Kyiv woke up to horror on 31 July after a night of massive Russian drone and missile strikes. In one of the war’s most dramatic and heartbreaking stories, 23‑year‑old Veronika miraculously survived being blown out of her ninth‑floor apartment when a Russian Iskander missile struck a residential building in the Sviatoshyn district. Sixteen people have been confirmed dead so far, and rescue operations continue.

After more than three years of war, as peace talks remain stalled, Russia is intensifying attacks on civilians. Ukrainian cities are increasingly vulnerable despite extensive air defense efforts – a reality Kyiv experienced again during this latest overnight assault.

Thrown from the 9th Floor – and survived

As rescue teams combed through the rubble, the story of Veronika stunned even experienced emergency workers.

“I heard an explosion, and a second later I was on the ground,” she told Ukrainian TV channel 1+1.

The blast was so strong it hurled her – still in bed – straight out of her ninth-floor window. She landed outside the building with a broken leg, a concussion, and severe shock. Doctors described her survival as “nothing short of a miracle.”

Hospital director Serhiy Dubrov told Reuters:

“It’s extraordinary. Falling from the ninth floor and sustaining only relatively minor injuries… But she is in deep psychological distress and does not yet know the fate of her parents.”

Her parents were later confirmed dead, their bodies recovered from the debris.

Night of terror in Kyiv

While Veronika’s survival is extraordinary, the wider destruction across Kyiv is overwhelming.

The missile that destroyed her building was part of a massive overnight Russian attack. One Iskander missile evaded air defenses and hit the high‑rise in Sviatoshyn, collapsing an entire section.

• At least 16 people are confirmed dead, including two children.
• More than 130 are injured, 14 of them children.

Mayor Vitali Klitschko said it was “the highest number of injured children in one night in Kyiv since the start of the full‑scale war.”

Reuters and ABC News published the moment of Russian strikes on Kyiv overnight on 31 July

As a result of the attack, 16 people were killed and 155 were injured, including 16 kids. Rescue operations in Kyiv are still ongoing

ABC pic.twitter.com/4KGmJpujvd

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 31, 2025

Day of mourning

1 August has been declared a day of mourning in Kyiv. Flags will be lowered, and memorial events will be held.

But as many Ukrainians quietly admit, in a country under everyday bombing, every day is a day of mourning.

Ongoing rescues

Rescuers worked through the morning, often tunneling through concrete to reach survivors. A man trapped between floors was freed after three hours, and several others were pulled out alive.

A five-month-old baby was also wounded. “The Russians hit her directly,” said Tymur Tkachenko of the Kyiv City Military Administration.

Victims and damage

Among the dead are:

• 6-year-old karate student Matvii Marchenko
• Senior police lieutenant Liliya Stepanchuk

The strike damaged more than 100 sites across Kyiv, including schools, kindergartens, hospitals, and a mosque. Other districts reported burning cars, shattered windows, and collapsed buildings.

Scale of the Attack

According to Ukraine’s Air Force:

• Russia launched 309 Shahed drones and 8 cruise missiles overnight.
• 288 drones and 3 missiles were intercepted.
• Five missiles hit their targets, including the deadly strike in Kyiv.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy wrote:

“Missile strike. Direct hit on a residential building. People are under the rubble.”

A glimmer of hope

As rescue teams continue to clear debris, Veronika’s miraculous survival has become a symbol of resilience amid devastation.

From the ninth floor to the ground – she lived. But Kyiv, once again, pays a terrible price.

A Ukrainian grenadier survived alone for days behind Russian positions and returned alive with a captured Russian soldier. The 54-year-old fighter — a construction worker from Vinnytsia Oblast —endured injuries, fear, and isolation before making it back.

Cut-off Ukrainian grenadier survives strike and isolation

Texty reports that the Ukrainian grenadier, a sergeant named Pavlo with the call sign Did (“Grandpa”), described how a mission went wrong when his squad came under heavy attack. Five soldiers from the 107th battalion were moving toward their positions on 5 November 2024 when a series of enemy munitions hit close to the trenches. He jumped out of the vehicle and was knocked unconscious by a blast. When he woke up, he realized a fragment had entered near his jaw, his arm was torn and bleeding, but his legs were intact. He wrapped his wounds with a first aid kit and checked his surroundings.

The forest was silent. The rest of the squad and the vehicle were gone. He found the wreck of their transport later, around 200 meters away, smashed by strikes. He later learned that evacuation vehicles had taken away the wounded and the dead. A fallen soldier was mistaken for him in the confusion. Alone, with no radio, he hid in a dugout as Russian artillery and drones worked the area.

Fear, thirst, and survival in the forest

Did decided not to move during the night because the darkness was absolute. The next day, Russian shelling started again. He waited, knowing that only daylight offered any chance of finding a way out. During this time, he drank water he found on the position and discovered a pack of cigarettes, which kept him calm.

The unexpected surrender

While hiding in the dugout, he suddenly heard someone calling in Russian: “Is anyone here?” At first, he thought it could be one of his own, but the accent gave the man away. He answered, “Yes, yes! Come in!” with his weapon ready.

A tall Russian soldier, close to two meters, came in shouting that he wanted to surrender. The grenadier, much shorter, let him in and sat him in a corner, suspecting a trap and glancing outside in case more Russians appeared.

The man explained he was a recruited convict, wounded and concussed, and that their positions had been left without food or water. Weak and desperate, he decided to give himself up.

Escape and return with a captive

By evening it was almost dark, and he knew it was time to try to return. Moving was difficult because the captured Russian walked slowly and was hard of hearing after the blast. The sergeant worried that the constant loud talking would give them away. At one point, he even thought about shooting him to avoid being exposed, but he could not do it. They walked about three kilometers through the forest. Luck was on their side that night, as shelling slowed and Russian troops seemed distracted.

On 30 July, Kyiv’s Zhytnii Market in the historic Podil neighborhood was officially added to the “List of newly identified cultural heritage objects of Kyiv city.”

The order granting heritage status was signed by Marina Soloviova, director of the Department of Cultural Heritage Protection of the Kyiv City State Administration, according to the KMDA website.

The decision reportedly came through collaborative efforts involving activists, capital preservationists, the professional heritage protection team of the Cultural Heritage Protection Department, and the Advisory Council on Cultural Heritage Protection issues.

“The decision was made possible thanks to the work of activists, capital monument protectors, the professional monument protection team of the Department of Cultural Heritage Protection and the Advisory Council on Cultural Heritage Protection,” director of the Department of Cultural Heritage Protection of the KMDA, Marina Soloviova, said.

With this designation, Zhytnii Market now falls under the provisions of Ukraine’s Law “On Protection of Cultural Heritage” and protective measures defined by legislation.

Architectural significance and current state

Zhytnii, which translates as “rye,” spans 11,000 square meters across one of Europe’s largest covered markets. The Soviet-era modernist structure, built in 1980, features an engineering design with a curved glass roof suspended by cables from support columns rather than resting on walls.

The market sits on a site used for trade since medieval times. During construction, archaeological treasures from the time of Kyiv’s founding were discovered. However, the municipally-owned building hasn’t undergone proper renovation since construction, leaving the uniquely designed structure with a deteriorated appearance.

Battle for the market’s future

In 2025, Zhytnii Market celebrated its 45th anniversary amid recurring proposals for demolition or reconstruction. In January, Kyiv City Council registered a draft decision proposing the market’s sale.

Hennadii Kryvoshei, head of the Public Council under KMDA, said market management has driven it to unprofitability over the past 15 years. Now, during martial law, authorities plan to sell it at a reduced price, though the historic object could generate city profits after capital repairs.

Two parties have been fighting for the market’s fate over the past year: the restaurateur and social activist known for his efforts to promote and revive authentic traditional Ukrainian cuisine, Yevhen Klopotenko and investment company Inzhur.

According to Khmarochos publication, Klopotenko proposes granting architectural heritage status to protect the market from demolition, then creating a public organization involving experts and public figures with necessary experience and desire to restore Zhytnii. He suggested conducting repairs in stages without closing the building long-term, continuing to use premises for their intended purpose while renovation work proceeds.

Inzhur has invested over 100,000 euros ($114, 124) of its own funds, engaging international consulting company Colliers to formulate a revitalization concept and business model. Under Inzhur’s project, the building’s exterior appearance would be preserved while using modern, energy-efficient materials for renovation.

Russia has started using jet-propelled Shaheds in its war on Ukraine, Militarnyi says. Russia used at least eight of these Geran-3 drones during the 30 July attack in that strike from the north.

Jet-propelled Shaheds appear in Russian strikes

Militarnyi reports that Russian forces used jet-propelled Shaheds for the first time in large numbers on 30 July. These Geran-3 drones flew together with regular Shaheds and decoy drones in a combined night strike. The Ukrainian Air Force reported that Russian forces launched the air assault from the north and east. Airspace monitoring channels confirm missiles, Shaheds, decoys, and jet-propelled drones in that wave.

Ukrainian air defenses fought back with aviation, missile troops, electronic warfare and mobile fire teams. They downed 51 drones out of 78 launched that night. Twenty-seven drones hit seven locations. Debris from destroyed drones fell in two other locations.

The Air Force did not report whether any of Geran-3s were shot down. 

Details of the Geran-3 model

Russian sources cited by Militarnyi describe the Geran-3. It is 3.5 meters long and has a 3 meter wingspan. It climbs to 9.1 kilometers and can fly for two hours. It has a takeoff weight of 380 kilograms, much more than the 250 kilograms of the Shahed-136, designated by Russia as Geran-2.

Growing danger from jet-propelled Shaheds

Militarnyi notes that Russian forces may have used Geran-3 drones before in strikes on Kyiv. Their use now grows more frequent and organized. These jet-propelled Shaheds are faster and heavier than older models. They add more danger to Russian mixed strikes that combine regilar Shaheds and decoys.

Today, there are interesting updates from the Lyman direction. Here, the Russian frustration grows bigger with every day due to the lack of advances, shortage of supplies, and a disastrous kill-to-loss ratio.

This has forced Russian commanders to order even more desperate attacks with Russian soldiers being turned into unintentional suicide bombers by essentially carrying explosive vests with them during assaults.

Relentless Russian assaults bring only casualties

In the Lyman direction, Russian forces have found themselves hopelessly stuck, unable to advance despite relentless infantry assaults. The repeated frontal attacks have become disastrously costly, leading to massive casualties at unprecedented rates. In addition, frontline Russian units are starved of supplies, making it impossible to sustain effective combat operations.

Drones reveal Russian troops carrying mortar shells by hand

In multiple engagements, Ukrainian drone operators have observed Russian soldiers being sent forward carrying individual mortar rounds to deliver to mortar crews on their way to the front, a desperate measure indicating a total logistical breakdown and highlighting the grim conditions Russian troops face in this sector.

Ukrainian drone crews crush Russian night assaults

Geolocated video evidence has extensively documented how Russian forces continually get bogged down in front of Ukrainian defenses, immobilized by dense minefields, carefully placed caltrops, and relentless drone strikes. Ukrainian drone operators from the 63rd Mechanized Brigade have become exceptionally proficient at hunting down and neutralizing isolated Russian assault groups at night with one crew eliminating 23 enemy soldiers in one night.

Whenever Russian troops manage to briefly occupy new positions, swift Ukrainian counterattacks and drone bombardments immediately push them back or eliminate them. This cycle of attrition leaves Russian infantry units trapped in a futile loop of unsuccessful and deadly assaults. This extreme frustration has led Russian commanders and soldiers to adopt increasingly desperate and reckless methods.

Mine-carrying vests turn soldiers into suicide bombers

One striking phenomenon captured repeatedly in battlefield footage is the unintended emergence of kamikaze-like Russian soldiers. In a released video, a Russian soldier was running to assault Ukrainian positions with a grenade in his hand, but when Ukrainian troops met him with heavy fire, he began to retreat, fell on his grenade, and blew himself up.

Instead of reconsidering their reckless tactics, the Russian command doubled down on the idea. Soldiers were soon seen wearing specially designed vests meant to carry anti-tank mines, intended as a practical way to carry mines to the front, and quickly deploy explosives upon reaching Ukrainian positions, allowing troops to remain armed while carrying the mines.

However, these vests turned into deadly traps, as when these mine-carrying soldiers are hit by Ukrainian fire, their vests detonate, instantly killing the wearer and any comrades nearby. Though not intended as literal suicide vests, the practical outcome has ironically turned Russian soldiers into unintentional suicide bombers, grim evidence of the extreme desperation gripping the Russian frontlines.

Russian war crime: Civilian shot dead in Torske

Beyond battlefield absurdity, this sense of desperation has manifested in horrific violence against Ukrainian civilians as well. Recent footage from the village of Torske captured Russian troops cruelly shooting a civilian riding a bicycle, a clear and disturbing war crime. While desperation offers context, it certainly provides no justification for such barbaric and needless violence.

Unfortunately, such incidents have been systematically documented across multiple sectors of the frontline, revealing a broader pattern of brutality and indiscipline among Russian forces.

Ukrainians track and eliminate the killers

However, Ukrainian drone operators and artillery teams swiftly respond to such atrocities. After observing the killing of the civilian on his bicycle in Torske, Ukrainians methodically tracked down and eliminated the Russian soldiers responsible, delivering some measure of justice and demonstrating Ukraine’s resolve in protecting and defending their civilians’ lives.

Overall, such distressing examples highlight a deeply troubling trend driven by Russian desperation and logistical failure. The inability to adequately supply their forward-deployed troops has created the absurd situation of soldiers advancing while strapped with anti-tank mines, transforming themselves into explosive targets. Such grotesque improvisations underline how disconnected Russian commanders have become from battlefield realities, willing to grasp at even the most dangerous and ill-advised tactics simply to achieve some negligible progress.

More than half of the summer offensive season is already gone with virtually no progress achieved near Lyman, and none at all at Torske specifically. Now, Russian forces have resorted to self-defeating and absurd methods out of sheer frustration and desperation vividly demonstrating the catastrophic failure of their offensive ambitions.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Russia fired 6,297 Shahed-type kamikaze drones and Gerbera-type decoy targets at Ukraine in July 2025, marking an absolute monthly record since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, according to OSINT analyst Kyle Glen who analyzed official Ukrainian Air Force report.

The July figure represents a 1,378% increase compared to July 2024, when 426 drones were launched. The scale of July attacks equals the total number of drones launched over ten months of 2024 — from January through October inclusive.

July is also the first month to see more than 6,000 drones reported by the Ukrainian Air Force, this follows June when more than 5,000 were reported for the first time, according to Glen.

“July also had periods of relative calm when Russia held off on major launches (likely due to poor weather),” he added.

The data revealed a steady monthly escalation in drone attacks. The analyst attributes this trend to Russia’s expansion of drone production facilities in the second half of 2024 and early 2025. Ukrainian air defense forces now operate under unprecedented attack volumes that constantly increase in complexity due to evolving enemy tactics.

The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported that Russian forces have installed thermal imaging cameras on some Shahed drones to improve strike accuracy.

Previous reports said that Russia prepares thousands of strikes daily.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio revealed that American officials held conversations with high-level Russian representatives earlier this week regarding Ukraine war settlement, but Washington saw no advancement toward peace negotiations, according to his interview with Fox News published by the State Department press service.

“We continue to engage with the Russian side, as early as this week – earlier this week, on Monday or Tuesday.  We had a whole conversation with them as well – not with Putin but with some of Putin’s top people – in hopes of arriving at some understanding on a path forward that would lead to peace, and we’ve not seen any progress on that,” Rubio said.

The Secretary of State said that President Donald Trump has waited over six months and made extensive efforts to establish peace. Rubio said Trump becomes most frustrated with phone calls where Russians claim they want the conflict to end, only for cities to be bombed shortly after.

“What bothers the President the most is he has these great phone calls where everyone sort of claims yeah, we’d like to see this end, if we could find a way forward, and then he turns on the news and another city has been bombed, including those far from the frontlines,” Rubio said.

