Russia denies the Holodomor was a genocide against Ukrainians. Right now, Russian state media calls it a "hoax invented by the West's propaganda machine". Moscow's official line: it was merely a "tragedy that affected the entire Soviet people."

But the evidence is overwhelming: between 1932 and 1933, Joseph Stalin engineered an artificial famine that killed roughly four million Ukrainians—13% of the population. Declassified KGB documents even reveal exactly how the Soviet Union spent decades covering up the crime.

So what was the Holodomor, and why does Russia still refuse to admit what really happened?

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What was the Holodomor, and why did the Soviet Union try so hard to erase it?

In 2017, Ukraine’s Secret Service declassified files that had been hidden in KGB archives for decades.

The documents revealed a systematic disinformation campaign: pay Western journalists to write favorable articles. “Brainwash” intellectuals before foreign trips. Deploy biased experts to suppress any mention of a Soviet famine. As late as 1988 – fifty-five years after the fact—KGB reports still called truth-telling a “provocative anti-Soviet campaign.”

“The information received by the KGB of the Ukrainian SSR indicates that the enemy’s intelligence services and centers of ideological subversion … will increase their activity in using the defamatory materials they have gathered about the ‘causes of the famine.’”

 

“The State Security Committee of the republic is carrying out measures aimed at exposing the provocative nature of the anti-Soviet campaign,“ said the 1988 reports.

What were they so desperate to hide?

Between 1932 and 1933, Joseph Stalin engineered an artificial famine that killed four million Ukrainians—13% of the population.

At its peak, 28,000 people died every day. This wasn’t drought or crop failure; it was deliberate policy.

Stalin’s government confiscated the entire harvest from Ukrainian villages. They seized livestock. They made possession of food a criminal offense – people were shot on the spot for hiding a sack of potatoes. Military checkpoints blockaded starving villages to prevent escape. Meanwhile, trains carried millions of tons of seized Ukrainian grain to Western Europe for export.

The Holodomor killed three times as many people as Auschwitz. But unlike the Holocaust, which the world has spent eight decades documenting, Stalin’s genocide was buried under decades of enforced silence.

The coverup worked. Most of the world knew nothing until Soviet archives opened in the 1990s.

Even today, Russian authorities continue to deny that this crime ever happened.

Dive into our archives:

What to read about the Holodomor at Euromaidan Press

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Why did Stalin target Ukrainian peasants specifically?

After the Russian Empire collapsed following its defeat in the war with Japan and other social factors, Ukraine declared its independence.

This period lasted approximately 3–4 years, from 1918 to 1921, after which Ukraine again came under Soviet rule. It was during that time that, in order to isolate the “enemies of Soviet power,” leader of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 Vladimir Lenin, and his associates created concentration camps. One of these was located in Kyiv.

Despite the looting, violence, and killings of civilians, the national liberation movement continued. The main force resisting Bolshevik policies were Ukrainian peasants, skilled agricultural workers and property owners. In a single year, they organized 5,000 protests.

It was at that moment that Stalin came up with a horrific idea for how to subdue the regime’s main enemies. Force them to work several times harder, seize the entire harvest, isolate the villages, and set up blockade posts so they could not escape or find food. This led to the slow death of millions of Ukrainians.

The confiscated food was exported to Western countries. Ukrainians were dying, but they were feeding Germany, England, Holland, Denmark, and Poland.

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Holodomor: Stalin’s punishment for 5,000 peasant revolts

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How do you starve 4 million people without the world noticing?

Physical isolation: Stalin and Molotov’s January 1933 directive banned Ukrainians from leaving the Ukrainian SSR and Kuban region—applied to no other Soviet territory. Military troops blockaded “blacklisted” villages. Internal passports were denied to farmers so they couldn’t travel.

Destroying evidence: Soviet authorities systematically confiscated and destroyed photographs. Death certificates couldn’t list “starvation” as cause—officials recorded “typhus,” “exhaustion,” or “old age” instead. Registry books were seized by secret police in 1934.

Silencing resistance: More than 21,000 criminal cases document arrests during 1932-33 for resisting grain confiscation, hiding food, or speaking out. Inside the Soviet Union, any mention of the famine was forbidden as anti-Soviet propaganda.

Manipulating Western press: Foreign correspondents were barred from entering Ukraine in 1933. Some promoted the SOviet narrative. Walter Duranty of The New York Times—who’d just won a 1932 Pulitzer Prize – publicly denied the famine while privately telling a British diplomat in September 1933 that “as many as 10 million” had died. Simultaneously, Stalin exported seized grain abroad, making Ukraine appear to prosper.

The KGB campaign: Declassified documents reveal systematic disinformation: pay Western journalists, suppress academics. As late as 1988, KGB memos called truth-telling “provocative anti-Soviet campaign.”

Most survivors couldn’t speak publicly until the late 1980s.

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Documents reveal Soviet repressions against those resisting Holodomor genocidal famine

4

How many Ukrainians died, and why don't we know the exact number?

The best scientific estimate: approximately 4 million Ukrainians starved to death.

But you’ll see figures ranging from 1.8 million to 15 million. Why such variation?

Because Stalin’s coverup worked. Without accurate death records, estimates rely on demographic analysis – comparing expected population levels with actual census data.

The most rigorous study came in 2015 from demographers at the Ukrainian Institute of Demographic and Social Studies and the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill: 3.9 million direct deaths, plus 0.6 million unborn children. That’s 13.3% of Ukraine’s population wiped out in two years.

Early estimates from the Ukrainian diaspora cited 7-10 million, based on what eyewitnesses saw and reported. Without access to Soviet archives, precise calculation was impossible.

Why accuracy matters: Historian Hennadiy Yefimenko warns that unrealistically high estimates undermine genocide recognition. The number is devastating enough without inflation—and scientifically defensible estimates strengthen the case for recognition.

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So how many Ukrainians died in the Holodomor?

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Who managed to document the genocide despite Soviet efforts to destroy all evidence?

A Canadian woman got there first. In 1932, journalist Rhea Clyman published dozens of articles in Toronto’s Evening Telegram exposing the famine. Soviet authorities denounced her reports as “completely fabricated” and expelled her from the USSR.

Then her work vanished for 80 years. It wasn’t rediscovered until the 2000s, buried in archives – exactly as Stalin intended.

A year later, Welsh journalist Gareth Jones made it through. He’d been an advisor to British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, which helped him get a Soviet visa. He arranged a trip to industrial Kharkiv but got off the train in Ukrainian villages instead.

“I went through a lot of villages and twelve collective farms. Everywhere I heard crying: “We have no bread. We die!” “Say to England that we will die of the famine.”

 

“There is hunger almost everywhere. Millions die from it. I travelled for several days in Ukraine, and there was no bread. The children had stomachaches, all the horses and cows were dying, and the people were also dying of hunger. The terror was on an unheard-of scale,” the British journalist recalled.

After witnessing this, he held a press conference in Berlin, where he publicly spoke about the Holodomor in Ukraine for the first time. Jones published dozens of articles about these terrible years.

A few years later, Jones was shot. According to British intelligence, a representative of the Bolshevik International was involved in the murder.

In 2019, Polish director Agnieszka Holland made a movie about the brave British journalist, “Mr. Jones.”

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Hunger for Truth: Documentary about Canadian journalist who was first to report about Holodomor

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Did anyone manage to photograph the Holodomor?

Barely.

Soviet authorities systematically seized and destroyed any visual evidence. Cameras were confiscated. Film was destroyed. Anyone caught photographing the dying risked arrest or worse.

Only a few remarkable individuals, such as Austrian engineer Alexander Wienerberger, managed to secretly snap and preserve such photos.

Wienerberger worked at the Kharkiv Plastmas Plant in 1932 and 1933. This is what he wrote about Russian-made Holodomor in his book:

“Food reserves were searched with bayonets. When the Soviet authorities realized that hungry peasants would flock to the cities in search of food, they stopped selling rail tickets for six months.” 

 

“There were more and more victims. In winter (1933-Ed), bodies of young children, mainly school-aged children, were found in remote places and local wells. Street gangs killed these poor wretches to sell their clothes at the local markets.”

 

“For months, the cemetery guard had been feeding his pigs with dead bodies. There was great demand for his pork meat.” 

When Wienerberger returned to Austria in 1934, he compiled 25 photographs into an album titled Die Hungertragödie in Südrussland 1933 (The Tragedy of Famine in South Russia, 1933). He presented it to Cardinal Theodor Innitzer, who had established an interfaith humanitarian relief committee to aid the starving.

Did the photos convince anyone to help?

Cardinal Innitzer tried. He publicly called for assistance, using Wienerberger’s photographs as evidence of mass death and cannibalism.

Moscow’s response? They denied the famine existed and refused all aid.

But Wienerberger’s album survived. It still sits in the Diocesan Archive in Vienna – physical proof that no amount of Soviet denial could completely erase.

Explore this extraordinary archive here:

Austrian engineer captures the horror of the Holodomor in 1932-33

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What does a body go through when it is starved to death?

A person slowly died from starvation over a period of several weeks to several months. In addition to weakness, pain, and the gradual failure of organs, there were even more terrifying consequences. Hunger drove people insane.

The most painful pages of the Soviet genocide include over 2,500 criminal cases related to acts of cannibalism, BBC reports. Some, unfortunately, involve cases in which parents ate only their newborn children and then died themselves, as per NV. Many others took their own lives.

“In the Novo-Vasylivka district, there is a trade in the corpses of cats, dogs and the meat of fallen horses by speculative elements among the peasants. 

 

The selling price of a dog is on average 12 rubles, the meat of a fallen horse – 6-8 rubles per kg. In most cases, payment is made in things (rugs, clothes, etc.).” (Dnipropetrovsk regional department, 5 March, 1933).

 

“On the grounds of famine, 6 cases of cannibalism were noted. There are cases of a father deliberately killing his two children because he had nothing to feed the latter.” (Vinnytsia Regional Department, 9 March).

 

“Recently, we have noted a significant increase in corpse eating and cannibalism.

 

Every day I receive 10 or more reports from the districts. In some cases, cannibalism even becomes a habit.” (Kyiv Regional Department, 12 March).

This trauma doesn’t fade. It gets passed from grandparents to grandchildren, embedded in family histories. That’s why even today, Ukrainians can’t look at full grain silos without remembering when Stalin turned abundance into weapon.

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What were people forced to eat to survive?

Today we live in a very different world: most people try to eat healthily, choose organic products, and go to gyms, viewing diet and physical activity as a matter of choice and comfort.

Back then, during the Holodomor, the choice was simply whether or not to survive.

Pinecone and needle soup, bread made from mashed grass, and pancakes from tree bark. These were the daily meals of Ukrainian peasants during the artificial famine imposed by the Soviet Union in 1932–1933.

Students of the Ukrainian Leadership Academy launched an online “restaurant,” showcasing survival “recipes.”

A few examples:

• Bread from tree bark and straw
• Palianchyky — baked potato scraps mixed with leftover grains.
• Hlibtsi — straw combined with millet and buckwheat husks, ground together with hemp cake.

With meals like these, a person could survive for a few weeks to a few months, but long-term survival without serious health problems was impossible.

The body would suffer from vitamin deficiencies, metabolic disorders, weakened immunity, digestive issues, and exhaustion. Without proper, balanced nutrition, it is impossible to sustain life for more than 3–6 months.

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Treebark pancakes and pinecone soup: “dishes” from Ukrainian 1930’s Holodomor famine served in Brussels

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What do real witnesses say?

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The horror of the Holodomor is not only in statistics, but in the voices of those who lived it.

Anna Slobodian remembers: “People supported each other. They helped each other.”

Meanwhile, fields were guarded. Potato and beet crops were left unharvested.

“They watched over the fields, driving people away, shooting over their heads… and that’s how the harvest rotted.”

 

“We cried every day because we were hungry. We had huge bellies already. There was nothing else to think about,” Anna says.

Vasylina Yarovenko recalls:

“They took away grain… everything. They left nothing in the house. On the wide long street at the edge of our village, there used to be many children — and those children were dying, one after another, one after another.”

She describes how she scraped the insides of corn cobs into tiny pieces and cooked them on the stove, amid survival in its most desperate form.

Hryhoriy Shykyriavyi was six years old in 1933:

“Our street was a passage used to bring the dead to the cemetery. I went out and saw how one person led the horses with a dray with only two people walking behind, and no one around.”

His father risked execution under the “Five Ears of Grain Law” to collect leftover grain from fields:

“I look, and there is a newly-dug grave, so I hid the grain there. No one will be searching for it there,” he recalls.

Tamara Konoshchuk remembers the mass burials:

“There was no one to dig graves, all of the people were too weak… So one large pit was dug and all the dead were brought on wheelbarrows, wrapped in linens or in rags, because there were no coffins… Into one large pit, no one knows how many bodies were thrown into it.”

Mariia Tilna tells the story of a woman called Sekreta:

“She had four little children. She went to cut wheat, was caught, and sentenced. She died in prison.”

Mariia adds that those who ate too much suddenly — they died. One extreme was even worse.

“One old woman… she ate her own child. It happened in 1933. It stays with you forever. Forever burned into your memory,” she said.

These aren’t statistics. These are the voices Stalin tried to silence forever. They survived to bear witness.

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“Let me take the wife too, when I reach the cemetery she will be dead.” Stories of Holodomor survivors

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Was the Holodomor a genocide?

Russia says no. Moscow’s official line: it was a tragedy that affected “the entire Soviet people.”

But the evidence tells a different story.

The UN Genocide Convention defines genocide as “acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.”

Did Stalin specifically target Ukrainians?

Yes. The policies applied in Ukraine were exceptional. Stalin didn’t just impose harsh collectivization everywhere—he deployed special measures specifically against Ukrainians: sealing borders so people couldn’t escape, confiscating not just grain but ALL food from homes, imposing exceptionally high penalties, and blockading villages with military checkpoints.

What about other regions that suffered famine?

Critics point to deaths outside Ukraine’s borders. But ethnographic maps from the 1930s reveal those regions—like the Kuban—were heavily populated by ethnic Ukrainians. Stalin knew exactly who he was killing.

And it wasn’t just about food. Simultaneously, Stalin imprisoned Ukrainian intellectuals, writers, artists, and political leaders. This wasn’t targeting a social class (peasants)—it was destroying a nation. Combined, these 1932-1933 policies killed 15% of all Ukrainians.

Raphael Lemkin, the Jewish lawyer who coined the term “genocide” after the Holocaust, called the Holodomor a “classic example of Soviet genocide”—the longest and widest attempt to Russify and destroy the Ukrainian nation.

Today, roughly 35 countries recognize the Holodomor as genocide.

Russia still refuses. The same pattern repeats today: deny the crime, rewrite the history, blame the victims.

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Was Holodomor a genocide? Examining the arguments

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Why does Holodomor recognition matter today?

The Soviet leaders who engineered the Holodomor were never held accountable. Stalin and his inner circle escaped justice – and that impunity enables Russia’s war today.

Because when genocide goes unpunished, the pattern repeats.

Putin explicitly calls Ukraine “not a real nation” and Ukrainians “lesser Russians” – the same colonial mindset that enabled Stalin to starve 4 million. When a government believes your nation doesn’t truly exist, genocide becomes thinkable.

The methods persist too. Nearly 90% of Ukrainian prisoners returning from Russian captivity are severely malnourished. “Hunger did strange things to us,” recalls former POW Dmytro. “Inside, it spun so that it felt like we could fall to our knees for a crumb.”

Even the denial playbook is identical. Moscow denied the Holodomor for 90 years. After the 2014 invasion, Russian state media escalated dramatically, now calling it a “hoax”—the same propaganda machine denying Bucha and Mariupol.

In occupied territories of Ukraine, denial has escalated to active suppression: Russian forces destroyed Holodomor memorials and now threaten anyone who lights candles on memorial day. They’re not just rewriting history, but erasing it in real time.

And now the proposed US “peace plan” offers Putin the same escape: avoid accountability, keep seized territory, legitimize conquest. Sound familiar? If Stalin faced no consequences for killing 4 million Ukrainians, why should Putin face consequences for killing thousands?

That’s what recognition means. Not acknowledging history for its own sake, but breaking the cycle of impunity.

Every country that refuses to call the Holodomor genocide signals that mass murder of Ukrainians has no consequences. And that permission structure is what enables the war happening right now.

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History, Identity and Holodomor Denial: Russia’s continued assault on Ukraine

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Rescue workers in Ternopil discovered another victim on Saturday afternoon, bringing the total number of fatalities from Russia's November 19 strike to 33, according to Ukraine's State Emergency Service.

In Ternopil, search and rescue operations continue for the fourth day. On 22 November, around 16:00, rescuers found the body of a woman. The number of dead has risen to 33, the agency stated.

The strike hit an industrial facility and two residential buildings in the Soniachny district during the night of 19 November. Ukraine's Air Force confirmed that Russian Kh-101 cruise missiles launched from strategic bombers struck the apartment blocks. Six Tu-95MS aircraft took off from Olenya airbase and four Tu-160MS bombers from Engels and Ukrainka airbases. The missiles were fired from Russia's Vologda and Astrakhan regions.

As of 3:00 am on 22November, before Saturday's discovery, 32 people had been killed and 94 injured, including 18 children. Thirteen people remained missing.

Among the dead was a pharmacist and her two young children. One resident who helped rescue efforts reportedly doused himself with water and entered the flames to save people trapped in the burning building.

Search and rescue operations are now in their fourth day.

Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk stated that Russia cannot dictate terms to Ukraine and Europe, while the US peace proposal requires joint work. He wrote this on social media platform X following a phone conversation with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, reports European Pravda.

"It requires joint work. Russia cannot impose its conditions on Ukraine and Europe. Everything that concerns Poland must be agreed with the Polish government," Tusk wrote.

According to him, Zelenskyy presented his position on the US peace proposal during the conversation. The Polish premier had previously expressed surprise at provisions mentioning his country in the 28-point US "peace plan," in whose preparation Warsaw did not participate.

