payloads like aerial bombs, mortar shells, anti-tank mines, and even guided bombs, making it ideal for hitting bunkers and supply depots. In response, Russian troops have resorted to crude countermeasures — attaching long sticks to knock Ukraine’s bulky bombers out of the sky.

However, Baba Yaga is just one part of Ukraine’s evolving drone arsenal. While new platforms continue to emerge, older systems are also being upgraded to stay deadly. Mavic drones, for instance, pioneered light bombing tactics early in the war, serving as surprisingly lethal anti-personnel systems despite their commercial origins

Since then, FPVs have taken over the role, offering greater payload capacity and flexibility. Some FPV drones now carry up to six VOG grenades – compared to the two typically deployed by Mavics – allowing for more impactful strikes with greater reach and frequency.

This drive for greater range, precision, and coordination has led to Ukraine’s next leap in drone warfare.

Putin’s next nightmare: Ukraine’s mothership drones

Among Ukraine’s latest innovations is mothership drones — large UAVs capable of carrying and launching multiple FPV drones mid-flight. Designed for long-range missions, these platforms allow Ukrainian forces to strike deep behind enemy lines, overwhelming Russian defenses with coordinated, multi-drone assaults.

FPV drones have become Ukraine’s key interceptors, targeting Russian reconnaissance drones, while Russian units use theirs to hunt down Ukraine’s Baba Yagas.

“FPV drones are about tactical dominance. They bring chaos, fear, and uncertainty to close combat,” a Russian commentator wrote. “They are cheap, massive and deadly effective – and their potential grows with each passing day…These are no longer makeshift weapons, but new close-combat artillery.”

And in Ukrainian hands, they’ve become a relentless force — now fired more often than many large-caliber artillery shells.

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Much of Ukraine’s drone warfare success comes from specialized units. The Birds of Magyar, one of the country’s most prolific teams, carried out over 11,600 sorties in March 2025 alone — striking more than 5,300 targets, or one every eight minutes.

The majority of these hits came from FPV drones (67%) and heavy bombers (31%). While FPV strike footage tends to dominate social media, it’s the less flashy “Baba Yaga” night bombers that may be doing most of the actual damage on the ground.

These UAVs specialize in destroying infrastructure and personnel shelters, not just enemy armor. In March alone, they carried out 1,701 strikes on Russian infantry, with 1,002 confirmed kills and dozens of bunker-busting missions. By April, Ukrainian drone brigades reported hitting 83,000 targets — a 5% increase in just one month.

Russian milblogger “Vault 8” noted that Ukrainian FPV and reconnaissance drones now dominate up to 25 kilometers behind the front line — making road travel perilous and turning rear areas into a “highway of death,” where even vehicles far from combat zones are frequently destroyed. Both sides are being forced to adapt to this new reality — and the consequences are already visible on the battlefield.

Now, Ukraine is using these drones to construct a “drone wall” along the front line — extending the no-man’s land by dozens of kilometers and deterring Russian advances through constant aerial threat.

With FPV drones now functioning as the new artillery of modern warfare, mobility has become critical. For months, Russian forces have used motorcycles to lead high-risk assaults, a tactic born out of necessity due to mounting losses of armored vehicles to Ukrainian drones. In response, Ukraine’s 425th Skala Assault Regiment has established its own motorcycle assault company — aiming to match speed with survivability on a battlefield shaped by drones.

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Beyond direct strikes, the unit also lays mines, conducts aerial reconnaissance, and has carried out over 10,000 missions to date — including tests of jamming-resistant drones. As national production ramps up to 200,000 drones a month, the Birds of Magyar have seen their kill rate skyrocket: from fewer than 300 confirmed targets a year ago to over 5,000 today, eliminating one Russian soldier every 6.5 minutes.

Even Ukraine’s logistics have taken to the skies. Vampire drones are now being used to deliver food and ammunition to frontline units, flying at low altitudes to evade detection. Smaller FPV drones, typically 10 to 15 inches in size, are also employed — their crews far more mobile and adaptable.

