Eight Baltic and Nordic countries announced a joint $500 million weapons and munitions military aid package for Ukraine on 13 November.

The package is designed to strengthen Ukraine’s defence capabilities ahead of winter, as Russia intensifies strikes on civilian and energy infrastructure. It will supply critical weapons and ammunition sourced from the United States through NATO’s Prioritised Ukraine Requirements List (PURL) initiative.

Eight northern allies declare "Ukraine's security is directly connected to ours"

The countries involved - Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, and Sweden - confirmed the package during the Nordic-Baltic Eight (NB8) Defence Ministers’ meeting in Helsinki. 

In a joint statement, they reaffirmed their commitment to Ukraine’s security, calling it “fundamental to European security” and emphasizing the need for long-term, coordinated military support.

The statement said the package is one of many ways the NB8 supports Ukraine’s ability to deter future Russian aggression. “We will not allow [Russia’s war of aggression] to succeed. Ukraine’s security is directly connected to ours,” the ministers said.

Finland, Denmark, Estonia, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway and Sweden announced today that they will fund a USD 500 million package of defence materiel for Ukraine sourced from the United States.

Press release: https://t.co/84hkJTowV4 pic.twitter.com/a13IdUfK9z

— Puolustusministeriö (@DefenceFinland) November 13, 2025

How NATO's PURL initiative pools allied funds for urgent Ukraine weapons deliveries

The Prioritised Ukraine Requirements List (PURL) allows NATO allies to pool funds to purchase US-supplied weapons, munitions, and military equipment for Ukraine. 

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte welcomed the announcement: “This equipment is extremely important as Ukraine enters the winter months, and deliveries through PURL are flowing into Ukraine. NATO Allies will continue to deliver essential equipment and supplies.”

The aid package will provide high-priority military equipment such as missiles, precision weapons, air defence systems, long-range artillery shells, HIMARS rockets, and guided aerial bombs. 

Norway’s Defence Minister Tore O. Sandvik noted that PURL ensures Ukraine receives urgent equipment quickly, and Sweden highlighted the package’s contribution to strengthening Ukraine’s air-defence capabilities.

Norway leads with $200M, Lithuania commits funds through 2026

Norway is contributing the largest share at roughly NOK 2 billion (~$200 million), Sweden $60 million, Denmark around 400 million Danish kroner (~$53 million), and Lithuania $30 million.

Lithuania also earmarked funds for next year and stressed the importance of using frozen Russian assets to support Ukraine’s defence spending.

Beyond weapons: Nordic-Baltic Eight expands brigade training in Poland

The NB8 meeting also addressed broader initiatives, including training Ukrainian brigades in collaboration with Baltic, Nordic, and Polish forces. Lithuania will contribute €12 million worth of equipment, ammunition, grenades, and a mobile training team to the OP-LEGIO Training Centre in Poland.

Ministers emphasized that Russia’s aggression poses a long-term threat to European security, the transatlantic community, and the rules-based international order. 

Estonia’s Foreign Minister Margus Tsahkna said maintaining support for Ukraine will remain central to the NB8’s agenda during Estonia’s presidency next year.

An escalating corruption scandal at Ukraine's state nuclear operator Energoatom and the ongoing prosecution of former Ukrenergo chief Volodymyr Kudrytskyi are converging into a crisis that threatens Ukraine's ability to weather Russian attacks on its grid.

With Kyiv residents now enduring blackouts lasting 12 to 16 hours, the political turmoil has exposed gaping holes in protection for key energy sites—failures that current and former officials attribute to corruption and political interference, rather than Russian firepower alone.

The political crisis triggered a cascade: Western donors withdrew, protective construction stalled at critical energy facilities, and Ukraine's most vulnerable infrastructure faced Russian strikes without proper defenses.

Why this matters

The combined effect of corruption and political persecution deepened Ukraine's energy crisis by shutting down the main channel of Western financial support. International aid through Ukrenergo dropped to just 5-10% of previous levels after Kudrytskyi's September 2024 dismissal—from €1.5 billion over 18 months to a trickle.

Meanwhile, zero protective shelters were built for transformers at Energoatom, thermal power plants, and regional energy companies until autumn 2024, despite Ukrenergo completing approximately 60 such structures at its own facilities by September.

Oleksandr Kharchenko, director of the Energy Industry Research Center, told Suspilne that this loss of international backing is directly responsible for the severity of current blackouts—a consequence of institutional breakdown rather than Russian missiles alone.

When protection worked—and when it didn't

The protection systems built at Ukrenergo, Ukraine's national electricity transmission system operator, and Energoatom, Ukraine’s nuclear operator, tell a tale of two radically different management systems.

Under Kudrytskyi's leadership, Ukrenergo partnered with the government's Agency for Restoration and Development of Infrastructure to construct approximately 60 anti-drone shelters for critical transformers by September 2024. These massive concrete structures—up to 25 meters tall—were designed specifically to withstand mass Iranian Shahed drone strikes.

The effectiveness proved remarkable. According to the Verkhovna Rada's temporary investigative commission cited by Kharchenko, out of 74 protected objects built by Ukrenergo and the Agency, only one autotransformer was destroyed by a direct hit from a heavy missile. The rest survived repeated attacks.

Kudrytskyi explained to Espreso that Ukrenergo secured several billion euros in aid—significantly more than Ukraine's entire Energy Ministry obtained. Western partners trusted the company's management and saw results. Between 2020 and 2024, Ukrenergo attracted $1.5 billion in grants and loans, becoming the second-largest recipient of international aid in Ukraine after the state itself.

But outside Ukrenergo's network, the picture was bleak. At the time of Kudrytskyi's dismissal in September 2024, zero protective shelters had been built for transformers at non-Ukrenergo sites—including Energoatom facilities, thermal power plants, and regional energy companies, according to Kudrytskyi in his interview with the BBC.

Kharchenko confirmed that Energoatom didn't even begin tendering for protective construction until late summer or early autumn 2024. The unprotected Energoatom substations and open switchgears became priority targets, he explained, and current blackouts stem directly from this failure to protect key generation facilities.

The delayed protection had a simple reason, Kharchenko suggested: some officials questioned whether such expensive fortifications were necessary at all.

The $100 million corruption scheme

On 10 November 2025, Ukraine's National Anti-Corruption Bureau unveiled Operation Midas—a 15-month investigation documenting systematic corruption at Energoatom. Over 1,000 hours of surveillance recordings captured contractors openly discussing "Shlagbaum" (bar gate)—slang for the 10-15% kickbacks demanded from anyone wanting to work with the nuclear operator.

The scheme operated from a Kyiv office tied to Andrii Derkach, a former Ukrainian MP whom the US Treasury sanctioned in 2020 as "an active Russian agent" for election interference, and who now serves as a Russian senator. Investigators identified businessman Tymur Mindich—President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's former comedy studio partner—as "Carlson," coordinating the money-laundering network. Justice Minister Herman Halushchenko, who previously served as Energy Minister, appeared in recordings under the codename "Professor."

Mindich crossed Ukraine's border at 02:09 on 10 November—hours before NABU detectives arrived at his residence, raising immediate questions about information leaks. He's now believed to be hiding in Israel or Austria.

When asked about the $100 million NABU alleges was stolen through the Energoatom kickback scheme, Kharchenko was skeptical: "100 million—this is, well, maybe, 10%." The implication: the full corruption scale could reach $1 billion.

Political prosecution and collapsing Western trust

Between 2020 and 2024, Ukrenergo chief Kudrytskyi secured $1.5 billion for Ukrenergo from Western partners—triple what Ukraine’s entire Energy Ministry obtained. He ensured shelters were built from donor funds: "We didn't spend a single budget kopeck on those shelters that Ukrenergo built," he told Espreso.

He was dismissed in September 2024—and the money flow stopped. Western partners noticed: Two Western board members—Daniel Dobbeni and Peder Andreasen—quit Ukrenergo, calling the firing "politically motivated."