Rubio added that potential sanctions options available to the President, including secondary sanctions on Russian oil sales and sectoral banking sanctions.

The Secretary claimed that the US remains willing to participate in peace negotiations if the opportunity arises, but warned that Trump “is not going to wait forever.”

Trump recently shortened his ultimatum to Putin from 50 days to 10-12 days for reaching a peace agreement, threatening secondary tariffs on Russian resource buyers otherwise. The following day, the President declared Putin has 10 days to end the war against Ukraine, though Trump believes settling the war will take considerable time.

A senior US diplomat revealed that China has provided cruise missile technology to Russia as part of its support for the country’s military operations, according to statements made during a UN Security Council session.

“North Korea has sent ammunition, missiles, military equipment and approximately 12,000 soldiers to Russia, Iran has provided ballistics, drones and other technologies,” John Kelly, the high-ranking American diplomat, said during the Security Council meeting.

Kelly emphasized China’s particularly crucial role in sustaining Russia’s military capabilities.

“China, as its representatives have noted, does not supply weapons to Russia directly,” he said. “However, China has become a decisive factor contributing to Russia’s military efforts, being the most important supplier to Russia’s military industry.”

According to the diplomat, China has provided Russia with a significant amount of machine tools, microelectronics, optics, drones and cruise missile technology, as well as [a significant amount of] nitrocellulose, which Russia uses to manufacture gunpowder for weapons.

Kelly did not specify which particular cruise missile technology was being referenced in his remarks.

The US official stressed that if China were serious about helping to end the conflict, it would cease supplying these critical components to Russia.

During the same address, the American representative announced that an agreement between Russia and Ukraine must be reached by 8 August, with Washington prepared to take additional measures to ensure peace.

The allegations align with previous Ukrainian intelligence findings from May, which reported discovering over foreign components in Russia’s new “Banderol” cruise missile, including parts from China.

Ukrainian intelligence identified Chinese microchips, what appeared to be a Chinese copy of an Australian telemetry module, a jet engine from China, and an inertial navigation system also possibly from that country.

The Chinese Swiwin engine for model aircraft reportedly is sold through online platforms, with an approximate cost of $16,000 on AliExpress. It remains unclear whether Kelly was referring to the “Banderol” missile or other weaponry.

Germany has called for continued anti-corruption reforms following Ukraine’s parliament approval of law №13533, designed to restore independence to the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO).

The German Foreign Ministry described the parliamentary vote as “a positive and necessary step on the path to restoring lost trust.” However, Berlin emphasized that more work remains ahead.

“Now it is necessary to continue reforms in the sphere of fighting corruption,” the German Foreign Ministry reported.

On 31 July, Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine’s Parliament) supported the presidential bill №13533 on restoring the independence of NABU and SAPO. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the document shortly after its parliamentary passage.

The move represents a reversal from events, when on the evening of 22 July Zelenskyy signed a law that limited the independence of the anti-corruption institutions NABU and SAPO.

That decision prompted thousands of people to participate in protest rallies in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities.

Western politicians also pressured Ukraine to strengthen its institutional framework for combating corruption, particularly as the country continues to receive substantial Western financial and military support.

Following the approved law which reportedly restores the independence of anti-corruption agencies, the European Union has confirmed it has no plans to freeze funding for Ukraine, addressing speculation about potential financial consequences tied to the anti-corruption legislation.

On 31 July, Ukrainian forces denied Chasiv Yar capture claims from Russia and say Russian troops do not fully control the city in Donetsk Oblast. This morning, Russia’s Ministry of Defense claimed full occupation of Chasiv Yar, but the spokesman of Ukraine’s Khortytsia Operational-Strategic Grouping of Forces Viktor Trehubov called the announcement “just another Russian fake.” Also, the 11th Army Corps also confirmed that Russian troops failed to take full control.

The 11th Army Corps explains that despite Russian information manipulation, Ukrainian troops still hold positions inside Chasiv Yar. Soldiers from the 24th Separate Mechanized Brigade continue to defend the city while Russian forces keep trying to advance.

The Ukrainian OSINT project Deepstate also rejects the statement from the Russian Ministry of Defense.

Russian propaganda stunts inside parts of the city to fake Chasiv Yar capture

Military reports from the 11th Army Corps describe what happened on 27, 28 and 29 July. Russian soldiers during daylight entered some locations in Chasiv Yar because they received promises of short leave for such actions. They planted Russian flags on the territory of the refractory plant, which Ukrainian defenders had not controlled for a long time, and on a part of the Pivnichnyi district that remains temporarily under Russian control. Before raising a flag in the Shevchenka district, Russian forces shelled Ukrainian positions with artillery. Ukrainian officers call these actions a performance staged for video and propaganda.

“The enemy did not occupy Chasiv Yar, but only carried out another flag-planting stunt behind the defense lines. Today a video appeared where the enemy placed flags in the Shevchenka district and at Workshop No. 2, but the Russians have no control over the city or over the places where they did that,” DeepState wrote.

According to the project’s data, in the past two months, the occupiers only “managed to advance just a little” from the northeast and east toward the Shevchenka district.

“The rest of the events are just banal penetration behind the lines at night with capes and then raising flags in daylight. Most of those so-called flag-planters are already dead because this action was a one-way mission,” DeepState reported.

Dawn assault on 30 July ends with losses for Russia

On 30 July from 5 a.m. to 9 a.m., Russian troops attacked Ukrainian positions with two assault groups of six soldiers each. Later the same day, they added two armored vehicles to support another push. Ukrainian defenders stopped the attack on the eastern outskirts of Chasiv Yar in Pivnichnyi district.

Soldiers from the 11th Army Corps report that they destroyed both armored vehicles and inflicted heavy losses on Russian troops who tried to hide in nearby buildings. They note that at least three women were among the attackers.

Lithuania’s Foreign Ministry summoned Russia’s temporary chargé d’affaires on 31 July, following massive strikes on Ukrainian cities including Kyiv, according to a statement from the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The Russian representative received a protest note regarding strikes on Kyiv, Zaporizhzhia, Dnipro, Sumy, Kharkiv, Kherson and other Ukrainian oblasts that killed dozens and wounded hundreds of civilians, the ministry reported.

The statement follows a Russian missiles and drones attack that ripped through Kyiv overnight on 31 July, collapsing apartment buildings and setting fires in several districts of the city. The attack killed at least 15 civilians and injured over 130 people. Russian missile struck an apartment building kin one of the Kyiv’s disctrict, collapsing its entire section.

The Lithinuan FM wrote in the statement after the morning attack that “Russia’s military actions against Ukraine’s civilian population and systematic cruel treatment of prisoners of war are unacceptable and illegal.

Lithuania pledged to continue efforts to ensure those responsible for these and other war crimes face criminal prosecution.

Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys called for “increased pressure” on Russia and its partners following the deadly strike on the Ukrainian capital.

The Russian attack was also condemned by Finland’s Foreign Minister Elina Valtonen, whose country currently chairs the OSCE, and her Estonian counterpart Margus Tsahkna.

Ukraine’s Parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, voted to restore the independence of its main anti-corruption bodies — the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) — by passing presidential draft law No. 13533.

The bill passed with 331 votes and was immediately signed in the chamber by Speaker Ruslan Stefanchuk and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

For a week leading up to the vote, thousands of Ukrainians across Kyiv, Lviv, Dnipro and Odesa took to the streets — demanding the reversal of controversial changes even under martial law restrictions on public gatherings. It became the largest wave of protests since Russia’s full‑scale invasion.

Although the effectiveness of these anti-corruption bodies has often been questioned, the earlier law that weakened them was widely condemned at home and abroad as authoritarian and unacceptable, concentrating power in the President’s Office and threatening Ukraine’s reform commitments.

“This is a guarantee of the proper independent functioning of our state’s anti-corruption bodies and all law enforcement agencies. This is the right decision,” Zelenskyy wrote on Telegram.

Mass protests force a U-turn

The debate in the chamber was heated, with shouting, accusations, and visible anger.

MPs insisted that the Speaker and President sign the new law immediately, without delay, to quickly cancel the controversial changes adopted a week earlier.

Outside Parliament, in Mariinskyi Park, protesters gathered to listen to the live broadcast of the vote. When the result was announced, they cheered and shouted: “Power belongs to the people!”

Despite martial law restrictions on public gatherings, police did not disperse the rallies that took place in several Ukrainian cities, and the authorities seemed unprepared for such large‑scale resistance to the new law.

For the first time since the start of Russia’s full‑scale invasion, the session of the Verkhovna Rada was broadcast live on the Rada TV channel — a move widely seen as a concession to public pressure and a demand for transparency.

International pressure grows

After the vote, European Commission spokesperson Guillaume Mercier confirmed that the EU has no plans to freeze financial aid for Ukraine.

EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos welcomed the move but noted on X:

“Today’s law restores key safeguards, but challenges remain. The EU supports the Ukrainian citizens’ demands for reform.”

Brussels emphasized that Ukraine must continue to strengthen reforms as part of its EU accession process.

What triggered the crisis

In July, the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) arrested a NABU detective on charges of spying for Russia, alleging that classified information had been passed to Russian intelligence. Critics said these arrests were used as a pretext to attack and weaken independent anti-corruption agencies.

Anti‑corruption activists further accused President Zelenskyy of retaliating against NABU and SAPO because they had investigated figures close to him, including former Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Chernyshov and businessman Timur Mindich, a long‑time associate and former partner in Zelenskyy’s media company Kvartal 95.

Soon after, on 22 July, Parliament passed law No. 12414, originally about missing persons. At the last minute, MPs added amendments that made NABU and SAPO dependent on the Prosecutor General, granting that office the power to seize cases, close investigations, and weaken the agencies’ independence.

The move provoked protests and drew sharp criticism from the US and EU. Despite the backlash, Zelenskyy signed the law the same day.

Reversal under pressure

A week later, under public pressure, threats to cut foreign funding, and continuing protests, Zelenskyy introduced draft law No. 13533, restoring NABU and SAPO’s full powers.

The bill was fast-tracked and adopted in full on 31 July.

Harsh words in Parliament

Before the vote, former Speaker Dmytro Razumkov criticized his colleagues:

“Aren’t you tired of eating excrement in this chamber and feeding it to people??!”

Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze of the opposition party European Solidarity said Parliament is “run like a collective farm from the President’s Office.”

Yulia Tymoshenko, leader of Batkivshchyna, opposed the bill and claimed Ukraine is under “external control.” Meanwhile, Dmytro Kostiuk, a member of the presidential party Servant of the People, announced he was leaving the faction because of the previous controversial vote.

Other members of Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party admitted mistakes and even held up protest-style posters inside the chamber.

The episode also highlighted the growing centralization of power in the President’s Office in Kyiv. With elections suspended due to the war with Russia, Parliament is widely seen as following instructions from the presidential administration rather than acting as an independent branch of government.

What the new law changes

The new law cancels the 22 July amendments and returns NABU and SAPO to full independence.
It adds one condition: NABU staff with access to state secrets must pass a polygraph, carried out by NABU’s own internal control unit rather than the SBU.

According to NABU, more than 200 such tests were already conducted in 2024. NABU and SAPO said they took part in drafting the new law, are satisfied with its provisions, and strongly supported its swift adoption.

Criticism of NABU and SAPO

Ukraine’s anti‑corruption system includes NABU, SAPO, the National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NACP) and the High Anti‑Corruption Court (HACC).

Despite significant funding and Western support, their effectiveness remains debated. Critics point out that these bodies are costly, operate in a grey constitutional area, lack independent audits, and have brought few senior officials to justice in almost ten years.

Supporters argue that these problems cannot be solved by a single, quickly adopted law, but require long‑term reforms, stronger oversight and real political independence.

The creation of these institutions was one of the EU’s key conditions for granting Ukraine a visa‑free regime and a requirement for Western financial aid. Western partners helped launch and fund them after concluding that Ukraine’s “old” police and prosecution services had failed to eradicate top‑level corruption.

A suspected Russian spy was caught by the Security Service of Ukraine after investigators exposed a National Guard serviceman who leaked secrets about a defense plant. SBU agents said he gave Russian intelligence information about a key Dnipropetrovsk Oblast facility and the unit that guarded it.

Russian spy exposed in National Guard ranks

Ukraine’s Security Service reported on 31 July that it exposed another agent working for Russian intelligence. The SBU said the man served in a National Guard brigade based in Zaporizhzhia. He allegedly sent Russian forces classified data about a strategic defense plant in Dnipropetrovsk oblast. That plant manufactures explosives and different types of ammunition. The mole also passed information about the military unit responsible for guarding the site.

Insider reached out to Russia

According to the SBU, the serviceman had worked at the plant before he was mobilized. Investigators said he personally contacted Russian intelligence and offered them secret information in exchange for money. His knowledge of the site and its security measures came from his previous work there.

Arrest and charges

The SBU, supported by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the command of the National Guard, documented the actions of the suspected “mole.” Agents detained him after confirming his involvement. Investigators from the SBU’s main investigative department notified the suspect of suspicion under part 2 of article 111 of Ukraine’s criminal code. That article covers state treason committed during martial law. The suspect faces life in prison with confiscation of property if found guilty.

Ukraine reversed a controversial oversight law on 31 July, a move that promises to restore the independence of key anti-corruption bodies. However, the damage may already be done: the EU has frozen $1.7 billion in aid, which puts more people at risk. Why did Brussels pull the brakes, and what will it take to unfreeze the funds? Here’s what you need to know.

1

What happened?

On 22 July, Ukrainians took to the streets in mass protests after the Verkhovna Rada hastily passed draft law No. 12414. The law aimed to place Ukraine’s premier anti-corruption agencies — the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialised Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) — under broader prosecutorial oversight.

Protesters saw this as an attempt to weaken the country’s flagship anti-corruption institutions. Days later, the European Union froze $1.7 billion in financial support — the first such move under the $57 billion Ukraine Facility fund. Another $3.8 billion now hangs in the balance.

On 31 July, facing pressure from protesters and foreign partners, the Verkhovna Rada repealed the law. This was a victory for civil society, but Brussels remains cautious.

2

Why did Brussels act now?

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion began, the EU has shown considerable patience with reform timelines. But patience has limits. The European Commission clarified that financial support depends on concrete, verifiable reforms — not just promises.

For years, Ukraine has pledged to protect independent anti-corruption institutions, something most Ukrainians see as a tangible result of the 2013-14 Revolution of Dignity. Brussels now believes those promises are eroding.

The hastily passed law on 22 July was the final trigger. Even though Ukraine repealed it nine days later, credibility was damaged.

3

Was this just about one law?

No. Behind the scenes, European diplomats had been signaling concerns for weeks. According to official commentary cited by Serhiy Sydorenko in European Pravda, the European Commission flagged structural problems during an 11 July subcommittee meeting — weeks before the controversial law was passed.

EU officials warned Kyiv of backsliding in anti-corruption policy, including slow appointments to key posts like the SAPO head and a lack of follow-through on previously promised reforms. While the protest and repeal made headlines, the decision to suspend funds had deeper roots.

The EU’s emphasis isn’t on a single legislative act, but on Ukraine’s broader governance trajectory. The freeze wasn’t a reaction — it was a culmination.

4

What’s the problem with NABU and SAPO?

NABU was created in 2015 to investigate high-level corruption. SAPO, its prosecutorial counterpart, was founded the same year to ensure such cases reach court. Together, they form Ukraine’s flagship anti-corruption structure.

Both agencies have delivered results — investigating former MPs and state-owned company executives, exposing schemes like Ukrzaliznytsia officials purchasing more than 11,000 COVID-19 PCR tests at inflated prices. But they’ve also faced internal pressures and political interference.

The now-repealed law would have effectively removed their operational autonomy by altering oversight mechanisms — precisely what the EU wants Ukraine to safeguard. Repealing the law was necessary, but Brussels is watching what comes next.

5

Is it just about NABU and SAPO?

