A Ukrainian drone strike hit Russia’s Druzhba oil pumping station in Unecha late on 21 August, setting off a major fire. Commander of the Ukrainian Forces of Unmanned Systems (SBS), Robert “Madyar” Brovdi, confirmed the attack and released footage showing flames at the site in Bryansk oblast.

Ukraine drones hit Unecha station again

Brovdi said that operators of the 14th regiment of the Forces of Unmanned Systems carried out the strike. He added the phrase “repair it in 48 hours,” mocking Russia’s attempts to restore the station after the previous hit.

Brovdi, who is ethnic Hungarian, also wrote in Hungarian “Ruszkik haza!” meaning “Russians go home.”

His post included video of the burning facility and described the drones as “birds of the SBS” continuing their “journey through worms’ refineries” — Ukraine has been targeting not oily the pumping stations, but also Russia’s oil refineries.

Bryansk governor Alexander Bogomaz announced a missile alert in Unecha district on 21 August. By the morning of 22 August, he claimed two fixed-wing drones had been destroyed allegedly with “no casualties or damages.” 

Unecha’s role in Druzhba pipeline

The Unecha pumping station is part of Russia’s 5,500-kilometer Druzhba oil pipeline. The station is owned by the state company Transneft and has the capacity to pump 60 million tons of oil annually. Located in the settlement of Vysokoe in Unecha district, about 60 kilometers from Ukraine’s border, it is crucial for transporting Russian oil to the Baltic Sea port of Ust-Luga and for supplying Belarus’s Mozyr refinery.

Previous attacks on Druzhba

The Unecha pumping station had already been struck on 12 August, when Ukrainian forces destroyed two pumping stations, a technical building, and nearby equipment. That earlier attack also caused a large fire. The latest strike marks the second hit on the same target within nine days.

On 18 August, Ukraine’s General Staff reported a strike on the Nikolskoye-1 pumping station in Russia’s Tambov oblast, another Druzhba hub. That attack forced Hungary’s foreign minister Péter Szijjártó to confirm a temporary suspension of Russian oil transit to Hungary, before announcing on 20 August that deliveries had resumed. Szijjártó also claimed that Hungary is Ukraine’s largest supplier of electricity.

Ukraine’s defense factories could triple their current output tomorrow. The technology exists, the production lines are ready, workers are trained—but the contracts aren’t there.

This stark reality emerged from Oleksandr Kamyshin’s appearance at Prague’s GLOBSEC security conference, where Ukraine’s former defense minister made an even more striking admission: Ukraine still lacks the swarm drone technology that could reshape the war’s trajectory.

“We still need the swarm solution, coordinated solution,” Kamyshin told the international security forum. “It’s something we didn’t find across our partners.”

The gap comes as Ukraine’s June Operation Spider Web destroyed a third of Russia’s strategic aviation fleet, highlighting both Ukrainian capabilities and the technology still missing from their arsenal. In an exclusive interview with Euromaidan Press, Kamyshin revealed how Ukraine is transforming from aid recipient to Europe’s strategic defense partner—if Europe provides the funding to match the potential.

The man who increased Ukraine’s defense production sixfold as minister now serves as President Zelenskyy’s external strategic adviser, bridging Ukraine’s military-industrial complex with European partners increasingly viewing Ukrainian capabilities as their own strategic assets.

The production paradox: capability without contracts

Euromaidan Press: You transformed Ukraine’s defense industry as minister, increasing production sixfold. Now you’re an external adviser to Zelenskyy. How does your role differ?

Kamyshin: I was and still am responsible for the defense industry. But earlier, the question was whether we were capable of production; today, there is no question about that.

This is confirmed by our military leadership, our political leadership, and our international partners. You can see today that Europe perceives us completely differently—we have become their primary vehicle for strengthening European security.

Our defense industry has become strong. This didn’t happen overnight—this is long, painstaking work of a large team, a large industry, with constant support from the president.

Once we understood that we had the capability—that the industry was capable—and that financing was the main bottleneck, the president invited me to serve as his adviser. My role is to help integrate our defense industry into Europe and find opportunities to finance Ukrainian production through European channels.

This is mutual integration. The entire system now works clearly and cohesively. Herman Smetanin is doing excellent work. His team, the deputy ministers, the whole ministry, all our defense companies—both state and private—are delivering results.

EP: What are the main obstacles now standing in the way?

Kamyshin: We need money.

Europe’s fastest weapons pipeline

EP: What obstacles stand in the way of this money coming to Ukraine?

Kamyshin: Two years ago, no one believed Europe could finance Ukrainian defense production. Today this is reality. The successful cases started with the Danish model.

I will always be grateful to the Danish government and Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen for their leadership. It continued with European funds flowing through the Danish model, then the Norwegian model, now the German model. Other countries are joining. Today we have a working mechanism.

We call this mechanism the Manufacturing Freedom initiative, with subprojects like the Danish model, Norwegian model, German model—and there will be others. We’re ready to create new models. For us, the main thing is that Ukrainian defense industry gets financed.

Today our defense industry is capable of producing three times more than we are currently producing.

At GLOBSEC, Kamyshin emphasized Ukraine’s production philosophy: “We’re not in the competition for high-tech. We are in the fight. So we don’t try to be the most high-tech operation in the world.” Ukraine’s approach prioritizes effectiveness over sophistication, what he calls “smart power”—using intelligence and innovation to overcome numerical disadvantages.

The Danish breakthrough: from order to delivery in two months

EP: What help from the EU does Ukraine need most? Maybe there’s something where not only they should learn from us, but we—from them?

Kamyshin: At this stage, the main help we expect from Europe is financing our production capacities.

Denmark, Germany, the European Union, and other countries joining this model—they all recognized that our defense industry is capable.

1. They assessed this as the fastest way forward: Denmark placed an order in July and received 18 artillery systems by September. The Dana delivery timeframe would be impossible anywhere else in the world.
2. Second, this is the most effective approach—Ukrainian weapons today are competitive and offer the highest price-quality ratio.
3. Third, this is the most efficient approach—what we produce works at the front. It’s proven through testing and battlefield application.

It’s fast, effective, and efficient. Our weapons have become smart power. We cannot beat Russia with quantity—we must beat them with quality and intelligence. Smart power is our only path to defeating our enemy.

This rapid innovation cycle was illustrated at GLOBSEC through the example of Shield AI, whose team fixed GPS jamming issues within 24 hours on Ukrainian front lines. The same drone system later participated in operations destroying a $90 million Russian S-400 air defense system—showcasing how proximity to combat drives innovation in ways peacetime development cannot match.

Kamyshin attributes this innovation speed to Ukraine’s existential circumstances: “Well, necessity is the mother of invention. We have to be creative. We have to be smarter. That’s the only way we can survive.”

This philosophy explains why Ukrainian defense companies can achieve in months what peacetime procurement processes accomplish in years.

Why factory experience matters in defense strategy

EP: This is a dramatic increase in production. We know the EU has certain struggles on this path. What can they borrow from Ukraine, what lessons, to radically increase their production?

Kamyshin: First and foremost, manufacturers should lead production expansion. Today, Minister of Strategic Industries Herman Smetanin is the youngest minister in our government, but he has the most production experience—over ten years of manufacturing experience from the factory floor. [Editor’s note: Smetanin’s ministry was dissolved after this interview was recorded; he was reappointed as CEO (General Director) of Ukroboronprom (Ukrainian Defense Industry).]

He started his career at a factory and today manages all of Ukraine’s defense industry. He’s a production specialist who understands how factories work, how production operates, and for him the task of expanding production capacity is clear.

I started my career the same way, working three years as director of the Karliv Machine-Building Plant. For both Smetanin and me, building production capacity is clear. This is what we understand from experience. Ukraine will be happy to share this experience in building production capacity with our European partners when the time comes.

How Manufacturing Freedom actually works

EP: These Danish, Norwegian, German models – are these essentially grants for Ukraine’s production, free aid?

Kamyshin: These are not grants, these are contracts for production of our weapons and free transfer of these weapons to our armed forces.

EP: What other investment models are available for attracting funding to Ukrainian defense production?

Kamyshin: At this stage, the main task isn’t attracting investment—investment is about expanding capacity. The main task is loading the capacity that already exists. We constantly expand these capacities and build them up further in critical directions.

Investment means building a factory that can produce drones. We have built factories that can produce drones, armored vehicles, missiles, ammunition, and much more. What we lack today are contracts for these factories.

Nordic leadership vs European hesitation

EP: Could you share which countries are most open to participating in Ukrainian defense procurement?

Kamyshin: Nordics, Baltics, Germany, Czech Republic are the most active.

EP: What does this depend on? What determines activity and inactivity?

Kamyshin: It always depends on leadership. That’s why I said I will always be grateful to Denmark’s Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen and her team for being the first to believe, the first to implement this story, and then other countries follow her.

The missing piece: swarm technology gap

EP: What are the biggest defense priorities on the battlefield? What technologies does Ukraine most want to develop now?

Kamyshin: Unmanned systems, air defense, and long-range weapons. These are the new technological solutions. Also, the application of artificial intelligence in all types of unmanned systems.

At GLOBSEC, Kamyshin expanded on this technological vision: “AI is part of all unmanned systems we use at the front line, and we try to integrate it in aerial, naval, and ground systems. Since recently, we’ve been using autonomous targeting for strike drones, for kamikaze drones.” But he identified the critical missing piece: “The last thing we are still waiting on the front line in scale is the swarm of drones, and that’s something that will give us even bigger change on the front line.”

EP: Can you name some recent Ukrainian achievements that would interest readers?

Kamyshin: We have our first good experience with AutoTargeting, Last mile targeting, and we’re bringing drone swarms to successful application.

The coalition math: why Ukraine can’t win alone

EP: As Zelenskyy’s strategic adviser, please tell me, can Ukraine win with the current level of EU support? Or is radical increase needed?

Kamyshin: Additional support is needed from both Europe and the USA. This is a big war. In this big war, the big country Russia is fighting, and it’s not fighting alone.

It receives substantial support from North Korea, from China, and from Iran. Against this background, Ukraine alone, or Ukraine only with Europe, will be difficult.

The free world, which America definitely belongs to, must stand against all these evils.

Strategic deterrence beyond current conflict

EP: If Russia rebuilds its army in three to four years, as experts predict, what must Ukraine and Europe achieve to prevent further aggression?

Kamyshin: We must have strategic deterrence weapons, in sufficient quantity, of sufficiently high quality. This must be regardless of when we end our war with our victory. We must have enough of this always.

Operation Spider Web: Europe’s security investment

EP: Ukraine brought the Russian war home to Russia with the help of long-range drones. Should Europe help Ukraine expand these capabilities? And what actually restrains European countries?

Kamyshin: Ukrainian long-range weapons are the best investment in European security. Operation Spider Web is probably the most successful operation to strengthen European security by destroying a third of Russia’s strategic aviation fleet.

Therefore, of course, the best investment in European security is Ukraine, Ukrainian defense industry, Ukrainian long-range operations.

Operation Spider Web, conducted in June 2025, exemplified Kamyshin’s effectiveness-over-sophistication philosophy. The operation destroyed or damaged over 40 strategic bombers using smuggled drones that cost under $3,000 each to eliminate aircraft worth $250 million apiece. As Kamyshin noted at GLOBSEC: “If that’s an FPV drone over 2,000 kilometers from the front line, it’s fine. We’re fine with that.”

Denmark leads, Germany follows

EP: Are these investments happening now in this direction?

Kamyshin: Yes, they are happening. And the recent visit of the president to Germany announced that Germany is starting to invest in Ukrainian long-range solutions. And we believe that other countries will also join. This is just practice.

EP: Was Germany the first to pioneer long-range weapons investment, or were there others before?

Kamyshin: Not the first, but it joined. Denmark was before. There are other countries that also do this.

EP: What needs to change in Ukrainian and European legal frameworks to strengthen cooperation?

Kamyshin: We need to integrate into Europe not only at the political and economic level, but also at the legal level. A lot of work needs to be done for defense procurement in Ukraine to work properly.

Shahed production myth debunked

EP: Russia continues increasing Shahed drone production for attacks on Ukrainian cities. Ukraine doesn’t appear to produce similar long-range attack drones. What influenced this strategic choice?

Kamyshin: This is a myth that we don’t produce Shaheds. Shahed is a type of long-range drone that we produce and produce in significant quantities. We hit military targets, they terrorize cities. But we have such products, we’ve had such products since autumn 2023. Even there are products that are much more competitive than that. And in this regard, we definitely don’t lag behind in anything. Not in quality, not in quantity, not in anything.

EP: Thank you very much.

Kamyshin: Thank you.

Cashback forex offers stand out for adding real value to each trade. Smart investors know that even small rebates can accumulate over time. Below, you’ll find in-depth insights into the five most reputable rebate options in the market. You will understand how each program delivers value, what makes it unique, and how to tap into its benefits.

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Feature	Details
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Platforms	MT4, MT5, Copy-trading
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RoboForex provides back up to 50 percent in rebates, as well — 42.5 percent in brokerage fees plus 15 percent of swap fees. You need to reach out via Telegram or email to activate the rebate offer.

What sets it apart

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FBS is another broker known for solid rebate offerings, providing up to 30 percent cashback, which can translate into $1–$35 per lot depending on the asset. The program is simple to activate and fully automated once linked to your account.

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FBS in brief:

Feature	Details
Max Rebate	Up to 30% (~$1–$35/lot)
Account Types	Multiple (Standard, Cent, Pro, ECN, Zero Spread, Micro, and Crypto)
Highlights	24/7 payouts, 100+ payment methods

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FP Markets takes a slightly different approach. Instead of a direct forex cashback rebate, it reduces your commission costs on RAW accounts by $0.75 per lot traded. While it’s technically a discount rather than a rebate, the net effect is similar: more funds stay in your account.

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Snapshot table:

Feature	Details
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Platforms	MT4, MT5, cTrader, TradingView
Extras	5x regulation, ultra-tight spreads

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OnFin overview:

Feature	Details
Cashback Rate	20% of all trading fees
Platforms	MT4, MT5
Highlights	ECN accounts, ultra-high leverage

The role of independent reviews

In the middle of researching forex cashback programs, it becomes clear that there are dedicated portals that provide their trustworthy reviews. These resources can be invaluable for verifying broker reliability, understanding real-world payout speeds, and gauging user satisfaction before committing. A quick scan of such assessments often reveals hidden strengths or potential drawbacks that promotional materials may not fully disclose.

Quick comparison table

Broker	Rebate/Cashback Rate	Payout Method	Platforms	Extra Perks
XM	Up to 50% (~$40/lot)	Auto	MT4, MT5, Copy-trade	Deposit bonus, high liquidity
RoboForex	42.5% fees + 15% swap fees	Auto	MT4, MT5, Proprietary	High leverage, daily payouts
FBS	Up to 30% (~$1–$35/lot)	Auto	MT4, MT5	100+ payment methods, multi-language
FP Markets	$0.75/lot commission discount	Auto	MT4, MT5, cTrader	Tight spreads, multi-regulated
OnFin	20% all trading fees	Auto	MT4, MT5	ECN accounts, ultra-high leverage

How these cashback and rebate programs differ

While all five options return value to traders, the way they do it varies:

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How to choose between the Top programs

When selecting among forex rebate programs, focus on more than just the rate:

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Final thoughts

The best forex cashback choice will depend on how you trade and which conditions you prioritize. XM and RoboForex offer top-tier rebate percentages with extra trading perks. FBS stands out for its payment flexibility and around-the-clock payouts. FP Markets benefits those who value low commissions over rebates. OnFin’s flat-rate cashback brings clarity and consistency.

If you want to get forex cashback efficiently, start by identifying the program that aligns with your trading volume, risk profile, and preferred assets. Then monitor your results over the first few months to ensure the payouts match expectations. With the right match, rebates become more than just a perk — they turn into a steady and tangible addition to your trading performance.

Exclusives

Sweden sends Ukraine billions in military aid—and every armored vehicle. Gripen jets? Ask NATO. Stockholm sent tanks, drones, and even its full fleet of armored carriers—everything but the jets Ukraine wanted most.

How did Russians sneak into Kupiansk—and run right into a Ukrainian tank?. Russians slipped deep into Kupiansk, and ran right into an alert Ukrainian tank. It’s not good news for Ukraine.

Military

Ukrainian General Staff confirms refinery strike in Rostov, reports new attacks on drone hub in Donetsk and fuel site in Voronezh

. The military’s announcement expands the known scope of the 21 August attacks.

Ukraine’s commandos struck a moving Russian fuel train in occupied Crimea. Kyiv’s elite troops continue sabotaging Russia’s critical supply chains on occupied soil.

Ukraine strikes another Russian refinery, railway substation, and GRU base in occupied Crimea (video). Occupation authorities in Sevastopol attempted to mask the attack as emergency exercises, drawing public skepticism.

Ukraine releases footage of drone strike on seasoned Russian general with war crime charges. He lost arm and leg. While Ukraine filed charges against Abatchev, documenting his participation in combat operations across multiple Luhansk Oblast settlements, Russia awarded him “Hero” titles.

Russia seeks entire Donbas in exchange for ceasefire promises, Zelenskyy says it would take them four years to occupy it. Zelenskyy stressed that Russian forces have only managed to seize about one-third of Donetsk Oblast since the full-scale invasion began.

Intelligence and technology

Ukraine to start mass production of 3,000 km Flamingo missile, Zelenskyy says. The long-range weapon has already completed tests and could enter large-scale manufacturing by early 2026.