The dismissal triggered a financial crisis. While talking to Suspilne, Kharchenko explained that Ukrenergo failed to restructure its Eurobonds in coordination with Ukraine's sovereign debt restructuring, pushing the company into technical default. International lenders won't provide new credits to an entity in default, and grant-makers grew cautious.

This funding flow, built around trust for Kudrytskyi, collapsed. "When Kudrytskyi was dismissed, the main channel of Western support through Ukrenergo was effectively closed," Kharchenko explained. "We lost international support for Ukrainian energy. We've lost at least 80% of what we could have received."

The aid flow plummeted from €1.5 billion over 18 months to just 5-10% of previous capacity. Naftogaz now maintains Western trust with quality corporate governance, but can only support gas infrastructure—not the devastated electricity sector.

Kudrytskyi now faces fraud charges stemming from a 2018 fence reconstruction project. The case centers on bank guarantees that Ukrenergo properly collected when a contractor failed to complete work—a standard commercial transaction where the state suffered no losses.

The charges materialized 14 months after his dismissal, following his public criticism of infrastructure protection failures by Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko—who was exposed in the Mindich tapes under the code name "Professor" within the criminal organization, according to information from the NABU investigation and reports from lawmakers.

For international donors—whether financial institutions or government aid agencies—trust and reputation of recipients matter fundamentally. "When these donors see corruption scandals, or political interference in corporate governance, or political cases not backed by facts and made in half a day, this creates additional obstacles," Kudrytskyi told Espreso. "We don't have time to heroically overcome obstacles we create for ourselves."

Information monopoly and presidential isolation

Kudrytskyi has been accused of failing to ensure energy security, despite having left his position 14 months earlier. The disconnect puzzled observers.

Kharchenko offered an explanation. He sees that people in Zelenskyy's circle are exclusively friendly to Halushchenko—the former Energy Minister now serving as Justice Minister. "Herman Valeriyovych knows how to communicate with people—I assure you, in person he's very pleasant, charismatic, professional, and convincing," Kharchenko said. Most people surrounding the president evidently receive information through one channel.

"I don't see the president, in the energy sphere, inviting people who broadcast any alternative thoughts and assessments, and listening to what's wrong," Kharchenko told Novyi Vidlik.

The monopolized information flow means alternative assessments of infrastructure failures and protection gaps never reach decision-makers. "When you have energy being attacked and negative things happening, and people around you point fingers at each other or say everything's fine, but it's evidently not fine—a manager in such a situation would invite an alternative viewpoint," Kharchenko said. "I don't observe this situation."

Ukraine energy crisis winter forecast: Attack, collapse, recover, repeat

Kharchenko predicted a predictable winter pattern: major Russian attack, followed by three to four days of severe disruption with 12-16 hour blackouts, then a gradual recovery until the next strike.

Three cities face the worst schedules: Kyiv, Odesa, and Kharkiv—massive consumption centers with insufficient internal generation. Kyiv and Odesa each face roughly one gigawatt power deficits. These cities will consistently endure the longest outages.

"I'm not an adherent of winter armageddon," Kudrytskyi told Espreso. "I don't think the energy system will collapse or there will be catastrophic consequences. We'll still survive the next winter. But of course, the question is the duration of outages and the degree of damage Russians can achieve to our facilities."

The strategic solution, both Kudrytskyi and Kharchenko emphasized, is accelerating distributed generation: replacing 15-20 large Soviet-era power plants vulnerable to missile strikes with hundreds of small gas, solar, and battery storage facilities scattered across Ukraine. Such a network would be exponentially harder for Russia to destroy and provide crucial regional resilience.

But distributed generation requires coordination, funding, and institutional trust—precisely what corruption and political persecution have destroyed.

The institutional breakdown

The failure wasn't technical or financial. In summer 2023, authorities identified several hundred critical infrastructure objects requiring protection—not just Ukrenergo substations, but power plants, gas infrastructure, and other essential facilities.

From summer 2023, Ukrenergo and the restoration agency built protection for Ukrenergo substations. But what happened at other facilities?

In his Espreso interview, Kudrytskyi posed the critical questions: Why didn't the Energy Ministry coordinate protection for all other objects at the same time Ukrenergo was building shelters? Why didn't it determine budget sources for such protection? And if there were no budget funds, why didn't it approach donors who were ready to help Ukrainian energy?

The answer emerged in November 2025 surveillance recordings: some officials were too busy organizing kickback schemes to focus on infrastructure protection.

Anti-corruption lawyer Daria Kaleniuk wrote that persecution of government critics through fabricated criminal cases had become a trend. Western board members Daniel Dobbeni and Peder Andreasen quit Ukrenergo in September 2024, calling Kudrytskyi's dismissal "politically motivated."

Now Ukrainians endure 12-16 hour blackouts at the heart of this energy crisis—not because Russia attacks, though it does, but because institutions failed to build protection systems, maintain donor trust, or prioritize infrastructure over personal enrichment.

"Any effective action against corruption is very much needed," Zelenskyy said after the NABU raids. But the damage was done. The coordination failure between protection, prosecution, and politics left Ukraine's grid more vulnerable than Russian missiles alone could have achieved.

A 6,600 km strike to sever Russia's North Korean lifeline

Ukrainian military intelligence (HUR) released a video showing what it says was a sabotage operation that disrupted freight traffic on the Trans-Siberian Railway in Russia’s Khabarovsk Krai.

The Trans-Siberian line moves military cargo across Russia, including weapons from abroad. HUR has carried out similar operations against rail lines, depots, and supply routes in recent months, aiming to slow Russian logistics far from the front.

According to HUR, an explosion hit the line near the village of Sosnovka, about 6,600km from Ukraine, on 13 November, halting cargo movement along a route used for transporting weapons and ammunition, including supplies from North Korea.

Sabotage proofs followed by a direct threat

HUR said the blast derailed a freight train and damaged the track. The agency described the operation as part of broader efforts to target Russian logistics.

The published video shows the placement of an explosive charge along the rail line and the controlled detonation.

HUR added that Russian security services failed to protect one of the country’s critical transport corridors and said such actions would continue.

Explosions were recorded in Novorossiysk overnight on 14 November as Ukrainian forces conducted a combined missile and drone strike on the Russian Black Sea port city, 300-400 km from the southern sections of the frontline in Ukraine. Fires were observed at an oil terminal and military installations, with video footage, satellite imagery, and local reports confirming multiple impact sites across the area.

Ukrainian drones and missiles hit multiple targets in Novorossiysk

The attack began around midnight, with explosions reported in various districts of Novorossiysk in southern Russia's Krasnodar Krai.

Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ published multiple videos and images from the scene. In one of the videos, a woman is heard descibing an explosion she saw before starting to film the video and then reacting to a new sudden blast: “It lit up just like this.”

Eyewitness footage showed significant fires and rising smoke in multiple locations. 

The site, a strategic end-point for Transneft’s pipeline network, lies 300–400 km from the frontline and plays a key role in Russia’s Black Sea oil exports.
Exilenova+ pic.twitter.com/XFq2OmwYOH

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) November 13, 2025

Several videos captured Russian air defense launches, including one missile falling into the sea and another—or the same recorded from the opposite angle—illuminating the horizon.

Posting two clips of a particularly large explosion, Exilenova+ first stated that the strike hit military unit 52522, likely at an ammunition depot, and identified the point of view's coordinates as 44.6714567471, 37.7787317922. An updated post said a suspected S-400 air defense system position was located behind a “Lenta” mall, seen in the clips. Open-source researchers from the Cyberboroshno community stated that S-300 or S-400 positions belonging to military unit 1537 of the Kuban anti-aircraft missile regiment were hit.