Zelenskyy confirmed the conversation with Tusk in his social media post and spoke about coordinating actions with partners.

"I shared details of our diplomatic work with the US and Europe. It is important for us that all partners who have been with us since the very beginning of this war are informed about the situation. We are coordinating to ensure Europe is included in the process," the Ukrainian president wrote.

He thanked the Polish prime minister and the Polish people for their support: "We know that we can always count on Poland, and we greatly appreciate this."

The mention of Poland in the 28-point plan, as leaked to the media, includes point 9 about the possible deployment of European fighter jets in the country. Poland is also mentioned in the draft supplementary document on security guarantees for Ukraine in connection with its participation in the "coalition of the willing."

Ukrainian Special Operations Forces have downed a Russian Mi-8 helicopter using a long-range FPV drone, the SSO reported.

The strike occurred over the village of Kuteynikove in Russia's Rostov Oblast. The helicopter was hit by an FP-1 long-range drone, according to the military.

"This mission left the enemy with many questions, the answers to which only the Mi-8 crew members know, but they won't tell," the SSO stated.

According to the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, as of 22 November, Russia has lost 347 helicopters and 428 aircraft since the start of the full-scale invasion.

European Council President António Costa has convened a special meeting of all 27 EU leaders on Ukraine for 24 November on the sidelines of the EU-African Union Summit in Luanda, Angola.

Costa announced the meeting following discussions on Ukraine at the G20 summit. "The American draft of the 28-point plan includes important elements that will be crucial for a just and lasting peace. We are ready to do our part to ensure the sustainability of the future world," Costa wrote on X.

"The work continues. I have invited all 27 EU leaders to a special meeting on Ukraine at the EU-AU summit in Luanda on Monday," he added.

The announcement follows a joint statement by leaders of European states and institutions, along with prime ministers of Britain, Canada, Japan, and Norway, indicating that the US draft peace plan requires further development. The statement expressed concern over "the proposed limitations on Ukraine's armed forces, which would leave Ukraine vulnerable to future attack," reports NBC News.

The 28-point framework suggests that Russia could be granted more territory than it holds, limits placed on Ukraine's army, and Kyiv prevented from ever joining NATO, according to NBC News. President Donald Trump has set Thanksgiving as the deadline for Ukraine to agree to the framework, the outlet reports.

Rustem Umerov, secretary of Ukraine's National Security and Defence Council, announced on 22 Nobember that Kyiv will hold consultations with the United States in Switzerland regarding the cessation of the war.

"Top Ukrainian and US officials will meet in Switzerland to discuss 'possible parameters of a future peace,'" NBC News reports, citing Umerov's Telegram post.

The Dutch Ministry of Defense detected several unidentified drones over Volkel Air Base on the evening of 21 November, according to a statement by the department reported by European Pravda.

The ministry took action Friday evening when multiple drones were spotted over the air base between 7:00 PM and 9:00 pm. Air Force personnel deployed ground-based weapons to shoot them down. The drones disappeared and were not located afterward.

Following the incident, both the Royal Netherlands Security Service and police were notified and are now conducting further investigations.

The defense ministry stated that the purpose of the drone flights over and around the air bases remains unclear.

"For security reasons, the Ministry of Defense does not provide additional information about how the drones were detected and what measures were taken," according to the statement.

The department noted that drone use near airports is prohibited due to flight safety risks. "At military bases and facilities, operational security is also a concern," the ministry reminded.

Reports of suspicious drones disrupting airport operations have become increasingly frequent across European countries in recent months. On 15 November, a drone flew near Vilnius Airport, and its owner was detained. On the morning of 7 November, the airport in the Belgian city of Liège suspended operations due to an unknown drone.

A dramatic photo of a Ukrainian air force Lockheed Martin F-16 fighter hauling a heavy load of missiles, bombs and electronic warfare equipment into battle somewhere over Ukraine is a stark reminder of what Kyiv's force's could lose as the latest ultimatum from the White House looms.

The single-engine, supersonic F-16—one of around 90 that a consortium of Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Norway has pledged to Ukraine—can be seen with AIM-9 infrared-guided air-to-air missiles, AIM-120 radar-guided air-to-air missiles, GBU-39 precision glide bombs, and, most strikingly, an AN/ALQ-131 jamming pod.

Ukraine's surviving F-16s—four have been lost—can do a lot of things. Shoot down Russian missiles and drones and bomb Russian troops. But they're also the Ukrainian air force's best electronic protection.

With their AN/ALQ-131 pods and other electronic warfare kit, the F-16s can detect and jam Russian radars—not only protecting themselves from Russian air defenses, but also extending that protection over nearby Ukrainian jets that don't have similar E.W. equipment. In particular, Ukraine's ex-Soviet MiGs and Sukhois routinely fly with no protection at all.

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Ukraine’s jets adopt Western tactics, learn to hunt in packs

It's not for no reason that the Ukrainian air force began organizing complex strike packages mixing Soviet- and Western-designed warplanes only after the first F-16s arrived in August 2024, followed a few months later by the first ex-French Dassault Mirage 2000s, which also carry jamming gear.

"Sometimes when we arrive, there are already F-16s waiting there, or sometimes Mirages," a Ukrainian fighter pilot said in an official video from March. The F-16s and Mirages "either cover the whole package that is sent there to [strike] our enemies, or also strike [themselves]," the pilot said.

The F-16s' AN/ALQ-131 in particular can "give you a pocket of air superiority for a moment’s time to achieve an objective that has strategic importance and impact," a US Air Force official explained.

Vital American assistance

But there's a catch. The AN/ALQ-131 pods, which emit powerful radio signals to scramble the enemy's own signals, require constant reprogramming. When the Russians change their frequencies, the Ukrainians must also change their own frequencies. It's a non-stop electronic race.

That reprogramming is a highly specialized task. And unless something has changed recently, it's a task that the US Air Force performs on behalf of the Ukrainian Air Force. Working with data provided by Denmark and Norway, and staging some of its members in Europe, the Florida-based 68th Electronic Warfare Squadron handles the reprogramming.

"This is not our standard operating procedure," the USAF official said. And it's not clear whether the Ukrainian air force or some allied European air force can take over.

So when the administration of US Pres. Donald Trump and the regime of Russian Pres. Vladimir Putin secretly negotiated a so-called "peace deal" to end Russia's 45-month wider war on Ukraine, it imperiled the F-16s' unique jamming capability. The White House has threatened to withhold further US assistance to Ukraine unless Kyiv accepts the deal, which would hand Russia large swathes of Ukraine without safeguarding Ukraine's future security.

Zelenskyy has already rejected the deal, while also offering to negotiate a more equitable peace. It's not yet clear what happens next. But another suspension of US aid to Ukraine is possible—and it may be more lasting than the previous suspension early this year.

Any interruption in US assistance could hamstring the Ukrainian air force's best aerial jammers, its F-16s. The Mirages could take over, but there are just a handful of the ex-French jets in Ukraine after one crashed in July.

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Why are Ukraine’s Mirage 2000 jets carrying 40-year-old missiles?

Romania deployed F-16 fighter jets in the early hours of 22 November after Russian air strikes hit southern Odesa Oblast near the state border, prompting air raid alerts for settlements along the Danube River, Digi24 reports.

The Romanian Ministry of Defense confirmed Saturday morning that two F-16 fighters were scrambled overnight between 21 and 22 November to monitor airspace near the Ukrainian border during another Russian aerial attack.

At 1:33 am., air raid sirens sounded in northern settlements of Tulcea County following the detection of Russian strike drones in the area of Izmail, Ukraine.

The ministry emphasized that no violations of Romanian airspace were recorded. The fighter jets returned to Borcea Air Base at 3:42 am.

"We are in permanent contact with our allies, we exchange operational information in real time and we act decisively to guarantee the security of Romania and NATO's eastern flank," the ministry stated.

The Russian shelling damaged the Orlivka border crossing point between Ukraine and Romania, according to reports. Operations at the checkpoint have been suspended until the consequences are addressed.

Earlier this week, during a massive Russian attack on Ukraine, one drone flew over Romanian and Moldovan territory.

Poland also scrambled aircraft that day and preemptively closed airports in Rzeszów and Lublin.

On November 17, several Romanian villages along the Danube were evacuated due to a fire on an LPG tanker near the Ukrainian shore following Russian strikes.

US President Donald Trump stated that Ukraine will "have to agree" to painful concessions to end the war sooner or later, Evropeyska Pravda reports.

Trump made these remarks during an exchange with journalists in the Oval Office on the evening of 21 November.

When a reporter asked Trump about reactions to his administration's "peace plan" and quoted Zelenskyy's words about Ukraine risking "losing dignity or a key partner," Trump responded: "Even he (Zelenskyy) doesn't like it?.. He should like it, and if he doesn't like it, then they need to keep fighting, I think so."

The journalist noted that Kyiv fears losing US support if it rejects the "28-point plan."

"At some point you have to agree to something… Recently in the Oval Office I said that 'you have no cards'... I think he should have made a deal a year ago, two years ago. The best deal would have been one where this war never started. That deal could have happened too if we had the right president," Trump added.

The US side gave Ukraine until 27 November to agree to the proposed "peace plan."

On Friday, Zelenskyy addressed the Ukrainian people, stating that Ukraine today faces a difficult choice and risks losing either its dignity or its key partner.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced a meeting of European states on the situation in Ukraine on the sidelines of the G20 summit.

Tusk hinted that he was surprised by the mention of Poland in the "peace plan," which was not discussed with her

Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk has suggested surprise at provisions mentioning his country in the 28-point US "peace plan," which Warsaw did not participate in developing, while emphasizing that nothing can be decided about Ukraine without Ukraine.

"All the decisions concerning Poland will be taken by Poles. Nothing about us without us. When it comes to peace, all the negotiations should include Ukraine. Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine," Tusk wrote in a post on X.

The opening sentences of his statement appear linked to Poland's mention in the 28-point plan as it was leaked to media. Point 9 specifically states that "European fighter jets could be stationed" in Poland. Poland is also referenced in a draft supplementary document on security guarantees for Ukraine in connection with its participation in a "coalition of the willing."

On 21 November, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy addressed the Ukrainian people, stating that Ukraine faces a difficult choice and risks losing either its dignity or its key partner.

Trump responded by commenting that if Ukraine rejects this plan, it will have to continue fighting and will sooner or later have to agree to some painful concessions

Members of both parties in the US Congress have sharply criticized the Trump administration's draft peace agreement aimed at ending the Russia-Ukraine war.

Former Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell suggested Trump's advisers are more focused on appeasing Putin than securing lasting peace.

"Putin has spent an entire year trying to make President Trump look like a fool. If administration officials are more concerned with placating Putin than ensuring real peace – the president needs new advisers," McConnell said, according to European Pravda.

He warned that "rewarding Russian slaughter would be a disaster for American interests," comparing such a move to "a capitulation like Biden's withdrawal from Afghanistan."

Democratic Senator Jeanne Shaheen, co-chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, called the proposal "more like Putin's plan." According to Shaheen, the United States should instead "pressure Putin, provide long-range weapons, impose secondary sanctions on companies fueling the Russian war machine, and force Putin to the table for real negotiations. We should not be representing Russia's interests in this agreement."

Senator Roger Wicker, Republican chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee, said the 28-point plan has "real flaws" and he remains "very skeptical" about its chances of securing peace. "Ukraine cannot be forced to give its lands to one of the world's worst war criminals in the person of Putin," Wicker emphasized. He added that "any assurances given to Putin must not reward his evil actions or undermine the security of the US or its allies."

Republican Congressman Brian Fitzpatrick has begun collecting signatures to bring legislation for enhanced sanctions against Russia to a vote.

Trump has given Ukraine until 27 November to agree to the proposed American "peace plan." On 21 November, President Zelenskyy addressed the Ukrainian people, saying the country faces a difficult choice and risks losing either its dignity or its key partner.

Russian forces launched an overnight attack on Ukraine using an Iskander-M ballistic missile and 104 drones, according to the Air Force of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Ukrainian air defenses neutralized 89 Russian targets.

The Iskander-M ballistic missile was fired from occupied Crimea, the Air Force reports. The 104 UAVs were launched from multiple locations: Oryol, Bryansk, Shatalovo, Millerovo, Primorsko-Akhtarsk in Russia, as well as from temporarily occupied territories in Donetsk Oblast and Chauda in occupied Crimea.

Approximately 65 of the launched drones were Shahed-type UAVs. Russian forces also deployed Gerber-type drones and other UAV models in the attack.

As of 09:00, air defense forces destroyed 89 Russian UAVs across northern, southern, and eastern regions of the country, the Air Force reports.

Strikes from 13 attack drones were recorded at 15 locations, with the ballistic missile hitting one location. Military officials warned that the attack remains ongoing, with several enemy UAVs still present in Ukrainian airspace.

This will be a text about how our international partners are reacting to "Mindichgate." I’ve heard a lot over these past days.

Throughout all the years of the full-scale war, the vast majority of us, when speaking publicly, maintained the president’s line. Even when it was difficult, we restrained ourselves and refrained from criticizing the authorities.

Internally, there was much that could be said, but outwardly, every word had to be weighed. Believe me, even those who are now very critical of the president never crossed the line all this time and even defended him in many forums. I’ve witnessed this more than once.

But it seems that time has passed. Not only are Ukrainians demoralized by recent events, but our international partners are as well.

Did Zelenskyy know? Both answers are bad

These days, I’m communicating a lot with government representatives who have supported Ukraine all these years, and without whose help our economy would have collapsed long ago, and probably the front as well.

“This scandal is definitely not an internal Ukrainian matter. Many countries invest very, very large sums of money in Ukraine." 

This, in brief, is the essence of most conversations.

"There are fewer and fewer of us advocating for Ukraine within our own countries, asking for funds for you. This damages our reputation, the reputation of our governments, in the eyes of our voters."

The question everyone is asking: did Zelenskyy know? Both answers are bad.

If he knew, then he would be part of a criminal group stealing from the country during a terrible existential war.

If he didn’t know, but kept these people close all these years, then questions arise about his cognitive abilities. The president simply cannot be that naive and detached from reality.

The West is not welcoming Zelenskyy. It is welcoming the Ukrainian people in his person

How else can we talk about the inadmissibility of corruption and the dangers of his entourage?

The president has been repeatedly briefed by Western intelligence about the risks associated with Yermak.

The Americans were very clear and unambiguous. Zelenskyy had the opportunity to review all the evidence, but stubbornly allowed Yermak to expand his influence.

“Your president is very well received in Western capitals. It seems he has grown an oversized ego because of this. He has mixed things up: they are not welcoming him. They are welcoming the Ukrainian people in his person.”

Many are irritated that the Ukrainian delegation at official negotiations appears to lack a high level of competence. Yermak has replaced the Ministry of Foreign Affairs — he and his deputies effectively run entire ministries.

Yet their level of knowledge and professionalism is so low that listening to these poorly structured and illogical speeches at the highest-level meetings is physically painful. Meanwhile, those who actually understand the issues simply aren’t allowed into these meetings.

The defense sector worries everyone the most

Are there signs of corruption in the defense industry? There is deep distrust toward Rustem Umerov, the former defense minister and current secretary of the National Security and Defence Council (NSDC).

I’m not sure I’ve ever met a single person who speaks of him with respect or appreciation. I don’t think so. He breaks agreements, behaves unethically, and does not provide access to information. That is the image he has earned as likely the weakest minister of defense in post-Maidan Ukraine.

The Ukrainians want to go with Zelenskyy, not with his friends

There will be no harsh public criticism for now. Everything depends on how the investigation ends and what actions Zelenskyy takes. So far, his steps are being cautiously welcomed.

The situation is being closely monitored. Those less familiar with Ukrainian domestic affairs even express respect that Ukraine has anti-corruption institutions (ha-ha).

From what I observe, the Ukrainians are clearly telling Zelenskyy that they understand all the risks and are therefore ready to go with him to the end of the war. But only with him, not with his friends, whom nobody ever elected to these roles or positions, and who grabbed hold of other people’s money.

They want to go with him only within the limits of the responsibilities defined by the Constitution of Ukraine.

There is no way back. The president must drop ballast

Not evade, not pretend that none of this exists or will somehow pass, not punish the opposition or civil society. He must accept that he made a mistake. These are his people, whom he brought in. Regardless of whether he was part of the scheme or not, he is responsible for what happened. He must simply acknowledge it.

There is no way to rewind. There is no way to jail everyone who is in opposition because their number will only grow. His task is to do everything so that we reach the end of the war with preserved statehood and preserved lives.

In order for us to continue resisting the Russians, to hold out until the moment when they run out of money for the war, we internally need justice, a readiness on the part of the president not to escalate, and functioning institutions.

Who does Ukrainian law enforcement serve?

At the same time, this is a good opportunity for all law enforcement officers to think about whom they actually serve. A few cowardly, greedy scoundrels, or the Ukrainian people? Because today, Yermak is very strong and influential, but tomorrow, you will be ashamed to have photos with him. Yermak does not grant himself power — the people around him grant it.

Therefore, it is everyone’s personal choice whether to obey him or not.

Finally, I can’t even imagine with what contempt and disgust the president’s friends are being viewed by all those brave people who left everything and now risk their lives to keep the enemy out.

Who are fighting in cold and damp trenches, without rotation and without hope for demobilization. The president must understand these moods and where they may lead.

Exclusives

Russia’s next drone-beating tech: the dandelion tank. Branching metal structures, similar to the florets on a dandelion, could further boost Russian vehicles' protection against drones.

Blasting a few Russian vehicles may only delay Hulyaipole’s fall. Tired and outnumbered Ukrainian troops are fighting to save Hulyaipole. But the Russians are likely to push hard for another two months.

Nearly four years of war later, Putin gets better peace terms than when Russia was winning. Trump's 28-point plan offers Moscow territorial recognition and NATO exclusion it couldn't achieve in 2022 Istanbul talks—despite Russia's battlefield losses, massive casualties, and tightening sanctions. The plan arrives as Ukraine's government faces its worst wartime corruption crisis.