International

Militarnyi: Russian drone stayed in Polish airspace for 2.5 hours and was never intercepted. Airspace monitoring suggests it crossed 200 km from Ukraine to a village just 40 km from Warsaw.

After howitzers and a helicopter, Czech campaign now raising funds for five training aircraft for Ukraine. The Gift for Putin campaign has previously crowdfunded D-30 howitzers, a Black Hawk helicopter, anti-tank rocket launchers, explosives and other equipment and matériel for Ukraine.

Trump blames Biden’s policy that allowed Ukraine only to defend itself and not fight back properly

. The US president used a sports analogy of banning offensive plays to criticize Biden’s restrictions of strikes with American weapons, arguing that defensive capabilities alone cannot achieve victory.

Norway creates second brigade in Arctic to monitor border with Russia. Defense Minister Tore O. Sandvik called the new Finnmark Brigade “a necessary response to a more uncertain security situation” along the Russian border

Frontline report: Azerbaijan and Armenia were bitter enemies—until Russia made them allies. Once at war over Nagorno-Karabakh, the two states now back a US-brokered corridor plan that sidelines Russia.

Humanitarian and social impact

Russian attack on Sumy university burnt 15,000 books — third strike since 2022. The previous attack in April destroyed 45,000 volumes in the university’s congress center and killed 35 people.

Massive Russian air attack hits Ukraine with 574 drones and 40 missiles, including city near Hungarian border

. Kalibr missiles struck an American factory in Mukachevo while other strikes hit residential blocks in Lviv and targeted several more cities.

Political and legal developments

Russia awards Order of Courage to American killed fighting against Ukraine. His mom is CIA official.. The 21-year-old son of CIA deputy director had grown increasingly angry with American policies, moved to Russia, and signed a military contract in 2023. He died in 2024 near Bakhmut.

SBU: Ukraine arrests Russian spy inside marine brigade on active front. He directed strikes on Ukrainian bases. The accused commander leaked geolocations of his own unit to help Russian forces correct their targeting, while simultaneously attempting to recruit other Ukrainian soldiers for Moscow’s intelligence network.

Italy arrests Ukrainian suspect in Nord Stream pipeline bombing case. Serhij K.’s arrest in Italy represents a breakthrough in Germany’s two-year investigation into the Nord Stream bombings

Ukraine clears path to sell Sense Bank, Ukrgasbank in first wartime privatizations. Ukraine has finally decided to sell off some state banks, showing reform is advancing even as war grinds on.

Read our earlier daily review here.

Steve Witkoff carried an unusual diplomatic package during his recent meetings with Vladimir Putin. The US special envoy returned to America with a Russian military decoration—the Order of Courage—intended for the family of an American who died fighting for Russia in Ukraine.

The medal went to Juliane Gallina, the CIA’s deputy director for digital innovation, and her husband. Their son Michael Gloss, 21, was killed in April 2024 while serving with Russian airborne forces near Bakhmut, Donetsk Oblast.

Gallina “wept with her husband” when Witkoff presented the decoration, according to a senior administration official who spoke to CNN.

Witkoff, who has lost a son to the opioid epidemic, viewed the gesture through the lens of shared parental grief rather than geopolitics.

For the envoy, the moment “was not about who he fought for, but rather the memories of our children and the overarching message of ‘Let’s end this war,'” the official told CNN.

Witkoff was also present alongside the president Trump at the recent Alaska summit with Putin on 15 August that was aimed at ending the war.

He was disappointed with the US and chose Russia

Michael Gloss had studied human ecology and worked as an environmental activist before traveling to Russia in 2023. His social media posts revealed growing anger toward the United States, declaring that “violence is an integral part of American policy.”

Despite his high-profile American family background—with his father a Navy veteran and his mom a senior CIA official—Russian recruitment authorities failed to detect these connections.

His parents were mostly unaware of his true involvement and only discovered his whereabouts through geolocation data before losing contact with him in March 2024. They were informed of his death two months later.

Russian publication Vazhnye istorii first reported Gloss’s death, revealing he had signed a military contract in September 2023 with the 137th Ryazan Regiment of the Russian Airborne Forces. He told family members he was in Russia “at work,” saving money for a trip to Africa.

The CIA described his case as a private family tragedy rather than a national security issue. Agency spokesperson statements to CNN noted that Gloss “struggled with mental health issues” before his death in Ukraine.

Some of Gloss’s friends suggested he joined Russian forces partly to fast-track citizenship, hoping to pursue environmental projects in Russia.

CBS News had initially reported the decoration as the Order of Vladimir Lenin, but administration officials confirmed it was the Order of Courage.

The CIA issued a statement emphasizing the family’s privacy: “Juliane and her husband shared that ‘we adored our son and grieve his loss every moment. We appreciate privacy at this difficult time.'”

How many foreigners did die fighting for Russia?

The BBC Russian Service confirmed the deaths of 523 foreign nationals fighting for Russia in Ukraine, representing 28 countries and using only open-source verification methods, meaning the actual toll is likely much higher.

Central Asians comprised the largest group, with 72 Tajiks and 66 Uzbeks killed—most recruited from Russian prisons in exchange for sentence cancellation through Wagner Group contracts. Nepal recorded the highest confirmed deaths outside post-Soviet states with 70 fatalities, while North Korea likely has the highest numbers overall but remains unverifiable due to Pyongyang’s secrecy.

Czech volunteers have launched the “Operation Štefan” fundraiser to buy five training aircraft for Ukraine’s future military flight school. The Gift for Putin campaign is calling for public donations to purchase Czech-made Alto NG planes for pilot instruction.

Gift for Putin campaign aims to fund training aircraft for Ukraine

The Czech initiative Dárek pro Putina (Gift for Putin) announced the campaign on 21 August via social media platform X. The group said it is raising funds to acquire five Alto NG planes for Ukraine’s upcoming military pilot academy. According to their message, the aircraft would help train new pilots who could eventually protect not just Ukraine but all of Europe.

“Ukraine needs pilots. And they must learn to fly on something. Help us buy five Czech training aircraft Alto NG for the future Ukrainian military pilot school. Its graduates will one day protect us from Russia. Let’s help them grow. Let’s help them take off,” the campaign wrote.

Operation Štefan aims to provide training not only for current wartime needs but also for Ukraine’s long-term air defense, including in any post-war phase. The Alto NG, produced in Brno, was specifically selected by Ukraine as its preferred platform for basic military flight training, according to the campaign.

The Alto NG is a two-seat, single-engine aircraft with a metal frame. It has a maximum takeoff weight of 600 kg and is powered by a ROTAX 912 ULs engine. The plane features a simple design, low maintenance costs, and easy handling. Volunteers described it as optimal for pilot training.

Direct Fly, a Czech company, manufactures the Alto NG. The aircraft measures 6.30 meters in length with a wingspan of 8.20 meters. Its cruising speed reaches 180 km/h.

 

President Donald Trump has accused his predecessor Joe Biden of sabotaging Ukraine’s war effort by prohibiting strikes against Russian territory, arguing that defensive-only warfare cannot achieve victory.

Writing on Truth Social, Trump compared the restrictions to “a great team in sports that has a fantastic defense, but is not allowed to play offense,” stating there would be “no chance of winning” under such conditions.

“Crooked and grossly incompetent Joe Biden would not let Ukraine FIGHT BACK, only DEFEND,” Trump wrote. “How did that work out?”

He also claimed the war would never have occurred under his presidency.

Trump accompanied his criticism with a photo collage featuring his recent meeting with Vladimir Putin in Alaska on 15 August, alongside an image from the 1959 “Kitchen Debate” between Vice President Richard Nixon and Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev.

The historical reference points to a Cold War-era exchange about capitalism versus socialism that took place at an American exhibition in Moscow. The parallel isn’t subtle. Trump sees himself following Nixon’s tough-talking tradition with Russia.

Ukrainian officials repeatedly pressed Washington for permission to strike deeper into Russia. Their argument: How do you defeat an enemy you can’t hit where it hurts?

According to Financial Times reporting from July, Trump told Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy that deeper strikes into Russia made sense. The strategy: “make them feel pain” and force Moscow to negotiate.

Since January 2025, Ukrainian long-range drone strikes deep inside Russia caused more than $74 billion in damage—about 4% of Russia’s yearly economy.

Most of the attacks have focused on important targets like oil refineries, storage facilities, pumping stations, ports, and other key infrastructure.

About 39% of strikes were between 500 and 1,000 kilometers inside Russia, with some reaching over 1,000 kilometers, showing Ukraine’s strong reach. These strikes have hurt Russia’s economy that finances the war effort.

For over two centuries, Sweden was a nation defined by military neutrality. It avoided entanglement in great wars, instead cultivating a reputation as a mediator, peace broker, and humanitarian power. Yet Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 transformed Sweden’s strategic outlook almost overnight.

Within just a few years, Stockholm abandoned neutrality, joined NATO, and emerged as one of Kyiv’s most reliable defense and reconstruction partners. This is a historic shift: while Ukraine continues its long struggle to secure NATO membership, Sweden’s accession and its unprecedented support for Kyiv carry both symbolic and practical weight.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Sweden’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

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From neutrality to NATO

Russia’s aggression redrew Europe’s security map. Alongside Finland, Sweden applied to join NATO in 2022, breaking with its centuries-old neutrality. By March 2024, Stockholm became NATO’s 32nd member.

For Sweden, NATO membership offered the ultimate guarantee: collective defense under Article 5. For Ukraine, it meant new, powerful allies along Russia’s northern flank—even though Kyiv itself still stands outside the Alliance despite years of open aspiration.

The symbolism is clear: neutrality is no longer a shield, and solidarity has become survival.

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Sweden’s pledge: a structured, long-term commitment

Sweden’s support for Ukraine is remarkable not just for its scale but also for its design. In 2024, Stockholm committed €6.5 billion in military support between 2024 and 2026—a massive pledge for a country of just 10 million people.

Unlike one-off donations, this funding is structured to guarantee predictability. Ukraine knows what to expect, quarter by quarter, allowing it to plan defense procurement and operations. In Europe, this places Sweden among the very top donors relative to its population and GDP.

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Sweden–Ukraine security pact explained

On 31 May 2024, Sweden and Ukraine signed a 10-year Security Cooperation Agreement. This was the 13th pact under the G7 Joint Declaration of Support for Ukraine, and among the most ambitious. By May 2025, Kyiv had signed 29 such agreements, yet the Swedish deal stands out for both symbolic and practical reasons.

The agreement covers:

• Military support, including predictable weapons transfers and training.
• Cybersecurity cooperation.
• Energy resilience projects.
• Justice initiatives and humanitarian recovery.

For Ukraine, locked in a war of attrition, predictability of aid is nearly as valuable as its volume. Stockholm’s 10-year commitment sends a message that Ukraine will not be left alone.

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Sweden’s military aid to Ukraine

Since 2022, Sweden has become one of the most active suppliers of weapons to Ukraine. Its military aid ranges from cutting-edge artillery systems to armored vehicles, drones, and naval craft.

What weapons has Sweden sent to Ukraine?

Stockholm’s aid packages have included:

• Archer self-propelled howitzers and ARTHUR counter-battery radars.
• CV90 infantry fighting vehicles, co-produced with Ukraine.
• Combat Boat 90 vessels for river and coastal defense.
• Thousands of anti-tank weapons and drones.
• RBS 70 man-portable air defense systems.
• AT4 grenade launchers and ammunition.
• At least 1,500 TOW anti-tank missiles.
• Entire fleet of Pansarbandvagn 302 armored vehicles.
• Two Saab 340 AEW&C (ASC 890) airborne radar aircraft (still pending delivery as of mid-2025).

Delays and cooperation mechanisms

Not every pledged item has arrived. For example, Ukraine is still awaiting the ASC 890 radar planes, first announced in May 2024. Sweden explained the delay stems from integration work with partner states to ensure compatibility with F-16 fighters.

Meanwhile, Sweden has actively supported multinational defense coalitions, most notably the Drone Coalition. Together with the UK, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Latvia, Stockholm co-financed the production of 30,000 drones worth $55 million. Within its 18th and 19th aid packages alone, Sweden allocated over $35 million to drones.

Artillery is another focus. In January 2025, Sweden signed contracts to supply Ukraine with 18 new Archer howitzers and five ARTHUR radars worth nearly $300 million. In May 2025, it pledged an additional $60 million for artillery shells, including through the Czech initiative to procure 155mm ammunition.

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The Gripen question

One of the most discussed possibilities in Swedish aid has been the Saab JAS 39 Gripen fighter jet. The Gripen is valued for its unique flexibility: it can operate from short roadways instead of relying solely on airbases, a critical advantage for Ukraine where runways are prime targets. Light, cost-effective, and interoperable with NATO systems, many analysts consider it ideally suited for Ukraine’s conditions.

Yet, despite pilot training and political debate, Sweden has paused any transfer of Gripens. NATO partners have urged Stockholm to prioritize the delivery of F-16s, ensuring consistency across Ukraine’s future fleet. For now, Gripens remain out of reach — a reminder that even among allies, strategic reasoning sometimes outweighs battlefield logic.

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Training Ukraine’s forces

Military hardware is only as powerful as the soldiers who operate it. Sweden made training a core pillar of its support, ensuring Ukrainian personnel can master advanced Western systems.

Training has covered:

• CV90 infantry fighting vehicles – complex platforms requiring highly trained crews.
• Archer howitzers – precision artillery that demands technical and logistical expertise.
• RBS 70 air-defense systems – crucial for intercepting drones and missiles.

Beyond skills transfer, this training builds NATO interoperability. Ukrainian forces learn not only how to operate the systems but also how to integrate with Western command and logistics standards. This accelerates Ukraine’s eventual path toward NATO integration.

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Industrial cooperation: building Ukraine’s defense future

Perhaps the most forward-looking element of Swedish support is industrial cooperation. Rather than just donating weapons, Stockholm is helping Ukraine build its own defense industry capacity.

The landmark project is the co-production of CV90 infantry fighting vehicles. Through agreements with BAE Systems Hägglunds, Ukraine is establishing assembly lines, maintenance hubs, and training centers on its own soil.

This model offers three benefits:

1. Rapid battlefield repairs — damaged vehicles can be fixed locally.
2. Jobs and technology transfer — boosting Ukraine’s defense workforce and economy.
3. Integration into NATO supply chains — ensuring long-term compatibility.

Sweden’s industrial vision goes beyond armored vehicles. Its role in the Drone Coalition encourages Ukrainian manufacturers to scale unmanned systems. Future cooperation could also cover artillery production, radar technologies, and cybersecurity, positioning Ukraine as a hub of European defense innovation.

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Non-military aid: humanitarian, energy, and sanctions

Sweden’s support for Ukraine has never been limited to weapons. Civilian and humanitarian assistance forms a critical second pillar of Stockholm’s strategy. By early 2025, Sweden had provided roughly $1.2 billion in non-military aid, complementing the billions already committed for defense.

This funding has taken many forms:

• Humanitarian relief and reconstruction — about $300 million directed toward rebuilding infrastructure, repairing homes, and supporting displaced families.
• Emergency response and crisis management — more than $220 million for humanitarian organizations, healthcare, and local authorities working under wartime conditions.
• Energy resilience — over $140 million to Ukraine’s Energy Support Fund, helping restore critical power facilities regularly targeted by Russian strikes.
• Special initiatives — including demining programs, medical training, and $9.5 million for the “Grain from Ukraine” initiative to deliver grain to food-insecure countries.

In March 2025 alone, Stockholm announced an additional $138 million civilian aid package focused on reconstruction, demining, and strengthening Ukraine’s health sector.

Beyond funding, Sweden has been a strong advocate for EU sanctions against Russia, pushing for tighter restrictions on critical technologies and energy revenues. Together, these measures show that Sweden views Ukraine’s survival not only as a military struggle but as a fight for the resilience of its society and economy.

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Symbolism and strategy

Sweden’s transformation carries both symbolic and strategic meaning.

Symbolically, a nation that long prided itself on neutrality has chosen sides in Europe’s defining war of the 21st century. For Ukraine, this sends a powerful signal: neutrality is not an option when aggression threatens the foundations of European security.

Strategically, Sweden’s contributions fill key gaps:

• Air defense and situational awareness (ASC 890 planes, RBS 70 systems).
• Mobile firepower (Archer howitzers, CV90s, AT4s).
• Maritime defense (Combat Boat 90s).
• Technological edge (drones, radar systems, industrial partnerships).

Coupled with humanitarian aid and demining, Sweden’s support touches nearly every aspect of Ukraine’s survival and recovery.

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The road ahead

As the war continues, Ukraine’s survival depends on sustained partnerships. Sweden has shown it is not just reacting to crises but planning for the long term:

• 10-year security pact.
• €6.5 billion structured support program.
• Industrial cooperation projects that outlast the war.

For Ukraine, Sweden provides more than weapons: it offers predictability, partnership, and proof that Europe’s security is indivisible.

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Why Sweden’s support matters

Sweden’s military and humanitarian aid to Ukraine marks one of the most dramatic foreign policy transformations in modern Europe. From neutrality to NATO membership, from peace diplomacy to arms co-production, Stockholm has taken steps that would have seemed unthinkable just a decade ago.

For Ukraine, this partnership delivers more than immediate aid. It lays the foundations for a resilient defense industry, NATO interoperability, and eventual recovery from war.

For Europe, it demonstrates that even long-neutral nations can be compelled to act when aggression strikes at the heart of the continent’s security.

Ukrainian security services have arrested a marine brigade officer accused of operating as a Russian intelligence agent while commanding an unmanned aerial vehicle platoon on the southern front, according to the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU).