Not just the oil terminal: Another strike on Novorossiysk captured from two angles

Exilenova+ believes it hit the military unit 52522, possibly an ammunition depot.
Exilenova+ https://t.co/48xX2tePCz pic.twitter.com/7AW9xD6U5t

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) November 13, 2025

Chernomortransneft terminal ablaze, oil exports halted

Videos showed that during the air assault, fires broke out at Transneft's Chernomortransneft oil terminal in the Sheskharis area of Novorossiysk following the aerial attack. The site is a key point in the Transneft pipeline network. NASA’s FIRMS satellite system also recorded numerous fire outbreaks in the Novorossiysk area.

Reuters cited two unnamed industry sources who said that Transneft's oil exports from Novorossiysk were suspended after the attack.

Due to the overnight attack, the airports in Krasnodar and Gelendzhik temporarily suspended operations.

Ukraine reveals new Neptune launcher platform

On 14 November, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy published a video showing a modified launcher for the “Long Neptune” cruise missile.

Ukraine launched its Long Neptune missiles at targets in Russia, Zelenskyy said

He didn't specify the exact targets, but last night's footage of a powerful explosion suggests that at least one Neptune has struck Russia's Novorosiysk.
TG/Zelenskyy https://t.co/j6P01SKzNM pic.twitter.com/d3K4KZPJA6

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) November 14, 2025

Militarnyi notes that the system is mounted on a Tatra chassis and fitted with square transport-launch containers designed for two longer missiles. Zelenskyy said that Ukrainian forces used the Long Neptunes successfully overnight against designated targets in Russian territory.

The Ukrainian strikes came amid Russia's massive air and drone attack on Kyiv. Zelenskyy called the Ukrainian strike a “just response to continued Russian terror” and stated that Ukrainian missiles demonstrate growing accuracy and effectiveness each month. 

Russia issues official statements

Russia’s Ministry of Defense claimed that its air defense forces shot down 66 Ukrainian drones over Krasnodar Krai during the night. 

The emergency task force of Krasnodar Krai acknowledged damage to the oil depot at the Sheskharis transshipment complex and a "civilian" ship in the port — possibly an oil tanker of Russia's "shadow fleet," used to circumvent G7's oil sanctions. 

It also claimed that drone debris have fallen in several areas of the city.

Ukrainian forces launched a large drone strike on Russian positions in occupied Donetsk on Thursday evening, according to local Telegram channels.

Donetsk in eastern Ukraine has been under Russian occupation since 2014. The city hosts major industrial sites and remains one of the main rear areas supporting Russian forces in the east.

Residents reported the sound of dozens of drones around 8pm, followed by intense Russian anti-aircraft fire across several districts. 

Videos show gun and machine-gun fire directed at low-flying targets, which Ukrainian defense portal Militarnyi says suggests earlier strikes may have disabled some Russian missile and radar systems.

Donetsk-based sources report a drone attack on the occupied city.

Footage from the scene includes the sound of drone engines, Russian anti-aircraft fire, an apparent strike, and what may be a fire at the Donetsk Metallurgical Plant. The full outcome of the attack remains… pic.twitter.com/94CksVPsDt

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) November 13, 2025

Footage from the scene captures the sound of drone engines, bursts of anti-aircraft fire, and at least one blast. A major fire was later visible at the Donetsk Metallurgical Plant, with several thick columns of smoke rising from the area.

Parts of the city lost power during the attack, pointing to possible damage to energy infrastructure. Witnesses said the drones arrived in waves and circled over the city for an extended period.

Militarnyi reports, based on the released clips, that the strike appears to have involved FP-2 kamikaze drones produced in Ukraine. 

Today, there is important news from the Pokrovsk direction.

Here, Ukrainian units launched a massive wave of coordinated counterattacks along the entire Dobropillia frontline to block and cut off the Russian pincer above Myrnohrad. As the Russians were forced to quickly react to the unfolding developments, the Ukrainian command ordered to execute the most important move of the entire Pokrovsk operation.

Synchronized strikes eliminate Russian positions near Rodynske

Ukrainian units counterattacked near Dobropillia, combining airpower, tanks, and precision-guided munitions in a synchronized strike that put Russian positions in great danger.

The operation began when aerial reconnaissance detected Russian drone operators setting up in the territory of a local mine east of Rodynske. Within minutes, the coordinates were transmitted, and a Ukrainian Su-27 delivered a precise strike with a GBU-62 Jdam bomb, annihilating the launch site. 

Moments later, Ukrainian surveillance drones spotted Russian troops attempting to fortify a building on the outskirts of Rodynske. Another airstrike followed, again using Jdam bomb, wiping out the infiltrators and several Russian officers who had been directing operations in that area.

Later, Ukrainian drones identified fresh groups of Russian soldiers attempting to regroup in another building inside Rodynske, but a Ukrainian tank opened fire on one structure, clearing it of enemy forces. Inside an industrial complex nearby, more Russians were spotted, so Ukrainian jets launched Jdam's again, with the first one missing slightly due to Russian electronic warfare interference, while the second flattened the site successfully. 

These air strikes were part of a carefully planned prelude to the main ground counterattack aimed at securing Myrnohrad's northern flank and pushing Russian forces further away from encircling it.

Russian forces shift from offense to defense

Ukrainian forces used the momentum of the air strikes and ground units to simulate a massive assault launched from all sides, catching the attention of the Russian surveillance and forcing them to switch focus from offense to defense. The enemy abandoned temporarily attempts to reach the encircled units and instead focused on holding the line.

Textbook deception enables safe rotation and resupply

Later, it became evident that the Ukrainian counterattack was a well-orchestrated distraction. While the Russian command concentrated all attention on Dobropillia, convinced that the northern flank was the main target, Ukrainian commanders quietly executed a partial rotation of forces in Myrnohrad. 

This operation enabled the secure evacuation of wounded personnel and the delivery of vital supplies and ammunition to those still defending the town. It was a textbook deception maneuver: create pressure on one sector, force the enemy to divert reserves, and use the gained window to reinforce or extract troops from another direction.

This first stage of the plan was completed with remarkable coordination. Ukrainian troops conducted the rotation and partial withdrawal from the semi-encircled town with no losses. 

The counterattack to the north drew away Russian reconnaissance assets, allowing evacuation convoys to move through safely under electronic countermeasures. Part of the soldiers were safely extracted behind the frontlines, while the remaining defenders in Myrnohrad resupplied and prepared to hold the new line.

Coordinated defense maintains strategic viability of Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad

At the same time, this was not the only distraction for the Russians. While the Dobropillia counterattack tied down their reserves, they were also forced to maintain focus on Pokrovsk, where Ukrainian forces continue to hold the enemy south of the railway line by constant clearing operations against Russian infiltrators. 

This persistent defense, the main objective of Ukraine's Pokrovsk operation, is working precisely as General Syrskyi planned. The ability to withdraw, rotate and evacuate forces from Myrnohrad would have been impossible if Pokrovsk had fallen or if Russian units had broken through north of the railway. 

Ukrainian troops are thus not only defending two towns but coordinating between them in a way that keeps both strategically viable and linked through controlled logistics corridors.

Overall, the latest events around Dobropillia, Pokrovsk, and Myrnohrad reveal a multi-layered Ukrainian strategy to contain the Russian advance, transform Myrnohrad into a fortress, and force Russia into another slow, attritional fight that costs thousands of lives for minimal territorial gain. 

The successful Dobropillia counterattack has already bought Ukraine precious time, destabilized Russian planning, and improved the security of the northern approaches. 

If Ukraine continues to hold the railway in Pokrovsk and keeps Myrnohrad supplied, the Russians will face months of bloody stalemate, one that Ukraine will use to strengthen its new defensive lines behind the embattled towns.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Russian forces continue to advance near Huliaipole and Velykomykhailivka, in the area where three regions—Zaporizhzhia, Donetsk, and Dnipropetrovsk—meet. According to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW), they are taking advantage of poor weather and months of targeted airstrikes to weaken Ukrainian defenses and limit drone surveillance.