Ukraine faces existential pressure—and still jails the detectives who exposed a $100M corruption scheme. Four months in detention, zero evidence of espionage. The schemes they uncovered toppled ministers.

“Carlson” flees: $100M corruption scandal erupts inside Ukraine’s nuclear sector. NABU raids expose systematic kickbacks at Energoatom as Zelenskyy’s business partner escapes hours before arrest.

Trump-backed peace plan lands in Kyiv, testing Ukraine’s resolve amid war and corruption scandal. A 28-point blueprint backed by US President Donald Trump — not yet officially published — is already reverberating from Kyiv to Brussels and Moscow, even before its details have been formally unveiled.

Military

Ukrainian Barracuda naval drone sneaks through Dnipro wetlands to blow up Russian ammo site (VIDEO) Homemade Ukrainian system disrupts Russian supply lines as Ukraine expands drone operations across Dnipro river.

Frontline report: Russia strikes Azerbaijani embassy in Kyiv as Baku emerges as key Moscow rival Azerbaijan has quietly become one of Russia's most significant strategic challengers, supplying fighter jets and gas to Ukraine while reshaping regional energy markets. Moscow's missile strike on the Azerbaijani embassy marks a dangerous escalation in their confrontation.

Russia launched 112,000 Shahed drones at Ukrainian homes and children since 2022, commander says The Iranian-designed attack drones have targeted civilian infrastructure throughout the invasion.

ISW: Russia deploys new offensive template using fog and terrain to advance on Huliaipole (MAP) Tactic mirrors recent Velykomykhailivka operations where fog enabled Russian capture of nearby settlements.

Frontline report: Ukrainian forces repel Russian assault at Novopavlivka, inflict 50% casualties despite fog advantage While Russian analysts claimed two successful crossings with zero losses, Ukrainian forces documented the reality: one crossing with roughly 50 soldiers, half of whom were eliminated or captured, along with destroyed armored vehicles and a seized BMP-1 trophy.

Canada delivers 25 M113 APCs and air-to-air missile components to Ukrainian forces Canada is shipping more than 150,000 pieces of winter equipment worth $30 million to Ukraine. The package also includes 78,351 pairs of wet weather winter boots and 51,679 winter jackets.

Ukraine's Praktika partners with Spanish firms to build combat-tested armored vehicles in EU A Ukrainian manufacturer of light armored vehicles has signed an agreement with two Spanish defense companies to produce combat-tested military equipment on EU soil, marking the first such partnership for Ukraine's private defense sector in Europe.

Chile secretly sells 30 Marder IFVs to Germany in likely Ukraine ring exchange Thirty of Chile's 270 Marder infantry fighting vehicles—purchased from Germany for just $7.3 mn in 2009—are now headed back to their country of origin in a ring exchange likely to channel the armor to Ukraine.

Ireland quietly delivers five radar systems to Ukraine alongside ambulances and de-mining robots Five radar systems, 34 vehicles including ambulances, and three bomb disposal robots—that's what Ukraine received from Ireland in recent months.

First British Terrahawk Paladin air defense system confirmed operational in Ukraine The Terrahawk Paladin, a British counter-drone system promised to Ukraine in 2023, has entered operational service with modifications including protective radar screening.

Russian drone attack hits Odesa overnight, hospitalizes three with burns and head trauma Ukraine's southern regions faced coordinated Russian attacks overnight, with casualties reported in Odesa, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson, according to local military administrations.

Woman killed, two hospitalized as Russian drones strike two Dnipro communities overnight Russian forces launched a two-pronged assault on Dnipropetrovsk Oblast overnight, with drones killing a woman in Synelnykove district while artillery and FPV drones pounded Nikopol district.

Ukraine hits two major Russian refineries in back-to-back nights: Ilsk and Ryazan (MAP) Ukraine aims to erode the Kremlin's ability to sustain military operations through sustained pressure.

Intelligence and Technology

Ukraine arms infantry with ammo that splits mid-flight to hit drones Ukrainian Defense Ministry codifies rounds from multiple producers, clearing path for serial production.

International

British politician jailed for promoting Kremlin propaganda in EU Parliament for bribes The former Welsh leader of Reform UK, Nathan Gill, secretly pushed Moscow's talking points in exchange for bribes, prosecutors said.

Europe races to counter Trump's Ukraine peace plan with own proposal European leaders are preparing an alternative peace proposal for Ukraine within days, responding to a White House plan that demands Kyiv cede the Donbas region and accept Russia's control of other territories in exchange for Moscow's return to the G8 and sanctions relief.

Chinese, Indian entities recognize "importance of relationships with the west" amid Russia sanctions Banks and refineries across China and India are choosing to maintain their ties with the West over continuing business with Russia's two largest oil companies, a US Treasury official said on 20 Nov.

Humanitarian and Social Impact

Every major Ukrainian thermal and hydro plant now damaged from Russian strikes – Energy Ministry Systematic Russian bombing campaign leaves generation capacity severely limited and cities across Ukraine in darkness.

Russian drone strikes UN warehouse in Dnipro, destroying 10,000 food packages for frontline civilians (PHOTOS) Strike destroys aid for areas where regular supply chains collapsed under Russian attacks.

Political and Legal Developments

Zelenskyy warns of "one of the hardest moments" as US peace plan demands what it fought to protect Trump's 28-point blueprint echoes Russian demands of territorial concessions and military cuts while European allies signal they won't support forcing Ukraine to surrender.

How UK drug cash becomes Russian military funds: £1 billion laundering network Criminal group acquired 75% of Kyrgyz bank to funnel payments to Russian military.

Zelenskyy's support collapses to 25% as "Mindichgate" scandal engulfs Ukraine — Politico Ukrainian President's approval rating has plummeted to approximately 25% following revelations of a $100 mn corruption scheme involving his former business partner and closest advisers.

Read our previous daily review here.

Strike on the left bank logistics

A Ukrainian Barracuda naval drone has destroyed a Russian logistics site on the left bank of the Dnipro, Ukraine’s 40th Separate Coastal Defense Brigade said on Thursday, releasing video of the strike.

Ukraine has expanded its use of naval drones to hit Russian supply sites, boats, and staging areas on the Dnipro river’s occupied bank. These strikes are part of a broader effort to disrupt Russia’s ability to move troops and equipment across the waterway, a critical lifeline for its units holding territory in the south.

Stealth infiltration through wetlands

The unit said the drone traveled through the river’s wetlands before hitting a facility used by Russian forces to store equipment and boats. Footage shows the drone approaching the target moments before a large explosion, suggesting ammunition was kept inside.

Barracuda: Modular design and armament

The Barracuda is a modular, Ukrainian-developed multipurpose naval drone created by the brigade’s own specialists. It can be equipped with different weapons, including single-shot grenade launchers and naval mines, and has been shown in previous footage operating as a launch platform for FPV drones.

Ukrainian defense outlet Militarnyi said the platform may also be able to support resupply missions across the Dnipro’s island network, giving Ukrainian forces more flexibility in the contested river zone.

Russia's anti-drone innovations are coming faster and faster. The next might be a so-called "dandelion tank" with branching metal florets that can trigger enemy first-person-view drones before they strike the vehicle's hull.

If past generations of Russian anti-drone defenses are any indication, the dandelion defense might actually work. Even if it is very, very ugly.

How Russia's dandelion tank defense works

The dandelion tank design recently appeared in a Russian patent application noted by observer AndreiBtvt. "The passive protection device consists of sets of rods made of flexible material, interconnected into a tree-like (branching) structure that forms a voluminous protective barrier," AndreiBtvt wrote.

The key to the new anti-drone design is its layers, AndreiBtvt explained. "The tree-like structure comprises multiple tiers. Each tier contains flexible rods of varying lengths and cross-sections. The upper tiers are made of thin-section rods, while the lower tiers consist of thicker-section rods."

"The number of rods increases from the bottom tier to the top," AndreiBtvt added. "The rods are connected to each other using easily detachable coupling elements. The flexible rods are made of fiberglass rebar of various diameters. The coupling elements are made of shaped sheet metal or impact-resistant plastic."

"Between the upper tiers of the tree-like structures, a fine-mesh net made of high-strength synthetic material (e.g. Kevlar-type) is stretched."

From cope cages to dandelions: 3 years of evolution

No dandelion tanks have appeared along the 1,100-km front line of Russia's 45-month wider war on Ukraine. Yet. But they may show up soon, marking the next step in vehicular evolution.

In 2022, there were "cope cages"—encasements with metal slats or mesh that, installed atop or around an armored vehicle's turret, might block incoming FPVs.

A year later, the "turtle tanks" first appeared. Now entire vehicles were wrapped in drone-blocking metal shells. In 2024, the Russians added hundreds of thick metal spines to some cope cages or turtle tanks, betting—correctly, it turned out—that the resulting "porcupine tanks" would absorb even more drones.

This year, the spines became thinner metal "hairs" made of unwound aluminum cable. The "hedgehog tanks" wearing potentially tens of thousands of these hairs are the best-protected vehicles of Russia's 45-month wider war on Ukraine.

Some of these up-armored vehicles—the turtles, porcupines and hedgehogs, in particular—can eat dozens of FPV drones before finally succumbing. That toughness increases the chance a Russian assault group might make it through the drone-patrolled no-man's-land and drop off infantry to seize new positions.

But Ukrainian drones and tactics improve alongside Russian defenses, so the Russians have been thinking ahead to the next innovation. The dandelion tank may be a leading candidate for front-line use.

Explore further

Ukraine mocked Russia’s hairy anti-drone tanks—now builds its own

Tough but not invulnerable

The turtles, porcupines, hedgehogs aren't invulnerable, but they have raised the cost of Ukrainian drone operations. Dandelions could further raise the cost.

"If a tank is spotted with cages and a jammer, it takes at least double or triple the usual number—six to eight drones—to disable it" compared to a standard assault vehicle, one Ukrainian drone operator told Ukrainian-American war correspondent David Kirichenko. "We used to laugh at their cages, but now we use them, too."

Examples abound of turtle and porcupine tanks shrugging off dozens of drone strikes before finally succumbing to a drone, mine or artillery. One heavily up-armored Russian turtle tank ate around 25 Ukrainian mines and first-person-view drones before the 26th munition—a drone—finally disabled it during an assault toward the city of Siversk in eastern Ukraine in late October.

Ukraine produces a lot of tiny drones: probably hundreds of thousands per month, millions per year.

But demand is enormous. A Ukrainian battalion might have 300 small drones to fling at any one Russian assault group. If the Russians exhaust the Ukrainians' drone supply before losing their last vehicle, they may be able to land a few infantry in a new position.

"For those mocking armored vehicles and specially turtle tanks and thinking drones are a wunderwaffe that have rendered armor obsolete, take a look at the sheer amount of FPVs that are required to destroy a well up-armored tank," analyst Jompy wrote.

"It's not about how many dollars a tanks costs versus a drone," Jompy added. "It's about how many targets drone-intensive defenses can take out before being overwhelmed." The dandelion tanks could have the toughest defenses yet.

Explore further

Ukraine’s killer drones just hit a wall—Russia’s souped-up “turtle” tanks

All eyes are on Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad in eastern Ukraine's Donetsk Oblast as Ukraine's 7th Rapid Reaction Corps and supporting brigades retreat from the adjacent towns following a yearlong siege by the Russian Center Group of Forces.

But it's not in Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad that the Russians are advancing fast. No, the most dramatic Russian gains this year have come just south of Pokrovsk in Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhzhia oblasts, where the open terrain, foggy weather, and thin Ukrainian defenses have practically invited a sustained assault from a powerful Russian force subordinate to the 5th, 29th, 35th, and 36th Combined Arms Armies.

So it's very good new for the outgunned, outnumbered Ukrainian defenders in the south that they've managed to halt Russian attacks around the town of Danylivka, just 20 km north of the main Ukrainian logistics hub in the region in Huliaipole.

Ukrainian drones destroy unarmored Russian assault at Danylivka

The Ukrainian 20th Army Corps put up a spirited defense in Danylivka recently. A Russian assault group, possibly from the 36th Motor Rifle Brigade, rode into the village in unarmored civilian light vehicles—and ran into a wall of Ukrainian drones. "We destroyed a platoon of invaders," the Ukrainian 214th Assault Battalion reported.

But at least one observer expects the "stubborn defense" of Danylivka to falter as the bigger Russian force advances farther south, potentially initiating the kind of encirclement that undermined the Ukrainian defense of Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad. "Unfortunately, Ukrainian successes in this area are likely only temporary," observer Thorkill warned.

To be sure, the Ukrainian 20th Army Corps is fighting hard, if unevenly. Some of its most experienced brigades—the 110th Mechanized Brigade, for one—are also its most exhausted. And one brigade, the 102nd Territorial Brigade, recently and unexpectedly fell back.

Explore further

Pokrovsk is falling. Huliaipole is threatened. Azov Corps can only save one front

After a long pause in mechanized assaults earlier this year, Russian forces have lately deployed more armored vehicles—including up-armored turtle, porcupine, and hedgehog tanks that can take multiple drone hits before being immobilized. It's notable that the Danylivka assault involved unprotected vehicles.

The wider problem, for the Ukrainians west of Danylivka, is that their efforts there "will become pointless" if the Russian 127th Motor Rifle Division sustains its own advance a few kilometers south around the village of Yablukove. At risk is the main road threading from Pokrovsk to Huliaipole ... and eventually Huliaipole itself.

How Russia's 127th Division threatens Pokrovsk-style encirclement

"Due to the deep breach made by the Russian 127th [Motor Rifle] Division in the Ukrainian defenses along the Yantsur River line in the Uspenivka-Poltavka area, its [infiltration] units are approaching the Pokrovsk-Huliaipole road in the Varvarivka area and will likely cut it there soon, if they haven't already," Thorkill reported.

"At the same time, the aforementioned unit could support the offensive actions of the 36th Army with attacks on the Ukrainian flank in the Radisne-Nechayivka area," halfway between Uspenivka and Danylivka.

Russia's numerical advantage and the timeline ahead

As in Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad, there are just too many Russian troops and too few Ukrainian troops for the Ukrainians to hold the line—especially given the sparse Ukrainian earthworks in the area. Thorkill expects the Russians to keep attacking, and likely advancing, for another two months.

"Up until now, the rule was that around mid-January on the front in the Donbas, an operational pause would occur, which lasted until April," Thorkill explained. "I think it will be similar this time. So, roughly until mid-January, the Russians will keep pushing."

The tactical success at Danylivka demonstrates Ukrainian drone operators' continued effectiveness against unprotected Russian assaults. But the broader strategic picture shows Russian forces repeating their Pokrovsk playbook: allowing Ukrainian forces to hold the front while systematically collapsing the flanks to force eventual withdrawal. With foggy weather limiting Ukrainian drone effectiveness and Russian numerical superiority in troops and equipment, the pattern mirrors the encirclement tactics that eventually forced Ukrainian retreats elsewhere.

Explore further

Ukraine’s killer drones just hit a wall—Russia’s souped-up “turtle” tanks

Today, the biggest news comes from the South Caucasus.

Here, Russia's anger has erupted after Azerbaijan, long dismissed as a small neutral state, emerged as one of its most disruptive rivals. 

From gas deals to arms shipments, Baku is quietly dismantling Russia's regional leverage, and the Kremlin's response has turned openly hostile, with a missile strike on the Azerbaijani embassy in Kyiv marking a dangerous new stage in their confrontation.

Baku rejects Moscow's claims of accidental strike

The attack happened during a nighttime bombardment on Ukrainian targets when an Iskander-type missile hit the Azerbaijani diplomatic compound. Moscow claimed it was an accident, but in Baku the strike was seen as deliberate. 

The Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry summoned Russia's ambassador and handed him a formal protest, while President Ilham Aliyev called Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky to condemn what he called a targeted strike. 

State media in Baku framed the incident as a direct assault on Azerbaijan's sovereignty. For Moscow, this was an outburst, with frustration spilling into action against a country it once treated as a dependent partner.

Covert arms pipeline runs through Africa

What triggered that reaction runs deeper than a single embassy, as in recent weeks, reports have confirmed that Azerbaijan has quietly sent Su-22 fighter jets to Ukraine through a covert logistics chain running across Türkiye, Sudan, and Germany. 

The aircraft originates from Cihaz, a defense enterprise under Azerbaijan's Ministry of Defense industry, which produces weapons and munitions under Turkish license. Shipments are re-labeled as humanitarian aid in Gaziantep, shipped to Port Sudan, and then moved to Europe before reaching Ukraine. 

The same routes that once carried Wagner-linked arms now serve as Ukraine's supply network.

For Russia, the embarrassment is twofold, as it loses control over its African sphere and faces the reality that even its smaller neighbors are now contributing to Kyiv's war effort.

Azerbaijan breaks Gazprom's pipeline monopoly

The other reason for Moscow's reaction lies in energy, as Ukraine has received its first Azerbaijani gas through the Trans-Balkan pipeline, a route once dominated by Gazprom. 

The volumes are small, but the symbolism is enormous. The deal between Naftogaz and Socar Energy Ukraine marks Kyiv's first alternative source since cutting all Russian imports. Naftogaz chief Serhi Koretski described it as a strategic step in the start of a long-term cooperation. 

For Moscow, the move signals that the Turkic bloc of Türkiye and Azerbaijan now provides what Russia once controlled, that being fuel for Europe's east and resilience for Ukraine's winter.

Baku replaces Moscow across European energy markets

Across Europe, the pattern is repeating, as Serbia, historically close to Moscow, is preparing new gas contracts with Baku while US sanctions push Gazprom out of local companies. 

The European Union has promoted Azerbaijani energy as a substitute for Russian supply, reinforcing a broader shift where Türkiye acts as the intermediary and Azerbaijan as the new donor. Even limited contracts limit Russia's influence in the Balkans, and every new pipeline strengthens the idea that Baku, not Moscow, now controls the region's energy future.

Zangezur Corridor reshapes Eurasian transit

Back in the South Caucasus, the geopolitical reversal is almost complete, as the Zangezur Corridor, linking Azerbaijan through Armenia to Türkiye, is reshaping trade routes between Europe and Asia without crossing Russian territory. 