The platoon commander was passing his own unit’s coordinates to Russian forces. Why? To help them target Ukrainian positions more accurately, the SBU reports.

The officer guided Russian airstrikes against Ukrainian command posts and ammunition warehouses. He knew exactly where neighboring units stored their weapons and where commanders operated from backup locations.

What was his next mission? Recruit more Ukrainian soldiers for Russia’s FSB intelligence network. The SBU says he actively tried convincing other service members to switch sides, reporting his recruitment efforts back to Moscow.

The Russian intelligence service recruited the Ukrainian officer through family members located in occupied areas of Luhansk Oblast. This recruitment method exploits personal connections in territories under Russian control where relatives may also face coercion or pressure.

The evidence tells the story. During his arrest at the marine base, investigators seized a flash drive loaded with classified information ready for transfer to Russian intelligence. Two phones. Direct communication with his FSB handler.

The security service says it documented the suspect’s activities and implemented protective measures for Defense Forces personnel and locations in areas where the FSB maintained agent operations.

The legal consequences are severe. Investigators in Mykolaiv Oblast charged him with high treason during martial law. No bail. Life imprisonment possible if convicted, with complete asset forfeiture.

 

 

Flames consumed 15,000 books at Sumy State University overnight after the Russian missile and drone attack on the city.

The 18 August overnight attack targeted multiple university buildings, with the library in the “N” building suffering significant fire damage, according to Suspilne. 

The destroyed books represented the library’s most recent acquisitions, purchased within the last five to six years.

The latest losses add to devastation from previous strikes. In April, shelling of the university’s congress center resulted in the destruction of 45,000 books, library officials reported. 

Now, the total number of volumes lost to Russian strikes at this university is 60,000.

Scientific equipment damaged

University staff also worked to evacuate valuable scientific equipment from the fire-damaged building, which was flooded during firefighting efforts.

Vice-Rector Anatolia Chornous explained what they were trying to save: scanning electron microscopes, microanalyzers, and other equipment purchased through research grants since 2018.

“We had several grants, and with those funds we bought quite expensive equipment,” Chornous said.

The Center for Collective Use of Scientific Equipment represented years of building research capacity for analytical and materials science work, eliminated in a few moments.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has caused heavy damage to nearly 1,000 libraries and destroyed over 200 million Ukrainian books, according to the date from Ukrainian officials.

In May 2024, a Russian missile hit a printing house in Kharkiv, killing seven workers and burning 50,000 mostly children’s books, making the need for new books even more urgent.

In the Russian-occupied territories, the authorities remove Ukrainian books from local libraries, calling them “extremist” and replacing them with Russian books. 

Italian police have arrested Ukrainian citizen Serhij K. on suspicion of involvement in the 2022 Nord Stream pipeline explosions, according to reports by Spiegel and Germany’s Federal Prosecutor’s Office.

The detention occurred on the evening of 20 August in Italy’s Rimini province based on a European arrest warrant, Spiegel reported. The suspect allegedly belonged to a group that destroyed the Nord Stream pipelines in September 2022.

According to German investigators, Serhij K. was aboard the sailing yacht “Andromeda” during the operation but was not among the divers who planted the explosives. Instead, prosecutors believe he served a coordinating function in what they describe as the pipeline attacks carried out by a Ukrainian commando unit.

The operation involved bringing divers close to the pipelines via a specially rented sailing yacht, then deploying them to attach explosives to the seabed infrastructure, Spiegel reports. The yacht was reportedly rented through intermediaries from a German company using forged documents.

Serhij K. faces charges including joint commission of an explosion using explosives, anti-constitutional sabotage, and destruction of buildings. German authorities plan to request his extradition from Italy.

The Wall Street Journal previously reported that several high-ranking Ukrainian military officials and businessmen planned the pipeline operation using an ordinary pleasure yacht and open sea charts. According to the newspaper’s sources, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy initially approved the plan but later ordered its cancellation after Dutch military intelligence MIVD learned of the operation and informed the CIA, which then alerted Germany.

The Journal reported that CIA officials warned Zelenskyy’s office to halt the operation, prompting Zelenskyy to order General Valeriy Zaluzhnyi to stop it. However, according to WSJ sources, Zaluzhnyi ignored the order.

This marks the second arrest warrant in the case. Germany’s Federal Prosecutor General previously issued an arrest warrant for Ukrainian citizen Volodymyr Z., who was to be detained in Poland where he resided but managed to leave for Ukraine before arrest.

German media reported that Volodymyr Z. crossed the Polish-Ukrainian border in early July in a vehicle with diplomatic plates. Some Polish officials allegedly responded to accusations they warned the suspect by stating: “Why should we arrest him? He’s a hero to us!”

Poland’s border service denied accusations that they allowed the suspect to enter Ukraine in a diplomatic vehicle despite having orders to detain him, emphasizing they had neither legal grounds nor appropriate information for Volodymyr Z.’s arrest.

German investigators suspect two other Ukrainian citizens in the case, including a woman. The Federal Prosecutor General has been investigating the explosions since 2022 on suspicion of anti-constitutional sabotage and causing an explosive detonation.

When Spiegel spoke with individuals with detailed knowledge of the events in Ukraine in 2024, sources indicated the commando unit had no intention of committing a crime. For the Ukrainian operatives, the pipeline destruction represented an attack on a legitimate military target in the war between Ukraine and Russia, with gas delivery profits significantly contributing to financing Russia’s war against Ukraine.

Spiegel’s investigation also found indications that the Ukrainian armed forces had sanctioned the operation.

Initially, politicians and media assumed Russian perpetrators were behind the explosions. German Federal Police and Federal Prosecutor investigators eventually traced the sailing yacht and uncovered connections to Ukraine.

Security circles indicate it remains unclear when Serhij K. will be extradited to Germany. The suspect was not available for immediate comment, and information about legal representation was not initially available.

Norway officially established its second brigade in the Arctic region bordering Russia, advancing toward NATO’s commitment to triple brigade capacity by 2032, Euractiv reported on 21 August.

The newly formed Finnmark Brigade implements the country’s first national security strategy adopted earlier this year, which calls for rapid defense reinforcement and deeper EU cooperation.

“We have to live with a more dangerous and unpredictable Russia. The creation of the Finnmark Brigade is a necessary response to a more uncertain security situation in the world,” Defense Minister Tore O. Sandvik said.

Oslo currently maintains slightly over 4,500 soldiers on active duty, supplemented by the National Guard comprising over 40,000 personnel who completed 12-month initial service. The country practices military conscription for both men and women.

NATO brigades typically number 3,000-5,000 soldiers. The founding alliance member plans further military expansion through a third brigade to be stationed in the country’s south.

Concurrent with the Finnmark deployment, the government transferred recently renovated facilities worth 130 million euros (1.5 billion Norwegian kroner) in Porsangmoen, Finnmark province. Operating as one of the world’s northernmost military garrisons, the brigade will monitor the Russian border and militarized Kola Peninsula.

According to the country’s long-term defense plan, the brigade will be reinforced with combat air defense, an artillery battalion, one light infantry battalion, an engineer company, and a reconnaissance squadron.

In 2024, Norway’s parliament approved a plan increasing Oslo’s defense spending to nearly 138 billion euros by 2036 – approximately 51 billion euros (611 billion Norwegian kroner) more than current levels. This 37-percent defense spending increase will significantly strengthen Norway’s naval power through five new frigates and complete submarine fleet modernization.

Four NATO members recently conducted naval exercises in Arctic waters as part of broader Far North patrol deployment. Norway also conducted spring trials for a 13-member Arctic reconnaissance group lasting 100 days.

Military

Ukrainian General Staff confirms refinery strike in Rostov, reports new attacks on drone hub in Donetsk and fuel site in Voronezh. The military’s announcement expands the known scope of the 21 August attacks.

Ukraine’s commandos struck a moving Russian fuel train in occupied Crimea. Kyiv’s elite troops continue sabotaging Russia’s critical supply chains on occupied soil.

Ukraine strikes another Russian refinery, railway substation, and GRU base in occupied Crimea (video)

. Occupation authorities in Sevastopol attempted to mask the attack as emergency exercises, drawing public skepticism.

Ukraine releases footage of drone strike on seasoned Russian general with war crime charges. He lost arm and leg.. While Ukraine filed charges against Abatchev, documenting his participation in combat operations across multiple Luhansk Oblast settlements, Russia awarded him “Hero” titles.

Intelligence and technology

Ukraine to start mass production of 3,000 km Flamingo missile, Zelenskyy says. The long-range weapon has already completed tests and could enter large-scale manufacturing by early 2026.

International

Militarnyi: Russian drone stayed in Polish airspace for 2.5 hours and was never intercepted. Airspace monitoring suggests it crossed 200 km from Ukraine to a village just 40 km from Warsaw.

Frontline report: Azerbaijan and Armenia were bitter enemies—until Russia made them allies. Once at war over Nagorno-Karabakh, the two states now back a US-brokered corridor plan that sidelines Russia.

Humanitarian and social impact

Massive Russian air attack hits Ukraine with 574 drones and 40 missiles, including city near Hungarian border

. Kalibr missiles struck an American factory in Mukachevo while other strikes hit residential blocks in Lviv and targeted several more cities.

Political and legal developments

Ukraine moves to privatize state banks, testing reform amid war. Ukraine has finally decided to sell off some state banks, showing reform is advancing even as war grinds on.

Russia seeks entire Donbas in exchange for ceasefire promises, Zelenskyy says it would take them four years to occupy it. Zelenskyy stressed that Russian forces have only managed to seize about one-third of Donetsk Oblast since the full-scale invasion began.

Read our earlier daily review here.

Ukraine’s Financial Stability Council cleared the government to sell its stakes in Sense Bank and Ukrgasbank in August, ending hesitation about opening up the state-dominated banking sector.

The breakthrough decision proves Ukraine wants to build a Western-style free-market economy, even when it means giving up hundreds of millions in wartime funding.

The Financial Stability Council—which includes the National Bank of Ukraine, the Finance Ministry, and banking regulators—concluded that selling the state’s stakes would not harm the banking system if done through proper legal procedures. “The sale of shares must be balanced and aimed at increasing the value of banks’ stakes,” the Council said in its statement.

Both banks fell under state control through crisis management rather than strategic planning. Ukrgasbank gradually moved under state dominance after a 2009 bailout that left the government holding nearly all shares. Sense Bank became state-owned in 2023 when Ukraine sanctioned its Russian owners (including Ukrainian-born oligarch Mikhail Fridman) during the war.

The privatization has fulfilled Western allies’ demands for years—proof that Ukraine genuinely wants a free-market transformation, not just security guarantees. The decision marks a groundbreaking first step toward dismantling the state-dominated banking model.

The choice between free markets and state profits has never been starker. While Sense Bank and Ukrgasbank are smaller institutions—ranking 7th and 10th by profit—they still generate hundreds of millions annually for the war effort.

For now, the state-owned banks control more than half of Ukraine’s financial system assets and deposits, and they’ve become reliable wartime revenue generators. In 2024, the banking sector posted record profits of UAH 104 billion ($2.52 billion), with state institutions contributing the majority. State banks transferred over UAH 67 billion ($1.64 billion) to the budget through taxes and dividends—money that directly funds the war effort.

However, there is still a long road ahead, as the National Bank indicated that privatizations are unlikely to be completed in 2025, emphasizing gradual implementation based on market conditions. That suggests Ukraine recognizes the fiscal reality of giving up billions in annual revenue during wartime.

For international partners, the Council’s decision signals a serious commitment to reform pledges even under extreme conditions. It also potentially means the loss of crucial wartime funding streams for Ukrainian finances.

The privatization path is now clear. Whether Ukraine will walk it—and how quickly—depends on balancing immediate war needs against long-term integration goals.

The General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine has confirmed that Ukrainian drone units struck the Novoshakhtinsk oil refinery in Russia’s Rostov Oblast overnight on 21 August. It also reported two additional strikes: one on a UAV warehouse and logistics hub in occupied Donetsk, and another on a fuel storage facility in Voronezh Oblast.

Confirmed refinery strike in Rostov Oblast

The General Staff said Ukrainian drone units, operating in coordination with other defense components, struck the Novoshakhtinsk refinery in Rostov Oblast. The facility is one of the largest fuel suppliers in southern Russia and is involved in supporting Russian armed forces. The refinery’s total reservoir capacity exceeds 210,000 cubic meters. Numerous explosions were recorded, and the target was confirmed hit.

Drone warehouse and logistics hub hit in occupied Donetsk

Separately, Ukrainian special operations forces struck a drone storage facility and logistics hub in occupied Donetsk. The strike aimed to reduce the enemy’s capacity to use long-range UAVs. The General Staff confirmed explosions at the site and direct hits.

Fuel base targeted in Voronezh Oblast

In addition, the General Staff reported a strike on a fuel and lubricant storage site used by Russian occupying forces in Voronezh Oblast. The extent of the damage is still being clarified.

More attacks today

Earlier today, the General Staff had also reported an attack on a Russian fuel train in occupied Crimea.

According to media reports, Ukrainian forces struck multiple targets overnight on 20–21 August: the Rostov refinery, a railway substation in Voronezh Oblast, and a GRU base in Crimea. S

Ukrainian Special Operations Forces struck a Russian military fuel convoy near the occupied Crimean railway station in Dzhankoi in the early hours of 21 August. The sabotage operation, confirmed by Ukraine’s General Staff and the Special Operations Forces Command, targeted a moving Russian train transporting fuel and lubricants. Dzhankoi is located in northern Crimea next to the occupied part of Kherson Oblast.

Ukrainian strike hits Russian military fuel train in Crimea

According to the General Staff, the hit disrupted logistics for Russia’s southern grouping of troops. The operation, conducted close to the Dzhankoi rail hub, aimed to weaken Russian supply efforts on the occupied peninsula. The Ukrainian military described the outcome as a complication for the occupiers’ logistics in the south.

The Special Operations Forces signed off their statement with: “Always beyond the limit!”

Ukrainian Telegram channel Supernova+ shared a video that allegedly shows the aftermath of the strike in Crimea, with images of the damaged train. The footage has not been independently verified.

Militarnyi reports that a Russian Shahed long-range explosive drone remained in Polish airspace for approximately two and a half hours before crashing on 20 August. The drone was not shot down and went undetected during its entire flight over Poland.

Russia launches drone and missile attacks against Ukrainian civilians on a daily basis. At times, its explosive drones leave Ukrainian airspace and enter neighboring countries. So far, only Belarus—Russia’s ally—has attempted to shoot down these drones. In all other documented cases, including incursions into Moldova, Romania, Poland, and Lithuania, no drones have been intercepted.

The incident follows a pattern of Poland scrambling fighter jets during Russian missile and drone strikes on Ukraine. These aircraft usually do not intercept objects unless they allegedly directly threaten NATO territory.

Drone crossed multiple Ukrainian oblasts before entering Poland

According to analysis by Ukrainian monitoring groups, the Shahed drone flew across Ukraine overnight on 19–20 August, Militarnyi says. Its route reportedly passed through Zhytomyr, Khmelnytskyi, Ternopil, and Lviv oblasts before entering Polish airspace.

The straight-line distance from the Ukrainian border to the crash site in the Polish village of Osiny is around 200 kilometers. Given the average speed of Shahed drones — between 120 and 150 km/h — the flight would have taken approximately 1.5 hours if it followed a direct path.

Air alerts in Ukraine are typically turned off 20–30 minutes after the threat ends, which suggests the drone left Ukrainian airspace around 1:00 Kyiv time. It then remained over Poland for about two to two and a half hours before crashing at 3:22 Kyiv time (2:22 Warsaw time).

Polish surveillance failed to detect the drone

Official reports indicate that Polish air surveillance systems did not detect the drone at any point during its flight across Polish territory. The crash occurred in Osiny, located in Lublin Voivodeship. The village lies approximately 100 km from Ukraine, 90 km from Belarus, and only 40 km from Warsaw.

Such drones have jamming-resistant navigation and would typically return to its programmed target even if disrupted by electronic warfare. That means only two scenarios are considered possible: either the drone experienced an internal malfunction, or it was intentionally directed toward Poland. In the case of electronic interference, the onboard autopilot would still attempt to resume the original route and continue toward the programmed destination.

The Shahed crash in Polish cornfield

As previously reported, Polish prosecutors confirmed that the wreckage found in Osiny came from a Russian drone. Initially, Poland’s army claimed no airspace violation had occurred, but this was later contradicted by the findings. The drone exploded in a cornfield, damaging a patch of farmland approximately 8–10 meters wide and breaking windows in nearby homes. No injuries were reported.

Ukraine is set to begin mass production of its 3,000-kilometer-range missile Flamingo by the end of 2025 or early 2026, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced. He said it on 21 August during a meeting with journalists, Liga reports.  He added that the missile flies 3,000 kilometers and called that “important.”

According to Liga, Zelenskyy stated that full details of the missile program will remain undisclosed until Ukraine possesses hundreds of the missiles. 

Flamingo missile confirmed as Ukraine’s longest-range missile

Zelenskyy said the Flamingo missile has already proven its range of 3,000 kilometers during testing. He noted that it is currently Ukraine’s “most successful missile we have so far.” He said more units will appear by December, and mass production is expected by the end of December or in January–February, depending on testing success and available funding.

First photos show missile under development inside Ukraine

On 17 August, Associated Press photojournalist Yefrem Lukatsky posted a Facebook update about the Flamingo missile. He shared images from a defense facility operated by Ukrainian company Fire Point. The facility is located “in an undisclosed place” inside the country. The post provided the first publicly released photos of the new long-range missile.