Russia intensifies push near Hulyaipole and T‑0401 highway

ISW reported on 13 November that Russian troops continued to press toward Huliaipole in Zaporizhzhia Oblast and along the T‑0401 Pokrovske–Huliaipole highway — a vital supply route for Ukrainian forces. Russian units reached positions near Solodke, Yablukove, and Vesele, located within a nine-kilometer range of the town. Additional infiltration operations were also reported further north toward Danylivka, along the same highway.

According to ISW, the Russian military is likely avoiding a southern encirclement attempt, where Ukrainian defenses remain strongest.

Russian flags raised in Danylivka as Ukraine withdraws from Rivnopillya

Geolocated video published on 13 November showed Russian servicemembers raising flags in Danylivka, southwest of Velykomykhailivka. ISW assessed this to be the result of an infiltration mission, likely routed through Tsehelne and Yehorivka — two villages just east of Danylivka.

Russian sources claimed the seizure of both Rivnopillya, located northeast of Huliaipole, and Danylivka, with the latter reportedly taken by the Russian 5th Tank Brigade (36th CAA). Ukraine’s Southern Operational Command confirmed on 12 November that Ukrainian troops had withdrawn from Rivnopillya the evening before. On 13 November, Ukrainian Commander-in-Chief General Oleksandr Syrskyi said Russian forces were operating near Solodke, Yablukove, and Vesele — confirming continued Russian advances across multiple villages northeast and east of Huliaipole.

Russian brigades push toward Yehorivka and beyond

Ukrainian military observer Kostyantyn Mashovets reported on 13 November that elements of the Russian 37th Motorized Rifle Brigade reached the Novooleksandrivka–Oleksiivka line, southwest of Velykomykhailivka. The unit reportedly gained a foothold east of Yehorivka and achieved “tactical successes” in the Yehorivka–Danylivka direction over the past two weeks. Mashovets also noted that Russian forces crossed the Yanchur River near Uspenivka, northeast of Huliaipole, and advanced westward to the Solodke–Rivnopillya line — a seven-kilometer movement.

According to Mashovets, Russian command has concentrated forces from up to nine brigades and regiments — including one tank brigade — along a 41-kilometer front. Up to six additional regiment- and battalion-sized units were also identified. Among the reinforcements are elements of the Russian 69th Covering Brigade and 38th Motorized Rifle Brigade (both from the 35th CAA), likely now operating east and northeast of Huliaipole alongside the 5th CAA’s 127th Motorized Rifle Division.

He also assessed that Russian leadership may transfer units from the 58th Combined Arms Army (Southern Military District) and elements of the 98th Airborne Division and 41st CAA (both under the Central Grouping of Forces) to reinforce operations around Huliaipole and Velykomykhailivka.

Russia launched a large-scale overnight missile and drone attack on Ukraine on 14 November, killing at least five civilians in Kyiv and two in Chornomorsk, and injuring about 50 people across multiple regions, according to Ukrainian local and national authorities. Residential buildings, civilian infrastructure, and utility networks were damaged in Kyiv city, as well as in Kyiv Oblast, and several other regions including Odesa, Sumy, Kharkiv, and Kirovohrad.

Ukraine's Air Force says Kyiv was the primary target, with Kyiv Oblast, Kharkiv Oblast, Odesa Oblast, Poltava Oblast, and Cherkasy Oblast also affected.

Update: According to Kyiv Mayor Klitschko’s latest update at 19:44, the Russian nighttime attack killed six Kyiv residents and injured 36 people, with six of them in hospitals and five in serious condition.

Kyiv bears brunt of Russian attack with five deaths, apartments hit, power and heating outages reported

Russian drones and missiles struck nine districts of Kyiv during the overnight assault, according to reports from Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko and the Kyiv City Military Administration (KMVA).

All five fatalities occurred in Desnianskyi district, where rescue operations continued throughout the morning. Among the 35 wounded were a 10-year-old child and a 7-year-old with facial injuries, and a pregnant woman who required hospitalization. One man remained in critical condition as of the morning.

The attack damaged dozens of residential buildings across Kyiv's Dniprovskyi, Darnytskyi, Desnianskyi, Podilskyi, Shevchenkivskyi, Solomyanskyi, Holosiivskyi, Sviatoshynskyi, and Obolonsky districts. In Dniprovskyi district, debris hit a five-story building, causing destruction on lower floors and fires in two apartments. Rescue workers evacuated nine people from that building. The district saw three multi-apartment buildings and one private residence damaged, with five people wounded.

A Russian strike on 14 October destroyed 10-year-old Viacheslav’s building in Kyiv.

“Our neighbors died & we couldn’t find our cat,” he says.

A nighttime drone blast blew out windows & set the upper floors on fire. Death toll rises to 6.

Photo: UNICEF Ukraine pic.twitter.com/6t1lx5IhoS

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) November 14, 2025

Podilskyi district suffered damage to five residential buildings and one non-residential structure, with fires reported on the 10th and 12th floors of different buildings. In Obolonskyi district, fires broke out on the seventh and ninth floors of one residential building. Desnianskyi district saw direct hits and fires in two multi-story buildings, where rescue teams worked through the morning clearing rubble.

A Kyiv woman from Dniprovskyi district described her experience to Suspilne:

"I heard nothing, I started putting out my hair. My hair caught fire, and then I saw that everything was dark, in smoke."

Power and heating facilities targeted

Russia damaged sections of Kyiv's heating networks during the attack, according to Klitschko. Parts of Desnianskyi district lost heating due to an emergency situation on heat transmission lines. Portions of Podilskyi district also experienced heating disruptions. Municipal services worked to determine the extent of damage and began immediate repairs.

Klitschko warned residents of possible electricity and water supply interruptions. Energy workers later reported they had eliminated localized emergency outages caused by the attack.

Last night, Russia launched 19 missiles and 430 drones. Most targeted Kyiv, where they killed at least 4, and injured 30, the authorities say.

Air defenders downed 14 missiles and 405 drones, Ukraine's Air Force says. 13 site were struck by "missiles and 23 strike drones",… pic.twitter.com/KO0Z3wX9kW

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) November 14, 2025

Azerbaijan embassy sustains damage from Iskander debris

Debris from an Iskander missile damaged Azerbaijan's embassy in Kyiv, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy reported.

Roughly 80 drones have encircled Kyiv and are closing in

Power has gone out in districts following earlier ballistic and cruise missile attacks
insider tg pic.twitter.com/20VE19iRtG

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) November 14, 2025

Seven more civilians injured across five districts of Kyiv Oblast

Kyiv Oblast authorities reported no fatalities, but seven people were injured. Regional administration head Mykola Kalashnyk mentioned six injuries, while Irpin Mayor Oleksandr Markushyn reported that the Russian attack also injured a woman in his city. 

• In Bila Tserkva, a 55-year-old man suffered thermal burns.
• In Fastivskyi district, a man sustained multiple shoulder wounds.
• In Vyshhorodskyi district, a 47-year-old man, a 56-year-old man, and a 7-year-old child were injured.
• In Buchanskyi district, a woman suffered a hand injury.
• In Irpin district, a woman was treated for a bruised arm.

Damage to dozens of residential and non-residential buildings was reported, but no fires were recorded in the oblast outside Kyiv city.

Russia possibly deploys Zircon hypersonic missile against Sumy

Russian forces struck the outskirts of Sumy at 7:05 a.m., with Zelenskyy stating that Russia used a Zircon-type missile according to preliminary data. The explosion damaged road pavement, ruptured a fire hydrant causing water leaks, and temporarily closed a road section. Artem Kobzar, acting mayor of Sumy, reported no casualties from the strike.