The project followed Azerbaijan's decisive offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh, which ended the war and exposed Moscow's failure as a peacekeeper. Once seen as the region's stabilizing force, Russia now watches from the sidelines as former clients rewrite the map around it. 

The corridor is not just a road, it is the physical proof that Moscow's monopoly over Eurasian transit is finished.

Strategic damage from an unlikely rival

Overall, Azerbaijan has become the smallest state to inflict the deepest strategic damage on Russia. 

Through a combination of quiet arms deliveries, gas deals, and bold regional infrastructure, Baku is replacing Moscow's role step by step, in Ukraine's airspace, in Europe's energy grid, and across the Caucasus. 

The strike on its embassy will not intimidate Azerbaijan, as it only exposes a desperate Russia lashing out as its influence crumbles from within its own neighborhood.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Russian forces have launched more than 112,000 Shahed drones since the start of the full-scale invasion, Oleksandr Syrskyi, Commander-in-Chief of Ukraine’s Armed Forces, said on Friday.

Syrskyi said the drones have primarily targeted homes and civilian infrastructure, killing children and other civilians. 

Ukraine's Security Service previously documented nearly 50,000 Shahed launches between February 2022 and August 2025.

Iranian-designed attack drones built for long-range strikes

Shaheds are Iranian-designed kamikaze drones, and much larger than typical commercial or surveillance drones. Most variants, such as the Shahed-136, weigh around 200-450 kg and have a wingspan of roughly 2.5-3 meters. They are powered by small engines and can carry a warhead of roughly 40-50 kg, designed to explode on impact.

Unlike small reconnaissance drones, Shaheds are built for long-range attacks and can fly hundreds of kilometers to hit their targets, even reaching Ukrainian cities as far west as Lviv. 

Russia regularly uses them for terrorist attacks on civilian infrastructure, including energy facilities and apartment buildings, often in swarms to overwhelm air defenses and cause maximum casualties. Their size and payload make them far more destructive than common commercial drones.

A former Reform UK leader in Wales, 52-year-old Nathan Gill, has been sentenced to 10-and-a-half years in prison after taking bribes to deliver pro-Russia statements. He admitted taking money from Oleh Voloshyn, a former Ukrainian politician with links to Viktor Medvedchuk, a close ally of Russian President Vladimir Putin. Reform UK is a right-wing populist political party.

The sentencing sparked calls for a full investigation into Russian influence. AP quoted Liberal Democrat leader Ed Davey calling Gill “a traitor” and asking “where do his loyalties really lie?” BBC said Prime Minister Keir Starmer accused Gill of undermining national interests and demanded that Nigel Farage examine Reform UK’s links to Russia. Welsh Conservative Senedd leader Darren Millar said Reform UK is a threat to national security. Reform UK said Gill’s actions were “reprehensible, treasonous and unforgivable” and welcomed the sentence. Reform UK's leader Nigel Farage said he had no knowledge of the bribery scheme and called Gill a “bad apple”.

UK politician sentenced for taking pro-Russia bribes

While he was a member of the European Parliament, Nathan Gill took cash from Voloshyn between December 2018 and July 2019. Police found messages showing coded talk about “Xmas gifts” and “postcards” that referred to payments. AP reports that prosecutors said he received around £40,000 or $52,500. BBC said he pleaded guilty to eight bribery charges at an earlier hearing in March. The Guardian reported that the court heard an application to recover £30,000 from the politician, but police believes he could have made up to £40,000. Gill gave no explanation for his actions.

He also helped arrange an event in Strasbourg to promote a so‑called peace plan for the Donbas—an eastern Ukrainian region already partially occupied by the Russians at the time. Putin praised that event the next day on Russian TV.

Messages revealed how the scheme worked

Police examined Gill’s phone after stopping him at Manchester Airport in September 2021. BBC said he was attempting to fly to Russia to attend a conference and observe elections. AP said officers found messages using coded language about money and efforts to recruit other MEPs to support Russia’s stance on Ukraine. Gill wrote that he could “drag a few in” when asked to bring colleagues.

The Guardian reported that WhatsApp chats showed the scheme became a “regular habit”. Voloshyn promised payments like “I’ll get you 5k”. Prosecutors told the court that Gill enlisted MEPs from the UK, Germany, and France to speak to 112 Ukraine. BBC said Voloshyn told Gill he would “request and secure at least 5K” if Gill brought in “three or four” others. The judge said there was no evidence those MEPs knew about the bribes.

Police say case shows wider Russian activity

BBC reported that police continue to investigate whether other individuals committed crimes. Commander Dominic Murphy of the Metropolitan Police said Gill acted as an “extraordinarily willing participant” in a bribery operation. He linked the case to other Russian activities in Britain, including the Salisbury poisonings and an arson attack in London in 2024. He said Russia poses a “particular challenge”.

After nearly four years of brutal warfare, Russia is being offered peace terms more favorable than those being discussed in 2022 when its military position was far stronger.

In March 2022, Istanbul peace talks proposed leaving Crimea's status "to be clarified within 15 years"-ambiguous language that avoided formal recognition.

Now, with hundreds of thousands of casualties and massive equipment losses, Trump's 28-point plan gives Moscow what it couldn't win: immediate recognition of Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk oblasts as "de facto Russian," Ukrainian military restrictions, a constitutional NATO ban, and security guarantees that void if Ukraine tries to retake its territory.

The plan's genesis traces to August's Alaska summit, where Trump met Putin expecting to pressure Russia toward a ceasefire. Instead, Trump emerged adopting Putin's preferred approach: skip immediate ceasefire, move directly to "comprehensive peace" addressing Russia's territorial, military, and NATO demands.

What followed were months of quiet US-Russia bilateral talks that produced a framework decidedly favorable to Moscow, according to the Wall Street Journal.

The timing amplifies the pressure. Just nine days before the plan landed in Kyiv, Ukraine's anti-corruption agencies exposed a $100 million kickback scheme at the state nuclear company-forcing two ministers' suspension and sending President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's former business partner fleeing the country. Trump now demands Ukraine sign by Thanksgiving while its government faces calls for sweeping resignations.

How Russia's demands evolved from 2022

• Territory: Istanbul delayed Crimea recognition for 15 years. Trump demands immediate "de facto" acceptance of Crimea AND Donetsk and Luhansk.
• Military size: Istanbul negotiations collapsed over troop numbers. Trump's "compromise" of 600,000 is still a 280,000 cut from current forces.
• Security guarantees: Trump's Article 5-style protection voids if Ukraine strikes Russian cities or attempts territorial restoration-effectively prohibiting sovereignty defense.
• NATO: Constitutional ban plus permanent exclusion-Moscow's core 2014 demand, now delivered by Washington.

It is a far cry from the 10-point peace plan President Zelenskyy presented in November 2022 as Ukraine's path to ending the war.

Three peace plans compared

Ukraine's response: "Not a third invasion"

Zelenskyy struck a measured tone in his evening address, saying Ukrainian and US teams would work on the proposals. But he emphasized Ukraine needs "a real peace-one that will not be broken by a third invasion"-a direct reference to the pattern where Russia uses "peace" to prepare for larger wars.

At the UN Security Council, Deputy Permanent Representative Khrystyna Haiovyshyn drew explicit red lines that directly contradict Trump's plan—see the table below:

Ukrainian politicians and experts have publicly rejected the 28-point draft as incompatible with Ukraine's interests. MP Bohdan Yaremenko from the ruling Servant of the People party said the plan was drawn up "without taking our interests into account," making it "impossible to implement in practice."

First deputy foreign minister Serhiy Kyslytsia called it a Soviet-style information-psychological operation aimed at sowing panic.

European leaders have also warned that any peace arrangement “cannot be a capitulation” and must not demand “punishing concessions” from Kyiv, as reported by Reuters.

Moscow's satisfied response signals whose plan this is

Russia's reaction reveals much about the plan's strategic implications. Kirill Dmitriev, who helped draft the proposal, told Axios "we feel that the Russian position is really being heard."

Moscow's enthusiasm for peace talks signals that proposed terms favor Russian strategic goals. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov maintained that any settlement must eliminate "root causes"-the same language Russia used before Minsk-2 to justify demands for Ukrainian constitutional changes.

He added that there are currently no talks with the United States on this document. “No real consultations are taking place. Of course, we continue our contacts. However, there is currently no process that can be called consultations,” he said.

Asked whether information about the 28-point peace plan had been passed to President Putin, Peskov replied: “I have nothing to add to what I have already said.”

Russia hasn't conceded anything; it's simply waited for a US president willing to pressure Ukraine rather than Russia.

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Ukraine’s victory plan is dead, killed by Russian nuclear mind games

The question: Pragmatic peace or strategic defeat?

Trump wants Ukraine to sign by Thanksgiving-creating asymmetric pressure where he pushes Ukraine toward concessions while Russia maintains maximalist demands. The internal Ukrainian crisis and American impatience are doing negotiating work that three years of warfare couldn't accomplish.

Europe scrambles for an alternative response. Leaders warn against "capitulation" but haven't presented a unified counter-proposal. Much depends on whether the EU holds firm or fragments under US pressure for a quick deal.

But the central question isn't whether this deal ends the war. History suggests it won't.

The Minsk agreements of 2014-2015 followed this exact pattern: Russia invaded, the West pushed Ukraine toward "pragmatic compromises," and peace talks gave Moscow breathing room to prepare for full-scale invasion seven years later.

Leaked emails from Putin's advisor Vladislav Surkov revealed the strategy explicitly-use "peace" to legitimize territorial seizures, embed Russian influence mechanisms, and build springboards for the next escalation.

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Russia’s last “Ukraine peace deal” led to Europe’s biggest war since WWII. Here’s why this one could be worse.

Surkov himself admitted in 2024 that Minsk-2 "legitimized the first partition of Ukraine" and that "peace is nothing more than the continuation of war by other means."

The Trump plan mirrors that structure: recognize Russian territorial control, limit Ukraine's military capabilities, ban NATO membership, and provide "security guarantees" that void when Ukraine defends itself. Russia emerges with internationally legitimized gains, a weakened neighbor, and proof that aggression plus patience defeats Western resolve.

The difference between 2015 and 2025? Russia would exit this "peace" with a battle-tested military, 500,000+ mobilized troops, and deeper ties to China, Iran, and North Korea. Western intelligence warns Putin could be preparing for broader European confrontation within five years-emboldened by every deal that rewarded aggression.

Ukraine faces a hard choice: accept terms that trade immediate crisis relief for long-term strategic vulnerability, or maintain red lines while the government crisis deepens and US support wavers.

For the West, the question is whether Trump's conviction that personal rapport with Putin can deliver quick wins serves American interests, or whether it repeats the Minsk trap at a continental scale, demonstrating that nuclear blackmail works, conquest pays, and each "peace" simply sets the stage for the next invasion.

The evidence from 2015 to 2022 answers that question. Russia doesn't negotiate peace deals. It negotiates launchpads.

Three peace plans compared

Russian forces are making continued advances toward the town of Huliaipole in southeastern Ukraine, employing a new offensive template that combines prolonged air attacks, tactical strikes, infiltration missions, and concentrated small-unit assaults, according to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW).

The situation remains serious as Russian troops attempt to isolate Huliaipole from the north while advancing from the northeast and east. 

Geolocated footage from November 20 suggests Russian forces have recently seized the village of Vesele east of Huliaipole. Russian military sources credited the 114th Motorized Rifle Regiment with the operation.

Fog and terrain help Russian units evade Ukrainian drone surveillance

ISW reports that Russian troops are exploiting fog, low-lying terrain, and foliage to avoid detection by Ukrainian drones. 

The tactic has also been used in recent operations near Velykomykhailivka, where Russian units reportedly moved under cover of fog to seize nearby settlements, including Hai. Analysts say the combination of environmental cover and coordinated small-unit attacks forms a core part of Russia’s current offensive approach.

Ukrainian forces remain engaged in the area, working to counter Russian advances while monitoring attempts to bypass drone surveillance. The ISW assessment indicates that Russia continues to rely on these methods to maintain momentum along this front.

All major Ukrainian thermal and hydroelectric power plants have been damaged in Russian attacks, Ukraine’s Energy Ministry said, severely limiting the country’s electricity production while demand remains unchanged. 

Russia regularly targets Ukraine’s energy infrastructure with both missiles and drones, stepping up attacks as winter approaches. These strikes mirror tactics used in previous years to disrupt civilian life and critical services, adding pressure to an already fragile network.

System strain forces focus on essential services

The ministry warned that the strikes have left the system under intense strain, with available capacity now focused entirely on keeping homes and essential services powered.

Officials stressed that all available domestic generation is now devoted to internal consumption, with no commercial exports occurring. 

Years-long Russian terror campaign targets civilian infrastructure

Russia has systematically targeted Ukraine's energy infrastructure since launching its full-scale invasion in 2022, with attacks intensifying each winter to maximize civilian suffering. 

By April 2024, Russian strikes had damaged 80% of Ukraine's thermal power plants and half of its hydroelectric facilities. The campaign escalated dramatically in 2025, with Moscow destroying over 50% of Ukraine's pre-war generating capacity - including roughly 70% of thermal generation - in the first half of the year alone. 

In October, Russian forces wiped out 60% of Ukraine's domestic gas production just weeks before the heating season, forcing Kyiv to divert $1.9 billion toward emergency imports. By early November, much of the country was facing 12-hour blackouts. 

The attacks follow a systematic pattern, with coordinated assaults using hundreds of drones and dozens of missiles targeting both generation sites and transmission networks to complicate restoration efforts.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy told Ukrainians the country is entering “one of the hardest moments” of its modern history, urging unity as Kyiv prepares to respond to a draft US peace proposal that could reshape the course of the war.

The emerging American plan - still unofficial - outlines 28 steps toward ending the conflict, including major territorial concessions, limits on Ukraine’s military, and eased sanctions on Russia. Kyiv says any settlement must protect its sovereignty, while European allies insist Ukraine must be involved in shaping any deal.

President refuses to break oath amid mounting pressure

In his address, Zelenskyy warned that Ukraine may soon face a choice between “losing dignity” or risking the support of its most important partner. He stressed that he will not break the oath he took when assuming office and promised to defend “freedom” and “dignity” as core principles in any negotiations.

He said Ukraine will work “calmly” with the US and other partners to look for a constructive path forward. The president suggested Kyiv would present its own alternatives, saying he will fight to ensure that any agreement reflects the values Ukrainians have defended since the first day of Russia’s full-scale invasion.

Unity call comes as domestic tensions rise

Zelenskyy also urged the public and political class to “get it together” and end domestic infighting, saying unity is essential at a moment when Russian forces continue to strike cities and pressure the front line.

He recalled how, in the early hours of the 2022 invasion, Kyiv faced ultimatums that it rejected - and insisted Ukraine would not betray itself now.

The president added that Ukrainians have endured almost four years of bombardment and loss, stressing that even the strongest nation has limits. “We may be steel, but even the strongest metal can break,” he said.

European allies signal resistance to forced concessions

Internationally, reports of the draft plan have drawn concern. EU foreign ministers meeting in Brussels signaled they would not support a settlement based on forcing concessions from Ukraine. They also reiterated that any peace plan must involve Kyiv and align with international law.

Zelenskyy coordinates with Washington on revised framework

Zelenskyy’s remarks came as Ukrainian officials insist they are engaging with Washington in good faith. His government has already reviewed the US proposal and says work is under way to refine it into something Kyiv can accept.

Later on Friday, Zelenskyy said he held a nearly hour-long call with US Vice President JD Vance and US Army Secretary Daniel Driscoll to discuss details of the American proposal. 

He said both sides aim to shape a “worthy and effective” path toward a lasting peace and will coordinate closely with European partners at the adviser level. Ukraine, he added, welcomes any realistic initiative that helps end the bloodshed. “Teams are ready to work 24/7,” he said.

British authorities say a billion-pound money-moving operation has been uncovered across 28 towns and cities in the country, with cash from UK drug and crime groups funneled into cryptocurrency used to support Russia’s military and evade sanctions.

Russia is under sweeping Western sanctions because of its invasion of Ukraine in 2022. These sanctions restrict its access to global finance, pushing Moscow to look for alternative channels to move money and secure resources. The UK case sheds light on one of those routes, showing how criminal cash flows can be repurposed to help a sanctioned state work around financial barriers.

Operation Destabilise nets 128 arrests, seizes £25 million

The National Crime Agency (NCA) said the network converted “dirty” money from drugs, firearms and immigration gangs into digital assets. Officers said the operation exposes how local criminal profits tie into wider geopolitical crises, including Russia’s war in Ukraine.

The scheme was uncovered through Operation Destabilise, which has now led to 128 arrests and the seizure of more than £25m in cash and digital holdings. 

The NCA said the group was so extensive it bought a 75% stake in a bank in Kyrgyzstan, which was later found to be handling payments for Promsvyazbank, a Russian state-owned institution serving the military sector.

Using intelligence from the investigation, UK officers and international partners have also frozen millions of dollars linked to the network worldwide.

How couriers kept the system running despite high risks

Couriers move large sums between criminal groups before the money is shifted online. The NCA warned that these runners play a central role in keeping the system alive, even though they are paid little and face long prison terms if caught.

Officials have launched a public campaign to target couriers, placing warnings in motorway service stations that arrests are only a matter of time.

The agency says its crackdown is already disrupting the network, with operators avoiding London and raising fees as the risks grow.

Blockchain analysis exposes crypto's transparency problem for criminals

Despite assumptions that cryptocurrencies conceal activity, the NCA says blockchain tracing has helped map the network’s movements. Chainalysis, a firm tracking crypto flows, said public blockchains make it possible to follow funds tied to sanctions evasion, cybercrime and drug trafficking.

Last year, a separate global operation disrupted two international laundering groups moving funds for Russian elites, cybercriminals and British drug networks. One alleged ringleader, Russian national Ekaterina Zhdanova, remains in custody in France.