On 18 August, Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal confirmed the Flamingo missile exists during the presentation of the government’s action plan. 

On 21 August, Lukatsky posted more photos.

The missile manufacturer, FirePoint, stated that its Flamingo successfully passed test launches several months ago. It reportedly entered serial production, and the company was seeking to scale up manufacturing.

Analysts link Flamingo to UAE’s FP-5 cruise missile

Defense Express stated that the Flamingo is “very likely” the FP-5 cruise missile made by the UAE-based weapons firm Milanion Group. That system was first presented in early February 2025. Based on the reports, the Flamingo missile has a 3,000 km range, a 1-ton warhead, and a maximum takeoff weight of 6 tons. It can remain in the air for over four hours. The maximum speed is 950 km/h, cruising speed is 850–900 km/h, and wingspan is 6 meters.

Zelenskyy told reporters on 21 August that Russia has captured only a third of Donetsk Oblast since launching its full-scale invasion in 2022. He added that Moscow would need four more years to take the rest of the Donbas by force. 

Russia holds about two-thirds of Donetsk Oblast, but most of it since 2014

Liga reports that Zelenskyy’s comments came during a press meeting. Before discussing Ukraine’s position, Zelenskyy said it is necessary to understand Russia’s intentions. Using Donetsk Oblast as an example, he said he explained the situation during his meeting with US President Donald Trump. According to Zelenskyy, Russia did not seize 69% of Donetsk Oblast after February 2022, as claimed in some assessments, but only about one-third.

He clarified that Russian forces currently control around 67–69% of Donetsk Oblast. That includes territory Russia had already occupied before 2022. Nearly four years of full-scale war produced only marginal gains in the oblast, he said.

Zelenskyy dismissed speculation that Russian troops could take the rest of Donbas by the end of this year. He called such talk baseless and said the Kremlin would need four years more to achieve that objective.

On 12 August, Zelenskyy stated that Ukraine’s defense forces would not pull back from Donbas.

Ukraine struck multiple critical Russian targets overnight on 20–21 August, hitting a refinery in Rostov Oblast, a railway power substation in Voronezh Oblast, and a GRU base in occupied Crimea. Satellite data confirmed large fires at several sites, while occupation officials attempted to downplay the incidents.

Ukrainian drones hit refinery and bypass air defense in Rostov Oblast

Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ reported that drones struck the Novoshakhtinsk oil refinery in Rostov Oblast. According to the outlet, the facility was protected by two Pantsir and one Tor anti-air systems, which failed to prevent the attack. Local residents reported hearing around five explosions over the city. Russian news Telegram channel Astra confirmed that a fire broke out at the site following the drone strike.

GRU base and helicopter airfield in Sevastopol targeted

In Russian-occupied Crimea, Ukrainian drones struck the Russian Black Sea Fleet’s military unit #95408 in Sevastopol. Exilenova+ stated that GRU military intelligence forces are currently based there. NASA FIRMS satellite data confirmed fires at the site. Fires were also observed at the nearby Khersones airbase, which hosts Russian helicopters and drones.

Russian-installed occupation authorities claimed the explosions were part of unannounced firefighting drills conducted by the Black Sea Fleet in coordination with emergency services. Astra quoted occupation head Mikhail Razvozhayev, who urged residents to “trust only official information.” However, local social media users mocked the explanation, saying they were being treated “like fools.”

Ukrainian drones disable power substation in Voronezh Oblast

Further north, Ukraine also hit the Zhuravka railway power substation in Voronezh Oblast. Exilenova+ reported this strike, and NASA satellite data confirmed a fire at the location. Astra relayed a statement from the Russian governor, who said that more than five drones were downed over the southern districts of the oblast. He acknowledged that an energy facility had been damaged, leaving several villages without electricity and causing a number of passenger train delays.

Astra later reported that train service was restored after the incident, but highlighted that 19 trains were initially delayed due to the attack. Authorities warned that the threat of further drone strikes remained across the entire oblast.

Russia claims mass drone shoot-downs amid visible damage

Russia’s Ministry of Defense claimed that its air defenses had shot down 49 Ukrainian drones overnight. The ministry alleged that 21 drones were intercepted over Rostov Oblast, 7 over Voronezh Oblast, 4 over occupied Crimea, and the rest across other regions including Belgorod, Bryansk, Kaluga, Orel, Kursk, and Tula oblasts, as well as over the Black Sea.

Moscow adds nuclear spin as narrative deflection

Amid the fallout, Russian authorities claimed that unit #7 at the Novovoronezh Nuclear Power Plant in Voronezh Oblast had been temporarily disconnected from the grid. TASS cited the Rosenergoatom press service, which denied any safety risks.

The claim came shortly after the regional governor’s vague reference to drone strikes on an “energy facility,” suggesting a possible attempt to introduce a nuclear angle to the story. 

A massive Russian air attack involving 574 drones and 40 missiles struck Ukraine overnight into 21 August, hitting cities across the country, including Mukachevo — a city in Ukraine’s far west close to the Hungarian border. Ukrainian Air Force units downed the majority of the aerial threats, but multiple oblasts reported civilian casualties and infrastructure destruction. The Russian attacks again inflicted civilian casualties.

Mukachevo struck with Kalibr missiles, drone crashes in Khust district

At around 04:40 on 21 August, Russian forces launched two Kalibr missiles at an industrial facility in Mukachevo, Zakarpattia Oblast. According to Myroslav Biletskyi, head of the Zakarpattia Oblast Military Administration (OVA), the strike destroyed warehouse premises and triggered a large fire, causing significant smoke pollution. Authorities deployed an emergency operations center to the site.

The Mukachevo City Council said ten people had been taken to hospital and two more had sought medical care on their own. All received treatment, and their condition was described as stable.

Evhen Meshko, director of Saint Martin Hospital, told Suspilne that by 08:50, 12 people had been brought in: six hospitalized, six treated on an outpatient basis, and one transferred to the oblast hospital. He noted that patients were in mild to moderate condition, with no critical cases reported at that time. A total of 15 ambulance brigades and eight State Emergency Service units worked on-site.

Following the missile impact and resulting fire, Biletskyi warned residents about heavy smoke and the presence of potentially harmful combustion products. He urged residents of Mukachevo and Uzhhorod districts to close all windows and doors and stay indoors, particularly children, the elderly, and individuals with chronic respiratory diseases.

Biletskyi also reported the crash of a Shahed-type drone in the village of Lypovets, Khust district. No injuries were reported. However, a utility building was damaged, windows were blown out in a nearby residential house, and a power line was struck.

Ukrainian foreign ministry denounces strike on US-linked company

Deputy Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha wrote on X that one of the Russian missiles targeted a major American electronics manufacturer in Zakarpattia Oblast. He stated that the facility was entirely civilian and accused Russia of targeting businesses deliberately.

Sybiha added that this was not the first time Russia attacked US-linked facilities, referencing previous strikes on Boeing offices in Kyiv earlier this year. He said the attack proved the need for stronger air defense and reiterated Ukraine’s commitment to diplomacy through bilateral Ukraine-Russia and trilateral Ukraine-US-Russia negotiations. He also called for security guarantees from the US and European partners.

Fatal strike in Lviv

In Lviv, Russian forces launched a combined drone and missile strike, resulting in one person killed and three injured, according to Lviv Oblast head Maksym Kozytskyi.

Mayor Andrii Sadovyi said the explosions damaged at least 26 buildings in Zaliznychnyi district, the third time this area was hit over the past year. He confirmed over 150 shattered windows and 10 destroyed rooftops.

Sadovyi reported that one of the injured victims was in critical condition and undergoing surgery, while another had chest and leg wounds and was in moderate condition. At 08:37, he confirmed a third injury — a 38-year-old woman with a superficial chest wound, hematomas, and lung contusion, being treated at Saint Panteleimon Hospital.

Deputy Mayor Andrii Moskalenko said the same buildings were previously struck on 4 September and 12 July. A kindergarten was also damaged. Emergency commissions were launched to manage repairs and temporary relocation for affected residents.

Zaporizhzhia hit by missiles and bombs

In Zaporizhzhia, two missile strikes damaged several industrial sites and nearby residential buildings, with eight apartment buildings and two private houses sustaining broken windows and damaged facades, according to OVA head Ivan Fedorov. He reported no injuries in this attack.

This morning, the Russians struck a village in Polohy district by three air-dropped bombs, injuring an 85-year-old woman who suffered fractures, lacerations, and a concussion.

The Zaporizhzhia Oblast Military Administration reported that in the last 24 hours:

• 647 attacks were carried out across 14 settlements
• 433 FPV and other drones struck at least 11 populated areas
• 204 artillery strikes targeted various towns
• Three airstrikes and five MLRS attacks occurred
• Russian attacks killed one woman and injured another in Polohy district

Civilian sites hit across multiple oblasts

In Kherson Oblast, the local administration said that from 06:00 on 20 August to 06:00 on 21 August, one person was killed and three others injured. Two Shahed-131/136 drones were destroyed by air defense.

In Kharkiv Oblast, two civilians — a 70-year-old man and 71-year-old woman — were killed near Petrivka, Zolochiv community. A 41-year-old man was injured in Kharkiv city on 18 August. According to the regional administration, Russian forces used:

• One missile
• Six Shahed-136 drones (repeatedly referred to by their Russian designation as “Geran-2” by Kharkiv officials)
• One Lancet drone
• Two Molniia drones
• Three FPV drones

In Donetsk Oblast, the regional administration reported that Russian forces killed three civilians in Kostiantynivka on 20 August, and six more people were injured across the region.

In Rivne Oblast, drone debris hit a private residence and public utility building, igniting a roof fire and shattering windows. No injuries were reported, per the OVA.

In Volyn Oblast, including its capital city of Lutsk, the region was attacked by drones and missiles, with 12 aerial targets engaged. Authorities said no casualties occurred, though minor building damage was confirmed.

Air Force: 577 threats intercepted

According to the Ukrainian Air Force, from 18:40 on 20 August into 21 August, Russia launched 614 aerial weapons, including:

• 574 Shahed drones and decoys
• Four Kh-47M2 Kinzhal missiles
• Two Iskander-M/KN-23 ballistic missiles
• 19 Kh-101 cruise missiles
• 14 Kalibr missiles
• One unidentified missile from occupied Crimea

Ukrainian forces intercepted or suppressed 577 targets, including:

• 546 Shahed-type drones and decoys
• One Kinzhal missile
• 18 Kh-101 cruise missiles
• 12 Kalibr cruise missiles

Ukrainian special operations forces conducted a targeted drone attack against a senior Russian military official, resulting in severe injuries that required amputation of the officer’s arm and leg.

A Ukrainian drone found its target on a dark highway in Russia’s Kursk Oblast near the border with Ukraine. The vehicle carried Lieutenant General Essedulla Abatchev, deputy commander of Russia’s “North” military group.

But who is Abatchev? Ukraine’s Security Service filed charges against him in 2022, documenting his role in combat operations across eastern Ukraine. He commanded forces in Sievierodonetsk, Lysychansk, Kreminna, and Rubizhne—all cities that saw intense fighting in Luhansk Oblast. His career also spans the Chechen wars, Georgia, Syria apart from Luhansk in Ukraine.

Russia’s response to those operations? They awarded Abatchev “Hero of Russia” and “Hero of the LNR” titles for war crimes.

The 17 August strike occurred five kilometers from Rylsk city, according to video footage released by Ukraine’s Special Operations Forces.

The UA_REG TEAM unit tracked Abatchev’s convoy on the Rylsk-Khomutovka highway before launching their attack.

Following the attack, Abatchev was evacuated by military transport aircraft to Moscow’s Vishnevsky Central Clinical Hospital, the Main Intelligence Directorate reported. Emergency amputation followed.

Ukrainian Defense Intelligence emphasized retribution for Russian war crimes, underscoring Ukraine’s capability to conduct precise, high-impact strikes deep into Russian territory

Today, the biggest news comes from the southern Russian flank. Russian forces were put on high alert because Armenia and Azerbaijan, enemies through decades of war, are now preparing to sign a peace deal that could transform their contested border into a joint lifeline for security. This sudden alignment is not born of friendship, but of the shared enemy that Russia has become.

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Washington meeting lays groundwork for peace

Recently, the presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia met in Washington, where they signed a preliminary agreement that could serve as the foundation for a final peace deal. The memorandum outlines:

• Mutual recognition of sovereignty
• Renunciation of territorial claims
• Demilitarization of the border
• Creation of the Zangezur Corridor, linking Azerbaijan to its exclave through Armenia

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The Zangezur corridor: a strategic game-changer

The Zangezur Corridor will remain under Armenian sovereignty but be operated by a US-led private military company. This arrangement oversees energy lines and road networks, combining infrastructure development with third-party security.

For both nations, this signals the most substantive break from decades of hostility since the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict began.

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Decades of conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh

Armenia and Azerbaijan have fought bitterly since the collapse of the Soviet Union, with two wars and recurring clashes costing tens of thousands of lives.

• The conflict centered on control of an Armenian-majority enclave in Azerbaijan.
• After victories in 2020 and 2023, Azerbaijan ended Armenia’s military presence, dissolving the enclave and reclaiming all territories.

This new peace deal effectively closes the chapter on the territorial dispute.

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Armenia’s pivot away from Russia

For Armenia, the agreement marks a dramatic shift away from failed Russian security guarantees. Once reliant on Moscow through the CSTO and Russian troops in Gyumri, Armenia watched Russia remain passive during conflicts in 2020 and 2023.

Armenia fears both a “Syrian scenario”, where foreign forces exploit Russia’s weakness, and a “Georgian scenario”, where Russian troops seize control. By anchoring a US-managed corridor, Armenia secures deterrence and Western economic interest.

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Azerbaijan’s strategic insulation from Moscow

Azerbaijan also sees the deal as liberation from Moscow’s interference. Russian actions—such as the missile strike on its embassy in Kyiv and the downing of Azerbaijani aircraft—have deepened mistrust.

With the Zangezur Corridor under US oversight, Azerbaijan gains:

• Direct link to Türkiye and allies
• Strategic insulation from Russian troops
• Predictable transit revenues and trade integration

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US-led corridor as de facto peacekeeping force

The private military company managing the corridor could serve as a peacekeeping mechanism, embedding economic and security guarantees.

Any disruption would harm both countries’ economies and Western interests, creating a mutual incentive for stability.

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A new balance of power in the South Caucasus

This is more than a symbolic handshake. The peace deal is a strategic realignment that:

• Resolves a decades-old dispute
• Weakens Russia’s influence in the region
• Anchors Armenia and Azerbaijan closer to the West

If finalized, it could reshape the balance of power in the South Caucasus in ways Moscow can no longer afford to control.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Drones may dominate the skies over Ukraine, but defense experts warn they cannot replace artillery, missiles, and tanks. As NATO plans for the future, some fear an overreliance on swarms of cheap drones could “play to Russia’s strengths” instead of deterring them.

Why build a $5 million tank when a $500 drone can destroy it? That question drives NATO’s debate — yet Ukraine’s experience shows the answer is complicated.

Kyiv’s dependence on drones reflects necessity, not strategy. With artillery shells and missiles in short supply, Ukraine turned to unmanned aerial systems to fill the gaps left by slow or limited weapons deliveries from allies.

“This attrition from drones has been occurring in the context of a Russian force that is still constrained by minefields and forced to disperse by Ukrainian artillery,” wrote Justin Bronk of the Royal United Services Institute in Defense News.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has acknowledged that about 40% of Ukraine’s frontline weapons now come from domestic production, but commanders continue to clamor for Western systems such as HIMARS, ATACMS, guided shells — and, increasingly, glide bombs — to blunt Russian offensives.

Drones dominate, but don’t decide battles

On the battlefield, drones paralyze movement and inflict steady attrition. Yet most are destroyed before impact.

“Only a small fraction of the huge volumes of drones launched by Ukrainian forces reach their targets, and a still smaller proportion achieve decisive damage,” Bronk noted.

Russia has invested in jammers, nets, and armored cages, making its counter-drone defenses among “the most formidable in the world.” Despite constant innovation, Ukraine has struggled to turn drone use into strategic momentum.

Commanders still trust legacy firepower

Even as drones proliferate, Ukrainian units continue to prize artillery and missiles.

“High-end ATGMs, anti-tank BONUS artillery rounds and regular artillery are far more responsive and more reliably able to knock out vehicles and suppress massing infantry than FPV drones,” Bronk wrote.

This explains why Kyiv’s most urgent requests to allies remain long-range fires, not drones.

NATO’s strategic choices

For NATO, the lesson is clear: drones should augment, not replace, legacy weapons. Bronk points to glide bombs such as JDAMs, which cost around $25,000 — far cheaper than a $1 million ATACMS missile — and can destroy bunkers, command posts, and armored vehicles.

Michael Kofman of the Carnegie Endowment reinforced the point: “Those are the advantages that are likely to prove much more significant than being second- or third-mover in the drone fight.”

The bottom line

Drones have changed warfare, but they work best when paired with artillery, missiles, and airpower. As Bronk concluded:

“It is far technically and tactically easier to counter a force that primarily relies on massed, cheap drones … than it is to counter well-employed airpower, long-range fires, armor, artillery and mortars within a professional joint force.”

Russian infantry slipped past Ukrainian defenses around the city of Kupiansk, in Kharkiv Oblast, on or before Tuesday. A Ukrainian tank, presumably from the 116th Mechanized Brigade, rolled right up to the half-demolished building the Russians were sheltering in—and blasted them at point-blank range.