Russian forces also struck Sumy's industrial zone with drones around 9:00 a.m., causing a fire at a production facility. Sumy Oblast head Oleh Hryhorov noted that Russia attacked the industrial zone with drones for the second consecutive day. 

Odesa Oblast: two dead, seven injured in Chornomorsk market attack

Russian forces attacked a local market in Chornomorsk, Odesa Oblast, with strike drones, killing two people and wounding seven others. Some of the wounded remained in serious condition, according to Odesa Oblast head Oleh Kiper.

The strike damaged the city square, shop facades, and private vehicles. The blast wave shattered windows in a nearby college. Rescue workers and all relevant services worked at the scene.

Critical infrastructure hit across seven oblasts

Vice Prime Minister Oleksii Kuleba reported heating and water supply disruptions in Kyiv city and oblast, Kharkiv, Odesa, Sumy, Dnipropetrovsk, Kirovohrad, and Donetsk oblasts. Repair crews deployed and activated reserve systems where needed.

• Russian forces struck a non-operational private facility in Chuhuiv, Kharkiv Oblast, with drones, causing a fire in an administrative building, according to Mayor Halyna Minaieva. The attack caused no casualties.
• More than 3,000 customers in Tsyrkuny community of Kharkiv Oblast lost gas service due to combat operations, Kharkiv branch of Gazmerezhi reported. The company received information about the gas supply disruption affecting part of Kharkiv district.
• In Kirovohrad Oblast, Russian attacks damaged power transmission lines in Novoukrainka district, leaving 16 settlements without electricity. Regional administration head Andrii Raikovych reported that power was restored to all affected settlements by 8:08 a.m.

Ukrainian Air Force: 430 drones and 19 missiles launched

Ukrainian Air Force said air defenders shot down or suppressed 419 aerial targets out of 449 detected. Russia reportedly started the attack from 6:00 p.m. on 13 November using strike drones and missiles from air, ground, and sea platforms.

Moscow fired 430 Shahed and Gerbera long-range strike drones and 19 missiles from several location in Russia and occupied Crimea.  Among the missiles used were three Kinzhal air-launched ballistic missiles from Ryazan Oblast, one Zircon anti-ship missile, six Iskander-K and Kalibr cruise missiles from occupied Crimea and the Black Sea, and nine Iskander-M and KN-23 ballistic missiles from Bryansk Oblast.

Ukraine’s Air Force stated that Russian forces launched 449 aerial threats: 430 strike UAVs and 19 missiles (ballistic and cruise).
Out of these, 419 were intercepted or suppressed:

• 405 drones
• 6 ballistic missiles (Iskander-M or KN-23)
• 6 cruise missiles (Iskander-K or Kalibr)
• 2 Kinzhal missiles

 The Air Force recorded missile and drone hits at 13 locations and debris falls at 44 locations.

Zelenskyy: attack aimed to maximize civilian harm

President Zelenskyy emphasized the deliberate nature of the Russian attack in his morning statement.

"A deliberately calculated attack to cause as much harm as possible to people and civilian infrastructure," he wrote. 

The President emphasized that Russia continues to benefit financially from oil exports by circumventing existing sanctions. He called for these evasion schemes to be effectively shut down, and urged allied nations, particularly in Europe and the United States, to provide Ukraine with additional air defense systems and interceptor missiles.

"A lot of work is being done with partners to strengthen air defense, but not enough. Strengthening with additional systems and interceptor missiles is needed. Europe and the USA can help. We count on real decisions," he added.

US private equity firm Carlyle is considering acquiring Lukoil’s foreign assets, Reuters reports. The potential deal is unfolding under the pressure of a looming 21 November deadline, when Washington's sanctions will block all transactions with the Russian oil giant.

Carlyle "exploring options to buy" Lukoil’s global oil assets before sanctions lockout

American company Carlyle has begun exploring the purchase of Lukoil’s foreign holdings, sources familiar with the situation told Reuters. The assets are estimated at $22 billion and include refineries, oilfields, and fuel stations across multiple continents. Carlyle has informed Lukoil of its interest but has not yet begun due diligence.

Before it can proceed, Carlyle plans to apply for a US government license to make the deal legal under existing sanctions. The firm could still walk away from the deal, Reuters reports, depending on the outcome of the license application and timing constraints.

Gunvor pushed out after US calls it Kremlin “puppet”

Lukoil had previously tried to sell the same assets to Swiss commodities trader Gunvor. But the US Treasury blocked the transaction, Reuters reported, labeling Gunvor a Kremlin “puppet.” The move forced Gunvor to withdraw. That left Carlyle, which experts told Reuters is more likely to win approval from Washington. 

Lukoil has applied for an extension of the 21 November deadline, Reuters reported earlier this week. If the deadline stands, deals involving the company will be banned after that date.

$22 billion portfolio spans oilfields, refineries, and retail stations worldwide

Lukoil’s foreign assets produce 0.5% of the world’s oil and include three refineries in Europe, stakes in oilfields in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Iraq, Mexico, Ghana, Egypt and Nigeria, and hundreds of fuel stations — including some in the US.

The company’s total global output amounts to about 2% of worldwide oil production. Its foreign portfolio, based on 2024 filings, is valued at roughly $22 billion.

Courts have detained five suspects while President Zelenskyy sanctioned two businessmen who fled Ukraine hours before raids in the expanding $100 million Energoatom corruption probe.

The scandal strikes at a particularly vulnerable moment. Ukraine generates over half its electricity from nuclear power after Russia seized the Zaporizhzhia plant, while citizens endure 12-hour blackouts from systematic Russian infrastructure strikes. The alleged theft—equivalent to 27 Patriot missiles or 40,000 interceptor drones—occurred while contractors built defenses for facilities under active bombardment, raising questions whether corruption functioned as simple enrichment or deliberate sabotage benefiting Moscow.

Ukraine’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) 10 November revelations based on 15 months of surveillance, two cabinet ministers have resigned, the government has dissolved Energoatom's supervisory board, and authorities have announced comprehensive audits of all state enterprises.

Courts detain five suspects as investigation expands

Ukraine's High Anti-Corruption Court has ordered pre-trial detention for five individuals connected to the scheme, with bail options ranging from UAH12 million ($285.5K) to UAH126 million ($3.0M).

The court detained:

Ihor Myroniuk, former adviser to Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko, with bail set at $3 million. Prosecutors identified Myroniuk, codenamed "Rocket" in surveillance recordings, as having taken control of Energoatom's procurement processes alongside the company's security director.

Dmytro Basov, Energoatom's former executive director for physical protection, faces 60 days detention with $951.7K bail.

The court also detained three back office employees allegedly involved in money laundering: Liudmyla Zorina $285.5K Lesia Ustymenko $594.8K, and Ihor Fursenko.

Zelenskyy imposes sanctions on fleeing suspects

On 13 November, Volodymyr Zelenskyy also signed a decree imposing sanctions on two individuals implicated in the NABU case concerning Energoatom. As of the latest reports, these two individuals are:

Timur Mindich: A businessman and close associate of President Zelenskyy, as well as a co-owner of the president's former production company, Kvartal 95. NABU investigators allege he was the main organizer of the corruption scheme.

Oleksandr Tsukerman: A businessman alleged to have led the "back office" used for laundering the illicit funds (reportedly around $100 million).

Reportedly, both are citizens of Israel and fled Ukraine just hours before NABU detectives arrived to search.

The sanctions, in force for three years, include:

• Revocation of state awards of Ukraine
• Asset blocking in Ukraine
• Restrictions on trade operations
• Prevention of capital withdrawal from Ukraine
• Suspension of economic and financial obligations
• Termination or suspension of licenses and permits

Presidential Commissioner for Sanctions Policy Vladyslav Vlasiuk clarified the decision "provides for a full standard package, including the blocking of assets on the territory of Ukraine, regardless of the citizenship of the persons to whom they are applied," Interfax noted.