Britain vows to pursue anyone helping hostile states

UK security minister Dan Jarvis said the case exposes methods Russia uses to sidestep sanctions and move money to support its war in Ukraine. He said authorities “will not tolerate” anyone aiding a hostile state and pledged to continue seizing assets and arresting those involved.

Police forces across the UK and Ireland continue to support the operation, which investigators say remains active as further suspects and financial channels are identified.

Today, there are interesting updates from the Dnipropetrovsk direction.

Here, the Russians opted for a daring move and managed to cross an important obstacle in the fog and deploy troops in a village, surprising the Ukrainian defense. The Ukrainians still managed to react quickly and engage the enemies, even turning the fog against them and capturing an intact Russian armored vehicle.

The Russian assault on Novopavlivka began under the cover of dense fog, which prevented either side from fully relying on drones. Exploiting this rare window, Russian forces quickly set up a pontoon crossing between Yalta and Dachne and transported roughly ten armored vehicles across the river. 

Because the fog was extremely thick, Ukrainian surveillance detected the maneuver too late, allowing the Russians to disperse troops in the central and southern parts of the village. 

Russian analysts immediately glorified the event, claiming absurdly that the same vehicles not only made a successful 2-way trip with no losses, but also immediately picked up more troops upon the return and made the second 2-way trip undetected.

Tactical significance of Novopavlivka

Novopavlivka holds great tactical value, and if Russia captures it, its troops could push toward Mezhova from the south and severely weaken Ukraine's defensive flank west of the Pokrovsk direction. 

This area has very few settlements suitable for establishing firm defensive lines, meaning any Russian advance north of Novopavlivka could unfold quickly. That is why the fog-aided Russian breakthrough created initial concern, but the truth of what happened differs from the Russian narrative.

Reality versus Russian claims

The Russians managed to make only one crossing, and even that came with losses, as while the fog limited drone visibility, Ukrainian operators still managed to detect and strike Russian equipment. 

Geolocated footage shows Russian tanks and armored vehicles being immobilized before the fog lifted fully and later destroyed once visibility improved. Even so, Russia succeeded in landing a limited number of troops who immediately scattered across houses, small shelters, and farm structures. 

Ukrainian infantry began clearing operations immediately, working building by building and street by street to root out infiltrators.

Soon after, Ukrainian forces released another geolocated video from Novopavlivka, showing the elimination of the Russian equipment that had managed to slip into the village. One armored vehicle and several Russians, initially lucky enough to evade immediate detection, were spotted and destroyed by drone-dropped grenades.

While Russian sources claimed that over 100 soldiers infiltrated the settlement, judging that their second cross indeed happened, Ukrainian officers estimated that no more than 50 made it inside. Ukrainian soldiers captured two Russians from a destroyed BMP-2 and even managed to seize a working BMP-1 as a trophy, using the fog as cover to their advantage this time.

From these engagements alone, 15 Russian soldiers were killed, while more footage indicates that at least 25 out of the roughly 50 infiltrators have been eliminated or captured, meaning that in reality Russians made only 1 trip with 50% losses, not 2 trips with zero losses.

Ukrainian clearing operations and drone warfare

Ukrainian drone operators continued to hunt the remaining infiltrators, destroying seven more Russians hiding among the houses in Novopavlivka. West of the village, at a nearby farm, Russian troops attempted to establish a foothold, but they were spotted by drones.

Once Ukrainian operators struck them from the air with FPV drones, two Ukrainian marines moved in and cleared the site. This perfectly illustrates how battles unfold now, with tiny assault teams determining the fate of several square kilometers, while drones guide every step. To prevent the Russians from exploiting the fog again, Ukrainian forces also struck the rear where new troops were gathering.

Striking reinforcements and concentration points

A Ukrainian F-16 carried out a bombing mission against Russian concentration points in the village of Filiya, destroying several buildings with soldiers inside. Simultaneously, Russian reinforcements attempting to cross the Vovcha River near Yalta got stuck in heavy mud. 

What could have become a breakthrough instead became a traffic jam of four armored vehicles, all of which were destroyed by Ukrainian FPV and Vampire drones moments later.

Battle continues as Ukrainian forces remain vigilant

Overall, despite the surprise of the initial fog-assisted crossing, Ukrainian defenders demonstrated resilience and adaptability. 

The battle for Novopavlivka is far from over, as Russian troops remain scattered inside the settlement, hiding and trying to build positions. 

Yet the Ukrainian response has blunted the momentum of the attack and prevented reinforcement waves. Because Novopavlivka's location is so important, both sides understand the stakes, and more clashes will follow.

Ukrainian forces remain on high alert, determined to ensure that no more Russian units cross the river unseen, no matter how thick the fog becomes.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Two NABU detectives remain imprisoned four months after organizing the Operation Midas that exposed Ukraine’s $100 million nuclear corruption scandal. Both face espionage charges filed in July, four months before their investigation toppled ministers and triggered Ukraine’s governmental crisis. Neither case has produced evidence.

Detective Ruslan Mahamedrasulov organized the operational information gathering that led to the raids exposing systematic kickbacks at Energoatom. Detective Viktor Gusarov worked alongside him on cases targeting officials close to President Zelenskyy. Security services arrested both in July’s crackdown.

Her brother, Oleksandr Levandovskyi, voluntarily obtained Russian citizenship on 4 April 2014—immediately after Russia’s occupation of Crimea—and began working in Russia’s military prosecutor’s office. Court documents from Russia’s Bashkortostan Republic confirm that Levandovskyi continues to work in the Military Prosecutor’s Office of the Central Military District as of early 2025.

Her father, Serhii Levandovskyi, also voluntarily obtained Russian citizenship in 2014 and operates businesses in occupied Crimea, including partial ownership of the “Kamelia-Kafa” hotel. The hotel’s VKontakte page publishes posts supporting Russia and celebrating “9 May” (Russia’s Victory Day). Four companies controlled by Serhii Levandovskyi paid at least 797,019 rubles ($9,894) in taxes to the Russian budget in 2024, according to data from the List-org website.

The Centre filed criminal complaints on 13 November for treason (against the brother) and collaborationist activity (against the father). Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko has issued no response. Vdovychenko continues handling Mahamedrasulov’s case.

Pattern: All detained detectives investigated Zelenskyy’s circle

The July crackdown didn’t target random NABU employees. Security services arrested investigators handling cases involving officials close to President Zelenskyy.

Detective Mahamedrasulov documented Tymur Mindich, Zelenskyy’s business partner. Detective Ivan Kravchuk handled the case against former Agriculture Minister Mykola Solskyi. Detective Oleksandr Skomar investigated former Deputy Prime Minister Oleksiy Chernyshov, photographed as a guest at Zelenskyy’s birthday party during the COVID lockdown.

Four months of silence

Mahamedrasulov’s interview, published by Suspilne on 18 November, revealed the cost of his detention. Throughout four months of court hearings, journalists repeatedly asked whether he had been documenting Mindich.

“Not once, not once did the NABU detective confirm this, so as not to put the investigation at risk,” wrote anti-corruption activist Vitaliy Shabunin on Facebook.

Mahamedrasulov confirmed he “was involved in installing the necessary equipment in the right places so my colleagues could document all the scheme’s participants.” The investigation succeeded spectacularly—exposing schemes worth $100 million, toppling ministers, and triggering a governmental crisis. The detective who helped make it possible remains imprisoned.

July’s fabricated “Russian infiltration” claims

On 21 July 2025, Ukraine’s Security Service made dramatic claims about Russian infiltrators in NABU, justifying Law No. 12414, which brought anti-corruption agencies under the control of the Prosecutor General.

An Ukrainska Pravda investigation found the espionage claims fell apart under scrutiny. The Security Service claimed “at least 60 instances” of information transfer, but when NABU requested evidence, “they haven’t received an answer to this day.”

Mass demonstrations forced parliament to reverse the law after 10 days. But Mahamedrasulov and Gusarov remain imprisoned four months later, with no evidence presented against them.

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“I became SBU’s target because of several cases”

Mahamedrasulov explained his arrest stemmed from multiple investigations threatening Security Service officials, not just Operation Midas.

“I was involved in documenting schemes that were essentially covered by SBU employees, particularly the wing of ‘kashniki,’ or the so-called political part of SBU,” he stated. These officials work “under the patronage of SBU head Vasyl Maliuk and his associate Serhii Duka.”

“Kashniki” refers to the SBU department fighting corruption—“korruptsiya” beginning with K in Ukrainian—who allegedly run corrupt schemes themselves. “Notably, the latter directly led the operation on 21 July regarding me and other NABU detectives,” Mahamedrasulov noted.

During searches, Security Service officers seized his phones, hard drives, flash drives, and laptops. “Over the past four months, SBU employees gained access to a large volume of materials I was working on,” he stated. His sources now face “systematic pressure—searches, wiretapping, and surveillance—as revenge for cooperation with NABU.”

Accountability flows only downward

Ministers fell over schemes Mahamedrasulov helped expose. But no Security Service officials faced consequences for fabricating espionage charges. No investigation examined the “Russian infiltration” claims that justified July’s crackdown. Prosecutor General Kravchenko, appointed one month before the crackdown, has not responded to criminal complaints about Vdovychenko’s family ties to Russia.

Zelenskyy’s reliance on loyal personal networks—solidified during wartime—conflicts with Ukrainian society’s demands for transparent, accountable institutions. Ukrainians have shown they’ll stand with Zelenskyy until victory, but not with his allies’ corruption.

The contradiction challenges claims of “functioning institutions”: ministers fell for corruption, but the detectives who exposed them remain imprisoned on fabricated charges, prosecuted by an official whose family serves Russia.

Until accountability extends to those who fabricated charges, to prosecutors whose families serve Russia, and to the political leadership that authorized institutional capture, Ukraine’s anti-corruption success remains fragile—threatening the very EU accession prospects that depend on demonstrating sustainable reform.

Ukraine’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau raided 10 locations on 10 November, exposing systematic corruption worth at least $100 million in the country’s nuclear energy sector, triggering a governmental crisis that has left the ruling majority reeling.

The revelations documented systematic kickbacks at Energoatom—Ukraine’s state nuclear power operator. Contractors paid 10-15% of contract values to officials in exchange for protection and security contracts.

Investigators used codenames for suspects. Recordings identified “Carlson”—allegedly Tymur Mindich, Zelenskyy’s business partner from Kvartal-95 studio—as performing “the function of a top manager,” though investigators say he “was not the main beneficiary.”

Mindich fled Ukraine hours before NABU detectives arrived. The scandal left parliament “torn apart” as MPs fielded offers to defect to other factions, Ukrainska Pravda reported.

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Ministers dismissed, government in crisis

The parliament dismissed Energy Minister Svitlana Hrynchuk and Justice Minister Herman Halushchenko on 19 November. The European Solidarity party initiated procedures to dismiss the entire Cabinet, with 51 MPs signing a no-confidence motion.

“When millions of Ukrainians were left without electricity during shelling, when the best were dying every day at the front, another ‘battery’ was working in the rear—the one that charged the pockets of the chosen ones,” the party stated. “One hundred million dollars that could have gone to protect the energy infrastructure turned up in Energoatom’s schemes.”

The scale and cynicism of the scheme—enriching officials connected to the president while civilians froze and soldiers died—crossed a red line even wartime unity couldn’t protect.

The scheme operated like a bank—with its own accounting, currency operations, and a geography spanning from Kyiv to Atlanta, Georgia, and Moscow. The money-laundering office operated from central Kyiv, belonging to the family of Andriy Derkach, a former Ukrainian MP now serving as a Russian senator.

The operation processed approximately $100 million using cryptocurrency and collected cash at 30 different locations across Kyiv to avoid detection.

Zelenskyy’s careful response

Zelenskyy addressed Operation Midas in his evening address on 10 November, hours after the raids. “Any effective action against corruption is very much needed. The inevitability of punishment is essential,” he stated. “Energoatom currently provides Ukraine with the largest share of power generation. Integrity within the company is a priority.”

“The energy sector and every branch, everyone who has constructed corrupt schemes, must face a clear procedural response. There must be convictions,” Zelenskyy continued. “And government officials must work together with NABU and law enforcement bodies—and do it in a way that delivers real results.”

His administration faced mass protests in July after attempting to subordinate NABU through Law 12414. Parliament reversed the law after 10 days.

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They came. They cussed. They won.

EU: functioning institutions, but concerns remain

European Union officials praised Ukraine’s anti-corruption institutions after the revelations—but only once the dismissals started. EU High Representative Kaja Kallas called the corruption scandal “deeply regrettable” at the G7 foreign ministers’ summit, stressing “there is no place for corruption, especially not now.” “It is literally the people’s money that should go to the front lines,” she stated.

European Commission spokesperson Guillaume Mercier emphasized,

Operation Midas succeeded because of a 15-month investigation led by NABU detectives. Detective Ruslan Mahamedrasulov organized the operational information gathering that made the raids possible.

Detective Viktor Gusarov also remains behind bars. Both face espionage charges that investigators have yet to substantiate with evidence. Whether Ukraine’s anti-corruption success proves sustainable depends on holding accountable not just corrupt ministers, but those who targeted the investigators who exposed them.

European leaders are preparing their own proposal to end the war in Ukraine within days, offering alternative terms to the Trump administration's peace framework, The Wall Street Journal reports.

The White House confirmed the authenticity of a 28-point draft plan that demands Ukraine cede the Donbas Oblast currently under its control to Moscow and accept Russia's de facto control of other territories where the front line would be frozen. Ukraine's military would be capped at 600,000 personnel, and the country's NATO membership aspirations would be foreclosed.

"This plan was crafted to reflect the realities of the situation, after four years of a devastating war, to find the best win-win scenario, where both parties gain more than they must give," White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said in a statement.

The framework offers Moscow substantial incentives: an invitation to rejoin the Group of Eight, case-by-case lifting of sanctions, and collaboration with Washington on artificial intelligence, data centers, energy deals and rare-earth mining in the Arctic. The US would also recognize Russia's de facto control of Luhansk, Donetsk and Crimea.

Ukraine would retain the right to join the European Union and receive security guarantees for 10 years, including "intelligence and logistical assistance" or "other steps judged appropriate" after consultations with allies. However, the document does not commit the US to provide direct military assistance, according to a copy reviewed by the Journal.

Leavitt said that Rustem Umerov, secretary of Ukraine's national security and defense council, had endorsed "the majority of the plan" in talks with US officials. President Volodymyr Zelensky took a conciliatory stance after receiving a briefing Thursday, saying he was ready to work with the US on halting the war.

But Ukraine's deputy permanent UN representative struck a different tone at the Security Council. "Ukraine won't accept any limits on its right to self-defense, or on the size or capabilities of our armed forces," Khrystyna Hayovyshyn said.

European officials told the Journal they were neither included in drafting the 28-point plan nor briefed on its contents as of Thursday evening. They are now working to persuade Kyiv to back their alternative framework, which is designed to be more favorable to Ukraine. Kyiv has not yet committed to joining the European plan.

The proposal also calls for Ukraine to hold elections in 100 days, which could see Zelenskyy ousted as his administration faces a mounting corruption scandal. A peace council chaired by Trump would oversee implementation, and the US would rebuild Ukraine's gas pipelines and help create a fund for artificial-intelligence projects and data centers.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said on 20 Novermber that the Russian and US sides were not actively engaged in discussing a cease-fire and that any deal needed to address the root causes of the war—Moscow's shorthand for its displeasure over NATO's eastern expansion, Ukraine's pro-Western tilt and the West's dismissal of Russia as a great power.

Sen. Lindsey Graham, a staunch Trump ally, said "any peace deal probably should come before the Senate," adding: "I think they need to read us in on what they are going to do."

According to Politico, the plan has caused alarm in European capitals, where it has been characterized as "Putin's wish list."

A massive corruption scandal has transformed Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy into a "lame duck" at home, according to Adrian Karatnycky, senior fellow at the Atlantic Council, writing for Politico.

The scandal centers on an alleged scheme to extort around $100 million from Ukraine's energy sector. Justice Minister German Galushchenko, Energy Minister Svitlana Hrynchuk, and officials from the state atomic energy agency and State Bureau of Investigation have been implicated.

The most damaging allegations involve Zelenskyy's closest allies. Former business partner Tymur Mindich stands accused of being central to the schemes, which have been dubbed "Mindichgate." Chief of Staff Andriy Yermak, described as "highly powerful yet unpopular," faces accusations from adversaries of undermining the National Anti-Corruption Bureau and Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor — the very offices that uncovered the conspiracy.

"While there's no evidence of personal corruption by the president, his style of rule and reliance on governing with the help of a group of pals and cronies has worn thin," Karatnycky writes.

The revelations carry particular weight because Zelenskyy won power promising to root out corruption and replace dishonest officials with "new faces of integrity." According to Politico, his pledges "have now been punctured by the misrule that's being revealed each day in plot twists as riveting as a Netflix crime series."

Public support has collapsed. October polling — conducted before the scandal erupted — showed only one in four Ukrainians wanted Zelenskyy to run for office again after the war. Opposition Deputy Yaroslav Zheleznyak, who helped expose the corruption, told Politico that unpublished polls now show Zelenskyy losing a further 40% of support, placing his base at around 25%.

If elections were held, polls indicate Gen. Valery Zaluzhny, the former armed forces commander whom Zelenskyy dismissed, would "handily" defeat the president.

Sources close to the president and his inner circle speaking anonymously have hinted Zelenskyy may not seek a second term once circumstances permit elections, according to the report. Multiple sources have told Politico that First Lady Olena Zelenska believes her husband should not run for reelection given the extension of his current term and the toll on their family.

Despite wartime discontent reaching its peak, mass protests remain unlikely. Civic activist Serhiy Sternenko, who has millions of social media followers, confirmed to Karatnycky that Ukrainians understand destabilizing protests would be "perilous" amid Russian territorial advances.

"And though Zelenskyy's position as president remains secure given the wartime setting, as a lame-duck president his main aim must be to restore public confidence in the government," Karatnycky writes.