It’s the latest instance of Ukrainian tanks engaging, and defeating, under-supported Russian infantry in a close fight. But it’s an ominous development for Ukraine. The brutal, zero-distance skirmish took place in Kupiansk, a town with a pre-war population of 25,000 and a key strongpoint anchoring Ukrainian defenses just 90 km east of Kharkiv and its millions of residents.

Russian infantry weren’t supposed to appear inside Kupiansk, some 6 km from what most mappers consider the “front line” in Kharkiv Oblast.

The problem, of course, is that the front isn’t really a line anymore. “The reality is that there isn’t a coherent front line,” American analyst Andrew Perpetua explained.

Instead, there’s a wide no-man’s land between areas of clear Russian and Ukrainian control. That no-man’s-land is largely depopulated except for scattered—and carefully concealed—underground fighting positions for a few harried infantry.

Drones are everywhere all the time. Indeed, the drones—their relentless surveillance and attacks—are why the infantry are so spread out and scared. And why the front line is so indistinct.

This new reality defies the traditional language of wartime reporting. Terms like “front line,” “encirclement” and “breakthrough” have largely lost their meaning. Especially considering Ukraine’s desperate manpower shortage. Kyiv’s roughly 130 combat brigades may be short around 100,000 trained infantry.

Thin front line

“The front line is so thinned out that full-scale encirclements in the traditional sense are unlikely to occur again,” the pro-Ukraine Conflict Intelligence Team observed. “Instead, the opposing forces are more likely to ‘slip’ through each other’s positions.”

“The front line is actually relatively porous, and there are often fewer than 10 soldiers defending every kilometer of the front, depending on the terrain,” noted analyst Rob Lee from the Foreign Policy Research Institute in Philadelphia. “Many Ukrainian brigades have adopted a different approach to defense where their infantry deliberately try to avoid engaging.”

Instead of actively fighting, the infantry watch for approaching Russians—and relay the coordinates to nearby drone teams. Where in previous conflicts, drones spotted targets for the infantry, in this conflict the roles are reversed.

The porous front line makes infiltration easier and exploitation harder. To “advance,” Russian regiments can “take two men dressed in cloaks to hide their thermal signature,” Perpetua explained. “They are led by a drone through a specified path, the drone ensuring their security and camouflage.”

“These infantry move up into positions and lie in wait, being resupplied by Molniya [drones],” Perpetua added. “They ambush opportunistically, and kill anyone—namely civilians—who threaten to give away their position.”

“Russia then moves up another pair and another pair and another pair to accumulate forces in exacting, specified positions,” Perpetua wrote. “The entire operation is directed from above, the people involved have no initiative. In some cases, once a route has enough of these small rifle teams, they push forward a larger group of light infantry.”

That Ukrainian tank may have interrupted the Russians in Kupiansk before they could accumulate enough troops secure a lodgement. “Ukrainian defense forces defending in the city have counterattacked the enemy that had penetrated the area several times and pushed the enemy back,” the Ukrainian Center for Defense Strategies reported.

But the Russians have been probing Kupiansk for a while now—and they’re sure to continue as they leverage their manpower advantage over Ukraine’s depleted brigades. “Provided current dynamics of combat operations are maintained, the enemy will be able to capture Pokrovsk by autumn, Kostyantynivka and Kupiansk by the end of the year,” CDS predicted.

Ukraine’s former Commander-in-Chief, now Ambassador to the UK, Valerii Zaluzhnyi, is reportedly positioning for a future presidential bid. American journalist Katie Livingstone claims he has already set up a campaign headquarters in London and begun recruiting a political team.

Speculation about elections is highly sensitive in Ukraine. National voting can only take place once the war ends, and any suggestion of campaigning carries the implication that a post-war transition is on the horizon. At the same time, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is widely seen as determined to hold on to power, making rumors of a challenge from Zaluzhnyi especially explosive.

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Alleged key players in the report

Livingstone, a Pulitzer-nominated freelance reporter based in Kyiv, named several figures tied to the supposed effort:

• General Serhiy Naiev — allegedly leading the London office. His role is contentious: critics blame him for the swift loss of Ukraine’s southern territories in 2022, when Russian forces seized large areas almost without resistance.
• Oksana Torop — Zaluzhnyi’s adviser and former BBC journalist, said to be managing his “media operation.” Torop insists her involvement is limited to handling press contacts.
• Viktoria Syumar — opposition MP from European Solidarity, reportedly handling internal coordination. She has strongly denied the claim.
• Polina Lysenko — deputy director of NABU, Ukraine’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau, and former head of the Center for Countering Disinformation. She was allegedly in charge of international outreach. NABU dismissed the report as stemming from “highly questionable sources.”
• Serhiy Pashynskyi — former head of Ukroboronprom, the state defense conglomerate. A veteran political operator and arms industry figure, he has faced corruption allegations but also emerged as a key wartime supplier.

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Zaluzhnyi’s team pushes back

The ambassador’s advisers have rejected the claims outright. Oksana Torop told NV:

“I only assist Valerii Zaluzhnyi in media contacts. Nothing more.”

She stressed:

“As long as the war continues, we must preserve the country — not think about elections. Therefore, no campaign headquarters exists.”

Other figures mentioned in Livingstone’s report, including Syumar and NABU, also denied any involvement.

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Criticism over his departure

Zaluzhnyi remains one of Ukraine’s most trusted public figures, often polling ahead of Zelenskyy. Yet his move abroad has sparked criticism. Many note that he accepted the ambassadorial post in London as soon as it was offered, a privilege not available to most Ukrainian men, who remain barred from leaving the country during wartime.

For some, this fuels skepticism about his motives—even as others see it as a strategic step by a capable leader preparing for a political future.

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A rival in waiting

Denials aside, Zaluzhnyi’s reputation as a respected military leader and his broad public support keep him in the spotlight. Whether he is actively preparing a campaign or not, he is widely viewed as Zelenskyy’s most serious rival in any post-war election.

Polish prosecutors reported that a military drone of unknown origin likely exploded overnight in a cornfield near the village of Osiny in Lublin Voivodeship, about 100 km from Ukraine, 90 km from Belarus, and just 40 km from Warsaw. The blast, shortly after 2 a.m. local time, shattered windows in nearby houses and scorched an 8–10 meter patch of farmland, but caused no casualties.

The incident comes amid a pattern of Poland scrambling fighter jets almost every time Russia launches major strikes on Ukraine. These flights are intended as a precaution, though they have never resulted in interceptions, since NATO aircraft only act if an object directly threatens alliance territory.

Osiny, lubelszczyzna, ok. 100 km od granicy z Ukrainą. Policja odnalazła nadpalone, metalowe i plastikowe szczątki. https://t.co/tdwN6vQ0cq pic.twitter.com/zz3D7Wmi2V

— 1 Star (@PawelSokala) August 20, 2025

Remains point to Russian-style drone

At the site, authorities recovered burned fragments of metal, plastic, and a drone engine. Journalists from both Ukraine and Poland noted these parts resemble those used in Russian Shahed kamikaze drones.

Defense Express highlighted that investigators found a four-stroke MD550 engine, typical of Shahed drones, though with an unusual muffler—raising questions about whether the drone malfunctioned or lost its way.

Conflicting statements from authorities

Initially, Poland’s Armed Forces stated there were no violations of its airspace from Ukraine or Belarus that night. Later, Lublin prosecutor Grzegorz Trusiewicz said:

“The nature of the explosion shows this object was most likely a military drone. Its trajectory and origin remain undetermined.”

Linked to Russian strikes on Ukraine

The explosion coincided with air raid alerts in Ukraine’s Lviv and Volyn Oblasts. Russia had launched a barrage of drones—estimated at more than 90 Shahed drones—and two Iskander-M ballistic missiles.

In May 2023, a Russian Kh-55 cruise missile carrying a dummy nuclear warhead crashed near Bydgoszcz, 450 km from the Ukrainian border. Initially, officials denied any airspace violation, only later confirming the breach — sparking a domestic scandal.

Similar incidents have also occurred in Romania, Lithuania, Latvia, and Moldova, where Russian drones and missiles have landed since the start of the full-scale invasion. Ukraine has repeatedly warned that such events highlight how Moscow’s air campaign against it also endangers NATO members.

Poland points to Russia

By midday, Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister Władysław Kosiniak‑Kamysz stated the drone was believed linked to Russia.

“Once again, we are dealing with a provocation by Russia. We are dealing with it in a crucial moment, when discussions about peace (in Ukraine) are underway,” he said.

General Dariusz Malinowski added that intelligence pointed to a Russian origin, though the precise intent—malfunction or deliberate incursion—was still uncertain.

Diplomatic fallout

Poland’s Foreign Ministry announced it will send a formal protest note to Russia and brief NATO allies. Spokesperson Paweł Wroński stressed:

“We will inform our allies about this incident. Poland’s airspace is endangered by this war, and this proves NATO states are at risk.”

Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski condemned the event as “another violation of our airspace”, emphasizing that Poland’s foremost NATO mission remains the defense of its territory.

European officials are actively discussing plans to send British and French military personnel to Ukraine as part of security guarantees following any cessation of hostilities, with approximately 10 countries expressing readiness to participate in the initiative.

Bloomberg reports the security package could take shape this week, as officials rush to finalize details before a potential Putin-Zelenskyy meeting initiated by Trump.

But will America participate? President Trump ruled out US boots on the ground, but offered something else – logistics and air support. Not soldiers.

“We’re willing to help them with things, especially — probably you could talk about by air, because there’s nobody that has the kind of stuff we have,” he told Fox News.

Here’s how the European plan would work.

First stage: European troops stationed away from combat zones, focusing on training Ukrainian forces and providing reinforcements. Think military advisors with real backup, not symbolic presence.

Second stage: American intelligence sharing, border surveillance, weapons, and potentially air defense systems. Europe expects the US to keep providing military hardware through European partners, even without direct American deployment.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni also proposed a NATO-like security guarantee—strong allied commitments without actual NATO membership. White House meeting on 18 August gave Trump’s backing for the approach.

Here’s the catch: several European officials remain skeptical about whether any guarantees will actually deter Putin or lead to lasting peace. The plan assumes Russia wants to end the war. That assumption hasn’t been tested.

While European leaders publicly support Trump’s efforts to hold talks with Russia and push for peace in Ukraine, they expect the talks to fail and expose Putin’s true intentions of not willing to end the killings.

 

Today, the biggest news comes from Belarus. President Alexander Lukashenko has openly warned his population to prepare for war, with new brigades being mobilized on the border and the groundwork being laid for rapid mobilization.

In his television address, Lukashenko told Belarusians to prepare for war and difficult times ahead, pushing through legal amendments that would allow martial law and authorize full-scale mobilization far more easily.

New brigades and military mobilization

Concrete moves on the ground are matching this warning. Belarus is forming a new full special operations brigade in Homel, within striking distance of Ukraine’s northern flank.

The brigade is set to receive Russia’s new Oreshnik ballistic missiles alongside advanced air defense and reconnaissance systems, supplementing existing Iskander launchers. This gives Belarus long-range and even nuclear strike capabilities.

Possible invasion scenarios

If Belarus enters the conflict, two main scenarios are in play:

• Northern Front Invasion: A direct push into western Ukraine to sever land supply routes from Poland and NATO states, cutting off Western arms and isolating Ukrainian forces in the east.
• Chernihiv Offensive: A renewed attempt along the 60-kilometer highway to Chernihiv, which Russia tried and failed to take in 2022. Belarusian reinforcements could increase pressure on stretched Ukrainian forces.

Northern Ukraine’s forested terrain would favor Belarusian special forces, making the new brigade a looming warning sign.

Suwalki gap and NATO risks

The second daring scenario is an operation toward the Suwalki Gap, the narrow stretch of land between Belarus and Russia’s Kaliningrad exclave.

Capturing or threatening this corridor would connect Russian and Belarusian forces, splitting NATO’s eastern flank in two.

Notably, a Russian reconnaissance drone recently violated Lithuanian airspace over Vilnius before crashing in a Lithuanian army training ground—suggesting surveillance of NATO infrastructure.

Zapad 2025 military exercises

These potential escalations coincide with the upcoming Zapad 2025 drills between Russia and Belarus, scheduled for September.

Previous Zapad exercises were used to disguise preparations for real operations—most notably in 2021, which set the stage for Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine one month later. Reports already show troop redeployments to training areas that could double as staging grounds.

NATO’s response

The West is taking notice. Germany has redeployed Eurofighter jets to Poland, stationing them east of Warsaw to reinforce NATO’s air policing mission.

Officials emphasize this is a defensive move in direct response to the Zapad drills, meant to strengthen deterrence without escalating to full-scale deployment.

The most serious escalation in years

Overall, Belarus’s preparations mark the most serious escalation on Ukraine’s northern border in over two years.

With Lukashenko’s rhetoric, new nuclear-capable systems, and sweeping legal changes, Minsk is setting the stage for open participation in the war. Whether aiming to cut Ukraine’s western lifelines or challenge NATO directly, the attack could come suddenly and with the element of surprise.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Ukraine’s hryvnia will remain stable around 43.5 per dollar through 2025, Dragon Capital chief economist Olena Bilan said on the “What’s Up with Economy?” podcast this week.

The forecast from Ukraine’s largest investment firm comes as the National Bank actively defends the currency despite ongoing war pressures and mounting labor shortages.

“The National Bank has more room to maneuver and more opportunities to keep the exchange rate more or less stable,” Bilan said. “So it is possible that we will not see any significant shifts by the end of the year.”

According to the Ukrainian Institute for the Future, the central bank sold $3.4 billion in July to support the hryvnia while international reserves fell from $45.1 billion to $43.0 billion. Recent policy moves include expanding the types of government bonds banks can use for reserves and encouraging domestic financing without money printing.

“The main goal of all NBU actions is to bring inflation back to target and keep it there.”

However, Ukraine faces a growing challenge due to its shrinking workforce. “Since 2023, there has been a significant shortage of personnel on the labor market, especially skilled workers, which is pushing wages up,” Bilan warned. Continued mobilization keeps draining workers from the economy, creating wage pressures that threaten price stability.

Economic data shows this tension. Inflation was 14.1% in July with consumer prices falling 0.2% month-on-month, but the NBU raised its 2025 inflation forecast from 8.7% to 9.7% while cutting GDP growth projections from 3.1% to 2.1%.

Dragon Capital’s 43.5 forecast strengthened from earlier projections of 44, reflecting confidence in monetary policy management.

The bigger question is whether Ukraine can maintain this balance between mobilization needs and economic stability as the war continues. Bilan’s cautious optimism suggests 2025 will test both the central bank’s tools and the economy’s resilience.

Why are European leaders backing Trump’s peace negotiations they think will likely prove unsuccessful?

They want Putin’s unwillingness to genuinely end the Ukraine war exposed.

Five diplomats familiar with the discussions revealed to Politico a calculated approach: praise Trump publicly while privately preparing for the talks to reveal Putin’s true intentions.

“It’s clear that if we end up in a situation where Putin proves he doesn’t want to end the war, that will force Trump to act,” one diplomat explained.

The goal? Stronger sanctions when negotiations inevitably stall.

The French president isn’t buying Putin’s peace promises

Emmanuel Macron has become the most vocal skeptic. The same leader who once tried preventing war through diplomatic outreach to Putin now calls the Russian president’s bluff directly.

“Do I think that President Putin wants peace? The answer is no. If you want my deepest belief: No. Do I think that President Trump wants peace? Yes,” Macron said before heading to Washington. “I don’t think that President Putin wants peace. I think he wants the capitulation of Ukraine. That’s what he has proposed.”

A second diplomat confirmed to Politico that allies support the American initiative “not because they necessarily thought it would work but because it will be a clear test of Russian intentions.”

A third diplomat emphasized that security guarantees being developed would help Ukraine “negotiate from a position of strength.”

Meanwhile, Putin’s negotiating demands include:

• Ukraine must abandon its plans to join NATO and adopt a neutral status.

• Lifting or easing of some Western sanctions against Russia, including addressing frozen Russian assets in the West.

• Recognition of Russian sovereignty over Crimea, annexed in 2014.

• Ukraine’s withdrawal from Donetsk, Luhansk oblasts, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts.

• Protection and official status for the Russian language in Ukraine.

• Guarantees for the Russian Orthodox Church Moscow Patriarchate in Ukraine.

• Disarmament of Ukraine, including establishing limits on personnel, weapons, and armed forces.

• Holding new elections in Ukraine under martial law lifted after initial troop withdrawals.

What forced Putin to negotiate in the first place?

Sanctions pressure. European sources point to Washington’s tariffs against India over Russian oil purchases as the turning point. Putin agreed to engage with Trump only after feeling economic squeeze.

The next target? China’s trade with Russia.

But here’s the catch: European officials see current talks as preparation for that pressure campaign, not genuine peace prospects.

One diplomat put it bluntly: “Everyone is going through the motions. But we don’t know what Putin’s end game is. What will motivate Putin to give any concessions? I don’t know.”

Where could Putin-Zelenskyy talks actually happen?

Hungary emerges as one possibility for a Putin-Zelenskyy meeting. Macron proposed Geneva as neutral ground. But venue selection assumes the talks will occur. Growing Russian evasiveness suggests otherwise.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov says Moscow won’t reject talks but insists on preparation “step by step, gradually, starting from the expert level.” Putin suggested hosting a summit in Russia.

Trump already doubts Putin’s sincerity

Europeans adjusted their red lines to work with Trump, softening demands for Russian ceasefire commitments before negotiations.