Energoatom supervisory board sacked, ministers announce resignation

The immediate political fallout has been swift, as President Zelenskyy in his address called for the dismissal of two ministers linked to the energy portfolio. Justice Minister Herman Halushchenko, who previously served as Energy Minister, and current Energy Minister Svitlana Hrynchuk both tendered their resignations on 12 November. The Ukrainian Parliament is expected to vote on their dismissal on Tuesday, 18 November.

The Ministry of Economy, Environment, and Agriculture will submit proposals for a new Energoatom Supervisory Board within one week, working in cooperation with G7 partner countries, Ukrinform reported. The previous board was dissolved on 11 November after the Cabinet of Ministers deemed its work unsatisfactory.

"At the direction of Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko, the Ministry of Economy, Environment and Agriculture, in cooperation with G7 partners, will submit proposals to the government within the week for the new composition of the Supervisory Board," the ministry announced. An international advisory firm has been appointed to assist the selection process.

The State Audit Service has launched a comprehensive audit of Energoatom, with procurement review to be completed within 15 working days and a full company audit within 90 days. The findings will be forwarded to law enforcement and anti-corruption agencies.

Prime Minister Svyrydenko on 13 November announced Ukraine will conduct audits of all state-owned companies. "Eradicating corruption is a matter of honor and, most importantly, dignity. We bear responsibility before our defenders," she commented.

Ukraine Energoatom scandal investigation expands to examine Russian links

Some Ukrainian analysts view the scandal through a different lens—as potential evidence of Russian penetration rather than simple enrichment.

Olena Tregub, a prominent anti-corruption advocate, argued that the money-laundering schemes in the energy sector lead back to Andriy Derkach—an officially designated Russian agent and former Ukrainian politician now serving in Russia's parliament. Members of his network were employed inside Energoatom and participated in the alleged corruption scheme.

"This raises an uncomfortable but necessary question: were these officials stealing money simply to enrich themselves and buy luxury properties abroad—or were they intentionally weakening Ukraine?" Tregub wrote. The consequences include increased blackout risks and degraded defense capabilities, which would directly benefit Russia.

The Security Service of Ukraine has opened a separate investigation into Mindich for "assistance to an aggressor state" based on allegations about operations in Russia during the full-scale invasion.

Ukraine's National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NAZK) announced on 10 November it launched a service inspection after being mentioned in NABU's published materials. The agency sent an official request to NABU for relevant information and confirmed readiness for "maximum cooperation with the public, media, law enforcement, and other parties."

"No room for corruption": the view from Brussels and Berlin

The scandal has sent shockwaves to Ukraine's Western partners, who are pumping billions of dollars in financial and military aid into the country. The reaction from European capitals has been one of severe consternation.

Speaking to Reuters on the sidelines of a Group of Seven foreign ministers meeting in Canada, EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas stressed the urgency of the situation around the Energoatom scandal. "There is no room for corruption, especially now. I mean, it is literally the people's money that should go to the front lines," Kallas said. "I think what is very important that they really proceed with this very fast and take it very seriously," she added.

The European Commission, which is overseeing Ukraine's complex EU accession process, is reportedly monitoring the government's response closely.

This is particularly true for Germany, which has been a major supporter of Ukraine's energy sector. German government spokesman Stefan Kornelius told DW that Berlin is concerned about reports involving "a sector that receives considerable support from Germany." The government will "very closely monitor developments," he said.

While expressing concern, Kornelius also offered a guarded note of trust: "at the moment we have confidence in the Ukrainian government that it will ensure this be cleared up... and in the anti-corruption authority that it will lay bare this case and it will be brought to a transparent conclusion."

A Russian shadow laboratory for new military tactics is rapidly advancing, according to Kyiv military sources. The most elite drone center, Rubicon (also spelled Rubikon), is now focused on eliminating Ukrainian operators and operates in hot spots along the front, the Financial Times reported. 

Ukrainian soldiers say the defense of Pokrovsk was “like a holiday” for Ukrainian forces before Rubikon entered this sector of the front.

Armed, aggressive Russia is experimenting with new methods of warfare. Without support from the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the form of air defence, electronic warfare, and intelligence, Russian offensives become more dangerous.

New survival rule on the front 

“Be humble, be silent, mask your position, and don’t move when it’s not necessary. Best to sit in your trench and watch Instagram," jokes Ukrainian operator Dmytro.

According to experts, Rubikon has roughly 5,000 fighters and large financial resources. Its task is to disrupt Ukrainian logistics, destroy drone command teams, and train other Russian units.

 

Russian Rubikon has no days off

“They have a lot of people, and that means they can work 24 hours a day, seven days a week. They can change teams every five hours, they can sleep. It’s more difficult for us because we don’t have many people to rotate all the time, and we still need to sleep," said another Ukrainian soldier. 

Meanwhile, Rob Lee of the Philadelphia-based Foreign Policy Research Institute notes that Rubikon has become a center of Russian army innovation, developing new tactics and technologies. 

"It’s more than a unit; it is a centre — a centre for all kinds of unmanned systems development," he says. 

Now Kyiv must counter the highly organized Rubikon strategy by developing its own clear, centralized battle plan, he added.

In response, the Ukrainian forces are creating their own “anti‑drone” groups, changing tactics, better camouflaging positions, and restricting movement.

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Maximum access to technology

Earlier, LIGA.net reported that Russian military intelligence and Russian Defense Minister Andrei Belousov stand behind the Rubikon center, according to a Ukrainian Defense Intelligence officer with the callsign "Azimut". 

The officer added that Rubikon shows “strong political will and a large role” of Russian special services directly in organizing this structure.

The intelligence officer also noted that elitism indeed exists within Rubikon. For example, recruiters for this unit have the right to take personnel from any units.

“They simply arrive — and have full access to pilots from other combined-arms units," said the officer. 

Therefore, he noted, due to political will, this formation has “maximum opportunities for its development and maximum access to financing and technologies.”

Earlier, the Ukrainian Defense Intelligence reported that its soldiers had discovered the Rubikon base in Avdiivka, Donetsk Oblast. The city fell under Russian control in 2014.

Using precise coordinates of Russia's position, Ukrainian intelligence operators directed its new FP-2 unmanned aerial vehicle, equipped with a 105-kilogram warhead, toward the Russian target amid dense urban terrain. 

As a result of the strike, Ukrainian Intelligence eliminated Russian officers and drone operators from the unit who were inside their headquarters.

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The possibility of using €140 billion of frozen Russian assets for a reparations loan to Ukraine is a unique opportunity for the state. Especially since the US has ceased military aid following Donald Trump's election. However, legal challenges in using these assets are compounded by concerns over how the money might be utilized amid the backdrop of a new corruption scandal, La Repubblica reports.

On 10 November, EU-backed anti-corruption agencies uncovered a large scheme, "Midas", involving four Ukrainian ministries and the country's top energy company. The case is especially painful to the ordinary Ukrainians, who continue to endure up to 12-hour blackouts following Russian missile attacks.

According to investigators, the perpetrators demanded kickbacks amounting to 10–15% of Energoatom contract values. Contractors had to pay to avoid blocked payments or the loss of supplier status. Timyr Mindich, one of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's closest associates, oversaw the operation of a so-called “laundromat”, where funds were stolen.

The embezzlement of state funds in the energy sector, exceeding $100 million, has raised significant concerns in Europe.

The "Midas" corruption case under Europe's scrutiny

During the Eurogroup meeting on 12 November, where instruments for financing Ukrainian resistance over the next two years were again discussed, several finance ministers repeatedly referred to this corruption case.

Moreover, the scandal in Ukraine erupted after the release of the latest European Commission report on the EU candidate countries, presented last week. It provides a clear assessment that Ukraine has made limited progress in the fight against corruption.

The report also mentions the temporary suspension in July of the independence of the anti-corruption agencies, which are currently handling the case involving the embezzlement of $100 million in state funds. These institutions, according to the report, report growing pressure from state authorities.