The author recommends Zelenskyy begin consultations with civic leaders, anti-corruption experts and the opposition to create a technocratic government. He should limit his powers to defense, national security and foreign policy while transferring domestic and economic responsibilities to government and parliament, according to the analysis.

"The fact is, if Zelenskyy doesn't act, others may do it for him," Karatnycky warns.

Cracks are appearing in Zelenskyy's parliamentary base. Investigative outlet Ukrainska Pravda reports that David Arakhamia, head of the Servant of the People parliamentary faction, has joined calls for presidential office reform and Yermak's replacement. Powerful legislator Danylo Hetmantsev, who chairs parliament's finance committee, plans to create a new party. Lawmaker Mykyta Poturayev announced an initiative to form a new parliamentary majority including opposition members.

Karatnycky suggests potential cabinet members could include First Deputy Prime Minister Mykhailo Fedorov, former US Ambassador and Finance Minister Oksana Markarova, and former Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba.

"While the damage done to Zelenskyy is likely irreversible, the president has a chance to use the current crisis to set Ukraine on a proper path of greater transparency," the analyst writes.

Strong prosecution of those involved in the corruption network would maintain morale and strengthen Ukraine's position as Washington pressures Kyiv to make concessions to Russia, according to the report. The New York Times previously noted that nearly seven years after the last elections, many Ukrainians believe Zelenskyy operates within "a small, closed circle, not bound by rules."

Canada has delivered a new military aid package to Ukraine including 25 M113 armored personnel carriers and approximately 75,000 spare parts from Canadian Armed Forces surplus stocks, according to an update on Canada's military assistance webpage published in November.

The shipment, sent on 16 October, also includes 125 AIM-7 Sparrow air-to-air missile components and 38 LAU-7A launch rails. The LAU-7 launcher systems can be adapted and upgraded to carry and launch additional munitions similar in size to the AIM-9 Sidewinder, including AIM-132 ASRAAM and IRIS-T missiles.

Canada is providing an additional $30 million for winter equipment, the update states. The winter gear package comprises 34,231 sleeping bags, 51,679 winter jackets, 9,302 units of thermal clothing, 22,502 pairs of military-style winter boots, and 78,351 pairs of wet weather winter boots.

Since Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022, Canadian aircraft have assisted with delivering Ukraine-bound military aid from Canada and allied nations. "Since March 2022, the amount of aid delivered by Air Mobility Detachment - Prestwick, has totaled over twenty-five million pounds," according to the Canadian government's operational support page.

Operation UNIFIER, Canada's military training mission in support of Ukraine, was launched in 2015 at Ukraine's request and was expanded and extended until March 2026 in 2023.

"Since the start of Op UNIFIER, the CAF has trained more than 45,000 Ukrainian military and security personnel in battlefield tactics and advanced military skills," the update reports.

Canadian Armed Forces members are currently deployed in various roles including "the provision and coordination of training, national command support, and the facilitation and delivery of military donations to Ukraine in coordination with Allies and Partners."

From April to July 2022, CAF personnel provided assistance to Ukrainian refugees at reception centers in Warsaw operated by the Polish Territorial Defence Force, helping thousands with administrative support, limited medical care, mental health supports, and spiritual services.

Ukrainian light armored vehicle manufacturer PJSC SPC "Praktika" has signed a memorandum of understanding on industrial cooperation with Spanish companies TECNOVE S.L. and Escribano Mechanical & Engineering (EM&E Group), reports the Ukrainian Armament Council.

This marks the first joint armored vehicle production project for Praktika and the League of Defense Enterprises of Ukraine public association with Spanish partners on European Union territory.

The document focuses on combining the parties' experience in producing specialized and military automotive equipment, as well as joint development and production of armored vehicles in Spain for the needs of the EU, Ukraine and other partner countries.

The cooperation between Praktika and the foreign companies will focus on several types of equipment: multi-purpose military armored vehicles, fire support vehicles, specialized equipment including medical, electronic warfare, and command-and-control vehicles, and non-militarized armored platforms for demining and transporting explosive items.

"For us, this is a logical step – to transfer the combat experience of Ukrainian armored vehicles into joint production chains with EU partners. Cooperation with Tecnove and Escribano will simultaneously strengthen the Defense Forces of Ukraine and provide allies with modern, combat-tested solutions," said Yulia Vysotska, director of PJSC SPC "Praktika."

The company emphasizes that joint projects with Western partners are viewed as a tool to accelerate production for the front lines, not as a replacement for Ukrainian capacities.

The planned joint production will be established at an industrial facility covering 25,000 square meters in the city of Herencia in the Madrid region. Tecnove recently commissioned this facility specifically for defense and security solutions.

The site will handle large-unit assembly of armored and other special vehicles using components manufactured at Praktika's Ukrainian facilities. Finished equipment will be supplied to Ukraine and for Spain's needs.

For the Ukrainian defense industry, this project means integration of Ukrainian combat solutions into European production chains, additional opportunities for scaling up serial production of armored vehicles without transferring critical competencies outside the country, and strengthening the positions of Ukrainian private manufacturers in joint EU and NATO programs.

Previously, it was reported that the joint Ukrainian-American enterprise AIRO Nord-Drone will produce drones for the needs of Ukraine and NATO. The new company will combine AIRO's experience in production and procurement with Nord Drone's combat-tested technologies and European production capacities.

Chinese and Indian banks and refineries are moving to comply with US sanctions on Russia's two biggest oil companies, a US Treasury official said on 20 November.

The Trump administration imposed sanctions last month on Lukoil and Rosneft in an effort to cut revenues Moscow uses for its nearly four-year-old war on Ukraine. China and India are the top buyers of Russian oil.

Many Chinese and Indian entities are conscious of the sanctions and are "risk averse, do recognize the importance of the relationships with the West, and are moving to comply," the official told reporters in a call.

The Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control said on 17 November that its analysis of the initial market impact shows the sanctions announced on 22 October "are having their intended effect of dampening Russian revenues by lowering the price of Russian oil and therefore the country's ability to fund its war effort against Ukraine."

The action marked some of the strongest US sanctions since Russia's February 2022 invasion of Ukraine and the first direct sanctions President Donald Trump has imposed on Russia since taking office in January.

The sanctions established a 21 November deadline for companies to cease dealings with Rosneft and Lukoil. Companies that violate the sanctions risk being cut off from the dollar-based financial system.

OFAC's analysis found that several key grades of Russian crude are now selling at multi-year-low prices. Nearly a dozen major Indian and Chinese purchasers of Russian crude have announced plans to pause purchases of Russian oil for December deliveries, according to the analysis.

LSEG Workspace data showed benchmark Urals crude loaded at Russia's Black Sea oil hub of Novorossiysk traded at $45.35 per barrel on November 12, the lowest level since March 2023. At that time, Russia was just beginning to assemble a shadow fleet of tankers to avoid a G7-led price cap of $60 a barrel imposed in December 2023.

Brent crude futures stood at $62.71 on 12 November and traded at $64.03 on 17 November. Urals Novorossiysk rose to $47.01 on 17 November after loadings resumed at the Black Sea port following suspension caused by a Ukrainian drone and missile attack.

Reuters reported earlier this month that Russian oil discounts to Brent had widened as major Indian and Chinese refiners reduced purchases in response to US sanctions.

A Treasury spokesperson said the sanctions were "starving Putin's war machine" and the department "is prepared to take further action if necessary to end the senseless killing" in Ukraine.

Lukoil and Rosneft Both are giants in their market and have about 50 subsidiaries around the world, Radio Liberty reports. So, the consequences were felt not only in Russia.

Lukoil and Rosneft are Russia's two largest oil companies, with Rosneft being the state-controlled giant and the world's largest publicly traded petroleum company by output, while Lukoil is Russia's second-largest oil producer and the country's largest privately owned oil company.

Both have about 50 subsidiaries around the world. Lukoil operates in over 30 countries worldwide and sells petrol in 59 regions of Russia and in 17 other countries.

Chile has agreed to sell 30 Marder 1A3 infantry fighting vehicles to Germany in what appears to be a ring exchange scheme, with the vehicles likely destined for Ukraine, El Mostrador reports.

The transaction, which has been kept strictly secret, involves vehicles currently operating in Chile's northern border region alongside Leopard tanks and armored artillery. Neither the Chilean Army nor the Ministry of Defense agreed to provide information about the deal when contacted by the Chilean publication.

According to multiple sources cited by El Mostrador, the most probable destination for the Chilean Marders is the Ukrainian army, though it's also possible Germany seeks to replenish its own stocks after transferring equipment to Kyiv.

The sale comes as part of Germany's Ringtausch program, through which Berlin has been supplying various types of weapons to the Zelenskyy administration since the start of the conflict. By October last year, Germany had delivered 140 Marder 1A3 vehicles to Ukraine, but demand far exceeds production capacity at manufacturer Rheinmetall.

Rather than a traditional sale, sources told El Mostrador the arrangement is more akin to a barter, with Chile receiving air defense equipment in exchange. The context for this includes Bolivia's acquisition of Iranian Shahed drones—the same type Russia uses to attack Ukraine—and Argentina's purchase of 24 secondhand F-16 Fighting Falcon aircraft from Denmark.

"The only way a deal of this type is favorable for Chile is if it increases its military capabilities, but that doesn't appear to be the case here. It seems like robbing Peter to pay Paul," a military analyst told El Mostrador on condition of anonymity.

Chile currently operates around 270 Marder vehicles in armored infantry battalions stationed in Arica, Pozo Almonte, and Antofagasta. The country acquired 146 used Marders from Germany in 2009 at a bargain price of 50,000 euros per unit—far below the standard cost of $400,000 at the time—alongside the purchase of 60 Leopard tanks.

Der Spiegel reported that Chile paid $7.3 million for vehicles whose commercial value exceeded $60 million, though this required the army to invest in modernization work carried out by Rheinmetall.

In May, Defense Minister Adriana Delpiano reviewed the latest modernization of the Marders during a visit to the Arica Armored Brigade, where vehicles updated with Eoptris aiming systems and Sentinel observation equipment from Belgian company OIP Sensor Systems were presented.

When contacted, the Chilean Army stated that "issues of purchases, sales, contracts are handled by the Ministry of Defense. Therefore, it is not up to the Army to comment on this matter."

The Ministry of Defense responded that "matters referring to strategic capabilities are reserved," declining to specify the total number of vehicles involved, timeframes, values, or whether it is indeed a sale or barter for anti-aircraft technology.

German Aid to Ukraine, citing El Mostrador, notes that Germany has already transferred 140 Marder 1A3s to Ukraine and publicly promised another 25. Adding 30 vehicles from Chile would be a logical continuation of Berlin's commitments, though the original timeline called for completion in the first half of the year—more than four months ago.

If confirmed, this would mark the first instance of a Latin American country participating in such an exchange as part of support for Ukraine. Previous ring exchange participants have included the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Greece.

The deal comes as European security concerns intensify. In August, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz warned that if Ukraine is ultimately defeated, other countries could follow in the midst of Russian expansionist escalation, including Germany itself.

Ireland has delivered five air defence radar systems to Ukraine, though officials have declined to specify their type, according to a transcript of government debates held on 14 October.

Government minister Neale Richmond revealed that Ukraine received 34 vehicles in recent months, including ambulances, a fire tender, and the five radar systems. "In June, five air defence radar systems and a fire tender were delivered to Ukraine," Richmond stated during the debate.

The delivery was part of a broader package of Irish military aid. In mid-September, three Reacher bomb disposal robots were sent to the Ukraine defence contact group's de-mining coalition. Richmond also announced that Irish Defence Forces personnel will conduct another basic training module for Ukrainian armed forces through the European Union military assistance mission, bringing the total number of modules delivered by Irish instructors to 22.

Explore further

First British Terrahawk Paladin air defense system confirmed operational in Ukraine (PHOTO, VIDEO)

The radar systems are likely Giraffe Mark IV units, preparations for which were announced earlier this year. Ireland's Defence Forces operate seven Giraffe Mark IV radars, purchased in 2008.

The Giraffe Mark IV is a mobile early warning and air defence control radar developed by Swedish company Saab. Part of the oldest generation in the Giraffe radar family, it is designed to detect low-flying aerial targets in complex electronic warfare environments and amid natural or artificial obstacles.

The system is mounted on a BV206 tracked all-terrain vehicle chassis. "The Mk IV model is equipped with a retractable mast that allows the antenna to be raised to a height sufficient to detect low-flying targets, including those in cover zones behind terrain or buildings," according to technical specifications.

Explore further

Canada delivers 25 M113 APCs and air-to-air missile components to Ukrainian forces

First introduced in 1977, the system has been supplied to the armies of Sweden, Finland, Lithuania, and Ireland. The Irish units have a detection range of up to 50 kilometers and can track up to 20 aerial targets simultaneously.

Richmond emphasized Ireland's ongoing commitment to Ukrainian defence. "Through the Department of Defence, we continue to provide direct military support-in-kind," he said, adding that Ireland has contributed approximately €66 million to the European Peace Facility for non-lethal military support to Ukraine.

The minister also revealed that in July, Ireland provided €10 million each to coalitions on de-mining and IT support. The remaining €80 million is being disbursed to EU member states for procurement partnerships, "primarily for the procurement of non-lethal elements of air defence."

Richmond concluded by reaffirming Ireland's position: "Our continued support for Ukraine is a necessity, not a choice. It is why Ireland stands with Ukraine now and however long it takes."

Confirmed: Terrahawk Paladin in action

A Terrahawk Paladin short-range air defense system has been documented operating with Ukraine's 156th Air Defense Missile Regiment, according to field reports, representing the first battlefield confirmation of the British-manufactured platform in Ukrainian hands.

The system, mounted on a MAN HX chassis, was originally committed to Ukraine in 2023. The platform centers on countering unmanned aerial threats that have targeted both military positions and civilian infrastructure throughout the conflict.

30mm cannon and advanced sensors

The Terrahawk Paladin fields a 30mm Mark 44 Bushmaster II cannon as its primary armament. The system integrates a 360-degree surveillance radar, an electro-optical targeting system, and a night-vision channel for operations in low-visibility conditions.

"The platform is fully autonomous and features integrated sensors for detecting, tracking, and engaging aerial, ground, and maritime targets at short distances," according to technical specifications.

Field modifications and protective screens

Imagery from Ukrainian deployment shows protective screens installed around the radar assembly—modifications assessed as shielding for mission-critical sensors during drone attacks or fragmentation events.

The MAN HX tactical truck chassis provides mobility, allowing the system to operate as a mobile platform or permit rapid dismounting when tactical situations require it.

Ukraine has received an expanding inventory of short-range counter-UAS and air defense systems to address Russian drone operations, including Shahed loitering munitions, Lancet strike drones, and reconnaissance platforms. Western suppliers have accelerated deliveries of mobile gun systems, radar-guided weapon stations, and electronic warfare platforms to disperse Ukraine's air defense network and protect infrastructure from low-altitude threats.

Field modifications and protective screens

The Paladin emphasizes low-cost engagement, rapid reaction capability, and modular design—characteristics gaining importance as Ukraine confronts high volumes of relatively inexpensive unmanned aircraft. The fully autonomous mode enables quick response with minimal crew involvement, improving survivability when operators must relocate rapidly or engage sequential threats.

Russian forces launched drone strikes on Odesa during the night of 21 November, damaging residential buildings and an industrial facility. Five people were injured in the attack, according to Serhiy Lysak, head of the Odesa Military Administration.

Among those hospitalized were a 49-year-old woman and a 16-year-old boy who sustained thermal burns, as well as a 70-year-old man with a head injury, Lysak said. Two other men received outpatient care—one for acute stress reaction and another for facial burns, Oleh Kiper, head of the regional administration, added.

"Emergency and utility services are working at the scene, elimination of consequences continues," Lysak added.

The air raid alert sounded at 10:54 pm on 20 November. The Air Forces warned of drones moving in the Black Sea toward the Odesa Oblast, and later of UAVs heading toward or past Odesa and Chornomorsk. The all-clear was given at 12:14 am.

A second air alert followed at 1:35 am. The Air Forces reported drone movement from the Black Sea toward or past Odesa, Chornomorsk, Pivdenne, and Chornomorske. The first explosion in Odesa occurred at 1:58 AM—there were at least three blasts total. The all-clear came at 2:13 am.

In Zaporizhzhia, the number of injured from a Russian strike rose to eight, regional head Fedorov wrote. Five deaths have been confirmed.

Russian troops also struck Kostiantynivka with an FPV drone, targeting a civilian vehicle. The attack injured one woman while she was driving, according to Serhiy Horbunov, head of the Kostiantynivka Military Administration.

"The attack was directed at the city, as a result of which one civilian was injured," Horbunov said. The woman received medical assistance, and the vehicle was damaged.

On 20 November, Russian forces injured four residents of Donetsk Oblast. The casualty count does not include Mariupol and Volnovakha.

In Kherson Oblast, five settlements came under fire during the previous day—Kherson, Antonivka, Prydniprovske, Komyshany, and Molodizhne. Russian artillery and drone attacks damaged private and multi-story buildings, two educational institutions, and a gas pipeline. One person was killed and four were wounded in the Kherson community.

Russian drone strikes on Dnipropetrovsk Oblast overnight on 21 November killed one woman and injured two others, according to acting regional governor Vladislav Haivanenko.

"The enemy directed drones at Vasylivka and Pokrovska communities in Synelnykove district. A woman was killed... Two more people were injured," Haivanenko wrote on Telegram.

A 54-year-old man and a 71-year-old woman were hospitalized in moderate condition.

The attacks sparked fires across the district. Three private houses were destroyed and two more damaged. A utility building and a car were destroyed, while a minibus sustained damage.

Russian forces also shelled Nikopol district with artillery and launched FPV drone attacks. The district center, Pokrovska and Marhanets communities came under fire, resulting in damage to a private residence, a utility building, and a gas pipeline.

Exclusives

Editorial: It’s time for Zelenskyy to choose Ukraine over reelection. Every catastrophic decision traces to protecting his political future

Military

Ukraine hits two major Russian refineries in back-to-back nights: Ilsk and Ryazan (MAP)

Ukraine arms infantry with ammo that splits mid-flight to hit drones. Ukrainian Defense Ministry codifies rounds from multiple producers, clearing path for serial production.