“There was some hope Trump could change his mind back on the ceasefire issue. That didn’t happen,” a fifth diplomat said, expressing concern over the difference in positions. “But overall it was still a good step towards peace.”

But they’re betting on a bigger prize: Trump’s recognition of Putin’s bad faith.

The American president already shows signs of skepticism.

“We’re going to find out about President Putin in the next couple of weeks,” Trump told Fox News. “It’s possible that he doesn’t want to make a deal.”

That admission gives Europeans what they want: justification for the sanctions escalation they’ve planned all along.

Ukraine’s military intelligence revealed that Russia is actively using an unnamed new drone with cellular communication and remote control capabilities.

The drone functions as a reconnaissance platform, a strike weapon, or a decoy designed to overwhelm Ukrainian air defenses with false targets, according to The Main Intelligence Directorate of Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense.

It can transmit live video through cellular towers and receive remote steering commands via LTE networks.

In strike mode, operators can guide the drone directly onto targets using first-person-view principles—essentially turning it into a manually controlled kamikaze weapon with a human pilot watching through the drone’s camera.

New drone characteristics

Ukrainian analysts describe a delta-wing design similar to the infamous Iranian-designed Shahed-131, though smaller. The resemblance isn’t coincidental because both use the same basic aerodynamic concept that’s proven effective for Russia’s drone swarm tactics.

A jam-resistant satellite positioning system uses four patch antennas paired with Chinese-made Allystar modules. This suggests Russia has specifically designed the drone to operate in electronic warfare environments where standard GPS might be blocked or spoofed.

A DLE engine mounted in the nose section makes the aircraft “most similar to the ‘Italmas’ loitering munition produced by the Russian Zala Group,” intelligence officers noted. But kamikaze drones put them up front since the whole aircraft is meant to crash into targets. This design choice signals the drone can switch between spying and suicide missions as needed.

Where do the parts come from? Nearly half the components trace back to Chinese manufacturers, according to the intelligence assessment. The shopping list includes communication modules, a minicomputer, power regulators, and quartz oscillators—all sourced from China’s commercial electronics industry.

Ukrainian intelligence published a detailed 3D model and component breakdown on the War&Sanctions portal, part of their ongoing effort to document and analyze Russian weapons systems. The technical dissection provides insight into how Russia continues adapting commercial technology for military purposes despite international sanctions.

The emergence of this drone variant highlights Russia’s evolving approach to unmanned warfare—combining proven airframe designs with commercially available communication technology to create more flexible and resilient weapons systems.

 

Commemorating the 1 June raid that destroyed or damaged 41 Russian strategic bombers now signals Ukraine’s growing confidence in deep-strike capabilities that fundamentally shift the strategic balance.

By turning military success into cultural artifacts, Ukraine demonstrates that Russia’s most threatening weapons — aircraft designed to deliver nuclear-capable missiles — are no longer untouchable.

The operation showcased Ukraine’s ability to coordinate precision strikes across vast distances using relatively cheap technology. Using 117 AI-trained FPV drones hidden in truck-mounted containers, Ukraine’s Security Service struck four airbases spanning three time zones: Olenya near the Arctic Circle, Ivanovo northeast of Moscow, Dyagilevo southeast of the capital, and Belaya in Siberia.

The destroyed Tu-95 and Tu-160 bombers, along with A-50 early warning planes, represented roughly one-third of Russia’s strategic bomber fleet — the very aircraft Moscow uses to threaten Ukrainian cities and NATO territory with cruise missiles. Russia invested decades and enormous resources building these strategic assets, only to watch them burn on their airbases.

Since 2022, Ukrainian postal issues have evolved from cultural resistance symbols to strategic communication tools. The famous “Russian warship” stamp and Kerch Bridge commemoratives told stories of defiance. The Spiderweb stamps tell a different story: Ukraine’s growing ability to strike deep into Russian territory.

The stamp set, priced at 150 UAH ($3.62) with first-day covers at 15 UAH ($0.36), will travel worldwide — carrying the message that Ukraine can reach targets Moscow thought safe. Each envelope becomes a reminder that Russia’s threat projection capabilities are shrinking.

The operation demonstrates that Ukraine has developed indigenous capabilities — truck-based mobile launch platforms, AI-guided swarm coordination, and continental-range strike abilities — that complement Western-supplied weapons. For Russia, the raid exposed that geography provides less protection than Moscow assumed.

The postal commemoration ensures this tactical victory becomes part of Ukraine’s strategic narrative — proof that innovation and determination can neutralize even the most expensive instruments of intimidation.

How serious is Russia about peace? While Donald Trump works to arrange a summit between Putin and Zelenskyy to push for a peace agreement, Russian forces launched another wave of attacks against Ukrainian civilians early 20 August morning.

Russian forces fired two Iskander-M ballistic missiles and Iranian-designed 93 Shahed drones across Ukraine, according to Ukrainian Air Force. Ukrainian air defense intercepted one missile and 62 drones, but strikes still hit 20 locations nationwide.

Energy infrastructure targeted in Odesa Oblast

Izmayil, a port city in southern Odesa Oblast, took direct strikes that damaged fuel and energy infrastructure, according to the Odesa Regional Prosecutor’s Office and State Emergency Service.

One person was injured and hospitalized, officials reported. The strikes sparked a massive fire that required 54 rescuers and 16 specialized vehicles to contain. Ukrainian Railways deployed a fire train, while National Guard fire units and local brigades joined the response.

The Izmayil District Prosecutor’s Office opened a war crimes investigation, while prosecutors and police are documenting damage at the scene.

14 civilians injured in Sumy border Oblast

The northern city of Okhtyrka in northeastern Sumy Oblast faced a massive attack that injured 14 people, including three children. Multiple locations were struck simultaneously across the city.

The youngest victim is not even a year old yet. The boy has an acute stress reaction, but there is no threat to his life.

Emergency workers pulled a woman from rubble and transferred her to ambulance crews, according to regional authorities. The strikes damaged an apartment building, 13 private homes, an outbuilding, and a garage. Several cars were destroyed, and fires broke out across impact sites.

Rescue teams extinguished all fires, the State Emergency Service reported. The scale of damage suggests coordinated targeting of residential areas rather than military infrastructure.

Exclusive

Russia’s cozy nuke-proof command vehicle is back in action. Russian industry only produced four or five Ladoga nuclear reconnaissance vehicles. Two wound up in Ukraine.

From ambush to alliance: Zelenskyy-Trump summit hints at revival of “peace through strength. Something fundamental shifted when the man who promised to end Ukraine’s war in 24 hours discovered Putin won’t negotiate in good faith.

Trump–Zelenskyy summit: smiles in Washington, no ceasefire, $ 100bn bill. This Oval Office meeting went better than the last—but the war continues and enforcement remains unclear.

Ukrainian soldier first fought against Russia and then against Ukraine – his story reveals forced conscription in occupation. Ukrainian defenders captured their fellow Ukrainian fighting in Russian uniform who shared that the occupying authorities had threatened him with up to 12 years in prison for allegedly fabricated charges if he did not join killing of his own people on the front lines.

Ukraine builds an army where robots die so soldiers don’t have to. A New York tech CEO is finding the answer to Russia’s three-to-one manpower advantage.

NATO banned weapons to this Ukrainian unit. Now they study its tactics.. Azov went from pariah to the territorial defense case study.

Zelenskyy demands “everything” for security while Trump hints at vague Article 5-like protection. Ukraine wants weapons, troops, and intelligence support. Trump says he will discuss the guarantees with NATO allies later today.

Military

Intelligence and technology

International

Humanitarian and social impact

New developments

Read our earlier daily review here.

In the late 1970s, Soviet officials tapped the Kirovsky Design Bureau in Saint Petersburg to develop a reconnaissance and command vehicle for nuclear warfare: a sealed, self-contained and thickly-armored turret-less tank with remote cameras and its own oxygen supply.

The Ladoga recon and command vehicle wasn’t just nuke-proof. It was also weirdly cozy.

Kirovsky produced just a handful of the tracked vehicles—maybe four or five. One spent some time in the irradiated zone around the nuclear power plant in Chernobyl, in northern Ukraine, following the plant’s catastrophic meltdown in 1986. Aside from another that ended up in a museum, the Ladogas then simply disappeared.

Until March 2024, that is—when a Ukrainian drone spotted, and struck, what appeared to be a Ladoga rolling toward Ukrainian lines near the Kreminna Forest in eastern Ukraine. Seventeen months later, another—or the same—Ladoga appeared at a repair yard somewhere in the Russian occupation zone.

It’s possible half the Ladogas Kirovsky produced—and the majority that aren’t on display or badly irradiated—have made their way to Ukraine.

It’s no secret why. The Kremlin is struggling to generate enough combat vehicles—either through new production or by fetching older vehicles from long-term storage—to make good the loss of new fewer than 22,500 vehicles and other heavy equipment along the 1,100-km front line of Russia’s 42-month wider war on Ukraine.

The “de-mechanization” of what was once arguably the world’s leading mechanized military helps to explain why some very strange vehicles have showed up along the front line. Armored vehicles are much less important in Russian doctrine as front-line regiments have shifted to harder-to-detect infantry and motorcycle assaults.

Rare vehicle of the day? Ladoga gets hit by fpv drone. Once a transport vehicle for VIPs, now a target of FPVs.https://t.co/ZAHs1kJ2M5 pic.twitter.com/MmmKwXlJPA

— Andrew Perpetua (@AndrewPerpetua) March 26, 2024

Vehicular oddities

The de-mechanization of the Russian military doesn’t mean Russia is losing wider war on Ukraine. It does mean the Russian military may struggle to exploit its battlefield victories against manpower-starved Ukrainian brigades. Russian infantry might find gaps in Ukrainian defenses. But there are precious few Russian armored vehicles on hand to rush through the gaps—and drive deep behind Ukrainian lines.

At the same time, unarmored Russian attacks are vulnerable to armored Ukrainian counterattacks. It’s telling that, after a brigade of Russian infantry marched through empty Ukrainian trenches northeast of Pokrovsk in eastern Ukraine a few weeks ago, the infiltrators clung to their 15-km salient only as long as it took a powerful Ukrainian force to mobilize its tanks and other heavy forces for a devastating counterattack.

To whatever extent Russian troops still ride under armor, they increasingly ride in vehicular oddities that, pre-war, resided in museums—or were totally unimaginable. The Ladoga may belong to both categories. It combines the armored hull of a T-80 tank with a 1,250-horespower gas-turbine engine and a voluminous crew compartment seating four or so people in padded armchairs.

The Ladoga has a mast-mounted television camera and a full suite of radios that would have allowed the vehicle to work in a doomsday command role. Imagine Soviet leaders speeding to safety inside a Ladoga, directing their own nuclear forces as NATO’s own nukes rain down.

Now imagine some Russian colonel commanding his battalion from a Ladoga’s cozy interior during an attack on Ukrainian forces around Kreminna or Pokrovsk. Or, equally likely, Russian infantry using the Ladoga as an improvised assault vehicle.

The tiny force of Ladogas got a workout around Chernobyl but never performed its primary role in an atomic apocalypse. Surely no one at Kirovsky imagined an aged Ladoga or two would eventually find a way to the front line of a non-nuclear war in 2024 and 2025.

But then, it’s hard to imagine the engineers in Saint Petersburg 50 years ago could anticipate Russia losing 22,500 armored vehicles in just three and a half years in a war with, of all countries, Ukraine.

The change of atmosphere in the Oval Office could not have been starker. In February, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy walked into what looked like an ambush, facing a hostile President Trump and Vice President Vance. On 18 August, the same office hosted a cordial and businesslike discussion between leaders coming to a common understanding of how to deal with Vladimir Putin’s aggression.

After months of education about Putin’s methods and Trump’s negotiating style—including Trump’s Alaska meeting with Putin that failed to produce the easy peace he had promised—all parties are adopting a more realistic approach away from wishful thinking toward the kind of concerted pressure that may eventually lead to ending Europe’s deadliest war since World War II.

Ukraine’s strategic evolution

The Ukrainian side clearly learned its lessons from the previous hostile encounter. President Zelenskyy expressed gratitude, emphasized that US aid didn’t come as gifts, and avoided contradicting Trump or presenting graphic war imagery that derailed the last meeting.

Instead, he arrived with maps, battlefield assessments, and specific ideas.

His message was clear: although Russia controls about 20% of Ukrainian territory, subtract areas seized in 2014-2015 during Ukraine’s weakness, and Russian gains over three and a half years of full-scale war have been remarkably limited.

Dropping NATO for Article 5-level guarantees

Ukraine made a crucial adjustment by dropping its insistence on NATO membership as the only acceptable security arrangement. This removes a major irritant for Trump and strips Russia of its stated pretext for aggression while opening space for alternative frameworks that could prove equally effective.

The proposed Article 5-level security guarantees from a coalition of 30 countries including NATO and non-NATO members such as Japan, New Zealand and Australia represent serious deterrence and deflate Russian narratives completely.

Ukraine also proved it can make deals. The recent minerals agreement with the United States demonstrated Ukrainian reliability and skill as a negotiating partner. This credibility played an important role in securing a respectful conversation in Washington rather than another steamroller attempt.

Trump’s harder-edged realism

President Trump’s evolution has been equally significant.

Trump expressed irritation with Putin’s duplicity, refused to discuss business opportunities before the war stops, and ordered two US nuclear submarines to “be positioned in the appropriate regions” in response to Russia’s nuclear saber-rattling.

Learning Putin interprets compromise as weakness

Trump appears to have learned what Ukraine discovered long ago: Putin interprets willingness to compromise as weakness. While Trump continues making public overtures toward Putin as part of his deal-making philosophy, his actions tell a different story:

• Weapons deliveries to Ukraine continue, although they’re now being paid for;
• Sanctions remain in place;
• The US participates in the Coalition of the Willing;
• There has been no condemnation of Ukrainian strikes on Russian energy and transport infrastructure that have caused fuel shortages and economic disruption.

This looks like a return to “peace through strength,” though there’s an obstacle to applying it fully. NATO countries have acknowledged they’re not ready for confrontation with Russia and are working to build up their strength in what resembles an exercise of saying “nice doggy” while looking for a stick.

Putin’s shrinking options

Putin finds himself in an increasingly difficult position. Having claimed NATO expansion was Russia’s primary concern, he now faces a situation where Trump has categorically ruled out Ukrainian NATO membership.

If Putin continues rejecting peace talks under these conditions, he loses his victim narrative and reveals himself clearly as the aggressor—exactly what Russia has tried to avoid.

Putin’s manipulation tactics, while still present, appear to be losing effectiveness. His transparent attempts to flatter Trump over the 2020 election and the humiliation of President Biden, plus the Trump portrait given as a gift, represent obvious flattery that seems to be increasingly losing grip.

More significantly, Putin’s refusal to accept Trump’s generous initial concessions demonstrated to the American president that the Russian leader may not really mean what he says.

Economic pressure mounting

Russia’s economy is heading toward recession and stagflation. Russia faces slowing production, high inflation, and high interest rates. While Moscow has managed to escape the Afghanistan effect on its society by recruiting contract soldiers from poorer regions rather than sending young conscripts to the frontline, this strategy has limitations.

Ukrainian long-range strikes disrupting Russian economic activity, plus western sanctions limit Russia’s ability to sustain the strategy for long.

European unity and coalition building

Europe is showing signs of waking up to the new security environment. Despite divisions within the European Union, particularly from countries like Hungary, a core coalition remains committed to maintaining sanctions pressure on Moscow while supporting Ukrainian security, as demonstrated in the 18 August White House meeting.

The European Commission has developed strategic documents to enhance Europe’s defense readiness and devised financial instruments to help build and modernize the European defense industrial base. Ukraine is increasingly involved as Europe’s partner.

Coalition of the Willing structure

Like traditional NATO Article 5 protections, the Coalition of the Willing comprised mostly of Europeans will commit to defending Ukraine according to their capabilities, as President Zelenskyy explained.

Some will provide military contingents, some will give financial support, others could secure Ukraine’s coastline, and still others might handle air defense. This arrangement represents a big step forward from other security arrangements Ukraine has been offered—the 1994 Budapest memorandum or the Ukraine Compact adopted at the NATO Vilnius summit.

The territorial challenge

The territorial question remains the most difficult issue, particularly regarding Crimea and Donbas. Ukraine will never formally recognize Russian sovereignty over the peninsula, but there appears to be growing acceptance that military reconquest is currently impossible.

Russian control of Crimea creates ongoing security threats extending far beyond Ukraine’s borders. Crimea serves as a southern bridgehead that Russia already used to launch its 2022 attack against Ukraine. Continued Russian presence there ensures this threat remains active.

Ukrainian shipping lanes through the Black Sea will remain vulnerable to Russian interdiction from Crimean bases.

Most critically for Western interests, Russian military positions in Crimea place Moscow significantly closer to European NATO members, creating security challenges for the entire alliance.

Ukraine’s European partners have been explicit about their red lines regarding territorial concessions achieved through force. The principle at stake—that borders cannot be redrawn through military aggression—represents a cornerstone of the international order that extends far beyond Ukraine’s specific situation.

The path forward

Recent developments suggest that substantive negotiations between Russia and Ukraine could take place. Putin’s agreement to meet Zelenskyy personally before trilateral talks with the US president, Trump’s willingness to participate in security guarantee discussions, and the emergence of a credible international coalition all point toward more serious diplomacy than we’ve seen since the war began.