Taiwanese companies continue to supply precision industrial machines for factories that fuel Russia’s war machine, in defiance of sanctions, according to an investigation by Ukrainian watchdog organization StateWatch. 

Precision tools process high-strength alloys used in the production of artillery barrels, missile bodies and drones. Russia imports at least 70% of its Computer Numerical Control (CNC) machines from companies in Europe and Asia. Most countries involved have banned selling Russia equipment that can be used to make war materiel. 

Moscow gets around these bans, largely by working with middlemen in countries like China and Türkiye. However, “even Taiwan, a strategic partner of the US, has been implicated in these supply chains,” StateWatch wrote in its 13 November report. 

Since 2022, millions of dollars worth of dual-use machinery has made its way into Russia through Taiwan’s involvement. These include brands like Fedek, Sunmill, and Golden Machinery.

The recipients include companies linked to Russia's military-industrial complex, including Zenik, Kami-Group, Intervesp, Metalmash, and Stanki Tekhnologii Instrument. 

At least 70% of Russia's CNC machine tools are imported, largely from the US, EU, and Japan. Over 80% of all CNCs end up in Russia's military production facilities. 

Over $10 million worth of industrial equipment 

LNS Group is a global company that manufactures bar feeders and CNC lathes. According to Russian customs data, LNS machines worth nearly $5 million have entered Russia since the start of the full-scale invasion. 

These exports were mainly facilitated by Taiwanese company TWT Global Enterprise limited. Kami-Group, which sells machine tools, is the largest Russian recipient, according to the report. 

Russian company Zenit published a YouTube video in December 2024, showing LNS’s Fedek-branded equipment at its factory.  

A flashlight manufacturer, Zenit also makes red-dot and thermal sights, laser target designators, and tactical firearm accessories for Russia's troops and intelligence agencies, on top of donating products to Russian troops in Ukraine.

Fedek machines have also been spotted at the G.I. Petrovsky Plant in Nizhny Novgorod, which makes equipment for the Russian Navy, engineering troops, and manufactures avionics.

Zenit's video also shows Sunmill machines. The manufacturer, Jeenxi Technology Co, of Taiwan, “supplied high-precision equipment directly to Russia’s military sector” also to the tune of $5 million, as of December 2024, according to StateWatch.

Russian state contractors Intervesp and Intervesp-M, both of which are internationally sanctioned, were reportedly among the recipients. 

Taiwanese Golden Machinery Co, which manufactures beverage bottling equipment, supplied $800,000 worth of industrial machines  to Russia, according to customs data.

The main recipient was Stanki Tekhnologii, which trades in metalworking equipment and its website shows it regularly signing contracts with Russian defense enterprises.

Stanki Tekhnologii got $430,000 worth of equipment directly from the manufacturer and the rest via a Turkish intermediary.

South Korean firms also implicated 

South Korean brands have also been spotted in Russia, according to a recent report by the Economic Security Council of Ukraine, a Kyiv think tank. 

Between 2024 and 2025, more than $3.7 million worth of Korean-made cutting tools and CNC machines got into Russia through complex transshipment networks involving China, Türkiye, India, Uzbekistan, Lithuania and Thailand.

Products from at least three South Korean precision toolmakers were exhibited at the annual Metalloobraboka expo in Moscow in May.

“The key issue is not simply covert shipments,” Olena Yurchenko, director for analysis and investigations at ESCU, wrote in a statement to Korea JoongAng Daily and Euromaidan Press. 

“What we find alarming is that products made by South Korean brands, which are de facto banned from Russia [since 2022], are now being openly advertised and promoted in Moscow."

Moscow casts a wide net

These figures are a drop in the bucket compared to the $18 billion worth of machine tools reportedly supplied to Russia from Europe and China.

This includes 57 CNC machines worth over $26.5 million from European subsidiaries, along with components and consumables valued at more than $9.5 million.

In October, Germany raided Spinner, a high-precision machine tool manufacturer suspected of knowingly supplying equipment to Russia's military industry. Three individuals have already been charged with violating sanctions.

Kenya says more than 200 of its nationals are fighting for Russia in Ukraine, with recruitment networks still operating in both Africa and Russia, according to a statement issued on 12 November by Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as reported by Reuters.

The announcement followed a statement from Ukraine last week claiming that over 1,400 citizens from three dozen African countries are currently fighting on Russia’s side. Ukraine’s foreign minister, Andriy Sybiha, described the contracts offered to African recruits as “equivalent to ... a death sentence,” and called on African governments to warn their citizens.

Nairobi confirms citizens misled into joining war

The Kenyan Foreign Ministry said its citizens are being recruited into Moscow’s war effort through networks active both in Russia and in Kenya, Reuters reported. According to the statement, “over two hundred Kenyans may have joined the Russian military,” with officials warning that recruitment activities are still ongoing.

The Ministry added that its embassy in Moscow had recorded injuries among some of the Kenyan recruits. Those injured had allegedly been promised up to $18,000, covering visa costs, travel, and accommodation. But instead of receiving non-combat roles, they were deployed to the battlefield.

21 rescued in Kenyan raid tied to recruitment ring

Kenyan security services conducted a raid near Nairobi in September that resulted in the rescue of 21 citizens who, according to the foreign ministry, were being prepared for deployment to Ukraine. The ministry said the individuals had been deceived about the nature of their roles.

A months-long political deadlock ended as Montenegro’s parliament approved the deployment of its troops to NATO's Ukraine training mission, according to RFE/RL Participation in the mission will be limited strictly to NATO member states’ territory. NATO’s broader role involves coordinating training for Ukraine’s security forces. Montenegro is expected to contribute to a second Ukraine-related initiative — the EU Military Assistance Mission Ukraine (EUMAM) — approved earlier this year after similar delays.

Parliament authorizes Montenegro’s troops to join NATO mission for Ukraine

On 12 November, Montenegro’s Skupština voted to allow the country’s military to participate in NATO’s security assistance and training activities for Ukraine, according to RFE/RL. The decision, passed after nine months of delay, saw 44 out of 81 lawmakers in favor, with five voting against and two abstaining.

The plan to include Montenegro in NATO’s NSATU (NATO Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine) initiative was originally adopted by the country’s Defense and Security Council on 7 February. The council includes President Jakov Milatović, Prime Minister Milojko Spajić, and parliamentary speaker Andrija Mandić.

Montenegrin Defense Minister Dragan Krapović noted the decision aligns with the support path adopted at the NATO summit in Washington last year. 

Ruling coalition split over supporting Russia or Ukraine

Despite government backing, the Democratic People's Party (DNP), part of the ruling coalition, opposed the decision. DNP lawmaker Vladislav Bojović claimed that the move could “further endanger our relations with the Russian Federation,” adding, “It would be wiser to stay neutral when it comes to other people’s conflicts.” Speaker Mandić’s party also opposes sanctions Montenegro imposed on Russia.

The US has imposed new sanctions on 32 legal entities involved in the supply network for components used to produce Shahed-136 kamikaze drones. Among them are two companies registered in Ukraine, according to the US Department of the Treasury. 

Ukrainian companies under foreign control

The adversary may aim to use this information as “evidence” of corruption, internal collaboration with the enemy, or other theories. While the companies are formally registered in Ukraine, control is effectively in foreign hands.

An Iranian citizen, Bahram Tabibi, “used his Ukrainian shell companies” to “purchase and supply aerospace materials” for the Iran Aircraft Manufacturing Industrial Company, the producer of the Shahed drones.

Russia uses three distinct turboprop Shahed drone variants — all packed with foreign parts

The supplies included position indicators, magnetometers, AC generator components, engines, and other equipment.