ISW: Ukraine's interdiction cripples Russian vehicle use and troop massing in Pokrovsk (MAP). The 15–20 km "kill zone" in Pokrovsk poses a major threat to movement, complicating logistics. ISW, however, expects Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad to fall.

Ukraine to arm energy companies to shoot down Russian missiles. Energy, transport, and communications companies will be able to form air-defense groups under Air Force command to better protect critical infrastructure sites.

Frontline report: Ukraine deploys ground kamikaze drones in combat for first time near Lyman. The innovation by the Third Army Corps demonstrates how Ukraine is leveraging automated systems to compensate for manpower shortages against Russian infiltration tactics.

Ukrainian drones cut power to 16,000 in Kursk, hit major Ryazan oil refinery in overnight strikes. Ukrainian strike drones targeted Russian energy infrastructure across two oblasts overnight, disabling power substations and igniting fires at the Ryazan oil refinery, which processes 5% of Russia's crude oil.

Russian missile strike on Ternopil: 230 rescuers search for 22 missing as death toll reaches 26. Rescue teams from nine Ukrainian oblasts cleared over 700 square meters of rubble searching for 22 people still missing after a Russian Kh-101 cruise missile struck a nine-story residential building in Ternopil on 19 Nov., killing 26 people and injuring 93 others.

Overnight Russian attacks injuries 6, damage energy infrastructure in 4 oblasts. Russia injured at least 6 people in overnight and morning attacks across Dnipropetrovsk, Kherson, and Donetsk oblasts, while strikes on energy infrastructure in four oblasts triggered nationwide power restrictions, regional authorities reported.

Ukrainian combat robot equipped with Browning 12.7 mm heavy machine gun held infantry position alone for 1.5 months. Russians couldn't breach defensive line under constant UGS fire.

Intelligence and Technology

Russian strikes on Ukraine's energy grid follow systematic pattern, analysis shows (MAPS). Texty analysis reveals coordinated strikes on substations, power plants, and gas facilities over three months.

Russian spacecraft stalks German satellites at 88km, close enough to intercept signals. Germany responds with a new €35 billion space warfare program.

International

Trump-backed peace plan lands in Kyiv, testing Ukraine's resolve amid war and corruption scandal. An unpublished 28-point blueprint backed by US President Donald Trump is already reverberating from Kyiv to Brussels and Moscow, even before its details have been formally unveiled.

ISW: Trump's reported peace plan is "fundamentally the same as Russia's 2022 Istanbul demands". The proposed deal would give Russia vital Ukrainian territory and allow it to conserve resources for future aggression, according to ISW.

Trump's peace plan sounds like it came straight from Moscow, Finnish foreign minister says. The Finnish top diplomat warned the proposal risks erasing the UN Charter and undermining international law entirely.

Poland to allocate $100 million for the purchase of American weapons for Ukraine. Poland will spend $100 million by year's end on American weapons for Ukraine through the newly established PURL program, Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski announced, while cautioning that Europe's security depends on how the war concludes

Polish ambassador physically attacked by pro-Kremlin mob in St. Petersburg. A group of approximately 10 pro-Russian activists attacked Polish ambassador Krzysztof Krajewski in St. Petersburg on 16 Nov., with security forces preventing what Poland's Foreign Ministry described as the most serious assault on its diplomats in years

Berlin to arm Ukraine with long-range weapons, stays silent on Taurus. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz confirmed that Ukraine will receive long-range weapons systems from Berlin but refused to answer whether those systems include Taurus cruise missiles, citing the need to keep Moscow guessing about Western military support.

Poland deploys 10,000 troops, closes Russian consulate after rail blast blamed on Moscow. Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski accused Russia of "an act of state terrorism" on 20 Nov. and promised a response "more than just diplomatic" after an explosion damaged rail tracks used to deliver aid to Ukraine, with authorities identifying two Ukrainian citizens who allegedly carried out the attack on Russian orders.

US-Russia peace plan, negotiated without Ukraine, lists Kyiv's concessions but reportedly stays silent on security guarantees. Ukraine is told to cede territories, halve forces, recognize the Russian language.

Humanitarian and Social Impact

Russian drone strikes UN warehouse in Dnipro, destroying 10,000 food packages for frontline civilians (PHOTOS). Strike destroys aid for areas where regular supply chains collapsed under Russian attacks.

Kyiv to launch first protected mini heat and power plants as city braces for hardest wartime winter. Protected mini-CHP plants to keep Kyiv's heat and lights on under Russian attacks

"They are just scaring you": How a South African politician allegedly lured 20 men into Russia's military. Duduzile Zuma, daughter of former South African President Jacob Zuma and current member of parliament, recruited approximately 20 young men from South Africa and Botswana who ended up on the frontlines in Ukraine after being promised bodyguard training jobs

Russia transfers 1,000 bodies to Ukraine in latest repatriation operation. Ukrainian investigators will begin identifying 1,000 bodies returned from Russia on 20 November. This is the third large-scale repatriation in two months

Political and Legal Developments

Ukraine names first Russian commander in Bucha war crimes probe

Kyiv at OSCE: Russia launches 23 Novator nuclear-capable missiles banned under INF Treaty against Ukraine. Russia began firing banned nuclear-capable missiles at Ukraine a week after Trump summit in Alaska.

Ukraine prepares first environmental war damage claim in history against Russia for 237 million tons of CO2 emissions. The country intends to demands $44 billion from Russia.

Read our previous daily review here.

Ukrainian long-range drones struck two major Russian refineries in back-to-back nights this week, hitting the Ilsk plant in Krasnodar Krai on 19 November and the Ryazan facility a day later, according to the commander of Ukraine’s Unmanned Systems Forces, Robert “Madyar” Brovdi.

Ukraine has stepped up strikes on Russian refineries in recent months to hit both the fuel that powers Moscow’s military and the exports that help fund the war. Kyiv says that sustained pressure gradually erodes the Kremlin’s ability to sustain its military campaign, making diplomatic solutions more likely.

Ilsk and Ryazan handle combined 19 million tons annually

Brovdi said Ilsk processes more than 6mn tonnes of crude a year and is a key supplier for the south of the country, while Ryazan handled about 13mn tonnes last year, placing it among Russia’s highest-output plants. 

Both the Ilsk and Ryazan refineries have been struck multiple times in recent months, reflecting a sustained campaign by Ukrainian drones.

Ukrainian campaign creates fuel shortages, forces Moscow to divert defensive resources

He described the pair of strikes as part of a broader campaign targeting around 40 refineries across Russia. Nearly two dozen have suffered some level of damage over the past year, ranging from minor disruptions to extended shutdowns.

Reduced output has already caused shortages in some regions, while transport costs have risen as supplies are rerouted to plants farther from the front.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has now received the Trump-backed Ukraine peace plan from the US side, but its full contents have not yet been made public officially. The initiative, discussed in recent weeks between a Trump-linked team and senior Russian figures, is reportedly designed to ask Ukraine to surrender additional territory in the east and accept tight limits on its armed forces and long-range weapons in return for a US-brokered security arrangement for Ukraine and Europe, according to a leaked outline obtained by AP.

First reported by Axios, the 28-point document was crafted by Trump associate Steve Witkoff and Kremlin-linked financier Kirill Dmitriev after talks in Miami, building on principles floated at Trump’s August summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Alaska. According to Western accounts of the draft, it would see Kyiv recognise Russian control over more of Donbas, accept Russian as an official language, grant formal status to the Ukrainian branch of the Russian Orthodox Church, and bar permanent Western troop deployments while scaling back US military aid.

Taken together, the emerging contours point to a framework that leans heavily on Ukrainian concessions while promising to recalibrate, rather than strengthen, Western military backing—a combination that has alarmed officials in Kyiv and raised questions in European capitals over whether Washington is edging toward a “land-for-peace” formula long rejected by Ukraine’s leadership.

Zelenskyy backs US leadership, rejects “reward” for aggression

On 19 November, during a visit to Ankara, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Ukraine is ready to work with the United States and its partners on any format that can bring a real end to Russia’s war. In a post on Facebook reflecting his talks in Türkiye, he wrote that only President Donald Trump and the United States “have sufficient strength for the war to finally come to an end” and that Ukraine is “ready to work in any other meaningful formats that could yield results”, provided American leadership remains “effective, strong” and focused on a lasting peace.

On 20 November, Zelenskyy’s office said he had officially received from the United States a draft peace plan that, in Washington’s view, could “reinvigorate diplomacy”. In a statement on the President’s Office Telegram channel, it is said that he had outlined principles important for Ukrainians, reiterated that "Ukraine has sought peace since the first moments of Russia’s invasion and supports all meaningful proposals"— including President Trump’s initiatives this year to stop the bloodshed.

“We are ready to work constructively with the American side and with our partners in Europe and across the world so that the result is peace,” the statement said. “In the coming days, the President of Ukraine expects to discuss with President Trump the available diplomatic options and the key points needed for peace.”

Blueprint or “information operation”?

At home, senior officials have been more direct in their criticism of the blueprint. First Deputy Foreign Minister Serhiy Kyslytsya, in a post on X, called the plan a Soviet-style “information‑psychological operation aimed at sowing panic and splitting society rather than a serious peace proposal.”

Ukrainian media and experts have reacted no less bluntly to the leaked US–Russia proposal. Ukrainian outlet Radio Svoboda writes that the 28-point “Witkoff plan” “largely corresponds to the Kremlin’s demands”—demanding territorial concessions, a rollback of NATO ambitions, cuts to the army and Western military assistance—and cites analysts who deem the proposals “harmful” and warn they would leave Ukraine more vulnerable to renewed Russian aggression.

Europeans demand a seat at the table

News that the plan was prepared largely without Kyiv or major European capitals has provoked a sharp response in Brussels and across key EU member states. European foreign ministers meeting in Brussels on 20 November warned that any arrangement negotiated over Ukraine’s head would lack legitimacy and durability, according to reports in outlets such as Euronews.

EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said Europeans support “a long-lasting and just peace” and “welcome any efforts to achieve that,” but stressed that “for any plan to work, you need Ukrainians and Europeans on board.” “Putin could end this war immediately if he’d just stop bombing civilians and killing people, but we haven’t seen any concessions on the Russian side,” she added, and, asked if there had been any European engagement in writing the reported plan, replied: “Not that I know of.”

Dutch Foreign Minister David van Weel likewise underlined that Europe had not been consulted. “No, we have not been involved in the plan,” he said, adding that “what’s important for us is that whatever peace plan is on the table, Ukraine is behind it.” “Without the buy-in of Ukraine, you won’t get the support of the Europeans.”

France’s Europe minister Jean-Noël Barrot said “discussions should start with a ceasefire on the contact line that allows for negotiations on the question of territories and on the question of security guarantees.” “The only obstacle to such ordered discussions, so far, is Vladimir Putin,” he added.

Washington walks a fine line

Washington has now moved from back‑channel drafting to formally putting the proposal in Kyiv’s hands. According to the Financial Times (subscription), a US delegation delivered the 28‑point plan to Zelenskyy in Kyiv this week, with US Secretary of the Army Daniel Driscoll tasked with walking Ukrainian officials through the document and then sounding out Moscow on next steps. US officials quoted in American media describe the plan as a “comprehensive framework” and say both sides will have to make “realistic” and “necessary” concessions, signalling Washington’s readiness to push Kyiv toward compromises it has previously ruled out.

For the Trump administration, Zelenskyy’s decision is shaped not only by the frontline situation but also by a deepening corruption scandal at home. Investigations into alleged $100m kickback schemes in the state nuclear sector have already forced the resignation of two ministers and implicated a former close associate of the president, prompting what The Guardian calls the worst corruption crisis of his tenure. Analytical centers such as OSW and other Ukrainian outlets note that the affair has shaken public trust in the president’s inner circle and fuelled calls from opponents for a broader reset of his team.

Moscow: No “novations” to announce

Russian state media, including RIA Novosti and TASS, have seized on Western reporting about the plan, highlighting proposed cuts to Ukraine’s army and recognition of Russian control in occupied regions as proof that Moscow’s maximalist demands are finally being heard.

Officially, however, the Kremlin is keeping its distance. Spokesman Dmitry Peskov has told Russian outlets that there are “no novelties” in the dialogue with Washington beyond what was already discussed at the Alaska summit and that Moscow has “nothing to add” on any alleged 28-point proposal. The Foreign Ministry has likewise said it has received no formal documentation from the US and insists any credible process must address Russia’s broader “security concerns” in Europe, including NATO expansion.

What comes next

A US military and diplomatic delegation is in Kyiv this week to brief Zelenskyy and his team on the proposed framework, even as Russian missile and drone attacks continue to kill civilians and devastate infrastructure in Ukrainian cities.

For now, the Trump-backed blueprint has reignited expectations of new peace talks against the backdrop of a postponed meeting between Trump and Putin in Bucharest and fresh energy sanctions against two major Russian companies—developments that may increase pressure on Moscow to engage in negotiations, or at least to appear to do so, as it has on many occasions in the past.

Russian forces attacked Dnipro with drones on the evening of November 19, causing explosions and a fire at a warehouse storing food for the United Nations World Food Program (WFP) intended for civilians near the front lines, Ukrainian public broadcaster Suspilne reported.

People in frontline areas depend on this food supply because regular supply chains break down under shelling and long-term disruption. Shops often remain closed, roads are unsafe, and families cannot count on steady access to essentials. Humanitarian aid fills the most basic gap, giving people enough to get through periods when local services fail or evacuation isn’t possible.

10,000 food packages destroyed as warehouse catches fire

Vladyslav Haivanenko, acting head of the regional military administration in Dnipro, reported that the warehouse sustained significant damage from a Russian Shahed drone strike, destroying at least 10,000 food packages.

Additional food supplies stored at the facility but not yet packed were also damaged. No casualties were reported.

The WFP confirmed the loss but said aid distribution for November will continue as planned, with other partner warehouses holding replacement supplies. 

“The WFP continues to assess the full extent of the damage. Attacks on civilian infrastructure are prohibited under international humanitarian law,” the organization said.

Broader attacks hit industrial sites and utilities across Ukraine

Haivanenko also noted damage across the city from the attacks, affecting industrial and utility sites. 

During the day, Russian forces targeted areas in Nikopol and Kryvyi Rih regions of Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, hitting an industrial enterprise, three private homes, vehicles, a power line, and a rescue unit including a fire truck.

Russian forces continued drone and aerial attacks across multiple Ukrainian regions overnight into November 20, hitting energy infrastructure in four oblasts. 

These strikes triggered nationwide power restrictions while damaging civilian buildings and industrial sites across Dnipropetrovsk, Kherson, and Donetsk oblasts. Ukrainian authorities reported fires at farms, damage to homes and utilities, and continued repair work at affected energy facilities.

Ukraine’s Defense Ministry says several domestic arms makers are preparing to launch mass production of new anti‑drone ammunition, aiming to give infantry a better chance of stopping Russian FPV and Mavic drones on the frontline.

Russia regularly attacks Ukraine using small, fast, and inexpensive drones, including FPV and consumer-grade models, to target troops, civilian areas, and critical infrastructure. These drones can fly low and maneuver quickly, making them difficult to intercept with traditional air defenses.

Defense Ministry clears multiple producers for serial output

The ministry has now codified the rounds from multiple producers, clearing the way for serial output. The anti‑drone rounds give frontline soldiers a portable, rapid‑response tool to engage these aerial threats wherever they appear.

“The anti‑drone rounds allow Ukrainian soldiers to more effectively counter enemy FPV and ‘Mavic’ drones,” Ukrainian Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal said. “Their special warhead significantly increases the chance of hitting a Russian drone.”

Fragmenting rounds fit standard rifles, boost hit probability

Militarnyi reports that the rounds are built in the 5.56×45 mm caliber already common across Ukraine’s assault rifles. Troops will be able to load them into standard magazines without any extra equipment.

Developers say the projectile splits into several fragments after firing, creating a denser pattern that can boost hit probability two‑ to three‑fold. The plan is reportedly for infantry units to carry a dedicated magazine with anti‑drone rounds that can be swapped in quickly whenever hostile drones appear.

A reported 28-point peace plan allegedly drafted by US and Russian officials would force Ukraine into unilateral concessions that mirror Russia’s 2022 demands in Istanbul, according to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW). The think tank states that the plan includes Ukraine withdrawing from critical territory in Donetsk Oblast and freezing the frontline in the south — steps that would disproportionately favor Russia.

Proposed peace plan seen as strategic victory for Russia

The Institute for the Study of War reported that the draft proposal would amount to "Ukraine’s full capitulation." The plan would hand Russia strategic land and positions without any clear reciprocal concessions from Moscow. ISW stated the proposal is “fundamentally the same” as Russia’s 2022 demands during talks in Istanbul.

"The reported proposed peace plan would deprive Ukraine of critical defensive positions and capabilities necessary to defend against future Russian aggression, apparently in exchange for nothing," ISW wrote.

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The plan includes Ukraine’s withdrawal from the rest of Donetsk Oblast, a move ISW assesses would disproportionately favor Russia. The oblast contains vital Ukrainian military and logistical infrastructure, including the long-standing Fortress Belt defensive line established in 2014. For over a decade, Russia has tried and failed to take this area by force. 

"The reported peace plan would give this significant land to Russia — apparently for no specified compromise — sparing Russia the time, effort, and manpower that it could use elsewhere in Ukraine during renewed aggression," ISW says.

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Ceding Donetsk would open the door to more Russian offensives

The think tank notes that the Kremlin has repeatedly said that any withdrawal from Donbas would be a precondition for peace talks — not a result.

ISW further warned that Ukraine’s withdrawal from Donetsk would give Russian troops better positions to advance into other key oblasts. In particular, they could push deeper into southern Kharkiv Oblast, eastern Zaporizhzhia Oblast, and even into Dnipropetrovsk Oblast. Russian forces might also attempt to cross the Oskil River and later threaten Kharkiv City from several directions.