No. The Asset Recovery and Management Agency (ARMA) presents an even bigger problem. ARMA handles confiscated assets from corruption cases: bank accounts, apartments, luxury cars, and company shares. The concept is straightforward — crime shouldn’t pay.

But ARMA has a serious credibility problem. Assets have vanished, and auctions have been opaque, with luxury items sold at suspiciously low prices. Some of ARMA’s officials are under investigation.

A March 2025 audit by Ukraine’s Accounting Chamber revealed the scope of dysfunction. Of more than 100,000 court rulings instructing ARMA to manage seized assets, only 1% were transferred, leaving over UAH 39 billion unmanaged. Over 61% of disposed assets lacked proper market valuation, resulting in estimated losses of UAH 769 million. Staff shortages and underfunding (just 56% of needed resources) have impeded the agency’s ability to conduct proper oversight.

The EU demands serious structural reform: a public asset registry, transparent auction procedures, and an independent supervisory board. Without these, the additional $3.8 billion will be suspended.

6

How does the EU make these freezing decisions?

The Commission’s actions are tied to the European Reform Agenda (ERA), a jointly agreed-upon roadmap between Ukraine and the EU. The ERA outlines reforms needed to keep financial and political support flowing, covering judicial reform, public administration, democratic standards, and anti-corruption.

The Commission can recommend a funding freeze when Ukraine fails to meet ERA milestones. This decision must be endorsed by a qualified majority of EU member states — not a unilateral move, but a multilayered institutional process. Bodies like the European Court of Auditors and the European Anti-Fraud Office also provide input.

This wasn’t a political knee-jerk reaction. It was a coordinated decision by multiple EU institutions concluding that Ukraine had failed to meet key transparency and institutional independence conditions.

7

Is the EU turning its back on Ukraine?

Far from it. Brussels is doubling down on standards. After missteps with countries like Hungary, where Viktor Orbán took EU money while gradually dismantling democratic institutions, Brussels learned that early neglect leads to long-term democratic backsliding.

With Ukraine, the stakes are higher. Never before has the EU committed so much money, and never to a country at war. The EU is holding Ukraine to higher standards precisely because it wants Ukraine to succeed.

8

What’s at risk for Ukraine financially?

The war has ballooned Ukraine’s budget needs. Western aid helps fund pensions, salaries, schools, and basic services — not just weapons. The frozen $1.7 billion was part of that lifeline. The potential additional $3.8 billion represents almost 10% of the total Ukraine Facility.

Even temporary freezes hurt. Creditors grow nervous. Budget planning becomes chaotic. Most importantly, public trust in government commitments begins to erode. Credibility becomes your most valuable currency when you’re fighting a war while depending on international support.

9

Does war excuse reform fatigue?

Ukrainian officials argue that wartime makes reforms harder to implement. Brussels has responded that being at war makes transparent, accountable institutions more critical, not less. When you’re depending on billions in international aid, donors need absolute confidence that money is being handled properly.

The EU’s position is clear: wartime doesn’t justify rolling back anti-corruption measures — it makes them more urgent.

10

Can Ukraine reverse the freeze by year-end?

Yes, and there are signs of movement. Repealing the oversight law on 31 July was a first step. Ukraine must demonstrate “verifiable corrective steps” — actions, not promises.

This means protecting NABU’s independence, restoring SAPO’s prosecutorial authority, and ensuring both agencies can operate without political interference. Some draft laws are already in the works, and civil society remains vocal.

According to European Pravda, EU officials have reportedly received informal commitments from Ukraine to pass corrective measures in the autumn. These will be scrutinized not only for their content, but also for how transparently and independently they’re implemented. There’s quiet hope that the suspension can be reversed before year-end — but only if progress becomes visible soon.

The $1.7 billion freeze stems from three unmet reform indicators:

• Territorial reorganization of executive power (draft law #4298, registered in 2020, costing $570 million in lost funding);
• Selection of High Anti-Corruption Court judges (legally enabled in June but still not implemented);
• ARMA reforms (already discussed above).

Additionally, Ukraine faces another overdue commitment — vocational education reform legislation due by the end of June — which could trigger further funding penalties in the next reporting period.

The EU’s rules give Ukraine 12 months to complete any reform milestone after the original deadline has passed. This grace period means the funds can still be released in full — but with a delay. However, Kyiv has already lost four of those twelve months. In the case of ARMA, that delay is even more tangible. Due to the agency’s non-compliance with basic criteria, Ukraine has definitively lost out on $85 million in performance-based funding tied to asset recovery benchmarks.

11

Can Ukraine save the $3.8 billion?

Saving the $3.8 billion requires comprehensive ARMA reform. Ukraine needs legislation ensuring transparency, accountability, and protection from political interference. This means proper oversight mechanisms, clear asset management procedures, and eliminating corruption opportunities.

The reforms must address ARMA’s documented failures: the suspicious auctions, unexplained losses, and criminal investigations of top officials. Brussels wants systemic changes, not personnel shuffles. A reliable asset registry, transparent valuation processes, and adequate staffing are non-negotiable.

If Ukraine delivers these reforms, the $3.8 billion will remain available. If not, it will join the frozen $1.7 billion.

12

What happens if Ukraine fails both tests?

Failure to restore NABU and SAPO independence keeps the $1.7 billion frozen. Failure to fix ARMA suspends another $3.8 billion. That’s $5.5 billion at risk — nearly 10% of the entire Ukraine Facility.

Beyond immediate financial impact, failure damages Ukraine’s credibility with other international donors and delays EU accession. The EU has clarified that Ukraine’s membership path depends on building accountable, transparent institutions.

The stakes are particularly high because Ukraine’s citizens have demonstrated a desire for better governance. If the government can’t respond to domestic and international pressure for reform, it raises fundamental questions about its commitment to European integration.

13

Why does this matter beyond Europe?

The United States, World Bank, and other international donors are watching closely. For Ukraine, credibility is currency. Others might follow if the EU — Ukraine’s strongest backer — loses confidence. That could slow financial flows and military and political support.

The outcome will help define the kind of state Ukraine is becoming and whether the West can demand reform while supporting a war partner.

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In the span of two weeks starting in early July, the German government signaled separate investments in Ukraine’s best attack drone—the Ukroboronprom An-196 Liutyi—as well as its first mass-producible cruise missile, apparently the Bars.

With substantial stocks of the new drones and missiles, Ukrainian forces should be capable of striking Russian targets as far away as 800 km. The drones would fly slower and may carry lighter, 50kg warheads. The missiles should fly faster and hit harder with heavier warheads weighing perhaps twice as much.

There’s some evidence the German spend is already making a difference. The An-196 and Bars “are being deployed on the front line with increasing frequency,” the pro-Ukraine Conflict Intelligence Team noted. On July 26, drones slammed into the Signal plant in Stavropol, in southwestern Russia 500 km from the front line in Ukraine. The plant manufactures radar and electronic warfare systems.

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A photo that circulated on Russian social media the same day may depict, for the first time in public, wreckage of one of the Bars missiles. 

In funding Ukraine’s expanding deep-strike complex, Germany is helping Ukraine do to Russia what Russia has been doing to Ukraine throughout its 42-month wider war on the country: disrupt Russian command, logistics and production where the Russians are most vulnerable—at home.

Major Gen. Christian Freuding, the head of the German defense ministry’s Situation Center Ukraine, announced the missile deal in early July. The weapons, apparently Bars, would begin arriving in Ukraine within weeks—meaning now.

Drones galore

Just days prior, Welt broke the news that Germany would also finance as many as 500 of the An-196 drones. The propeller-driven, satellite-guided Liutyi carries a 50-kg warhead farther than 800 kg. The $200,000 drone can follow a complex flight path and change altitude in order to dodge Russian defenses.

The An-196 already had German connections. The 3.5-m drone sports a German-made Hirth F-23 aviation engine producing 50 horsepower.

The Liutyis have been responsible for some of the most damaging strikes on targets deep inside Russia. Before Ukraine largely paused strikes on Russian oil facilities this spring, possibly bowing to pressure from the United States, the An-196s accounted for up to 80% of hits on refineries.

The turbojet Bars ranges around as far as the propeller-driven Liutyi does, but should hit harder thanks to a bigger warhead. And it should be more survivable owing to its likely higher speed. An An-196 motors along at slower than 320 km/hr; most cruise missiles travel twice as fast. 

The Bars is reportedly capable of ground and aerial launch. The Ukrainian air force has modified its Sukhoi Su-24 bombers to carry British-made Storm Shadow and French-made SCALP cruise missiles that are 5 m long and weigh nearly 1,400 kg. The Bars should be smaller and lighter, and may also be compatible with the Su-24s.

We don’t know how much a Bars costs, but it’s almost certainly less than the millions of dollars a Western-made cruise missile can cost. “Its main advantage is reportedly its potential for mass production within Ukraine,” CIT explained.

“The extent to which the new Bars missile will affect the front line will depend entirely on how many are made available to the Ukrainian military,” CIT wrote. Considering that Russia produces 600 or so of its best Kh-101 cruise missiles every year, the hundreds of Bars the Germans may be financing should help the Ukrainians chip away at the Russians’ missile advantage.

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Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy held his first phone conversation with Poland’s president-elect Karol Navrotsky on 31 July, Zelenskyy wrote on Telegram.

Navrotsky is set to take office on 6 August.

The leaders agreed to exchange visits during the call, according to the statement.

Zelenskyy congratulated Navrotsky on his 1 June election victory and expressed hope that Poland would remain a reliable partner and ally to Ukraine. The Ukrainian president briefed his Polish counterpart on the consequences of overnight shelling and the situation at the front.

“It is very important for us that Poland continues to help Ukraine. After all, we are defending not only ourselves, but all of our Europe, including Poland,” Zelenskyy emphasized during the conversation.

The two leaders reportedly discussed key events scheduled for the coming months.

“We agreed on an exchange of visits, during which we will discuss all current issues of bilateral cooperation. We will definitely determine formats of interaction that will give real results for our countries, our people,” the president wrote.

Zelenskyy thanked Navrotsky “for his readiness to work together and assurance of continued support for Ukraine,” according to the statement.

The conversation follows previous diplomatic signals between the two leaders. On 28 June, Zelenskyy said that Ukraine would continue working to strengthen relations with Poland’s new government, saying the country intended to “do everything that depends on it.”

On 1 July, Navrotsky declared “with complete confidence” that he would meet with the Ukrainian president.

RFE/RL reports that the luxury life of customs official has triggered protests after an investigation revealed villas, cars and expensive foreign schooling that far exceed his declared income. The Schemes investigative unit of RFE/RL examined the finances of 44-year-old Anatolii Komar, head of the Ukrainian Customs Service department that manages duties on energy imports and exports.

Luxury life of customs official draws anger

RFE/RL says Komar’s family has access to luxury real estate, elite foreign education and high-end cars while his official monthly income is about $2,000. His wife Maria declares about $8,000 per month as a tour guide and online course provider, but this sum still cannot cover the expenses shown.

Social media posts reveal their daughter graduating in 2023 from the Pascal English School in Nicosia, Cyprus, with fees close to $30,000 per year. Other posts show her traveling to Venice, Montreux, Dublin and Albania. This year, she appears to be enrolled at King’s College London, where tuition for non-UK students is nearly $35,000 annually.

Mansion near Kyiv and cash from relatives

According to the report, the family does not live in the Kyiv apartment officially registered to Komar in 2021. Instead, they live in an apartment bought by Maria’s father, Serhii Hladkov. Hladkov also built a 450-square-meter house with a pool and staff quarters in February 2025 in the village of Vyshenky near Kyiv. Experts interviewed by RFE/RL valued the property at more than $1 million.

Hladkov and his wife, Lidia, both retired from modestly paid state jobs, later declared self-employment earnings of about $400,000 and $180,000 respectively. Despite this, they have purchased several properties and gifted almost $120,000 to the family. Hladkov told RFE/RL that he had earned the money and then ended the conversation.

The luxury Mercedes and a “wealthy godfather”

Komar has been driving a Mercedes S-class since 2021. He told RFE/RL that the car is rented by his wife and refused to disclose the price. RFE/RL reports that rental companies estimate the cost at $6,000 per month. The vehicle is registered to the Primorskiy Energy Generating Company, which declared only about $14,000 in three years of car rental income, a figure far below market value. The company’s director, Roman Vorobel, refused to answer detailed questions and said he would consult a lawyer.

Conflict of interest questions over VM Groupe

RFE/RL also found that Komar is president of an amateur soccer club in his hometown of Rokyta. The team is sponsored by VM Groupe, an importer of petroleum products that is under investigation by law enforcement for large-scale tax evasion and by the SBU for importing Russian raw materials.

Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha called for immediate maximum pressure on Moscow following a deadly overnight strike on Kyiv that killed at least eight people and injured over 120 others.

Russian missiles and drones ripped through Kyiv overnight on 31 July, collapsing apartment buildings and setting fires in several districts of the city. The attack killed at least eight civilians and injured over 120 people.

Russian missile struck an apartment building kin one of the Kyiv’s disctrict, collapsing its entire section.

Ukraine’s FM posted photos of a destroyed nine-story building entrance on his X account, detailing the casualties and damage from the night attacks. Schools and hospitals were among the damaged facilities, with some people still trapped under debris.

“It is probably time to reduce to zero all of the timeframes that had been given to Putin to demonstrate a constructive approach. President Trump has been very generous and very patient with Putin, trying to find a solution,” Sybiha said.

The Foreign Minister emphasized Putin’s deliberate actions, saying the Russian leader “clearly acts as he acts with conscious intent.”

“The entire existence of this war criminal is based on this senseless war, which he cannot win but refuses to end… It’s time to put maximum pressure on Moscow. It is time to synchronise all sanctions steps. It’s time to achieve peace through strength,” Sybiha wrote on X.

The statement comes as US Secretary of State Marco Rubio recently announced that President Donald Trump is “losing patience” while waiting for concrete steps from Moscow to end the war.

Trump has set a 10-day deadline for Russia to demonstrate progress in ending the Ukraine war, threatening to impose tariffs and other measures against Russia if no advancement is shown.

The overnight shelling represents the latest escalation in the war, with civilian infrastructure continuing to bear the brunt of Russian attacks on the Ukrainian capital.

Ukraine faces a potential funding shortfall of $10-15 billion next year as the country struggles to meet reform commitments demanded by international lenders while maintaining intensive defense spending, according to a Reuters analysis.

The government currently directs most state revenues toward military operations, relying on foreign aid totaling $139 billion since Russia’s February 2022 invasion to cover social and humanitarian expenses, state data shows.

Central Bank Governor Andriy Pyshnyi revealed that only one-third of the $65 billion required for 2026-2027 has been secured, with negotiations continuing for the remainder. A survey of eight economists by the Centre for Economic Studies in Kyiv indicates Ukraine will need between $39 billion and $58 billion in external financing for 2025 alone.

“A key challenge for the government now is to look for $10-15 billion in addition to that volume of aid which partners have already pledged for 2026,” ICU investment house stated in a research note, according to Reuters.

The funding gap has widened after Ukraine missed several reform targets agreed with lenders, including judicial appointments and anti-corruption leadership positions. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s decision to tighten control over the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office sparked the largest wartime street protests and drew sharp criticism from European allies.

Zelenskyy subsequently reversed course, submitting new legislation to parliament to restore institutional independence. The draft bill was scheduled for a vote on 31 July.

Last night, Ukrainian drones hit the Volgograd-Rostov railway section again, now setting fires at Kotelnikovo station and forcing Russian authorities to restrict train traffic. The attack caused blazes at an electrical substation. Kotelnikovo is situated around 400 km east of the frontline.

Drones strike Kotelnikovo station on Volgograd-Rostov railway

Telegram channels and OSINT analysts reported that a night drone strike set the Kotelnikovo station area in Russia’s Volgograd oblast on fire. Videos from local residents showed burning railway infrastructure, including a traction substation. Fires were visible across the station area, while the governor of Volgograd oblast, Andrei Bocharov, confirmed that movement of trains was temporarily restricted.