While larger bombers must release payloads from higher altitudes to avoid small arms fire, FPVs can dive straight into targets as small as a single meter across, offering unmatched precision.

“FPVs are more effective against pinpoint targets, where the scale of damage doesn’t matter, but accuracy does,” says Danylo, a drone pilot from the 108th Separate Territorial Defense Brigade.

FPVs hunt by day, bombers mine by night

However, larger drones like the Vampire come with trade-offs. They require vehicle transport, limiting mobility, and must either launch close to the front — risking exposure — or fly long distances, increasing the chance of detection.

“At long range, it’s very visible in thermal cameras and can be intercepted, even shot down by another FPV, before it even crosses the line of contact,” says Oleksii, a drone unit commander from the same brigade.

Even Russian volunteers admit it: Ukraine’s heavy Vampire drones — built to hunt down artillery crews, tanks, and command posts — are giving Kyiv a strategic edge, thanks to their disciplined rollout and battlefield precision. And the arms race isn’t slowing down. Ukraine recently logged its first confirmed kill with a drone-mounted grenade launcher, pushing the boundaries of what flying machines can do in combat.

“Ukrainian ‘Vampire’ type heavy drones have a complementary role to FPVs,” explained Roy Gardiner, an open source weapons researcher and former Canadian officer. “While FPVs attack Russian logistics vehicles during the day, heavy drones attack the same vehicles at night by precision mining Russian roads.”

In some cases, however, FPVs outperform larger drones. Russian vehicles often stay far from the frontline — beyond the effective range of many Vampires, but still within reach of nimble FPVs. FPVs also handle Russian jamming more effectively, thanks to their ability to switch control frequencies mid-flight — an edge bulkier drones lack.

“FPVs, even with an effectiveness rate of 30–40%, cause more damage than the Vampire,” said Andrii of the 59th Brigade.

Ukraine teaches NATO to hunt Russia’s Frankenstein drones

Russia, meanwhile, is still playing catch-up — with no counterpart to the Baba Yaga and a drone fleet that trails badly in both design and deployment.

“Ukraine invested in its fleet of larger, long-range drones as a response to Russia’s investment in Shahed/Geran drones,” observed Samuel Bendett, an adjunct senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security.

He adds that Russia seems content with the performance of its Geran drones, having produced them by the thousands and prioritized their low cost and mass deployment — although points out that these systems serve a different purpose.

Gardiner notes that Moscow has talked up its plans for a homegrown drone industry, yet it failed to deliver.

“There have been indications that Russian drone units have been forbidden to make direct purchases without permission from above,” he adds.

In the meantime, Russian units have resorted to bizarre improvisations, including the “Vobla,” a jerry-rigged drone with four quadcopters connected to a single flight controller.

Ukraine’s latest export: combat expertise the Pentagon wants to buy

While Russia leans on improvised workarounds, Ukraine’s drone innovation is drawing international attention, with Kyiv marketing itself as Europe’s future defense hub.

According to Branislav Slantchev, a political science professor at UC San Diego, Ukrainian specialists are now training NATO personnel in Poland and the UK. They have even consulted the Pentagon on how to use American weapons more effectively in combat — a testament to how far Ukraine’s defense innovation has advanced.

“Ukraine’s defense industry will be massive as well. It was a critical hub in Soviet production and will now be part of Europe’s,” he says.

In this dynamics, Ukraine’s growing defense industry is part of a larger shift — one that positions the country not just as a supplier, but as a cornerstone of Europe’s security architecture.

“Europe needs Ukraine as a shield. We have the biggest army on the continent. We are the only ones with an army that knows how to contain Russia.” Valerii Zaluzhnyi, Ukraine’s former commander-in-chief, said. “The only one with an army that knows how to wage modern, high-tech warfare.”

The 1,000-drone barrage that could tip the war

However, Ukraine’s technological edge won’t last unchallenged. Russia is rapidly catching up — and in some areas, pulling ahead, such as with fiber optic drones.