But this progress remains fragile. Putin’s track record on agreements is poor, and his refusal to agree to a ceasefire indicates he still favors continued conflict.

Requirements for sustainable progress

The path forward requires sustaining economic and military pressure on Russia while building the strength necessary to enforce any eventual agreement. Sanctions should remain until concrete progress occurs, weapons deliveries to Ukraine must continue, and the coalition of willing nations must finalize security arrangements that will credibly deter future Russian aggression.

After eleven years of war, the possibility of a negotiated settlement finally appears somewhat realistic. Nobody in Ukraine is rosy-eyed about Russian intentions and Putin’s ability to continue inflicting lots of pain.

The stakes extend beyond Ukraine to the future of European and possibly even global security. Failure will invite further challenges from Russia and other authoritarian powers watching closely. Ukraine and its allies and partners must not fail.

When images of Ukraine’s new Flamingo cruise missile appeared, experts quickly pointed out the resemblance to another system.

The War Zone (TWZ) described Flamingo as “extremely similar, if not identical” to the FP-5 made by UAE-based Milanion. Its specifications — 3,000 km range, 950 km/h top speed, a one-ton warhead, and rail-trailer launchers — align almost exactly with Milanion’s brochure. Still, TWZ cautioned that “the exact relationship… is unknown,” leaving room for Ukrainian modifications.

Ukraine’s arsenal has long been defined by shortage. Western aid remains vital but insufficient, while domestic production struggles to match demand. Out of this gap came drones—not as a choice but as a necessity—allowing Kyiv to strike deep despite limited means. The Flamingo now represents a step beyond improvisation toward true strategic weapons.

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A “behemoth” by design

Like the FP-5, Flamingo is no small weapon. Defense Express called it a “behemoth” with a six-meter wingspan and six-ton takeoff weight. Its simple, straight wings make it cheaper to produce but easier to detect.

“The larger the missile, the more noticeable it becomes,” they noted, though they stressed the lack of stealth is “not a critical one.” Ukraine has already used large, non-stealthy Tu-141 drones to strike deep into Russia, proving size is not an automatic disqualifier.

TWZ, however, added a sharper caveat: with “what looks like zero attempts at signature control, the Flamingo is far from immune to interception.” Yet this vulnerability is also part of its logic — a missile that blurs the line with drones, built for mass production and salvos rather than invisibility.

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Fire Point’s bold comparison

Manufacturer Fire Point has gone further than analysts, telling Ukrinform and Kyiv Post that Flamingo is “better than the US Tomahawk.”

“Tomahawks… are outdated. They have absolutely everything worse than today’s Flamingos,” a company representative claimed, adding that Tomahawks are also “five times more expensive.”

On paper, Flamingo outranges most Tomahawk versions, carries more than double the payload, and flies slightly faster. Where Tomahawk still holds an edge is in its proven TERCOM guidance system, which allows it to resist GPS jamming — a crucial factor in Ukraine’s electronic warfare environment.

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Brief historical parallels

The Flamingo is not the first missile of its kind. Its reliance on ground-rail launchers recalls Germany’s V-1 flying bomb of World War II, while its bulk and range echo the US MGM-13 Mace fielded in Europe during the 1950s. More recently, it sits in the same strategic category as Russia’s Kalibr, which has been used extensively against Ukrainian cities.

Each of these weapons marked a shift in reach and destructive power. Flamingo may be Ukraine’s turn at the same playbook.

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Political shock potential

The Telegraph framed Flamingo as more than a technical feat. Vladimir Putin’s political stability, it argued, rests on shielding Moscow and St. Petersburg from devastation.

“The Flamingo could potentially… visit the same sort of destruction on Putin’s core cities as Russian weapons have on those of Ukraine,” wrote Lewis Page. But he cautioned that Flamingo is “essentially just a faster drone” and would need to be deployed in large salvos with decoys to get through Russia’s formidable defenses.

On the eve of Trump–Zelenskyy talks, Ukraine unveiled footage of its new Flamingo missile — 3,000 km range, 1,150 kg warhead, now in mass production and used against targets in Russia.

Defense Minister Shmyhal: “This is very powerful, long-range weaponry — and it’s here.”… pic.twitter.com/N0f8YMgzVB

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 18, 2025

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A symbol of independence

Whether Flamingo changes the battlefield will depend on production scale and its ability to survive modern air defenses. What is certain is that Ukraine now has a weapon that embodies strategic independence: a domestically produced missile, resembling Milanion’s FP-5, but aimed at taking the war much deeper into Russia than ever before.

Chinese refineries have boosted their purchases of flagship Russian crude, taking advantage of discounted cargoes that India refused, while Washington is stepping up trade tariffs against New Delhi, Bloomberg reports. 

India is one of Russia’s main economic partners, after China. Moscow continues to profit from oil supplies to India, accounting for nearly 35% of the country’s imports. Moscow’s energy exports remain its leading source of revenues, which it uses to fund its war against Ukraine.

According to Kpler, in August, Urals crude shipments from the Baltic and Black Sea ports to China averaged nearly 75,000 barrels per day. This is almost twice the year-to-date average of 40,000 barrels per day. At the same time, exports to India fell to 400,000 barrels per day from an average of 1.18 million barrels per day.

Analysts note that Chinese refineries are currently in a favorable position to continue buying Russian oil, unlike their Indian counterparts.

China buying Urals for storage

Data from Kpler and Energy Aspects suggest Chinese refineries have likely purchased 10–15 shipments of Urals for delivery in October–November.

Experts predict that Chinese buyers could acquire more cargoes in the coming days if prices remain attractive.

At present, at least two Urals tankers are idling off the Chinese coast, with several more expected to arrive in the coming weeks. Indian refiners are staying on the sidelines.

Without Chinese purchases, Russian crude may have to be sold at a discount to attract new buyers.

The meeting between Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Donald Trump on 18 August revealed the kind of peace Trump wants to build and the risks that come with it.

He offered “NATO-like” protection for Ukraine without putting Ukraine in NATO. He said Europe would be the first line of defense, and the United States would help.

That sounds strong, but strength in security talks comes from enforcement. If the guarantee has no teeth, it is a headline, not a shield.

Putin rejects ceasefire proposal

The first early test came over a ceasefire. In Alaska, Trump told Vladimir Putin to halt the fighting. Putin refused.

After that, Trump told Zelenskyy that a ceasefire was not required for talks. Europe pushed back:

• Germany said real talks need a truce;
• France called it a necessity;
• Trump still waved it off and said negotiations could run while the war goes on.

That shift matters. Fighting during talks helps the side with more shells, more men, and more time. Russia benefits from that, not Ukraine.

Proposed diplomatic sequence

Trump then laid out a sequence. First, a Zelenskyy–Putin meeting. Then a three-way meeting with Trump. He said Putin suggested this order. Europeans repeated that claim.

Moscow did not confirm a summit. The Kremlin only said it might be worth “raising the level of representatives.” That is not a yes. It is a maybe. It keeps pressure on Kyiv while giving Moscow room to stall.

Territory discussions remain contentious

The hardest question surfaced next: territory. Trump told European leaders they would discuss possible territory exchanges based on the current line of contact.

Zelenskyy said land issues would be handled directly with Putin and that no land was being ceded in advance. He said he was ready to meet in any format and without preconditions.

A June poll showed a majority “strongly opposed to any territorial concessions.” Those numbers limit any deal that trades land for paper promises.

Ukraine’s $100 billion weapons proposal

One new element stood out. Ukraine offered to buy security, not just receive it. Zelenskyy floated a plan to purchase about $90 to 100 bn in US weapons, with Europe helping to finance it. He even pointed to US purchases of Ukrainian drones once exports begin.

This reframes the relationship. Aid becomes sales. The goal is clear: tie US industry to Ukraine’s survival and make support harder to undo.

Trump’s team welcomed the shift and contrasted it with a blank check approach they blame on the last administration. Trump also refused to rule out some limited US role on the ground as part of future guarantees, though he kept details vague and stressed that Europe should carry most of the load.

The enforcement challenge

This is foreign policy as a contract. It could make support steadier in Congress because it looks like jobs and deals. It could also push Europe to budget more for a longer war.

If Russia rejects any force that would actually defend Ukraine, then a “NATO-like” promise without NATO risks looking like the Budapest Memorandum in a new suit. The talking point is different. The outcome could be the same if there is no credible tripwire.

If Russia rejects any force that would actually defend Ukraine, a “NATO-like” promise without NATO is a Budapest Memorandum in a new suit.

Diplomatic choreography and European coordination

The tone at the White House was striking. In February, Trump had confronted Zelenskyy publicly, questioning Ukraine’s war efforts and demanding immediate negotiations.

This time, they smiled for the cameras, projecting calm and unity.

European leaders treated the day like a careful intervention. Analysts called it a “European family intervention” in Washington.

They posed for a “family photo” with Trump and Zelenskyy. They spoke in one voice about a truce and security guarantees. They worked to keep Trump close to positions they could live with. It was stagecraft with a purpose.

International reactions and momentum claims

Supporters of the meeting said it broke a three-year stalemate. NATO’s acting chief thanked Trump for joining a plan to craft real guarantees. Finland’s president said more progress had been made in weeks than in years.

Within Trump’s circle, officials echoed that line. They said the mix of talks and guarantees opened a new path.

This view places a bet on momentum. Get leaders into a room. Put the US seal on a piece of paper. Lock in Europe’s money and industry. Then rely on that web to hold the line if Russia tests it.

It might work if the web is tight and visible. It will fail if the web is loose and hidden.

The credibility test ahead

Here is the core problem to consider: you can design a plan that looks like NATO without NATO. You can write guarantees, appoint monitors, and schedule summits.

Russia said it views that kind of rule as a threat. That means any promise that truly protects Ukraine will anger Moscow.

The United States and Europe must decide if they are willing to stand behind a line that Moscow threatens to test. If the answer is yes, then the “NATO-like” label can mean something. If the answer is no, the label is a slogan.

What the meeting achieved

What, then, did this meeting achieve?

It created an outline. Security guarantees will be drafted. Talks may proceed while the war continues. A Zelenskyy–Putin meeting is being pursued, though Russia has not confirmed it. No ceasefire was agreed. There was no map to a final deal.

The near term will test whether Europe can carry more of the burden and whether Washington will turn sales into a lasting stake in Ukraine’s defense.

It will also test whether Kyiv can keep the public on side if territorial questions come to the table. The polling suggests that trading land for peace is still a red line for many Ukrainians.

That constraint is real. It will shape what any negotiator can sign and sell at home.

Combat bargaining and future challenges

By accepting negotiations while the war continues, Trump has chosen combat bargaining. That is a hard road. It tends to reward the side that can absorb more losses.

If the West wants that road to lead to a fair peace, it needs to shorten the journey. That means:

• Quicker air defenses for cities
• Faster ammunition for the front
• Tighter rules around sanctions leaks
• Clarity with Moscow: if Russia tests a guarantee, the response must be automatic.

The day it is tested is the day it proves its worth. If that is clear, a “NATO-like” plan has a chance to deter. If it is not clear, the war will pause, and then it will resume.

Motion, not movement

In short, Washington produced motion, not yet movement:

• the summit showed better tone and a larger cast;
• it aired a new economic link and a draft promise;
• ye, it did not yet solve the enforcement gap at the heart of any deal.

Until that gap closes, Ukraine will keep fighting while diplomacy tries to catch up. That is the reality after 18 August.

It is not defeat. It is not victory. It is the start of a longer test that will measure the will of Europe, the steadiness of the United States, and the patience of the Kremlin.

A relative of a State Duma deputy from the party of Russian ruler Vladimir Putin has died in the war in Ukraine. According to the pro-Kremlin outlet RBC, Oleksandr Milonov, brother of “United Russia” party’s deputy Vitaly Milonov, serving in Luhansk Oblast has been eliminated by Ukrainian troops.

He had volunteered for reconnaissance with the so-called “LNR”, the Russian-backed entity illegal in Ukraine. 

Death of a relative of a Putin deputy in Donbas

Oleksandr Milonov had been fighting against Ukraine for over a year. During the battles, he was wounded and transferred to medical service, another Russian propaganda outlet Fontanka reports. However, it is reported that his injuries “caused a sudden deterioration in his health.”

Funeral in Saint Petersburg

After being wounded, Milonov was hospitalized, but his condition worsened, and he died. His funeral took place on 19 August at a cemetery in the Pushkin District of Saint Petersburg.

Since the beginning of 2025, Russia’s war has killed four humanitarian workers and wounded 32 in Ukraine, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

“Over 100 attacks on humanitarian activity”

More than 100 incidents have been recorded in which humanitarian staff, offices, and property were affected, reflecting the growing risks faced by aid workers trying to help those in need, the UN statement says.

Two of the fatalities occurred while staff were carrying out their duties.

Worst year on record for humanitarian work

In 2024, more than 380 humanitarian staff worldwide were killed or injured, which is the highest figure ever recorded in humanitarian statistics. The UN warns that 2025 could be even worse.

Civilian casualties: worst figures since 2022

In July alone, the UN Monitoring Mission documented 286 civilians killed and 1,388 injured — the deadliest month since May 2022.

Since the start of Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, the UN has documented at least:

• 13,883 civilians killed, including 726 children,
• 35,548 wounded, including 2,234 children.

The UN stressed that Ukrainian civilians and humanitarian workers live under constant threat of attacks and destruction of critical infrastructure.

Ukraine strikes the heart of Russia’s funding machine of war. In August 2025, Ukrainian drone attacks hit Russian refineries, halting at least four major plants and depriving Russia of about a seventh of its refining capacity, The Moscow Times reports.

Drones paralyze key refineries

• On 2 August, a UAV strike stopped Novokuibyshevsk Refinery of Rosneft with a capacity of 8.3 million tons per year.
• On 11 August, the Saratov Refinery, producing 5.8 million tons of oil was hit.
• On 15 August, drones paralyzed Volgograd Refinery of Lukoil, generating 14.8 million tons of oil and Samara Refinery of Rosneft, which brings 8.5 million tons of oil.

Additionally, half of Ryazan Refinery’s capacity of Rosneft, which produced 6.9 million tons of oil was halted on 2 August. Over three weeks, Russian refineries lost 44.3 million tons of annual capacity—about 13.5% of the country’s total.

Sanctions complicate repairs

Repairs at Ryazan and Novokuibyshevsk refineries will take around a month. Samara Refinery is expected to remain offline at least until the end of August. Energy Minister Sergey Tsivilyov has explained that EU sanctions have delayed delivery of necessary equipment.

“For example, a four-month repair was planned, but some equipment was delayed or not delivered,” he said.

Gasoline prices hit record highs

Due to the lack of refined oil, Russia is facing a new gasoline shortage. Prices for A-92 and A-95 fuels have risen 40% and 50% respectively since the start of the year, reaching historical records of 71,970 and 81,337 rubles per ton. Analysis shows that Ukraine’s drone strikes not only hit Russia’s economy but also undermine the Kremlin’s ability to finance its war machine. Earlier, Euromaidan Press reported that the Druzba pipeline, Russia’s key oil export artery to Europe, fully halted operations following a Ukrainian drone strike that disabled a key pumping station. The Ukrainian General Staff officially confirmed the pipeline’s shutdown, marking a major blow to Russia’s fuel exports, and a hard cutoff for its EU clients, including Hungary and Slovakia.

Russia has turned stolen Ukrainian grain into a global business. Moscow is selling so-called “Russian” wheat in 70 countries, including Egypt, Turkiye, and Iran, according to the Center for National Resistance.

Kyiv has recently revealed that Russia owns 42 ships transporting stolen Ukrainian grain and coal. Every ship carrying oil or grain brings Moscow’s more funds to support its military operations. The Ukrainian Intelligence says that over 1,000 ships and 155 captains are involved in transporting weapons and stolen goods from temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories. 

Russia is stealing Ukrainian wheat from occupied Luhansk, Donetsk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts. Ukrainian officials estimate that by 2025, Russia has illegally exported around 15 million tons of grain, mostly wheat, from these territories.

“In the new season, the Kremlin is again trying to maintain its market dominance—at the expense of temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories,” says the Center for National Resistance. 

Russia collects and exports wheat from occupied Ukrainian lands under the guise of Russian origin.

“This is large-scale grain plundering—a crime for which all involved will be held accountable, from officials to international intermediaries,” adds the agency. 

Previously, Euromaidan Press reported that Ukraine plans to appeal to the EU to impose sanctions on Bangladeshi companies importing wheat from Russian-occupied territories. Intelligence reports indicate that over 150,000 tons of such grain have already been shipped from the Kavkaz port.

The Ukrainian embassy has sent multiple notes to Bangladesh’s Foreign Ministry requesting the rejection of shipments containing stolen grain, but officials in Dhaka have ignored these appeals.

Ukrainian soldier Pavlo Pshenychnyi fought Russian-backed forces in Donetsk Oblast in 2019. Six years later, he found himself fighting for Russia against his own countrymen, while Russia launched an explicit full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

How does a Ukrainian war veteran end up in enemy uniform? The answer reveals Russia’s systematic transformation of occupied territories into military recruitment grounds, where residents face a brutal choice: prison or the front lines. And often prison is not something that’s deserved but rather inflicted through fabricated charges and threats.

Pshenychnyi’s account, given in an interview with Ukrainian news agency Hromadske after his capture by Ukraine’s Freedom battalion, exposes the machinery behind Russia’s forced conscription in occupied areas.

His story traces a path from Ukrainian defender to unwilling Russian soldier—a journey thousands may be forced to take if Russia continues to grab new territories.