Bocharov wrote, as cited by Astra, that Russian air defenses allegedly repelled what he described as a massive drone attack on transport and energy facilities. He claimed there were no injuries. The governor added that dry grass ostensibly caught fire in Surovikino district and that specialists were working to restore gas supply to about 65 single-family homes in Kotelnikovsky district.

According to him, sappers are clearing drone wreckage from railway tracks near Tinguta station in Svetloyarsky district.

“To clear the wreckage of the drones located on the railway tracks, train traffic was temporarily restricted. No damage to the tracks was recorded,” Bocharov claimed.

Satellite data confirms multiple fires around Kotelnikovo

OSINT analyst Tatarigami, founder of Frontelligence Insight, highlighted numerous heat signatures detected by NASA FIRMS satellites around Kotelnikovo after the night attack. He added that geolocation data confirmed the fires were in the area of the railway’s electrical substation.

He noted that this was another strike on the same Volgograd-Rostov railway section.

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Ukrainian drones turned Russia’s Salsk station into a firestorm — fuel train destroyed (video)

“Another successful drone strike targeted the same railway section between Volgograd and Rostov-on-Don. Multiple fires are visible,” Tatarigami posted. 

This marks the fourth strike on the same Russian rail line since 27 July. On 29 July, drones hit Salsk, a key rail junction in Rostov Oblast, setting a fuel train at the station on fire. The same night, they also struck the railway’s power substation in Orlovsky. Two days earlier, on 27 July, another drone attack destroyed a traction substation in Zhutovo in Volgograd Oblast, causing major delays and forcing Russian trains to be rerouted.

Similar drone strikes also took place two weeks ago in Rostov oblast, hitting a rail station in Kamienolomni on 21 July and a railway substation in Novocherkassk on 23 July. 

The Russian night missile and drone attack on 31 July damaged the Kyiv Islamic Cultural Centre at one of the capital’s central mosques, Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said.

Russian missiles and drones ripped through Kyiv overnight on 31 July, collapsing apartment buildings and setting fires in several districts of the city. The attack killed at least eight civilians and injured over 120 people.

Russian missile struck an apartment building kin one of the Kyiv’s disctrict, collapsing its entire section.

According to Ukraine’s FM, the attack also damaged a cultural center, which served as a gathering place for representatives of various religions and denominations for joint prayers for peace and victory in Ukraine since the start of the full-scale war.

“As a result of another brutal Russian strike on Kyiv this night, the Kyiv Islamic Cultural Centre at one of our central mosques was damaged,” Sybiha wrote. “This is another demonstration that Moscow is waging a criminal war against the very foundations of humanity. Russian terror spares no one.”

Ukraine has called on all Islamic countries, international governmental and non-governmental organizations, and Muslim communities worldwide to condemn the attack, Sybiha said. He emphasized that “Russian barbarism must be confronted with the strength and unity of the world.”

“Together we must force Moscow to agree to a ceasefire and put an end to the war and terror,” the foreign minister added.

The Ukrainian Air Force reported that Russian forces used reactive drones for the second consecutive night in their strikes against Ukraine.

Ukraine turned wartime desperation into rapid defense innovation, fielding drones and autonomous systems at unprecedented speed. But the West isn’t learning fast enough, warns American investor Deborah Fairlamb, who co-founded Green Flag Ventures in Kyiv during the war.

Lacking long-range missiles and jets, Ukraine improvised an industry that rapidly designs, builds and fields everything from FPV drones to sea drones—closing capability gaps Russia once held.

“The lessons of success are being lost on or ignored by the US and NATO allies,” Fairlamb told The War Zone.

Battlefield innovation at breakneck speed

Fairlamb described how Ukraine’s defense ecosystem has evolved from almost nothing in 2022 to a network of small workshops and startups producing vast numbers of drones.

“The speed of iteration of everything is just extraordinary,” she said. “The Ukrainians have really had this incredible focus on homegrown drones… It’s navigation systems. It’s resistance to electronic warfare. It’s the ability to fly in GPS-denied environments.”

Unlike Western programs, these systems are created alongside soldiers at the front: build, test; build, test; build, test. By the time the Ministry of Defense sees them, they are already combat-proven. Procurement that once took years now takes three to four months.

What Ukraine does differently

Fairlamb pointed to four battlefield-proven practices that Western defense establishments are ignoring:

• Rapid adaptation – systems change monthly, not yearly
• Decentralized production – thousands of small shops making parts
• Mass, low-cost systems – FPV drones cost $500–$1,000 instead of $100,000+
• Empowering units – frontline units buy directly from vetted suppliers

A model the West isn’t following

Fairlamb believes this speed is something the United States and NATO need to copy – and soon.

“The speed at which things are happening is just completely and utterly incompatible with the processes that exist in most Western systems,” she warned. “This is how Russia and China are going to fight. It is going to be just vast numbers of relatively low-price-point things that are extremely destructive.”

Instead, she sees allies trapped in slow cycles, expensive platforms, and outdated assumptions about war.

Copying without learning

Fairlamb also described a more troubling pattern from early in the war: Western companies arriving in Ukraine under the pretext of partnership, only to walk away and later release similar technology of their own.

“There have been instances… yes, there are Western companies that have come to Ukraine under the guise of: ‘hey, we would like to invest. We would like to partner. Can we spend a couple of days with you, learning what you’re doing?’ … And then they would essentially disappear. And six months later, they would come out with something that was very, very similar to what they wanted to partner with a company about,” Fairlamb said.

She said she personally knows of at least four examples.

Low cost, high impact

The tools Ukraine has built are cheap and expendable. Most FPV drones cost between $500 and $1,000; larger fixed-wings cost a few thousand dollars. These drones are printed, assembled, modified and sent out in weeks, with new versions appearing on the front every month.

Fairlamb contrasted that with Western military systems, where a single drone might cost hundreds of thousands of dollars and require years to reach the field. That, she said, will not work against adversaries who are willing to mass-produce millions of small, smart, disposable machines.

A final warning

“The speed at which this technology is evolving, and that the US, Europe and NATO are all really slow,” she said. “There are a lot of very scary scenarios that are out there that I am not seeing a lot of response to yet.”

For Ukraine, drones have become the answer to weapons it does not have. For the West, Fairlamb’s warning is clear: pay attention, or risk falling behind in a kind of war that is already here.

Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, Czech aid to Ukraine is set to grow after new commitments from Prague that include fresh military packages and a firm response to Russia’s attempt to intimidate Czech leaders. The plans were announced following meetings between Denys Shmyhal and Czech officials, as Moscow placed the Czech foreign minister on its so-called “Russophobe” list.

Czech aid to Ukraine focuses on anti-air and ammunition

On 30 July, Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal met with Tomáš Pojar, an adviser to the Czech prime minister, to discuss urgent needs for Ukraine’s armed forces. Shmyhal said their talks centered on air defense, electronic warfare and long-range capabilities. He explained that particular focus was on ammunition supply, as the Czech initiative to secure artillery shells of key calibers has become an important source for Ukraine.

According to Shmyhal, the discussions covered specific schedules and plans for supplies for the rest of this year and 2026. They also reviewed cooperation between defense industries. He said that joint enterprises are already working and some projects are underway. These include the production of shells and Bren 2 rifles in Ukraine.

The Czech delegation and Ukrainian officials also analyzed possibilities for new projects in Czechia that would involve leading Ukrainian companies. These projects are intended to support Ukraine’s defense forces in the face of Russia’s ongoing war.

Moscow’s blacklist sparks Czech response

Meanwhile, Czech Foreign Minister Jan Lipavský responded after the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs added him to a published list of so-called “Russophobic” politicians.

In his comments to ČTK, Lipavský said he does not use hate speech against Russia but stands firmly against the imperial policies of Vladimir Putin. He added that his criticism targets Putin, his ideology, the Kremlin’s aggression against Ukraine, and sabotage acts even in Czechia.

Lipavský emphasized that his stance on Putin’s aggression would not change and that his plans for a future holiday in Crimea remain unaffected. He repeated that “Crimea is Ukraine” and that the Kremlin’s ban on his entry to Russia has no effect on him. This hints on the future liberation of the Crimean Peninsula, occupied by the Russians since 2014.

The Penza drone attack hit deep inside Russia overnight on 31 July, igniting a major fire at a factory that produces equipment for the Russian military. Regional authorities confirmed a large fire at the plant after residents posted videos of drones flying low over the city. The factory is more than 600 km from Ukraine.

Penza drone attack hits a factory producing military systems

Telegram channels reported that in the early hours of 31 July, Ukrainian long-range strike drones flew over Penza and attacked an industrial site. Local residents filmed the drones passing over houses, followed by several explosions and a fire in the industrial zone. Mobile internet was shut down during the air alert.

Penza Oblast governor Oleg Melnichenko admitted in the morning that a drone attack caused a fire at one of the industrial facilities.

“There are no casualties and no destruction. There is a fire on the territory of the enterprise, which is now being eliminated,” he wrote.

Local reports and Russia’s official version

The Center for Countering Disinformation of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine identified the target as the Radioworks factory in Penza, an important enterprise of the Russian military-industrial complex.

Melnichenko wrote that the fire began after an overnight drone attack and that damage control continued in the morning. Social media videos posted from Penza show columns of smoke rising above the factory buildings and the sound of explosions in the distance.

In its daily report, the Russian Ministry of Defense claimed that its forces allegedly shot down 32 drones in five Russian oblasts and in Russian-occupied Crimea during the night. The ministry did not list Penza Oblast among those locations.

As of the morning, local officials reported that firefighting operations continued at the industrial site. No casualties have been confirmed. The strike reached deep into Russian territory, underlining the range of Ukrainian drone operations.

Russian missiles and drones ripped through Kyiv overnight on 31 July, collapsing apartment buildings and setting fires in several districts of the city. The attack killed at least six civilians and injured 52. The strikes caused destruction in Sviatoshynskyi, Solomianskyi, Holosiivskyi and Shevchenkivskyi districts and were described by city officials as one of the heaviest attacks on the capital in weeks. Ukraine shot down most of 300 explosive drones, but five of eight ballistic missiles reached the city, hitting apartment buildings.

Russians hit high-rises and kill civilians

Kyiv mayor Vitalii Klitschko reported that the strikes destroyed homes and killed six civilians. Russians killed four people in Kyiv’s Sviatoshynskyi district when a Russian missile struck an apartment building, collapsing its entire section. Klitschko called the damage in Sviatoshynskyi horrific. Two more people died in Solomianskyi district where a missile hit another residential building.

In the morning, Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy shared a video showing the ruined section of a high-rise in Sviatoshynskyi district, captioned:

“Kyiv. Rocket strike. Direct hit on a residential building. People under the rubble. All services are on site. Russians are terrorists.”

Head of the Kyiv Military Administration Tymur Tkachenko said 52 civilians needed medical help after the strikes, and medics hospitalized 30 of them. Two civilians were rescued alive from under the rubble.

Interior minister Ihor Klymenko reported that one of the rescued was a man, blocked under the rubble of a collapsed apartment section. He fell from the second floor to the first and got trapped by debris, so emergency workers broke a hole through a neighboring wall and used a tunnel to reach him safely. The emergency workers kept voice contact with him for three hours during the entire operation.

Among the injured are three police officers who were driving to a call. Nine children were among the injured. 

“This is the largest number of injured children in one night in Kyiv since the start of the full-scale war,” Klitchko says

Klymenko told Suspilne that doctors tried to save the six-year-old boy but could not. 

“The boy was rescued, doctors fought for his life, but sadly they could not save him.”

In Holosiivskyi district a missile damaged a school and a kindergarten and caused fires. In Shevchenkivskyi district the blast wave blew out windows in a children’s medical ward and burned parked cars. 

More civilian casualties expected

Tkachenko and Klymenko warned that rescuers continue to search the rubble and that the number of victims will grow. The city opened assistance points for those who lost their homes and promised payments to cover temporary rent and support.

Air raid sirens began around 23:00 on 30 July and Suspilne reported explosions soon after. Another siren sounded at 04:29 on 31 July warning of missiles, followed by more explosions across the city. The Kyiv Military Administration said that missiles and drones were used in the attack.

The Prosecutor’s Office opened a pre-trial investigation under article 438 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, treating the strike as a war crime because of the civilian deaths.

Air Force report on the scale of the assault

Ukraine’s Air Force said that from 18:00 on 30 July until the morning of 31 July Russians launched 317 aerial weapons: 309 Shahed one-way attack drones and decoy drones from Russian territory, and 8 Iskander-K cruise missiles. Air defenses destroyed or suppressed 291 targets: 288 drones and 3 missiles.

Despite this, five missiles, including one that hit an apartment building in Kyiv, and 21 drones struck 12 locations, while debris from intercepted targets fell in 19 places, almost all in the Ukrainian capital. The main target of the assault was Kyiv.

A fatal collision between a Ukrainian-driven van and a Russian-operated truck occurred early morning on 30 July near Slovene Konjice on the route toward Ljubljana, Slovenian broadcaster RTV SLO reported.

The van carried seven passengers when it struck the truck’s trailer, according to RTV SLO. Five occupants of the van died in the crash, while two injured passengers were transported to hospital. Emergency services airlifted one of the survivors.

Police identified four of the deceased as Ukrainian citizens, RTV SLO reported. One hospitalized passenger also holds Ukrainian citizenship, while authorities continue working to establish the identity of the second injured person.

The Ukrainian van driver sustained minor injuries in the collision, while the Russian truck driver remained unharmed, according to the broadcaster.

Police preliminary findings point to excessive speed as the cause of the accident. The highway remained closed for five hours following the crash.

Two senior Senate Republicans have unveiled legislation that would enable European allies to finance US weapons donations to Ukraine, providing the most detailed framework yet for President Trump’s proposal to shift war funding to Europe, The Wall Street Journal reported on 30 July.

The Peace Act, proposed by Sens. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) and Jim Risch (R-Idaho), would establish a Treasury fund to accept money from allies, allowing the Defense Secretary to pay contractors to replenish US stockpiles while continuing weapons shipments to Ukraine without compromising American military readiness, according to GOP aides familiar with the proposal.

The legislation aims to generate $5 billion to $8 billion annually, with Germany and the United Kingdom identified as likely contributors, the aides said.

“This is the fastest way to arm Ukraine as well as to minimize the strategic and military threat posed by Russia to the US and NATO,” Wicker said, according to the WSJ.

The proposal comes as Trump has grown increasingly frustrated with Russian President Vladimir Putin’s rejection of US-led cease-fire efforts. After initially giving Putin a 50-day deadline for a cease-fire, Trump moved that deadline up to 10 days on 28 July, threatening Russia and its trading partners with new tariffs and secondary sanctions if Moscow refuses to negotiate.

Wicker, who chairs the Senate Armed Services Committee, and Risch, who leads the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, have discussed the legislation with the White House, which has been “largely receptive to the idea,” aides said. The plan involves passing the measure later this year as part of the annual defense policy bill.

The mechanism would complement existing European payments to US contractors for new weapon production, which can take years to complete. The Peace Act would accelerate delivery by tapping existing US inventories, according to the WSJ report.

The US has provided nearly $66 billion in security assistance to Ukraine since Russia’s 2022 invasion, but the Republican-led Congress shows little appetite for authorizing additional foreign aid packages.

Trump has approximately $3.85 billion in previously authorized drawdown authority remaining, though he has not yet used this tool to send new arms packages to Ukraine. His administration continues delivering previously approved weapons packages from the Biden era, following a brief Pentagon pause in certain munitions earlier this month.

Ukraine is very close to obtaining its own ballistic missiles, Defense Minister Denis Shmygal said in his first interview since taking the position of Defense Minister, BBC Ukraine reported on 30 July.

“Ukraine’s president has already announced that Ukraine will have its own ballistics. We are very close to this. That’s basically all I can say publicly on this matter,” Shmyhal said during the interview.