Russian strike drones are now reaching deep into Ukraine’s rear — including the Kramatorsk–Dobropillia highway, a key supply route located more than 30 kilometers (about 19 miles) behind the front line. These attacks are being carried out with fixed-wing “Molniya” drones and the smaller “Tyuvik,” a modified version of the Iranian-made Shahed drone.

A Russian kamikaze drone was also reportedly using AI and machine learning to enhance targeting, scanning highways for military vehicles, and recently adapting to evade interceptor drones.

Amid these developments, some Ukrainian experts are sounding the alarm. Maria Berlinska, head of the Air Intelligence Support Center, warned that Russia may soon be capable of launching over 1,000 Shahed-type strike drones per day.

“By the end of May 2025, we are starting to fall further and further behind in the technological race,” she says. “In a number of areas, parity still exists, but in general, the Russians are increasingly ahead.”

She attributs this shift to something more structural than battlefield improvisation.

“We lasted for more than three years. But these solutions are increasingly being surpassed by systemic, monumental scientific projects from joint Russian-Iranian-Chinese engineering teams,” Berlinska says.

These warnings underscore a growing anxiety within Ukraine’s defense tech community: the innovation gap is narrowing. Oleksandr Yakovenko, who leads one of Ukraine’s leading drone companies, warned that while Ukraine previously was two steps ahead of the Russians, now they’re only “one step ahead of them.”

That concern extends far beyond the present battlefield. Tatarigami, a former Ukrainian officer and open-source intelligence analyst, warned that unless Russia suffers a major defeat or economic collapse, it could use the coming years to build and stockpile equipment.

“If Russia spends several years building and stockpiling equipment while leveraging Chinese industry and Western parts, its future military will be more modern and technologically advanced than during the 2022 invasion,” he wrote.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Russia is working to build capacity for producing 300-350 drones per day. He made the statement during a meeting with journalists.

This announcment comes after Ukraine experienced Russian attack with 439 Shahed-type drones on 26 May, an all-time record. In response, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has ordered separate funding to be allocated to Ukraine’s ballistic missile program to accelerate the production of ultra-fast missiles. 

On 27 May, Zelenskyy met with journalists, revealing that Russia is preparing for production of 300–350 drones per day.

“This is their real situation. They received a task to have 500 per day. I don’t think they have this,“ the president said, according to Suspilne.

Zelenskyy did not rule out that Russia could accumulate stocks and launch up to 1,000 drones against Ukraine on certain days.

“I don’t accept the figure of 1,000, although we must understand that they can accumulate for several days, and then there will be such a day. You can’t say this won’t happen,” he explained.

The president described a recent successful Ukrainian operation using large numbers of drones. Ukraine struck simultaneously with 400 small drones and destroyed more than 40 pieces of equipment at once, according to Zelenskyy.

“We took such a step. It was used exclusively by the military on the battlefield. And we will demonstrate to them many times more than this operation,” he said.

Ukrainian forces are using Mirage and F-16 aircraft to shoot down Russian drones, Zelenskyy said. Ukraine is also developing drone interceptors that can fight unmanned aerial vehicles at high altitude.

Ukraine has the technology but needs funding to scale up production, according to Zelenskyy. He cited Germany as a potential source of financing for interceptor production.

“I say that I have a range of questions for Germany. And one of them is financing interceptors, financing domestic production. We spend more than we planned. Because everyone is developing, the ‘Russians’ are developing, and our new technologies are appearing,” he said.

The German government has explicitly stated earlier that it will not provide fighter jets to Ukraine, citing a lack of available F-16s and the complexity of training and logistical support required for different aircraft types. The Mirage 2000 jets have been supplied to Ukraine by France, as part of a military aid package announced by French President Emmanuel Macron in June 2024, with the first jets arriving in Ukraine in February 2025.

Zelesnkyy also said during the meeting that Ukraine can already launch up to 100 long-range drones daily. With partner support, Ukraine could match Russia’s drone production levels.

“I think Ukraine also needs to have a thousand drones. By the way, long-range drones, which are complex – we can use 100 per day. And we will have the same as the ‘Russians’, 300–500 per day. We are very close to this. The question is not about production capabilities. The question is financial,” Zelenskyy emphasized.