Before the full-scale invasion: he fights against the Russians

Why did Pshenychnyi join Ukraine’s military in 2018? Simple economics.

“There was no work,” he told Hromadske. His uncle knew someone at the military commissariat who mentioned openings for drivers with commercial licenses.

“Work is work—what’s the difference where you work?” Pshenychnyi reasoned.

His original enlistment in the Ukrainian army had nothing to do with patriotism or defending his homeland. It was purely economic necessity.

Pshenychnyi signed his contract in October 2018. By November, he was manning positions near Avdiivka, where he could see both Donetsk airports from his post. The war felt manageable then. Until 24 February 2019.

That day, Ukrainian snipers from nearby Pisky killed two Russian soldiers, exposing Ukrainian positions. A week later came the response. A Russian sniper’s bullet found Pshenychnyi’s back, killing his fellow soldier Serhiy Luzenko instantly.

Pshenychnyi survived, crawled to safety, and eventually made it home to southern Kherson Oblast with a disability certificate and two military medals.

He thought his war was over.

Ukrainian veteran monitored by Russian occupiers 

When Russian forces occupied Kalanchak, Kherson Oblast, in February 2022, neighbors quickly identified the local veteran.

“These are good neighbors,” Pshenychnyi said with bitter irony. “Although they’re not very good.”

The first occupiers weren’t even Russian but mostly Dagestanis and other nationalities who barely spoke Russian. They knew enough to search his apartment and confiscate his veteran documents, disability certificate, and medals.

What followed was routine intimidation. New occupying units rotated through monthly, each making their presence known.

“They’d come in on their wave, might hit or not hit, walk around the house, stomp around, look around,” Pshenychnyi recalled. “I was constantly in their field of view.”

During one visit, with his newborn daughter sleeping nearby, Russian soldiers fired two shots into his ceiling. Their message was clear: “You killed our people there.”

Failed attempts to run away with wife and infant

Could Pshenychnyi’s family escape? They tried twice.

The first attempt came eight months after his daughter’s birth in June 2022. At the Russian border, guards turned them back. The child had only a medical document from the hospital—no official birth certificate that Russian authorities would accept.

Six months later, Russian police and child services began visiting. They questioned why the child lacked Russian documents and who the parents were to her.

“They even wanted to take the child—just take her and take her somewhere,” Pshenychnyi said.

Terrified of losing their daughter, his wife obtained Russian birth papers for the child. They tried leaving again, this time through Lithuania. But Lithuanian border guards saw the mismatch: Ukrainian passports for the parents, Russian birth certificate for the child. Again, turned back.

They were stuck.

Fabricated drug charges become pathway from prison to front lines

In September 2024, police arrived claiming someone had stolen tools and appliances in the village. They’d heard a truck had delivered items to Pshenychnyi’s house the day before. Could they search?

While Pshenychnyi opened his first basement room for inspection, officers positioned themselves near the second room. “While I was opening the second one, they were already shouting: ‘Oh, found everything. No need to search anymore!'”

What did they find? “They pulled out a huge bag of grass, marijuana, brought it into the house,” Pshenychnyi recalled.

Two witnesses emerged from the police car right on cue.

He believes they planted evidence to simply force him into Russian service.

The trial stretched from late 2024 to 29 May 2025. Pshenychnyi faced 12.5 years in prison. But as the judge finished reading the sentence, military commissariat officials entered the courtroom.

“That’s it, here’s your prison. You’re going to the army,” they announced.

Former prisoners train new Russian recruits in deliberately brutal conditions

What’s Russian military training like for forced conscripts? Deliberately brutal.

At the Makiivka training facility, former prisoners, who were pardoned in exchange for surviving combat, served as instructors. These “Storm Z” veterans had already proven themselves expendable and lived to tell about it.

Training focused on basic assault tactics: how to storm buildings, shoot between ruins, apply tourniquets, spot tripwires. But the real lesson was endurance. Twenty-kilometer daily marches in extreme heat, minimal water rations, constant physical stress.

“They don’t give water during walking so you don’t die without water,” Pshenychnyi explained. The logic was twisted but clear: condition soldiers for the deprivation they’d face at the front.

Who else trained alongside him? A mix that revealed Russia’s recruitment desperation. Some volunteers who’d fought in 2014’s separatist militias. Alcoholics who’d signed contracts while intoxicated and didn’t remember agreeing. Residents from other occupied territories facing similar forced choices.

Many were HIV-positive former prisoners serving 20-plus year sentences, identifiable by red armbands on their left arms. Several died during training from heart attacks because their bodies accustomed to Siberian cold couldn’t handle the sudden heat and physical demands.

The most desperate cases served as human mine detectors. Russia would strip reluctant soldiers of body armor and weapons, point to a target, and promise equipment back if they survived the approach.

Among the most shocking elements were the foreign fighters—Somalis and others who displayed an almost inhuman indifference to casualties. Pshenychnyi witnessed this firsthand when a group of 10 Somali fighters walked ahead of his unit.

“Such people that I don’t know what could be told to them that they go like that,” Pshenychnyi said, struggling to explain their behavior.

When a mortar shell killed one of the Somalis directly in front of the group, the others simply stepped around the body and continued their advance without pause or emotion.

“That’s it, he’s dead. They bypassed him, they went further. And generally they don’t care,” he said. “They go specifically there to do the task. That’s it.”

Russian commanders leave wounded soldiers to rot in trenches

After six weeks of training, Pshenychnyi received deployment orders. Officials confiscated phones, bank cards, anything connecting soldiers to their previous lives. Then came the trip to Avdiivka in Donetsk Oblast.

The supply situation was immediately clear.

“They gave very little water – for three people per day maximum one and a half liters, and not always full,” Pshenychnyi said.

Soldiers near villages or rivers could sometimes find additional sources. Those in remote forest positions simply went without.

What were their orders? Hold positions 250 meters apart across forest strips. Shoot anyone approaching unless radio communications specifically cleared their movement.

Russian commanders showed little concern for soldier welfare. Pshenychnyi described radio communications where a territorial defense commander threatened troops under mortar fire:

“I’ll shoot you myself, I’ll get you out of the tank now and shoot you… if you don’t continue movement.”

Wounded soldiers received no evacuation.

“If you’re wounded, you have only one way. Either not to be wounded, or better immediately dead. Because you’ll rot in landings and you won’t have evacuation,” Pshenychnyi explained.

Freedom battalion fighters shocked to capture fellow Ukrainian veteran fighting for Russia

When Ukrainian Freedom battalion fighters approached their forest position near Avdiivka, Pshenychnyi and his partner were following standard orders: shoot anyone who approached their sector unless radio communications specifically cleared them.

His partner immediately grabbed his rifle and aimed at the approaching figures. But Pshenychnyi quickly assessed their situation—they were surrounded and outgunned.

“Put down the rifle, why will all this shooting start now?” he told his companion, recognizing the futility of resistance. “What can I do if they’re already standing with rifles? I won’t even have time to take it, whether they’re ours or not, whoever they are.”

Initially, Pshenychnyi couldn’t tell who was approaching their trench. “Well, maybe ours, maybe they’re coming from somewhere. Russians, I think, what’s the difference?” he recalled thinking.

The soldiers called out something, but he couldn’t immediately recognize their identification marks. Only when he got a clear view of their uniforms did recognition dawn.

“Then I look, pixel camouflage, I say: ‘Oh, Ukraine, give us water!'” he called out.

The Ukrainian soldiers were shocked to discover they’d captured a fellow veteran. One asked directly:

“What do you think your guys you fought with since 2014 would say if they found out you’re here now?”

The way Ukrainian soldiers treated Pshenychnyi as a prisoner of war (POW) surprised him.

“I imagined that I would sit there tied up somewhere, and here it’s completely different. And they give food… And they brew coffee,” he shared. “I was glad that I surrendered—otherwise in a few days I would have simply died of dehydration.”

More people in occupation face forced conscription if Russia is not stopped

How many others face Pshenychnyi’s dilemma? His account suggests thousands.

The recruitment system extends beyond fabricated criminal cases. All men under 30 in occupied territories face conscription for military service in Russia. Some serve domestically, others get sent to combat zones.

Those who initially refuse face calculated deception. They’re allowed to live normally at base for weeks, even permitted shopping trips. Just when they think they’ve escaped combat duty, orders arrive: join the assault units or face consequences.

When asked about the common saying among Ukrainians that “if you don’t serve in your own army, you’ll serve in someone else’s,” Pshenychnyi’s response was stark:

“That’s how it will be. If they capture territories, then there will be no choice for anyone, like here.”

Can residents of occupied territories avoid this fate? Pshenychnyi’s assessment left little hope: “There will be no choice at all.”

Russia isn’t just occupying Ukrainian territory. It’s systematically converting Ukrainian citizens into weapons against their own country, using fabricated criminal cases, manipulations and threats to families. 

Ukraine’s new Flamingo cruise missile, developed by the defense technology company FirePoint, has been deployed in combat and used against targets in Russia, according to reports from ZN.ua. The domestically produced missile has a flight range exceeding 3,000 km and carries a 1,150 kg warhead.

Flamingo combat launches shown in exclusive video

ZN.ua reports that it received exclusive footage from FirePoint showing both test and combat launches of the Flamingo missile. 

The videos reveal the missile being launched in a training environment and then in actual battlefield conditions, targeting sites inside the Russian Federation.

According to ZN.ua, the missile has already been used in combat for some time, and the provided footage shows that it successfully struck designated targets on Russian territory. These claims are presented by the company through the video documentation given to the outlet.

Developed in secret forest-based workshops and now scaling up

The production and testing of the Flamingo missile reportedly took place in protected facilities located in the Carpathian forests. ZN.ua states that FirePoint conducted successful test launches several months ago. After those trials, the missile entered serial production. The company is now scaling up manufacturing and expanding production capacity.

During development, FirePoint focused on three main parameters: maximum range, large warhead capacity, and rapid deployment from compact platforms. ZN.ua reports that FirePoint says all three objectives were successfully achieved in the current version of the missile.

Key specs: over 3,000 km range and 1,150 kg warhead

Militarnyi reports that, according to FirePoint, the Flamingo has a flight range of over 3,000 km and carries a 1,150 kg warhead. A company representative told Ukrinform that the missile’s top speed reaches 950 km/h. The company also claims that the missile is protected against Russian electronic warfare systems.

The video shows that Flamingo uses a small solid-fuel booster for initial thrust and altitude gain, followed by a jet engine for sustained cruise. Launches are conducted from small mobile platforms, allowing for fast setup and increased operational flexibility.

FirePoint also produces FP-series long-range drones

FirePoint is also the manufacturer of the FP-series drones. According to Militarnyi, the company is now actively scaling the Flamingo project alongside its drone production. FP-1 drones have been used against targets in Russia since at least 2024. 

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy openly challenged a territorial map presented in the Oval Office during his 18 August meeting with US President Donald Trump and several European leaders, arguing that the displayed 20% figure of Russian-occupied Ukrainian territory was misleading. Zelenskyy insisted that during the first 1000 days of full-scale war, Russian forces had actually taken only around 1% of Ukraine’s land. 

Zelenskyy to Trump and allies: Russia took 1% in 1000 days, not 20%

Zelenskyy said the US-prepared map overstated Russian gains and distorted global perceptions of Ukrainian military strength. According to him, the real figures painted a very different picture, Suspilne reported.

“People think 20% or 18%, but it was up to 1%,” he said, explaining that “this slightly changes the balance of how strong Russia’s army is and how strong Ukraine’s army is.” He emphasized that Ukraine’s priority remained “truth and reality.”

Speaking to reporters after the summit, Zelenskyy described the exchange over the map as “slight disagreement,” but noted that the conversation was “warm, good, and substantive.” He said both sides brought their own versions of battlefield maps to the Oval Office. 

Zelenskyy also argued that the occupation of territories like Crimea and parts of eastern Ukraine in 2014 did not result from conventional military clashes.

“There were no military operations, for example, in Crimea—no large-scale ones,” he said. “So you cannot say that such a large part was occupied over that period because Russia had a strong army.”

According to Liga, Zelenskyy stressed that explaining when and how each part of Ukrainian territory was seized was essential for helping allies like the US understand battlefield shifts. He noted that such discussions were long but necessary for an accurate joint understanding.

Sensitive territorial issues off-limits to Western allies, Zelenskyy says

Zelenskyy made it clear that any negotiations regarding Ukrainian territory will take place solely between him and Russian dictator Vladimir Putin.

“We’ll leave the question of territories between me and Putin,” he said, according to Liga.

He added that Trump “heard and saw” the important information, presented by the Ukrainian side.

“That’s why the issue of territories is one that we will leave between me and Putin,” he repeated.

Trump-Zelenskyy meeting

As reported by BBC and others, the Oval Office meeting on 18 August included leaders from across Europe, among them UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, French President Emmanuel Macron, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, Finnish President Alexander Stubb, and NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte. The leaders discussed security guarantees for Ukraine, military aid, and future diplomatic steps.

Following the summit, Trump phoned Putin and said the US was preparing for a possible trilateral summit involving Washington, Kyiv, and Moscow. According to Zelenskyy, such a meeting would follow any bilateral contact between the US and Russia.

“We are ready for bilateral with Putin,” Zelenskyy said outside the White House fence.

He confirmed that no date had been set for those talks but said that discussions were ongoing.

Macron said European forces may join peacekeeping operations in Ukraine and warned that peace talks could not be delayed for weeks or months. Merz compared Russia’s territorial demands to forcing the US to surrender Florida. Meanwhile, EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen called again for Russia to return abducted Ukrainian children.

Meanwhile, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio told Fox News that territorial compromises from both sides may be necessary to end the war.

Russian ruler Vladimir Putin has proposed holding a meeting with US President Donald Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in Moscow, Agence France-Presse reports. According to one source, Zelenskyy has declined to travel to Russia’s capital.

Editorial: The summit that peacewashed genocide

 

Negotiations without preconditions

On 18 August, Ukrainian President Zelenskyy arrived at the White House, where he was welcomed by US President Trump. The leaders first held a bilateral meeting in the Oval Office, followed by talks with European leaders and NATO’s Secretary General Mark Rutte. 

The discussions focused on security guarantees for Ukraine, details of which remain largely undisclosed, though they may include a $90 billion US package for air defense systems and aircraft.

Zelenskyy stated that he is ready for a bilateral meeting with Putin without any preconditions.

Russia does not reject talks

Following the meetings, Trump announced that preparations had begun for a potential meeting between Zelenskyy and Putin. He later called Putin directly, TASS reports. Subsequently, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov declared that Russia does not refuse either bilateral or trilateral negotiations with Ukraine regarding peace.

Russia has concentrated 100,000 troops on Ukraine’s Pokrovsk front in Donetsk Oblast. According to experts, this number is enough to attack a European country. However, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine Oleksandr Syrskyi says that Russian forces attempting to advance in the sector lost their momentum after Ukrainian counteractions, RBC reports. 

Russia’s “thousand cuts” tactic

According to Syrskyi, Russia has been employing the tactic of “a thousand cuts” — advancing with small assault groups across a broad front. Recently, the occupiers managed to push 10–12 km deep. However, the situation changed after the elite units were redeployed.

“We cleared settlements and key areas, and the enemy’s victorious mood turned into despair. Their social media posts once had the tone of ‘forward, victory,’ but now it’s ‘surrounded, the end,’” Syrskyi stresses.

Ukrainian counteractions and Russia’s failure in Sumy Oblast

Ukrainian troops continue clearing villages in the Pokrovsk direction, including with the use of robots with machine guns with by the 93rd Separate Mechanized Brigade. 

In the Sumy Oblast, Syrskyi notes, Russian forces has also suffered a major setback.

“There was a Russian grouping there composed of their best units — airborne troops, marines, and motor rifle brigades. Yet Russia has had no success in the past two months,” he underlines.

Weapons of the future

Syrskyi emphasizes that the top priority for Ukraine’s armed forces now is drones and robotic systems.

“First and foremost, we are talking about aerial drones, especially those with elements of artificial intelligence. In addition, this year 15,000 ground robotic platforms of various types will enter service,” he said.

Commenting on Kremlin claims that Russia could fight for “three, five, or ten more years,” Syrskyi concluded: “I think that’s just bravado.”

On 19 August, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced that Ukraine’s security guarantees are expected to be formalized on paper within the next 7–10 days. Speaking at a briefing in Washington, he said the document will include a US weapons package worth $90 billion.

At the same pace of weapons supply, this funding could last for 4.5 years of military support in the event of a new attack.

“Security guarantees will be coordinated with our partners and officially signed in the near future,” Zelenskyy stressed.

He noted that the second key element of the guarantees is an American defense package worth $90 billion, which includes aircraft, air defense systems, and other weaponry. He added that more details on the future agreements will emerge daily.

Zelenskyy emphasized that Ukraine does not need a “pause in the war,” but real peace. He highlighted the important role of the US in the process.

“Washington is sending a clear signal that it will be among the countries helping to coordinate and participate in Ukraine’s security guarantees. This is a significant step forward,” he said. 

After the meeting with US President Donald Trump, which Zelenskyy called “the best” he ever had, he also stated that Ukraine is ready for any format of meeting with Vladimir Putin.

What else is known?

• During Putin’s conversation with Donald Trump, Russia proposed holding a bilateral meeting with Kyiv first, followed by a trilateral one with the US,
• The issue of territories will be settled directly between Ukraine and Russia,
• During a lengthy discussion with Trump, they reviewed a map of temporarily occupied territories,
• An agreement was reached with the US on the purchase of drones for Ukrainian forces.