The announcement comes after former Deputy Defense Minister Anatoliy Klochko said in June that Ukrainians would soon hear “more concrete statements” about Ukrainian ballistics, as the country had made “serious progress” on the issue.

The production of its own ballistic missiles is crucial for Ukraine to enhance its long-range strike potential, deter Russian aggression, and target deep Russian military infrastructure, thereby strengthening its security and defense amid ongoing war.

In his interview for BBC, Shmygal also outlined his vision for bringing Russia to genuine peace talks, emphasizing the need for dual pressure. “I would very much like our partners to help us create sufficient pressure on the Russian aggressor both on the battlefield and through sanctions, and bring them to the negotiating table,” he said.

The minister demonstrated his approach using two hands: “On one side, we must create pressure on the battlefield. There must be weapons supplies that will give us if not an advantage, then parity in this war. On the other side, there must be counter-pressure – sanctions that will financially bleed the enemy.”

“If these two factors are not present, then negotiations may continue, but more likely they will lead us and our partners in circles around this diplomatic negotiating table,” Shmygal said.

The German government approved on 30 July its draft budget for 2026 and medium-term financial planning through 2029, which includes increased support for Ukraine, European Pravda reported.

According to the report, the draft federal budget for 2026 envisions expenditures of approximately 520.5 billion euros—3.5% more than allocated in this year’s budget. Borrowing is projected at nearly 174.3 billion euros, representing a 31 billion euro increase from current levels.

Government investments will reach a record 126.7 billion euros in 2026, marking an 11 billion euro increase from this year. This unprecedented figure for Germany became possible partly due to relaxed debt rules.

The budget expansion extends to defense spending, which will surge from 62.4 billion euros to 82.7 billion euros in 2026—primarily driven by weapons and ammunition procurement funding. According to the medium-term budget plan, Germany’s defense expenditures will gradually increase through 2029, ultimately reaching NATO’s target of 3.5% of GDP.

The 2026 budget allocates approximately 8.5 billion euros in military aid to Ukraine.

Budget discussions in the Bundestag will begin at the end of September, with both chambers of the German parliament required to approve the budget by year’s end.

Exclusives

Portugal sent Ukraine $ 250 million in military aid — the drones alone cost Russia $ 4 billion. Portugal nearly doubled its pledge to Ukraine, sending $250 million in 2024. Its Tekever drones alone have destroyed two Russian S‑400 air defense systems.

Social media’s invisible battlefield: Who decides what you see? (Viplikes’ Guide). What you see—and what you don’t—is shaped by a mix of corporate interests, political agendas, and opaque systems designed to keep you engaged

Tech innovation: How blockchain cloud mining is reshaping passive income in 2025. Blockchain-based cloud mining platforms are positioning themselves as a user-friendly alternative to traditional mining, which often requires expensive hardware, ongoing maintenance, and technical expertise

Ukrainian war documentaries Russia doesn’t want you to see. These films expose Russian war crimes and showcase Ukrainian resilience through stories of survival, volunteering, art creation amid destruction, and resistance that directly contradict Moscow’s propaganda about Ukraine.

20,000 wrecked vehicles behind them, Russia’s last tanks crawl toward Siversk. A Russian tank column rolled into a bloody disaster outside Siversk in eastern Ukraine. But Moscow’s troops are still advancing.

Military

Ukraine destroys Russian electronic warfare hub in occupied area of Black Sea, sets up Ukrainian flag. Ukrainian special forces eliminated the entire Russian garrison, while not a single Ukrainian soldier was killed or injured in the nighttime assault.

Russian missile struck Ukrainian military training ground, killing three soldiers and wounding dozens. An investigative commission will examine whether command failures and safety protocol violations have contributed to the casualties.

As of 30 JUL 2025

, the approximate losses of weapons and military equipment of the Russian Armed Forces from the beginning of the invasion to the present day:

• • • Personnel: 1052190 (+890)
    • Tanks: 11066 (+1)
    • APV: 23065 (+1)
    • Artillery systems: 30895 (+30)
    • MLRS: 1451
    • Anti-aircraft systems: 1202
    • Aircraft: 421
    • Helicopters: 340
    • UAV: 48685 (+100)
    • Cruise missiles : 3548
    • Warships/boats: 28
    • Submarines: 1
    • Vehicles and fuel tanks: 56754 (+67)

Intelligence and technology

Ukrainian pilot instructor caught selling Western fighter jet secrets to Moscow. The arrested major served in an air brigade tasked with shooting down the same Russian drones and missiles his intelligence helped target Ukrainian airbases.

Massive data breach hits Russian authorities in occupied Crimea as Ukrainian intelligence downloads secret military files. Ukrainian cyber specialists downloaded 100TB of Russian military data from occupied Crimea before destroying the original files on government servers, according to intelligence sources cited by RBK-Ukraine.

International

Dozens of politicians boycott Russian sanctioned official invited speaking at conference in neutral Switzerland. Ukraine called Valentina Matvienko’s conference participation “disgraceful” and emphasized that she belongs behind bars and not at international events.

Europe can’t defend itself without Ukraine, Estonia’s NATO envoy warns. Estonia’s NATO ambassador Jüri Luik warns that without Ukraine’s military power, Europe cannot contain the Russian threat or build a defense independent of US support.

Frontline report: Trump unleashes economic war on Brazil to cripple Russian anti-Western BRICS alliance. The US experiments with attacking Russia’s most vulnerable ally first, testing whether economic pressure on BRICS members can isolate Moscow without direct confrontation.

Humanitarian and social impact

Russian daily terror of civilians in Ukraine continues: five injured and extensive damage

. Three people were injured in Kharkiv as the drone debris landed on residential areas.

Political and legal developments

Ukraine’s government again fails to appoint head of Bureau of Economic Security. Ukraine faces missing a crucial International Monetary Fund benchmark as the Cabinet of Ministers refused for the 2nd time to appoint Oleksandr Tsyvinsky as head of the Bureau of Economic Security

Rada Committee backs Zelenskyy’s NABU independence u-turn after mass protests. Ukrainian MPs voted to restore independence to the country’s main anti-corruption agencies, just nine days after President Zelenskyy signed legislation that sparked mass protests across the country.

US senator: Stop giving Putin extra time, vote on 500% sanctions now. Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal pushes for 500% tariffs on Russian oil buyers, including China and India, while President Trump proposes lower 100% tariffs.

ISW: Putin allies dismiss Trump tariff threat, vow to continue Ukraine war. The Kremlin told President Trump that Russia will determine the timing of peace negotiations, not Washington, after Trump shortened his Ukraine war ultimatum from 50 days to 10 days with threats of new tariffs.

EU threatens to withhold $3.3 billion over Ukraine’s failure to reform another anti-corruption agency. The intertwined challenges of anti-corruption scandals and stalled reforms place Ukraine’s international support at a critical crossroads.

• • Read our earlier daily review

  here.

Russian service sector companies faced another wave of technical disruptions, with the Vkusvill supermarket chain’s website and mobile application ceasing operations, The Moscow Times reported on 30 July

The majority of complaints came from Moscow, the Moscow Oblast, and St. Petersburg. The company confirmed it experienced “a local internal failure” but ruled out a cyberattack, sying that “there are no configuration changes, suspicious logins, or data leaks.” Vkusvill did not specify what caused the technical problems but added that the failure did not affect offline store operations.

Simultaneously, the Samokat delivery service stopped functioning. The application indicated that “the failure will be resolved soon” without providing details about the causes.

Additionally, hackers attacked the Dobrocen discount chain network. The company was forced to suspend operations at distribution centers and all five offices in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Yekaterinburg, and Samara.

Dobrocen reported that its server was paralyzed, the official website would not open, and computers either failed to start or froze during endless updates. The attack is linked to the presence of network stores in occupied Ukrainian territories – in the “DNR,” “LNR,” and Crimea. Restoring IT infrastructure reportedly may take a week.

The previous day, on 29 July, the Neopharm and Stolichki pharmacy chains halted operations due to hacker attacks.

However, the most large-scale cyberattack targeted Aeroflot on 28 July. Hackers from the “Cyberpartisans” and Silent Crow groups breached the national carrier’s systems, destroying 7,000 servers and provoking a new collapse at Moscow airports. More than 100 flights were canceled, causing the airline to lose at least 250 million rubles in a single day. Cancellations continued on 29 July. Russia’s Prosecutor General’s Office confirmed the disruption was caused by a cyberattack.

The “Cyberpartisans” claimed that Aeroflot’s system ran on outdated Windows XP and Windows 2003, and that company CEO Sergey Aleksandrovsky had not changed his password since 2022. According to the hackers, the total volume of the data leak was 20 TB.

Demonstrators gathered on the evening of 30 July in six Ukrainian cities calling on authorities to approve a draft law strengthening the powers of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO).

The protests come after the parliamentary committee on law enforcement unanimously supported earlier on 30 July President Zelenskyy’s draft law №13533 on restoring the powers of the NABU and SAPO.

People assembled in Kyiv despite inclement weather. Protesters chanted “Power belongs to the people,” “Corruption kills,” and “Hands off NABU,” while also singing the national anthem.

People’s Deputy Yaroslav Zheleznyak joined demonstrators, saying journalists that he has no doubt the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine’s Parliament) will pass presidential draft law #13533 on 31 July.

“One should expect the adoption of the law by which President Zelenskyy, together with the coalition, will heroically, powerfully and unstoppably fix everything that they so heroically, powerfully and unstoppably created on 22 July,” Zheleznyak responded with irony.

In Zaporizhzhia, people gathered near the regional administration building holding themed posters and chanting “Cancel,” “Our voice is stronger,” “We stand for democracy,” and “Hands off NABU,” according to correspondents.

Radio Svoboda reports that nearly 200 protesters assembled in Kharkiv, chanting “Corruption kills,” “Ukraine’s power belongs to the people,” and “Hands off NABU.” Similar demonstrations took place in Lviv, Dnipro, and Odesa.

The protests follow the parliamentary committee on law enforcement unanimously supporting presidential draft law #13533, which would restore powers to anti-corruption agencies that were previously removed.

On 22 July, the Verkhovna Rada passed law #12414 with amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code that made NABU and SAPO dependent on decisions by the prosecutor general. President Zelenskyy signed the legislation that same evening, prompting protests across multiple Ukrainian cities.

Following the backlash, Zelenskyy submitted a new draft law to parliament that he said would ensure “strength to the law enforcement system” while preserving “all norms for the independence of anti-corruption institutions.”

The National Anti-Corruption Bureau reproted that Zelenskyy’s draft law would restore all powers and independence guarantees for NABU and SAPO.

Portugal is the most geographically distant EU country from Ukraine, yet in the past year, it has become a steady partner. On 28 May 2024, the two nations signed a bilateral Security Cooperation Agreement, outlining how Portugal would support Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression and rebuilding after the war. This pact was the 12th in a series of bilateral agreements Ukraine began concluding in early 2024.

That series grew out of the G7 Joint Declaration of Support of 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation. Some commitments come directly from Portugal, while others are delivered through EU-wide programs that Portugal supports collectively.

The agreement with Portugal is broad, extending far beyond the battlefield. It includes support for weapons and training, strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry, sanctioning Russia and using frozen Russian assets, humanitarian aid, and work to hold Moscow’s leadership accountable.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Portugal’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

Portugal’s commitments

At the time of signing, Portugal pledged at least €126 million in military aid for 2024, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s air and naval capabilities. Beyond this financial support, the agreement also envisaged:

• Participation in the EU training mission EUMAM
• Cooperation in defense industry development
• Using frozen Russian assets to help fund Ukraine’s defense
• Humanitarian support, including demining and reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure
• Joint efforts to prosecute Russia’s crimes

In essence, it laid out a ten-point roadmap that blends military, political, and humanitarian support.

A year of implementation

The first year proved that this partnership is much more than a statement. Portugal overdelivered on its military commitments while also supporting Ukraine’s defense production, reconstruction, and the pursuit of justice.

Key achievements between May 2024 and May 2025:

• €226 million in military aid, nearly double the initial pledge
• Helicopter deliveries: six Ka‑32 and eight SA‑330 Puma aircraft
• €100 million to the Czech-led initiative for artillery shells
• €52 million to the Drone Coalition to produce drones in Portugal
• Opening of a Tekever branch in Ukraine to expand drone support
• €6 billion from frozen Russian assets channeled to Ukraine through EU programs (collective funding)
• Training for tens of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers through EUMAM and the F‑16 pilot coalition
• Active support for four new EU sanction packages
• Reconstruction efforts including rebuilding schools and funding Superhero Schools
• Participation in coalitions for a special tribunal and the return of deported children

Military aid beyond expectations

Instead of the pledged €126 million, Portugal allocated €226 million to Ukraine in 2024. Early in the year, €100 million went to the Czech-led procurement of 155mm artillery shells, while €52 million funded drone production for Ukraine through the Drone Coalition.

Equipment followed as well. In September 2024, Ukraine received six Ka‑32 helicopters for transport and search-and-rescue missions. At the end of the year, eight SA‑330 Puma helicopters arrived, equipped with systems that allow them to launch Exocet anti-ship missiles.

Earlier contributions included M113 armored vehicles, three Leopard 2A6 tanks, five medical vehicles, 105mm howitzers, and ammunition. For 2025, Portugal has already pledged another €220 million.

Since 2022, Portugal has also joined three multinational “capability coalitions”—on armored vehicles, aviation, and naval power—each aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defenses. Unlike many partners, however, it has not joined the IT Coalition (IT, communications, cybersecurity) or the Demining Coalition, which is the largest by number of participants.

Strengthening technological capabilities

Since 2022, Ukraine has worked closely with Tekever, a Portuguese company producing AR3 and AR5 reconnaissance drones. The AR5 model can fly longer and carry up to 50 kg of payload. These drones have already caused over $4 billion in losses to Russian forces, including the destruction of two S‑400 systems.

In April 2025, Tekever announced the opening of an office in Ukraine to speed up drone servicing and operator training.

Frozen assets turned into support

Portugal also supports the EU plan to direct profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine. These ERA funds are EU-level resources, not Portugal’s national budget, but Portugal backed these measures as part of the collective effort.

The first €1.5 billion tranche arrived in mid‑2024, funding air defense, ammunition, and defense-industry investment.

By May 2025, €6 billion had been transferred through the ERA program. On 9 May 2025, in Lviv, EU leaders committed an additional €1 billion, part of a €1.9 billion package for weapons, artillery, and air defense.

In total, €35 billion is expected to be delivered during 2025 under ERA and the Ukraine Facility, with Portugal participating in these collective decisions.

Training Ukrainian forces

Portugal contributes actively to the EUMAM mission, which has trained over 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers since 2022.

The country also belongs to an 11-country coalition preparing Ukrainian pilots and crews for F‑16 fighter jets, with Norwegian instructors conducting the training on Portuguese Air Force bases.

Sanctions and political pressure

In the year following May 2024, the EU adopted four new sanctions packages, all backed by Portugal. These measures targeted Russia’s military and energy industries, over 340 shadow fleet ships, propaganda outlets, and senior officials, including those linked to the bombing of the Okhmatdyt children’s hospital in Kyiv.

They also extended restrictions to countries helping Russia evade sanctions or supplying drones and missiles, including China, North Korea, India, the UAE, Singapore, Uzbekistan, Iran, Türkiye, Kazakhstan, and Serbia.

Humanitarian and reconstruction support

Portugal has also helped Ukraine on humanitarian and reconstruction fronts.

Since 2023, it has contributed €7 million to the Grain from Ukraine Initiative to stabilize the global food supply. Economic ties have also grown through Portugal’s AICEP agency, which in 2024 ran programs to attract investment and support Ukrainian business.

In November 2024, at the third Joint Economic Cooperation Commission, both sides agreed to expand trade and involve Portuguese companies in rebuilding efforts.