Meanwhile, freezing the frontline in southern Ukraine would provide Russian troops with the opportunity to rest and rebuild, ISW noted. This would set the stage for renewed attacks against cities like Kherson and Zaporizhzhia, which remain among the Kremlin’s stated objectives.

"Russia would therefore have its choice of multiple, mutually supportive offensive operations to undertake should Ukraine cede Donetsk Oblast to Russia and agree to freeze the frontline in southern Ukraine, especially if there is no meaningful security guarantee mechanisms to prevent future Russian aggression and if Ukraine concedes to Russia’s demand of reduced military size and capacity," ISW concluded.

Following media reports about a possible peace plan discussed by the US and Russia, Finnish Foreign Minister Elina Valtonen said the proposals seem to have been written in Moscow, according to YLE. She made her remarks during a visit by NATO ambassadors to northern Finland's Rovaniemi on 20 November, where she also delivered a lecture on Arctic policy and security at the University of Lapland.

Valtonen: Peace plan looks like it was written in Moscow

Valtonen told YLE the leaked terms resemble proposals that could have originated in the Kremlin. She warned that, if accurate, they "wipe the UN Charter off the table" entirely. Valtonen said that if the reported terms are accurate, neither Ukraine nor its European allies could accept them.

According to her, these kinds of ideas have been circulating in various unofficial documents, but none offer a basis for a just peace.

Valtonen emphasized that Finland and the rest of Europe remain committed to achieving a fair and lasting peace for Ukraine. 

“We’ve been working toward this for four years,” she said. 

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However, she also noted that there has been no formal notification or official proposal from any government involved.

“There has been no official information from the United States, from Ukraine, or from anywhere else that would really trigger any actual discussion,” Valtonen stated.

Finland warns against legitimizing Moscow’s demands

According to Valtonen, Finland, along with other European countries, has decided to support Ukraine and its people. She stressed that Ukraine is not only defending its territory but also standing for democracy and the rule of law.

“None of that is possible if the world follows Russia’s playbook,” she said. 

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Valtonen added that although Trump wants peace in Ukraine and is open to hearing different ideas, it is crucial that US partners understand the global implications of such a deal.

“We are fully convinced that they understand how significant this peace would be not just for Ukraine but for Europe and actually for the entire world order,” Valtonen told YLE.

Real peace talks still far away

Valtonen stated that any path to peace must begin with a ceasefire, something Ukraine has already agreed to. Finland has proposed such a step to Russia, but Moscow has refused to make any concessions.

“We are still very far from being able to make any kind of peace agreement,” she said. 

The Finnish minister added that Finland remains committed to supporting Ukraine through defense materials and sanctions on Russia.

Ukraine’s energy system is under sustained, precise attack, with Russian forces systematically targeting substations, power plants, and gas and coal facilities, according to a new analysis by Texty.org.ua. The research maps attacks over the past three months, highlighting a deliberate effort to disrupt the country’s energy production and distribution networks.

Russia has increased strikes on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure in recent months as winter approaches. By targeting critical points, Russia aims to create prolonged power outages, strain supply systems, and cause disruptions and chaos for both civilians and industry.

Strategic nodes targeted across border and frontline regions

Texty’s data shows that Russia’s campaign is no longer limited to opportunistic strikes. Instead, it is a strategic effort aimed at key nodes, including high-voltage substations in border and frontline regions, hydroelectric and thermal power plants, and maneuverable generation units that balance supply across the grid. 

Repeated attacks on cities such as Chernihiv, Sumy, and Nizhyn reveal an emphasis on isolating urban centers and destabilizing local electricity networks.

Drones hit substations, missiles destroy power plants

The report also documents a clear shift in tactics. Shahed drones are now used to hit smaller but critical substations, while ballistic missiles, including updated Iskander models, strike larger targets with increased accuracy. 

Cruise missiles remain in use but appear secondary to these new methods. Texty emphasizes that these attacks are planned, coordinated, and targeted - reflecting a systematic rather than random approach.

Coal fields and heating infrastructure hit ahead of winter

Coal and gas infrastructure has been similarly affected. Strategic mines such as Pavlohradvuhillya and gas fields in Poltava and Kharkiv regions have suffered repeated strikes, while critical facilities like the Orlivka compressor station were also hit, aiming to limit Ukraine’s ability to compensate for domestic production losses through imports.

Hydroelectric and thermal power plants have faced repeated attacks this autumn. Strikes on the Dnipro cascade, Trypilska TPP, and Zmiivska TPP demonstrate a deliberate focus on facilities that provide maneuverable generation and grid balancing - essential for coping with daily peaks in electricity demand. 

The attacks on these nodes are strategically timed ahead of the heating season, compounding the potential disruption.

Restored capacity remains at risk as attacks evolve

The research underscores that the campaign is ongoing and evolving. Ukrainian authorities continue to restore and manage supply, but attacks will likely persist, targeting key infrastructure and limiting the country’s energy maneuverability.

So far, Ukraine’s energy system has managed to stay partially functional despite repeated strikes. However, with winter still ahead, the most serious disruptions may still be coming.

Ukrainian forces have disrupted Russian logistics and vehicle use in Pokrovsk, Donetsk Oblast, significantly slowing the pace of Russia’s advance in the city, according to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW). ISW believes Russia is likely to take Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad, but the timeline and consequences remain uncertain.

Ukraine blocks Russian logistics in Pokrovsk

The ISW reported on 19 November that Ukraine’s interdiction efforts are stopping Russian vehicle use and troop buildup in Pokrovsk, slowing their advance, which is likely "slowing down Russia’s rate of advance within the town." The rate of Russian advances in Pokrovsk began to decrease in early November, following several weeks of relatively faster movement into the town.

A spokesperson for a Ukrainian brigade operating in the Pokrovsk direction said that Ukrainian interdiction of Russian ground lines of communication into the town has forced Russian troops to carry supplies on foot in teams of just two or three. According to a Ukrainian drone battalion commander in the same area, Ukrainian forces have mined the roads repeatedly used by Russia to move heavy equipment into Pokrovsk. He added that Russian forces now rarely use armored vehicles to enter the town.

Russian forces attempt fog-covered supply runs

Russian forces recently tried to bring in supplies and personnel using vehicles under cover of heavy fog from the south, along the M-30 Pokrovsk–Selydove highway, on 10 and 11 November. Russian military bloggers initially celebrated the attempt, but one later noted that the footage showing Russian forces driving into Pokrovsk had actually exposed them to Ukrainian artillery strikes. This undermined Russia’s ability to rely on vehicle-based logistics into the town.

Russian pressure continues on Ukrainian logistics

Russian forces continue their own interdiction efforts targeting Ukrainian supply routes in the Pokrovsk direction. The Ukrainian drone battalion commander noted that Russian troops within Pokrovsk do not maintain solid defensive lines. A 15–20 km “kill zone” near the Pokrovsk frontline complicates logistics due to widespread drone threats. This area is saturated with tactical strike and reconnaissance drones that pose a major threat to any equipment or personnel moving through.

ISW expects Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad to fall

The Institute for the Study of War says it continues to assess that the Russians will "very likely complete the seizure of Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad, though the timing and operational implications of these seizures remain unclear at this time."

Ukraine has taken a new step to broaden its air-defense network by allowing critical-infrastructure companies to join the national air-defense system under military control, Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal announced on Wednesday.

Russian forces have increased strikes on energy sites, transport links, and communications hubs in recent months, repeating the pressure tactics used in previous winters. The pace and scale of these attacks have stretched air-defense resources and pushed the government to look for new ways to protect key facilities.

Companies form air-defense groups under Air Force command

The government has approved an experimental framework that lets operators in energy, communications, transport, water supply and other key sectors form air-defense groups that plug directly into the command structure of the Air Force.

Shmyhal said the move gives businesses a way to support national defense at a time when Russian missile and drone attacks continue to hit strategic sites across the country. He stressed that all units will work strictly under military orders and inside a unified command system.

Under the rules, group leaders will use the military’s digital command platform, while companies may buy or receive air-defense equipment through channels approved by the Defense Ministry. Only vetted employees - including those cleared by the Security Service of Ukraine - will be allowed to serve in these units.

Private resources fill air-defense gaps at strategic sites

The plan aims to boost protection around vital facilities and better distribute the workload of Ukraine’s air-defense forces. It also opens the door for companies with the right resources to help close gaps in coverage.

According to Shmyhal, the arrangement is designed to improve reaction times, strengthen defenses around high-priority targets, and bring state and private efforts into one system focused on keeping people safe.

Today, there are interesting updates from the Lyman direction.

Here, the Russian command sends small infantry groups to try to penetrate the Ukrainian defense from the rear, but the Ukrainian Third Army Corps answered them with the next step in its drone innovations. 

For the first time, a ground kamikaze drone was sent to hunt the hunters and eliminate the enemies while they were attacking.

For two months now, the Russians have been trying and failing to break through the Ukrainian defenses in front of Novoselivka. If they manage to enter the settlement, they could create a foothold to threaten Izium from the east and Lyman from the north.

Despite establishing a bridgehead over the Zherebets River, Russian reinforcements still cross it under catastrophic losses. They cannot bring armored vehicles across, so they send in infantry only, with tiny assault groups of three to five men slipping through forests and trenches, searching for gaps in the Ukrainian line.

Ukrainian forces intercept infiltrators

One Ukrainian video from the vicinity of Novoselivka shows how these infiltration attempts often end. After spotting a small Russian group that managed to sneak toward the Ukrainian rear, a recon team moved in using an armored vehicle. 

While listening to a captured Russian radio, the Ukrainians overheard the enemy commander warning his soldiers they had been detected. Realizing contact was imminent, the Ukrainian troops dismounted under turret cover and began clearing the tree line.

In a short and brutal engagement, four Russian soldiers were eliminated, and rifles, grenades, and communications gear were seized. This constant cat-and-mouse struggle is typical of the direction, but Ukraine has begun deploying a new weapon that is reshaping the battlefield.

First combat use of ground kamikaze drones

The Ukrainian Third Army Corps, famous for battlefield innovation, is now fielding ground kamikaze drones for limited assaults. After a Russian infiltrator group was detected near Novoselivka, drone footage shows a small remote-controlled Ukrainian ground robot creeping through grass and branches, silently approaching the unsuspecting soldiers. One Russian heard something and turned toward the sound, but it was too late.

The robot surged forward and detonated, killing one, wounding another, and sending the third scrambling for cover, only for a Ukrainian FPV drone to finish him off. The operator later explained this was the first combat use of the ground kamikaze system to attack the attackers, which until now had been used primarily for logistics and medical evacuation.

Another video from the same area shows a ground drone being sent to eliminate a Russian firing point. Thanks to its extremely narrow profile, the machine slipped through barbed wire and debris, reaching the dugout undetected. It detonated inside the structure, collapsing the firing position and killing the Russians within.

Automated systems reduce risk to Ukrainian troops

These attacks demonstrate that while the Russians rely heavily on infantry infiltrations, Ukrainian forces increasingly use automated systems to track, fix, and destroy enemy troops with minimal risk to their own soldiers.

As you may remember from a previous report, Ukraine has already executed a pure-drone multi-phase assault in the Lyman direction, combining aerial surveillance and FPV drones with unmanned ground vehicles loaded with explosives to clear enemy dugouts.

The latest development marks a clear trend, as ground drones start to become an essential part of Ukrainian frontline operations. They can carry ammunition, food, medical gear, and even evacuate wounded soldiers and are now used for direct assaults. 

Though slower and more expensive than aerial drones, they are far more resistant to jamming. Aerial drones crash when the signal is lost, while ground drones stop and wait until communications return. Their use is growing because they close the personnel gap by doing the most dangerous work when manpower is limited.

Technology compensates for troop shortages

Overall, the Russian command wants to reach the northern outskirts of Lyman at any cost, putting enormous pressure on the Ukrainian defenders, who remain outnumbered across the entire sector. 

That is why the 3rd Army Corps invests so heavily in drone warfare, with ground drones to clear trenches being the latest development, as technologies compensate for troop shortages and allow Ukraine to hold the line even against superior numbers.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

The contract is broken

The Mindich scandal exposed more than $100 million stolen from Ukraine’s nuclear operator Energoatom. It exposed the gap between the country Ukrainians are building and the government Zelenskyy is running.

When Russia invaded, Ukrainians made an unwritten deal with Zelenskyy: Lead us through this war, and we’ll follow.

The contract broke when Zelenskyy crossed a red line: soldiers dying at the front while his friends steal at home.

Protests in July proved Ukraine has evolved. When Zelenskyy’s team tried to subordinate the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) to protect his inner circle from the Energoatom investigation, teenagers flooded streets all over Ukraine with cardboard signs: “You promised a just state,” and veterans in wheelchairs: “We’re fighting for Ukraine, not for your impunity.”

Ten days later, Zelenskyy capitulated. The protesters won.

This was no anomaly, but a revelation. Ukrainian society, especially the generation inheriting this country, has evolved beyond post-Soviet patronage networks. They’re demanding a new bargain: dignity over loyalty, accountability over connections, and law over personal networks.

Our position on the July NABU coup attempt

Editorial: Zelenskyy opens a second front—against his own people

The impossible defense

Zelenskyy pretends corruption exists separately from him. But there are only two possibilities:

1. He knew his business partner ran a protection racket at Energoatom during wartime—making him complicit in betraying dying soldiers.
2. Or he didn’t know—raising questions about basic competence while celebrating birthdays with thieves.

Criminal or incompetent. Pick one.

This matters because Ukraine doesn’t have time to resolve this slowly. The gap between evolved society and stagnant leadership isn’t embarrassing—it's existentially dangerous.

Democracy is the weapon

Ukraine’s greatest asset isn’t its military technology—it’s its democratic legitimacy. That’s what keeps soldiers fighting even when exhausted, civilians enduring blackouts long past the point of patience, and partners sending billions despite their own fatigue.

The demoralization is real. Soldiers rotating from the front ask: “Are we still fighting for a country worth saving?” When the answer feels uncertain, desertion rates climb. Mobilization resistance hardens. The front weakens not because Russia is stronger, but because society loses faith.

Partners are watching. The EU froze $5.5 billion when Zelenskyy attacked NABU. The FBI is coordinating with NABU on the Mindich case. Western governments will push catastrophic "peace" deals the moment democratic legitimacy collapses.

But Ukraine has working institutions—NABU's work proved it. Ukraine also has its civic society—citizens demanding accountability even during war.

What Ukraine lacks is leadership aligned with where society has gone.

That gap could destroy everything.

Political ambitions are the cancer

Each catastrophic decision traces to protecting his political future. Seeking reelection while governing during existential crisis creates two deadly pathologies:

1. The patronage trap. Building a reelection coalition in Ukraine's system requires patronage networks—protect your people, they protect you. Prosecute your inner circle, and the network breaks. Your political base dissolves.

This creates a circle of incompetence: you cannot fire incompetent allies or promote talented critics without breaking the network.

Andriy Yermak epitomizes this. Officially Zelenskyy's chief of staff, unofficially more powerful than vice-president, defense minister, foreign minister, and prime minister combined—yet with no expertise justifying that power, monopolizing decision-making while demonstrating catastrophic incompetence. It was Yermak who orchestrated the attack on NABU when investigators reached Zelenskyy's circle.

He survives because he's indispensable to the patronage network, not because he's competent.

The pattern repeats everywhere: former energy chief Volodymyr Kudrytskyi secured $1.5 billion for Ukrenergo, then got dismissed and prosecuted for criticizing the energy minister. Yet Zelenskyy’s childhood friend-turned-security chief head Ivan Bakanov was only fired after catastrophic losses made costs impossible to ignore in 2022.

Competent officials who might criticize get removed. Incompetent loyalists get protected.

2. The popularity trap. Maintaining poll numbers for reelection requires avoiding unpopular decisions—even when those decisions are necessary for survival.

Mobilization is the most devastating example. Ukraine's troop shortage isn't accidental, but the result of postponing painful decisions. Russian forces advance daily. Exhausted troops fight understaffed. Soldiers die because replacements never arrive.

They're not being sacrificed for strategy, but for polls—hard decisions cannot be popular.

During peacetime, patronage breeds stagnation and poll-watching breeds paralysis. During war, both kill.

Every delayed mobilization decision costs lives at the front. Every protected corrupt official tells soldiers their sacrifice is worthless.

Presidents seeking reelection need: loyal coalitions (patronage), popular support (avoid hard choices), controlled information (attack critics), and no competent rivals.

Every electoral need conflicts with wartime governance needs.

You cannot simultaneously build a reelection machine and govern during an existential crisis.

The choice

Ukrainians are saying: We’ll stand with you until the war ends. But not beyond. Not with your friends. We expect honesty. We expect our sacrifice hasn’t been in vain.

This isn’t rejection; it’s the new social contract.

Two paths:

George Washington stepped down after two terms. Walking away from power cemented his greatness.

Winston Churchill led Britain to victory, then lost in a landslide two months later because voters wanted reform. He spent his final years bitter.

Washington announced the endpoint, built institutions that survived him, and became immortal.

Churchill clung to power until voters rejected him.

Ukraine has evolved. Can Zelenskyy?

The choice is concrete:

Announce publicly he will not seek reelection. This single decision removes every perverse incentive—no need to protect patronage networks, no fear of unpopular mobilization decisions, no reason to attack investigators.

Then immediately:

• Fire Andriy Yermak and dismantle the shadow government in the Office of the President
• Enable full NABU investigation without interference or coordination from the Presidential Office
• Appoint competent professionals over political loyalists, even if they might eclipse him
• Make the unpopular mobilization decisions Ukraine's survival requires
• Acknowledge the patronage system he promised to break has been entrenched instead

This isn't about shame. It's about freedom—his freedom to govern for Ukraine's survival rather than his political survival.

Ukrainians have already made their choice. They'll follow him through this war. But only if he leads the country they're fighting for, not the system they're fighting to leave behind.

More about the Energoatom scandal:

Zelenskyy tried to kill NABU. Then it exposed his friend’s $100M scheme.