Portugal is already involved in rebuilding schools in Zhytomyr, including School No. 25 destroyed in 2022, and in 2024 invested €160,000 to create Superhero Schools in Chernihiv and Cherkasy, allowing hospitalized children to continue their education.

Justice and accountability

Portugal is part of the Coalition for a Special Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression, which finalized draft statutes in May 2025 for a tribunal in The Hague. In June 2025, Ukraine and the Council of Europe signed an agreement to formally establish this Special Tribunal. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders—including Vladimir Putin—even in absentia.

Portugal also participates in the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, which in 2024 helped return almost 600 deported children. And in 2023, it contributed €75,000 to the International Criminal Court and sent an expert to help gather evidence of war crimes.

One year on, the Portugal–Ukraine security agreement has grown into a partnership that reaches well beyond geography. Portugal may be Europe’s far west, but its support—especially in military aid, training, sanctions, and justice—has brought it close as a committed ally.

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Dozens of parliamentarians from various countries staged a coordinated walkout during a speech by Russian Federation Council Chairwoman Valentina Matvienko at the World Conference of Speakers of Parliaments in Switzerland on 30 July.

Why the mass walkout? According to Ukrainian Parliament Vice-Speaker Olena Kondratiuk, it sent a clear message about Russian aggression.

“This is a walkout against the aggressor,” Kondratiuk said, describing tears in her eyes as she watched international colleagues leave.

The half-empty hall, she argued, showed exactly how democratic parliaments view Russia.

Czech Parliament’s Chamber of Deputies Speaker Marketa Pekarova Adamova also made her reasoning explicit. She refused to be “a prop in the lies on which the criminal Kremlin regime is based.”

“She herself bears personal responsibility for the crime of aggression and all subsequent Russian atrocities after publicly approving the use of armed forces on Ukrainian territory,” Adamova wrote.

Better to spend time with colleagues “who support Ukraine in its fight for freedom and democracy,” she added.

But why was Matvienko allowed into Geneva at all? Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry had called her conference participation “disgraceful.” Spokesman Heorhii Tykhyi put it bluntly: her place should be “in the dock, not at international conferences.”

Here’s the problem: Matvienko appears on EU sanctions lists related to Russia’s invasion. So does much of the Russian delegation. Switzerland honors these sanctions—with one exception. The country permits sanctioned individuals to enter when visiting international organizations based there.

What had Matvienko been saying? Two days earlier, she invited international parliamentarians to visit occupied Ukrainian territories and see the “Alley of Angels.” This is a memorial in Donetsk that Russian forces erected allegedly commemorating children killed by Ukrainian forces in the conflict, which is considered a Russian propaganda narrative as there is no independent proof and convincing evidence. 

Earlier, Ukraine’s Security Service charged Matvienko in absentia in 2024 under multiple articles. According to investigators, she signed parliamentary decisions authorizing Russian troop deployment in Ukraine. She also approved ratification agreements for annexing occupied Ukrainian territories. She faces additional charges including incitement to wage aggressive war, for which Ukraine plans to prosecute her at a Special Tribunal.

A pilot trusted with Ukraine’s most sensitive air operations was secretly feeding targeting data to Russian intelligence, Ukraine’s Security Service says.

The major worked as a flight instructor in an air brigade responsible for shooting down Russian missiles and drones. His unit also conducted ground strikes supporting Ukrainian army operations. Perfect access.

What was he selling? Coordinates of F-16 and Mirage 2000 airbases. Flight schedules. Aircraft tail numbers. Even pilot names.

The Security Service of Ukraine announced the arrest on 30 July, revealing how military counterintelligence tracked the officer as he prepared to pass another batch of classified information to Russia’s GRU military intelligence service.

But the betrayal went deeper than basic intelligence gathering.

The major authored analytical reports for his Russian handlers, outlining specific tactics for combined missile and drone strikes designed to penetrate Ukrainian air defenses. Essentially providing a how-to guide for destroying the aircraft he was supposed to protect.

How did he communicate with Moscow? Anonymous email channels and encrypted messaging apps, according to investigators.

The timing matters. Ukraine has been integrating Western fighters including F-16s and Mirage 2000s into its air force operations. Russia has repeatedly targeted these aircraft with long-range strikes, making the intelligence particularly valuable.

The major faces life imprisonment with property confiscation under Ukraine’s wartime treason laws. The Security Service in western Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast is handling the investigation.

Estonia’s permanent representative to NATO, Ambassador Jüri Luik, said on 28 July 2025, on Vikerraadio — Estonian Public Broadcasting’s main radio channel — that Europe cannot realistically mount a credible defense against Russia without Ukraine’s involvement, highlighting Ukraine’s indispensable role in sustaining European security architecture.

“If Europe manages to achieve some kind of peace or truce [in Ukraine — EMP], or if we talk about Europe being able to defend itself against Russia, it is very difficult to imagine such a defense without Ukraine,” Luik said.

European and NATO intelligence agencies have increasingly warned of a growing hybrid and conventional threat from Russia, particularly toward NATO member states. Moscow appears to be preparing a multifaceted campaign — including sabotage of critical infrastructure, disinformation operations, and electronic warfare — aimed at projecting pressure beyond Ukraine’s borders. In the Baltic region, disruptions to undersea cables and power infrastructure — including the Estlink cable between Estonia and Finland — have raised alarms over possible sabotage by the so-called Russian “shadow fleet.”

Luik emphasized in the interview that Ukraine’s large and battle-hardened ground forces are essential not only for defending its own territory but also for enabling a cohesive European defense posture — one that can operate independently of US military dominance and deter potential Russian aggression.

Estonia and Ukraine have deepened bilateral cooperation since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, including joint military training, intelligence sharing, cyber defense collaboration, and political coordination within NATO and EU frameworks. Estonia now allocates more than 4% of its GDP to defense spending and has emerged as one of Ukraine’s strongest advocates in both Brussels and NATO, underscoring a shared strategic view of Moscow’s threat.

The Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine has once again declined to appoint Oleksandr Tsyvinsky as director of the Bureau of Economic Security (BEB), MP Yaroslav Zheleznyak said.

30 July marks the final day before Ukraine misses an International Monetary Fund benchmark regarding the BEB appointment.

Under the IMF’s Extended Fund Facility (EFF) program review, a new BEB director should have been selected by the end of February 2025. Ukraine failed to meet this deadline as the competition process was only in its initial stages at that time. The IMF then moved the benchmark deadline to July 2025.

Last week, the BEB Head Selection Commission resubmitted documents to the Cabinet regarding the appointment of competition winner Oleksandr Tsyvinsky. International partners’ commission member Donatas Malaskevičius told Forbes Ukraine that the Selection Commission rejected the government’s proposal to hold a repeat vote and insists on appointing their chosen candidate.

“The commission returned the documents because there are no reasons or legal grounds for submitting another candidacy,” Malaskevičius explained.

Prior to this, more than 50 civil society organizations published an appeal to the new Cabinet headed by Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko, calling on them not to repeat the mistakes of the previous government and appoint Tsyvinsky as BEB director.

Background of the controversy

On 25 June, Oleksandr Tsyvinsky, a current NABU detective who previously led a special operation exposing “toilet schemes” in Kyiv, won the competition for BEB director and received unanimous support from international commission members, whose vote is decisive.

However, during the session it became known that Tsyvinsky has relatives with Russian citizenship. Tsyvinsky himself explained that his father holds a Russian passport, but he has not communicated with him for several years.

Subsequently, the government received a submission for Tsyvinsky’s appointment as BEB director, but the Cabinet rejected his candidacy. This decision was made after reviewing additional materials provided by the Security Service of Ukraine, among others, which “concern national security issues and contain relevant security assessments.”

In response, the Ukrainian business community expressed concern about the government’s decision not to appoint the BEB director and called on the Cabinet to reconsider its decision.

Tsyvinsky himself said that it is “a matter of principle for him to clarify what specific ‘security assessments’ became the basis for the corresponding decision,” given that he has state secret clearance.

Why does Ukraine risk losing IMF funding?

The Bureau of Economic Security (BEB) in Ukraine is responsible for combating economic crimes such as fraud, tax evasion, smuggling, and money laundering. It acts as both an analytical and law enforcement body to protect the economic interests of the state and improve the business environment.

The IMF (International Monetary Fund) and Ukraine’s Bureau of Economic Security (BEB) are connected through Ukraine’s IMF-supported reform programs, particularly the Extended Fund Facility (EFF). 

The IMF provides Ukraine with financial help but only if Ukraine commits to reforms like fighting corruption and economic crimes, which the Bureau of Economic Security (BEB) enforces. Essentially, the IMF funds support Ukraine’s economy in exchange for stronger institutions like the BEB to make sure the economy is safer and more transparent. This teamwork helps Ukraine keep receiving money from the IMF and improves the country’s financial health.

If the government does not appoint Tsyvinsky as BEB director after the second deadline, it will send a red signal for further support for Ukraine.

The risk of disrupting the BEB competition could cost Ukraine very dearly – not only the loss of billions due to the failure to fulfill the IMF’s structural beacon, but also the loss of further trust and financial support from international donors.

You scroll through your feed, liking a friend’s vacation photo, skimming a news headline, pausing at a viral meme. It feels random—just a stream of whatever the internet serves up. But behind the scenes, a quiet battle is being waged over every piece of content that lands in front of you.

Some posts soar to the top. Others vanish without a trace. And it’s rarely an accident.

What you see—and what you don’t—is shaped by a mix of corporate interests, political agendas, and opaque systems designed to keep you engaged. Viral trends can be manufactured. Organic reach is dwindling. And if you’re a creator or business trying to be heard, the game is rigged against you.

But there’s a way to push back. Understanding how visibility works is the first step. The second? Using tools like Viplikes—where real engagement from actual users can give your content the momentum it deserves, without shady bots or empty clicks.

This isn’t about gaming the system. It’s about leveling the playing field.

So—who’s really deciding what you see? And how can you take back control? Let’s pull back the curtain.

The hidden hand: How your feed gets curated without your knowledge

•  The illusion of choice

What you see first when opening your favorite app isn’t random. Complex systems analyze thousands of signals to construct a version of reality they think will keep you scrolling longest. Your past behavior creates an invisible blueprint that determines future content.

•  The disappearing act

Creators report a disturbing phenomenon: posts vanish from followers’ feeds despite no violations. A musician might share new work only to find it never reaches their most engaged fans. This silent filtering happens without notification or appeal process.

•  The credibility paradox

Some accounts get special treatment without explanation. Their content travels further, appears more prominently, and survives moderation that catches others. These unspoken tiers of trust determine who gets heard and who remains background noise.

• The engagement mirage

What appears popular often got an invisible boost. Certain posts get artificial momentum through undisclosed partnerships or internal promotion. The viral content you see may have been placed there deliberately, not organically.

The truth is simple but unsettling: what reaches you has been carefully selected, not freely discovered. Recognizing this selection process allows for more conscious consumption and sharing.

The puppeteers of your digital diet: Who really shapes what you see

•  The paid priority lane

Behind the scenes, financial transactions determine post placement. Certain content gets invisible boosts through undisclosed partnerships, while organic material struggles to surface. It’s not about quality – it’s about who can afford visibility.

•  The geopolitical editors

Content gets filtered differently based on location. A news story trending in one country might be suppressed in another. These invisible boundaries create parallel digital realities where the same platform shows radically different versions of events.

•  The automated thought police

Sophisticated systems scan posts before humans ever see them. Certain topics trigger automatic demotion, regardless of context. Controversial issues get buried under safer, more advertiser-friendly content without any human making that decision.

The content you consume isn’t an accident – it’s the product of numerous invisible hands shaping your digital experience. Recognizing these forces is the first step toward more conscious consumption.

The art of authentic growth: Smart strategies for meaningful reach

•  The quality-over-quantity approach

Genuine growth begins with real connections. Services like Viplikes demonstrate how thoughtful audience building works – matching content with interested viewers rather than chasing empty numbers. This creates sustainable momentum that platforms recognize and reward.

•  The gradual growth principle

Effective promotion mirrors natural discovery patterns. Instead of sudden spikes that trigger suspicion, the best results come from steady, measured increases that appear organic to both viewers and platform systems.

•  The visibility paradox

Sometimes good content needs an initial push to be seen by its natural audience. Strategic promotion acts like a spotlight – it doesn’t create value, but helps existing value get noticed in crowded digital spaces.

This approach represents the mature evolution of digital presence – recognizing that while great content matters, even the best work sometimes needs help finding its audience in today’s saturated online environment. When done with integrity, it levels the playing field for creators of all sizes.

The parliamentary committee on law enforcement unanimously supported President Zelenskyy’s draft law №13533 on restoring the powers of the National Anti-corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), according to MP Yaroslav Zheleznyak.

The committee approved the document without any amendments to the originally registered text, Zheleznyak said. The draft law received 19 votes in favor, with no opposition or abstentions recorded.

“Tomorrow (July 31 — ed.) this decision will be put to a vote in the Rada hall. Immediately in two readings. Everything will be fine — there are more than enough votes,” Zheleznyak said.

The move represents a reversal from events, when on the evening of 22 July Zelenskyy signed a law that limited the independence of the anti-corruption institutions NABU and SAPO.

That decision prompted thousands of people to participate in protest rallies in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities. Protesters chanted: “Veto the law,” “Return Europe,” and “Shame.”

Responding to the protests, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced plans to submit a draft law to the Verkhovna Rada that will restore independence to NABU and SAPO. Zelenskyy said that the text of the draft law “guarantees real strengthening of the law enforcement system in Ukraine, independence of anti-corruption bodies, as well as reliable protection of the law enforcement system from any Russian influence or interference.”

According to the document published on the Rada’s website, the subordination of the Specialized Anti-corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) to the Prosecutor General will be abolished. Other provisions include limiting the Prosecutor General’s influence on NABU, institutional independence of SAPO, and simplified procedures for appointing prosecutors.

On 30 July, MPs submitted two additional alternative draft laws concerning NABU and SAPO. The total number of alternative documents has now increased to six.

Today, the biggest news comes from the Russian alliance.

Here, a new trade offensive reveals the United States has found a soft underbelly in the Brics alliance. Brazil, long seen as the most vulnerable member of the Russian economic alliance, is now facing steep tariffs and mounting pressure, turning it into a frontline state in the economic war to isolate Russia.

So far, the attack has been led by President Donald Trump himself. The White House has confirmed that tariffs on Brazilian seafood will rise to 50 percent starting at the beginning of August, currently the highest such penalty in the world. 

According to reports from Rio Grande do Norte, where much of the industry is based, the impact could be immediate: more than 30 vessels may suspend operations, 1,500 workers could lose their jobs, and major exporters like Produmar warn that sales to the US will become unfeasible. 

While framed as a trade policy decision, Washington has already signaled broader escalation: satellite services like GPS may be restricted, sanctions on government entities are on the table, and US diplomats are pressuring Brazil to break alignment with the Brics coalition, a bloc now increasingly seen as the backbone of Russia’s geopolitical strategy.

The official justification is highly personal. President Trump has repeatedly criticized Brazil’s prosecution of former president Jair Bolsonaro, who attempted to orchestrate a military coup through 2022 and 2023, calling it a witch hunt against Trump’s political ally. But behind this statement, a broader strategic move is at play. 

Brics has emerged as the United States’ most significant economic and geopolitical competitor, and Brazil is one of the original BRICS members and the third largest economy in the group behind China and India, yet it is also the most dependent on the United States for exports, finance, and high-tech imports.

By pressuring Brazil first, Washington is testing whether the BRICS alliance can survive an asymmetric economic war, beginning not with the most defiant members, but instead with the most exposed.

That exposure runs deep; roughly 20 percent of Brazil’s exports go to the United States, and many of its most profitable industries, agriculture, energy, and aerospace, depend on access to US markets, machinery, and data systems to function properly. The threat of cutting off GPS access is especially serious: Brazil’s space agency and large agricultural businesses greatly rely on American satellite data for everything from navigation to logistics and crop planning.

Although Brazil is now exploring alternatives, switching systems would take years, cost billions, and potentially isolate the country from its biggest investors. 

This is precisely what makes the US strategy so dangerous for BRICS cohesion. If the glass canon of the Brazilian economy folds under pressure, it might also be forced to halt its participation in key BRICS initiatives or leave the coalition altogether, meaning that Russia will face immediate consequences. 

Moscow has spent years promoting BRICS as a geopolitical counterweight to the West, including through de-dollarized trade, shared financial infrastructure, and new commodity pricing schemes. If Brazil steps back, it could disrupt these alternative Russian trade routes, payment mechanisms, and undermine diplomatic coordination, leaving Russia even more isolated at a time when its access to hard currency, global finance, and reliable partners is already shrinking. 

The pressure comes as Russia faces major economic troubles; sanctions, crackdowns on its shadow fleet, and de-dollarization have sharply limited its trade options. 

Brics remains Moscow’s best shot at salvaging energy exports, arms sales, and financial alternatives, and therefore its economy. Losing Brazil would weaken the bloc’s credibility and further erode Russia’s international pitch of Brics as a viable economic system, and unlike India, Brazil lacks scale, self-sufficiency, or military leverage, and if it folds, others will notice.

Overall, the United States has launched a calculated strike on the weakest point of the Russian Brics alliance, using tariffs, sanctions, and diplomatic pressure to peel away Brazil from its economic allies. What was framed as a protest over Bolsonaro’s prosecution might be a clever move to combat the US’s biggest geopolitical competitor.

And as BRICS fractures, Russia risks becoming even more isolated, losing the alliance’s third-largest economy, and one larger than its own, which would strip Moscow of credibility and critical leverage.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Ten days. That’s how long Donald Trump gave Vladimir Putin to end the war in Ukraine before facing new American punishment.

But will Congress wait that long?

Senator Richard Blumenthal thinks not. The Connecticut Democrat wants an immediate vote on sweeping Russia sanctions legislation, telling Suspilne News that Putin “does not deserve additional time.”

Blumenthal and his Republican co-author Lindsey Graham have been pushing the sanctions bill since April. Eighty-one senators support it. Yet it sits in limbo while Trump experiments with presidential ultimatums.

“Everything the president is doing is in the right direction, but I strongly advocate for sanctions to be 500%, not 100%,” Blumenthal said. 

Blumenthal emphasized the importance of demonstrating unity between the executive branch and Congress on Ukraine policy.

Republican Senator Roger Marshall offered a different perspective, telling Suspilne News that Trump should be given “maximum flexibility” during the 10-day period. However, Marshall acknowledged that “Putin is not responding to anything” and advocated for comprehensive sanctions including potential banking sector measures and secondary sanctions.

Graham takes a harder line. If Putin won’t negotiate, Trump should target China and India—Russia’s biggest oil customers.

“He can do this through an executive order or through legislative initiative in Congress,” Graham told Suspilne News.

Can they actually pass this thing? The numbers look good. Blumenthal counts 85 Senate supporters and believes they can reach 90 votes if needed.

Despite this backing and failed ceasefire negotiations in Istanbul, Trump had previously stated in May that Washington would not impose additional Russia sanctions.

Moscow’s response? Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov acknowledged the deadline but said Russia’s “special military operation” continues and negotiations require momentum from both sides.

This stance reflects their determination to sustain the war despite international pressure and economic measures intended to weaken Russia. 

Meanwhile, Ukraine keeps destroying Russian military assets faster than Moscow can replace them. The senators argue economic pressure should match that pace.

Graham puts it simply: “The president will increase pressure on Russia’s clients to get Putin to the negotiating table.”

Whether that pressure comes through congressional action or Trump’s executive measures may depend on how the next few days unfold. Putin’s silence on Trump’s deadline suggests he’s betting the president won’t follow through.

Ukrainian special forces landed on a Russian-controlled island in the Black Sea on 28 July night and wiped out the entire garrison without any Ukrainian casualties.

The target? Tendrivska Spit, a 65-kilometer sliver of land jutting into the Black Sea near occupied Kherson. Why this particular piece of sand and scrub?

The Russians had turned it into an electronic warfare hub. Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate says their commandos destroyed a “Zont” jamming complex and a “Rosa” radar station along with the troops manning them.

Here’s what makes this operation notable: Tendrivska Spit sits in contested waters where both sides have been trading blows for months. The narrow island—barely 1.8 kilometers wide at its broadest point—gave Russian forces eyes and electronic ears across a significant chunk of the northern Black Sea.

Not anymore. Ukrainian intelligence released footage showing their blue and yellow flag flying over the position.

How did they pull it off? The operation relied on boats funded through a private initiative called “Boats for HUR,” run by the Ukrainian Diana Podolyanchuk Charitable Foundation. International donors helped pay for the watercraft that carried the assault team to their target.

The timing matters. Ukrainian forces have been systematically targeting Russian positions on isolated islands and coastal areas, using their advantage in small boat operations. Each successful raid forces Russia to commit more resources to defending scattered outposts.

Can Russia replace what they lost? The electronic warfare equipment destroyed in the raid represents sophisticated gear that takes months to produce and deploy. The radar station gave Russian forces advance warning of Ukrainian naval movements—a capability now gone.

The operation signals Ukraine’s growing confidence in conducting amphibious raids deep behind Russian lines. Previous strikes hit Zmiinyi (Snake) Island and other Black Sea positions, but Tendrivska Spit sits closer to the Ukrainian mainland, suggesting expanded operational reach.

Ukrainian intelligence operatives conducted a major cyberattack against Russian authorities in occupied Crimea, downloading 100 terabytes of classified data before destroying the original files, according to RBK-Ukraine citing sources in Ukrainian intelligence.

The multi-day operation targeted electronic document management systems used by Russian-controlled government institutions across the peninsula, according to the report. Cyber specialists from Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate (GUR) penetrated digital cabinets of Crimean Russian leadership and gained access to several key systems.

“Dialog” and “Delo” electronic document management systems were compromised, along with accounting systems “1C:Document Flow,” Directum, and “ATLAS,” the report said. The systems handle legally significant electronic document flow for government agencies, budget institutions, state committees, and municipal bodies including the apparatus of the Russian Council of Ministers of Crimea.

The downloaded data included documents marked “secret” containing information about Russian military facilities and logistical supply routes for Russian forces on the peninsula, RBK-Ukraine reported. After copying the information, GUR cyber specialists destroyed all data stored on servers of regional and district government institutions, ministries, and departments of Russian authorities in Crimea.

A DDoS attack reportedly paralyzed information systems and network infrastructure in Crimea during the operation. Russian media made only brief mention of the cyberattack, with the press service of the Russia-controlled Ministry of Information reporting “a massive DDoS attack on major fixed-line communication operators.”

“Some services may be periodically unavailable to subscribers,” the ministry said, without specifying the scale of the problem or the number of affected operators.

Russian State Duma officials expressed concern but provided no details about compromised information.

Ukrainian intelligence sources indicated the obtained data contains significant intelligence value.

“So much data was downloaded there that we will soon learn many sensations about the activities and crimes of Russian occupiers in Ukrainian Crimea,” a Ukrainian intelligence officer told RBK-Ukraine.

The breach also provided access to officials responsible for “patriotic education” and organizing exhibitions and street actions aimed at discrediting Ukraine, according to Armed Forces of Ukraine officer and political scientist Andriy Tkachuk writing for Ukrinform.

“Evidence was obtained of coordination between local administrations and the ‘representation of the Russian Foreign Ministry in Simferopol,’” Tkachuk wrote. “The Russian Foreign Ministry distributes narratives, ‘republican ministries’ transmit them to districts, and schools and universities become retransmitters of Kremlin lies.”

A military expert from Crimea, a former Ukrainian officer and reserve lieutenant colonel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, told Krym.Realii on condition of anonymi that “Russian authorities in Crimea during the war closely interact with Russian military forces. This means that GUR will have a set of correspondence from which many interesting intelligence data can be ‘extracted,’.”

“All civilian administrations of Crimean districts and cities, as well as ministries and departments, issue secret orders and other documents related to territorial defense and more. This is not just important information, but the most important, like the mentioned logistical supply routes for troops,” he added.

The Kremlin has rejected President Donald Trump’s ultimatum for Russia to negotiate an end to its war in Ukraine within 10 days, with officials reaffirming Moscow’s commitment to continue military operations until achieving its stated objectives.

Trump announced the deadline on 29 July before boarding Air Force One, warning that tariffs would take effect if Russia refused to stop the war. “Ten days from today. And then we’re gonna put on tariffs and stuff,” Trump told reporters, according to audio published by the White House.

The threatened tariffs would target secondary sanctions on countries purchasing Russian oil, gas and other products, including China and India. Trump acknowledged uncertainty about the measure’s impact, stating: “I don’t know if it’s gonna affect Russia, because he (Russian President Vladimir Putin) wants to obviously probably keep the war going, but we’re gonna put tariffs and various things.”

The announcement represents a shortened timeline from Trump’s previous ultimatum delivered 14 July, when he warned of “severe” tariffs up to 100% if Russia failed to agree to a peace deal within 50 days. Trump said on 28 July he was no longer willing to wait that long.

Russian Security Council Deputy Chairperson Dmitry Medvedev responded on his English-language X account, according to the ISW, that Trump cannot dictate negotiation timing. Medvedev said that negotiations will conclude only when Russia achieves all war objectives, likely referring to Moscow’s original aims including regime change in Ukraine, alterations to NATO’s open-door policy, and reducing Ukraine’s military capabilities.

Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov echoed the rejection, claiming Russia will continue its war to protect national interests despite Trump’s revised deadline. 

The Institute for the Study of War assessed Kremlin’s statements as efforts to compel Trump to abandon his deadline in favor of normalized bilateral relations and increased cooperation. ISW reported that the Kremlin remains uninterested in negotiations to end the war, instead seeking to protract the war to secure additional battlefield gains.

As the global tech landscape continues to evolve in 2025, the integration of blockchain ecosystems is opening new doors for everyday users to generate passive income. One notable trend is the rise of blockchain cloud mining, which combines the strengths of digital asset platforms to streamline mining operations. Among the more surprising developments is the use of XRP—a token traditionally used for cross-border payments—to fund Dogecoin (DOGE) mining, creating a unique cross-chain use case.

This shift reflects a broader transformation in how digital assets interact. Traditionally, cryptocurrencies have existed in isolated qecosystems, each with its own rules, infrastructure, and communities. Now, platforms are bridging those gaps, allowing users to leverage one digital asset to unlock the utility of another.

XRP and DOGE: From payment rails to mining fuel

XRP, the native token of Ripple’s payment network, has long been favored for its speed and low transaction costs, especially among financial institutions in regions such as Southeast Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. Despite its utility in finance, everyday XRP holders often lacked ways to generate consistent, daily returns from their holdings.

Meanwhile, DOGE—once seen as a meme coin—has developed a strong community and use cases in mining, making it appealing for those seeking daily income through cloud mining.

A new approach allows users to deploy their XRP holdings to activate DOGE mining contracts via smart contracts. These contracts recognize XRP transfers and automatically allocate computing power toward DOGE mining. This is made possible by platforms such as BlockchainCloudMining, which aim to lower the entry barrier for mining by offering automated, cloud-based solutions.

Simplifying mining through cloud platforms

Blockchain-based cloud mining platforms are positioning themselves as a user-friendly alternative to traditional mining, which often requires expensive hardware, ongoing maintenance, and technical expertise.

Here’s how the process typically works:

1. Account creation: Users register with a cloud mining provider, such as BlockchainCloudMining, through a simple sign-up process. An initial sign-up bonus may be provided to get started quickly.
2. Mining contract selection: Users choose from various contracts based on mining power, duration, and cost. These contracts determine the level of computing power allocated to mine cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin, DOGE, and Ethereum.
3. Earnings and payouts: Once active, the mining contract generates daily income, paid out in users’ chosen cryptocurrencies. Many platforms now support multiple tokens, including BTC, ETH, USDT, XRP, and more.
4. Security and support: Modern platforms integrate security protocols such as McAfee and Cloudflare protections, 24/7 customer support, and uptime guarantees to ensure reliable service.

The bigger picture: Asset interoperability and passive income

What makes this innovation particularly noteworthy is the interoperability between assets. XRP, a token designed for utility in financial networks, is now being used to activate mining for an unrelated digital asset. This kind of synergy reflects the maturing blockchain industry, where the focus is shifting from isolated speculation to functional, income-generating solutions.

As more users look for passive income strategies in the digital economy, technologies like smart contracts, cloud mining, and token bridges could redefine how everyday people engage with cryptocurrencies.

…….

The information provided in this article is not a solicitation to invest and is not intended as investment advice, financial advice, or trading advice. Cryptocurrency mining and staking involve risks. There is a possibility of loss of funds. You are strongly advised to perform due diligence before investing or trading in cryptocurrencies and securities, including consulting a professional financial advisor.

The Ukrainian government resists appointing the head of one of its anti-corruption agencies, delaying the start of its work. Meanwhile, the EU says this setback in the Economic Security Bureau (BEB) running endangers Kyiv’s credibility and $3 billion in support, European Pravda reports. 

European Commission demands: appoint Tsyvinsky according to the law

The European Commission calls on the Ukrainian government to immediately appoint the head of the agency, which has already been chosen in accordance with current legislation and transparent procedures.

Oleksandr Tsyvinsky is a National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) detective who won the BEB director position in June 2025. The competition involved international experts. The BEB reform is one condition for Ukraine to receive $3 billion in international aid.

Tsyvinsky leads one of NABU’s elite detective units and became known for his participation in the “Clean City” investigation. His appointment was to symbolize the restoration of trust in anti-corruption bodies.

However, on 7 July, the Ukrainian government refused to approve him, citing “security concerns” as assessed by the Security Service. In response, Tsyvinsky stated that the government’s decision “does not comply with the law.”

Confrontation with NABU: a new round of pressure

The government’s refusal to approve the competition winner marked another escalation in tense relations between Ukrainian authorities and NABU, which sharply intensified this summer.

On 22 July, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the controversial bill, which curtails the NABU’s independence, as well as the liberty of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), by requiring their key decisions to be coordinated with the Prosecutor General’s Office. 

19 Ukrainian protest signs that are pure art (and also completely unhinged)

The law led to mass civil society protests and criticism from international partners as it contradicts Ukraine’s commitments to the EU and the US on anti-corruption reforms. 

The EU has already warned diplomatically that undermining NABU’s independence will have serious consequences for further EU integration and aid volumes. The situation around BEB only deepens the trust crisis.

Business and partners demand appointment

The business community, over 124 associations and 27,000 companies, published an open letter urging the authorities not to delay appointing the competition winner.

“Kyiv must promptly appoint the BEB director according to the law on BEB reform and current procedures,” says a European Commission spokesperson.

Appointing Tsyvinsky is a key condition for advancing the BEB reform and preserving the institution’s independence. The EU enlargement report for 2024 emphasized that the competition must be transparent, based on personal merits and integrity.

The Selection Commission has sent Tsyvinsky’s documents to the Cabinet for the second time, and Europeans are closely watching whether the government will fulfill its commitments.

Russian forces targeted a Ukrainian Ground Forces training unit in a missile attack that reportedly left three military personnel dead and 18 wounded, according to an official statement from the Ground Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

The military command has not disclosed the specific location or identity of the targeted unit for operational security reasons. However, military analyst Serhii Bezkrestnov, known by his call sign “Flash,” identified the site as the Honcharivskyi training ground in Chernihiv Oblast.

Bezkrestnov suggested that safety protocol violations may have contributed to the casualties, stating that personnel were aware of reconnaissance drone activity in the area and had received air raid warnings.

“Everyone knew that a UAV-spotter was hanging over the object. Everyone heard the alarm,” he wrote in his assessment of the incident.

The Ground Forces have established an investigative commission led by the chief of the Military Law Enforcement Service to determine the circumstances surrounding the personnel losses. Military officials indicated that any commanders found responsible for actions or negligence leading to casualties will face accountability measures.

This attack continues a pattern of Russian strikes against Ukrainian military training facilities.

On 22 June, Russian forces hit a mechanized brigade training ground in southern Kherson Oblast, resulting in three deaths and 11 injuries. Earlier incidents occurred on 4 June in Poltava Oblast and 1 June in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, where an Iskander missile struck a training facility.

Exclusive

Ukrainian war documentaries Russia doesn’t want you to see. These films expose Russian war crimes and showcase Ukrainian resilience through stories of survival, volunteering, art creation amid destruction, and resistance that directly contradict Moscow’s propaganda about Ukraine.

20,000 wrecked vehicles behind them, Russians crawl toward Siversk like there’s no tomorrow. A Russian tank column rolled into a bloody disaster outside Siversk in eastern Ukraine. But Moscow’s troops are still advancing.

Man wants to counter China by letting Russia dismember Ukraine, forgets they’re allies. Pentagon’s Undersecretary Elbridge Colby crafted America’s China strategy. Beijing couldn’t be happier.

Spain Ukraine military aid: Patriot missiles, Leopard tanks—plus surprise Chornobyl solar plant. Missiles and tanks are only part of Spain’s military aid to Ukraine: the past year also brought troop training, demining, sanctions and a solar plant in Chornobyl.

Military

Frontline report: Ukrainian defenders revive Roman anti-cavalry tactics to achieve devastating 66-to-1 kill ratio against Russian forces. Russian commanders have redirected their offensive focus toward Torske after maintaining a bridgehead across the Zherebets River for months without establishing a direct route to their target city.

Ukrainian drones turned Russia’s Salsk station into a firestorm — fuel train destroyed (video). Additionally, drones reportedly knocked out power substations in occupied Donetsk and in Russia’s Orlovsky.

Ukrainian marines turn training ground into war school at NATO’s Sea Breeze 2025 in UK. With minehunters and battle-tested marines, Ukraine’s Navy is no longer just a student of war — it’s a teacher on the modern battlefield.

Belarus says drone shot down over Minsk at 2 am.

Intelligence and technology

Kyiv’s AI coders take aim at hidden Russia’s killers beneath soil

. With a third of its territory mined, Ukraine is betting on AI to accelerate demining.

With civilian factories frozen and war plants revived, Lukashenko’s regime becomes ghost manufacturer for Kremlin missiles. Drone shells, missile chips, and targeting optics are pouring out of newly built plants as Minsk militarizes under Kremlin command.

Lithuania selects Ukrainian tech over alternatives to catch Russian drones following airspace violations. Lithuania’s military selected Ukrainian acoustic detection technology to monitor drone activity, with deployment scheduled for 2026 after two Russian drones entered the country’s airspace this month.

Euroactiv: Ukraine welcome to join EU’s IRIS² satellite network as Starlink reliance sparks unease. The project could give Kyiv an alternative to Musk’s system during the war.

International

ISW: Kremlin pushes alone-against-the-West myth to rally Russians against Ukraine and NATO. “Putin is unlikely to make any concessions unless forced to do so by Ukrainian victories,” ISW says.

NATO tanks would get “stuck in tunnels” if Russia invaded EU, European commissioner warns

. Transport Commissioner Apostolos Tzitzikostas plans $20 billion in infrastructure upgrades after warning that current roads and railways cannot support rapid military deployment against Russian invasion.

Trump cuts Putin ceasefire deadline from 50 days to under two weeks. Meeting UK PM Keir Starmer in Scotland, the US President warned Russia there will be no more delays.

Switzerland allows sanctioned Russian official speak at international forum. Ukraine wants her at Special Tribunal. Valentina Matvienko spread Russian propaganda in Geneva publicly as Ukrainian Foreign Ministry spokesman called her participation “disgraceful.”

Humanitarian and social impact

Pregnant woman among 22 killed by Russia in one day, Zelenskyy says. Russian guided bombs, drones, and missiles targeted homes, hospitals, stores, and emergency services overnight.

Russia bombs Zaporizhzhia prison — 17 dead, dozens injured overnight (updated). Eight Russian bombs targeted the facility and damaged single-family homes close by.

Political and legal developments

“We took Trump’s ultimatum into account,” says Kremlin—but Russia still has no plans to stop war. Despite a new 10-day deadline from the US, Kremlin directly insists Moscow will continue its aggression in Ukraine.

Kyiv formally recognizes forced resettlement of 700,000 Ukrainians by Moscow and Polish communist authorities as deportation. Decades after Operation Vistula, Kyiv enshrines the truth with legal clarity.

Lukashenko’s spy caught mapping defenses in Ukraine’s border region near Poland. With a phone and a Google Map, a Volyn local fed military intel to Belarusian handlers.

As Trump sets new ultimatum for Russia, Kremlin’s mouthpiece threatens war not with Ukraine, but America itself. Medvedev warns of US–Russia war, even as Moscow struggles to hold occupied Ukraine.

Amid war, Russia shuts down gasoline exports — producers hit for the first time. The ban takes effect 29 July and could be extended into September.

Read our earlier daily review here.

Russian forces launched a large-scale drone attack against Ukraine during the night of 30 July, causing civilian casualties and infrastructure damage across multiple regions. The assault injured at least five people and sparked fires at several enterprises.

The Ukrainian Air Force reported that Russia deployed 78 unmanned aerial vehicles of various types, including strike drones of the Iranian-designed Shahed type and decoy drones.

Ukrainian air defense systems successfully neutralized 51 of the attacking drones, with 27 recorded as hitting targets across seven locations and debris from destroyed drones falling in two additional areas.

Three civilians injured in Kharkiv 

The northeastern city of Kharkiv sustained significant damage when Russian drones struck the Shevchenkivskyi and Slobidskyi districts at approximately 1:55 a.m. Three people were injured in the attacks, according to Kharkiv Mayor Ihor Terekhov.

In the Shevchenkivskyi district, drone strikes damaged a car wash, shattered windows in apartment buildings, and hit a supermarket, while several vehicles caught fire. The Kharkiv Regional Prosecutor’s Office confirmed that drone debris injured a 24-year-old woman, a 33-year-old man, and a 62-year-old woman.

Russian forces used “Geran-2” type drones for the city attack. A second strike hit the Slobidskyi district around 2:40 a.m., damaging a non-residential building. Local prosecutors have opened war crimes investigations into both incidents.

Dnipropetrovsk Oblast suffers enterprise damage

Russian attacks on Dnipropetrovsk region resulted in two civilian injuries and significant agricultural losses, according to regional military administration head Serhii Lysak. Ukrainian forces intercepted 24 drones targeting the region, but several strikes reached their intended targets.

In Pavlohrad, a 70-year-old man sustained injuries and required hospitalization after attacks damaged a transport enterprise and triggered multiple fires.

The assault also struck the local railway station, disrupting tracks and contact networks, though Ukraine’s national railway company Ukrzaliznytsia reported no casualties among passengers or staff.

Russian forces deployed FPV drones against three communities in the Synelnykivskyi district, destroying a farm and killing approximately 20 head of cattle, while damaging private enterprises.

In Mezhivska community, FPV drone attacks wounded one woman and destroyed five vehicles.

Previous day’s deadly strike

The latest assault followed a devastating missile attack on 29 July that struck Kamianske in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast.

That attack partially destroyed a three-story non-residential building and damaged nearby medical facilities, including a maternity hospital and city hospital department.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed the death toll reached three people, including 23-year-old pregnant woman Diana, with the total number of casualties rising to 22.

Soldiers of Song (2024)

Director: Ryan Smith (American)
Awards: Tribeca Film Festival premiere, Warsaw International Film Festival nomination (Best Documentary Feature)

What is it about? The film follows Ukrainian musicians who transformed their art into weapons of resistance against Russian aggression.

The documentary weaves together multiple extraordinary narratives: paramedic “Ptashka” (“Bird”) singing folk songs in Azovstal’s basement to lift survivor’s spirits during the siege of Mariupol in 2022; Slava Vakarchuk of the band Okean Elzy performing atop bombed buildings to raise awareness and visiting wounded children in hospitals; Andriy Khlyvnyuk of Boombox who joined the armed forces while continuing to raise funds for his unit through concerts, balancing his dual roles as drone operator and musician.

Through the Cultural Forces initiative, the film shows how music reaches soldiers directly at the front, where performances become vital sources of motivation and spiritual strength, embodying the philosophy that “Beauty urges us to align ourselves to experience the triumph of soul over body.”

Where to watch: Apple TV, Prime Video, Google Play

Why should you watch it? This shows how culture itself becomes a battlefield. Ukrainian artists fight for the freedom to create in Ukrainian language as Russians ban it on occupied territories. Making beauty becomes an act of defiance against cultural genocide while the film asks crucial questions: “How many Ukrainian musicians has Russia killed, and how many more will it kill if not stopped?”

Quote from the song in the film:

“And here we walk in the battle of life—Solid, durable, unbreakable, like granite, For crying hasn’t given freedom to anyone yet, But whoever is a fighter, he conquers the world.” 

Faith Under Siege (2025)

Director: Yaroslav Lodygin (Ukrainian)

What is it about? The film exposes brutal persecution of Christians in Russian-occupied Ukraine, documenting bombed churches, imprisoned or killed pastors, and the abduction of over 19,000 Ukrainian children. It follows Evangelical and Protestant believers in what was once called the post-Soviet “Bible Belt” as they struggle to keep faith alive in secret.

While Russia spreads propaganda claiming Ukraine persecutes Christians by restricting Kremlin-linked Orthodox churches amid the war, the film exposes the brutal reality: it’s Russian occupation forces systematically pressuring, torturing, imprisoning, and killing Christians in occupied Ukrainian territories, especially those who refuse to collaborate with the FSB.

Where to watch: YouTube

Why should you watch it? This exposes a classic authoritarian tactic of accusing your opponent of your own sins while the international community’s attention is divided. The film calls believers to prayer, awareness, and solidarity while showing how Ukrainian Christians stand strong against religious persecution, proving that faith can survive even under the most brutal conditions and revealing the true face of Russia’s so-called “defense” of Christianity.

Porcelain War (2024)

Director: Brendan Bellomo & Slava Leontyev (Ukrainian-American)
Awards: Sundance Grand Jury Prize winner, Oscar nominated 2025 (Best documentary feature)

What is it about? Set in war-torn Kharkiv close to the Russian border, the film follows three Ukrainian artists who create delicate porcelain figurines while living through the brutal reality of Russian invasion, filled with destruction and terror.

Slava, a former Ukrainian Special Forces soldier, transforms from artist to weapons instructor, teaching civilians how to fight while continuing to craft ceramics with his wife Anya. She developed her unique style of painting on ceramic miniatures at Kharkiv School of Arts and channels her resistance through art that captures their “idyllic past, uncertain present, and hope for the future.” Meanwhile, Andrey, originally from annexed Crimea (Feodosia), serves as first-time cinematographer documenting their story while simultaneously working to get his family to safety abroad.

The film contrasts stunning Ukrainian landscapes with the wreckage caused by war missiles, showing how these artists defiantly find beauty amid destruction while some take up guns alongside their brushes.

The jury called the filmmaking “the ultimate pursuit of good” while resisting totalitarian aggression.

Where to watch: Prime Video, Takflix

Why should you watch it? This film embodies how artists put beauty back into a crumbling world, showing that while it’s easy to make people afraid, it’s hard to destroy their passion for living. It’s both an intimate love story and a powerful statement about art’s role in resistance.

No Sleep Til Kyiv (2025)

Director: Eric Liebman (American)

What is it about? The documentary follows international volunteers, including American homebuilder Peter Duke from Orlando, who leave their comfortable lives to join convoys delivering military trucks and other essential aid from Estonia to Ukrainian soldiers in Kyiv.

Working with the 69th Sniffing Brigade (NAFO), volunteers drive 30+ hours straight through Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland, sleeping through air raid sirens and witnessing Russian destruction firsthand.

Stories of ordinary Ukrainians who paused their jobs to defend their homes are woven throughout the film, alongside international volunteers who take time from their lives to assist them.

Duke draws powerful parallels between Ukraine’s fight and America’s birth in 1776, saying “All of us in Western democracies that hope for peace and security need Ukraine to succeed.”

Where to watch: Here

Why should you watch it? The film offers an American perspective on why Ukraine’s fight matters globally—if Russia succeeds, the authoritarianism will spread further, possibly affecting countries like Taiwan and South Korea.

The film also shows how ordinary citizens can get involved in fighting Russian aggression without wearing a uniform, demonstrating that remarkable acts of selflessness and purpose transcend borders and politics.

20 Days in Mariupol (2023)

Director: Mstyslav Chernov (Ukraine)
Awards: Ukraine’s first-ever Academy Award (Best Documentary 2024), BAFTA winner, Pulitzer Prize, Sundance Audience Award

What is it about? The film follows Ukrainian journalists working for Associated Press who remained the last and only international reporters in besieged Mariupol during the first weeks of Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022.

Chernov and his team documented Russian airstrikes on a maternity hospital, mass graves, frightened people huddled in shelters, and the deaths of civilians, including a 4-year-old girl as the doctors desperately tried to save her life, while Russian officials dismissed all their footage as “fakes.”

Many conversations in the film are conducted in Russian, exposing the cynicism of Moscow’s claim to be “saving Russian speakers.” 

Chernov said he wishes he never had to make this film and would exchange all recognition for Russia never invading Ukraine.

“My brain desperately wants to forget this, but the camera won’t let it happen,” the director says in the film.

Where to watch:  Prime Video, Apple TV, Netflix, Takflix

Why should you watch it? This is raw historical documentation at its finest—no contrived drama, just authentic footage that speaks for itself. As Chernov notes, “This is painful to watch—but it must be painful to watch.” It stands as crucial evidence of Russian war crimes and the price Ukrainians pay for freedom.

Quote from the film:

“War is like an X-ray — all human insides become visible. Good people become better, bad people become worse.”

A House Made of Splinters (2022)

Director: Simon Lereng Wilmont (Danish)
Awards: Sundance Best Director Award, Oscar nominated in 2023, FIPRESCI Award

What is it about? Set in a special orphanage in Lysychansk, an eastern Ukrainian town exhausted by Russia’s war, the film follows three children temporarily separated from their parents and living in danger near the frontlines in Donetsk Oblast. 

While they wait for custody decisions from authorities and courts that will determine whether they return home or move to new families, a small group of strong-willed social workers work tirelessly to create an almost magical safe space. These selfless caregivers give moments of joy and calm to children, bringing them back to their childhood that has almost been lost amid the family drama and ongoing conflict around them.

Where to watch: Apple TV+, Amazon Prime Video, Takflix

Why should you watch it? This deeply intimate portrait shows war’s long-term impact on society’s most vulnerable members through an extraordinarily poignant lens. Danish director explores how conflict affects children, offering a profoundly moving look at resilience, hope, and the power of human compassion even in the darkest circumstances.

Us, Our Pets and the War (2024)

Director: Anton Ptushkin (Ukrainian YouTuber)

What is it about? The documentary tells stories of people and their animals when Russia’s full-scale invasion began in 2022—from cats and dogs in abandoned apartments and shelters to lions, tigers, bears, lemurs, and even Igoryok the Yemeni chameleon in zoos.

It features famous pets like Patron the dog and Shafa the cat, plus soldiers, volunteers, foreigners, and Ukrainians participating in rescue missions everywhere from bomb shelters to the front lines.

The main idea of the film comes from shelter founder Asia Serpinska: “Save animals to stay human.” 

Where to watch: Netflix

Why should you watch it? It shows how rescuing animals becomes both a way to preserve humanity amid violence and a form of mutual salvation—revealing the extraordinary close connection between people and animals that war has only strengthened. 

Quote from the film:

“When it seemed that we were saving animals, in reality, it was animals that saved us.”