The companies named are LLC "GK Imperativ Ukraine" and LLC "Ecofera"

According to the Opendatabot portal, LLC "GK Imperativ Ukraine" was registered in 2018 in Kharkiv and is engaged in trade. The company’s owner is an Iranian citizen, Bahram Tabibi Jabali.

As for LLC "Ecofera," no publicly available information has been found. 

Ukrainian forces are disrupting the plans of Russian invaders. Commander of the Unmanned Systems Forces Robert Brovdi, also known as Madiar, reports that Ukrainian soldiers destroyed a storage and maintenance base for Russian Orion strike-reconnaissance drones in temporarily occupied Crimea near the settlement of Kirovske. 

Kyiv continues its long-range strike campaign in response to Russia's attacks, targeting its military, military‑industrial, and logistics sites. 

The commander emphasized that these drones carry aerial bombs and air-to-ground missiles, can remain airborne for up to 24 hours at altitudes of up to 7,500 meters, and have a wingspan of 16.3 meters.

“Madiar’s Birds” unit carried out a precise strike on 13 November

According to him, fighters from the "Madiar’s Birds" unit struck the base at night.

"The Topot unit of the 414th Brigade of Madiar’s Birds shot down such a 'parrot' in the air on September 13, 2025, with AI and Google assistance. Tonight, the Birds of the 1st Separate Unmanned Systems Center (transformed from the 14th Regiment) finally pecked the lair," said Brovdi. 

Synchronized strikes on Russian and temporarily occupied territories

On 13 November, Ukrainian Defense Forces struck dozens of targets on Russian territory and temporarily occupied Ukrainian territories, using Flamingo missiles among other weapons.

In Crimea, the strikes hit a petroleum storage facility of "Morskoy Neftyanoy Terminal", helicopter parking areas, unmanned aerial vehicle storage and preparation sites at Kirovske airfield, and an air defense radar station near Yevpatoria.

Ukrainian strategy: targeting Russian logistics and aerial capabilities

These strikes demonstrate how Ukrainian Defense Forces systematically degrade Russian capabilities in temporarily occupied territories, destroying key logistical and technological Russian nodes, particularly those supporting strike-reconnaissance drones.

Some European countries believe that Russian leader Vladimir Putin will eventually win in Ukraine, according to Bundestag member Jürgen Hardt from the ruling Christian Democratic Union, UkrInform reports. This conviction persists despite Ukraine successfully defending against the attacks of the world’s largest country for 11 years. 

A major fire broke out today, 13 November, at one of the petrochemical plants in Nizhnekamsk, Tatarstan. According to preliminary reports, the blaze started in one of the production units of the “Nizhnekamskneftekhim” enterprise, which is among the key facilities in Russia’s petrochemical industry, Astra reports.

Black smoke over the industrial zone as a signal of problems in Russia’s economy

Photos shared on local social media show thick black smoke rising above the industrial area. No casualties have been reported to date, and the cause of the fire has not been officially determined.

https://twitter.com/EuromaidanPress/status/1988969072097124804

Production facilities fueling the war are at risk

The plant specializes in the construction, repair, and modernization of petrochemical and energy industry facilities, performing the full cycle of work, from manufacturing metal structures to installing technological equipment.

Experts note that such incidents reduce the production capacity of Russia’s petrochemical sector — one of the industries directly financing the war against Ukraine. Even if officially labeled as “fires,” the real economic damage to Russia could be significant.

A war that destroys not only Ukraine but Russia itself

Nizhnekamsk is located more than 1,000 kilometers from the Ukrainian border, but the war Russia is waging increasingly “comes back home,” damaging its economy, technological potential, and sense of security.

 

Ukraine unleashes the minigun on Shahed drones

Ukraine has started equipping its Mi-8 helicopters with American-made M134 Minigun systems to counter Russian Shahed kamikaze drones, according to footage published by the Instagram account aero.tim and reported by Militarnyi.

Russia launches swarms of Shahed kamikaze drones at Ukrainian cities every night, overwhelming air defenses with sheer numbers. These Iranian-designed attack drones are difficult targets for expensive surface-to-air missiles. Helicopter-mounted machine guns give Ukraine another option for intercepting drones without burning through costly missile stockpiles.

The video shows a Mi-8 door gunner firing several bursts at an incoming drone, which then veers off course and crashes. The modification gives the Soviet-designed helicopters a major boost in firepower against low-flying targets that have become a constant threat across Ukraine.

Why Ukraine is putting American miniguns on Soviet helicopters

According to Ukrainian defense portal Militarnyi, the M134 Minigun is a six-barrel, electrically driven machine gun chambered in 7.62×51 mm NATO. It can fire between 2,000 and 6,000 rounds per minute - about eight times faster than the standard PKT machine guns typically mounted on Mi-8s.

Often seen on US helicopters such as the Black Hawk and Huey, the Minigun can be mounted in fixed or swivel configurations, allowing gunners to cover a wide firing arc. Beyond defending against drones, the weapon is also effective for close air support and suppressing enemy firing positions.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov used a media interview to unleash a barrage of accusations against the Baltic States, echoing the same narratives Russia once used to justify its invasions of Ukraine. According to the Institute for the Study of War, this signals a renewed Kremlin effort to set long-term pretext conditions for a possible future attack on Estonia, Latvia, or Lithuania.

Lavrov escalates anti-Baltic rhetoric in major narrative shift

The Institute says Russia is "conducting multiple information operations against the Baltic States as it did to justify the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, likely as part of Phase Zero conditions-setting for a possible attack on the Baltic States at some point in the future." ISW, however, doesn't predict an "imminent Russian attack on the Baltics" yet.

Lavrov’s comments, given in a 11 November interview to Russian media, combined several long-running Russian propaganda claims into a single statement. He accused Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania of harboring “Russophobia,” promoting “anti-Russian” sentiment, and mistreating Russian speakers. He also alleged that the Baltic States had violated agreements with Russia and painted them as pawns of the United Kingdom. According to Lavrov, they had lost their sovereignty and were no longer truly European.

No signs of imminent attack, but groundwork being laid

ISW assessed that Lavrov’s statements are part of ongoing Russian Phase Zero operations — a strategy to set informational conditions for possible military aggression. It emphasized that such efforts can last for years and do not necessarily result in an attack. ISW said there are no indicators of imminent military preparations against NATO states.

Still, the think tank stressed that these activities echo pre-2022 Russian efforts toward Ukraine and warned against ignoring the parallels.

"ISW’s assessments that these and other activities constitute Phase Zero conditions-setting efforts are meant to call attention to the parallels with pre-2022 Russian conditions-setting efforts vis-à-vis Ukraine but are not an imminent attack warning at this time," the think tank wrote.

Last night, Ukrainian Telegram channels reported several Ukrainian attacks within Russia and in the occupied part of Ukraine. Long-range drones and Flamingo missiles were used in the attacks, according to monitoring accounts and videos. Later, the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine confirmed an attack on occupied Berdiansk, confirmed attacks inside Russia without specifying the targets, and reported an attack in occupied Crimea.

Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, Kyiv continues its long-range strike campaign, targeting Russian military, military‑industrial, and logistics sites inside Russia. Ukraine is also hitting Russian power facilities in retaliation for Russia’s attacks on Ukraine’s energy grid as winter approaches.

Explosions reported in Belgorod, Krasnodar, Oryol, occupied Zaporizhzhia and Crimea

Around 17:00 on 12 November, Ukrainian Telegram channel Supernova+ shared photos showing fire and smoke near Nikolskoe in Russia's Belgorod Oblast north of Ukraine. The caption stated there were “reports of a UAV attack.”

Later, the same channel posted an image from Gulkevichi in Krasnodar Krai, southern Russia, showing a fire, reporting a power substation "incident" that left nearby Novokubansk without electricity.

Exilenova+ shared videos from occupied Berdyansk (Zaporizhzhia Oblast) late on Nov 12, reporting a drone attack, Russian air defense activity, and two possible hits. pic.twitter.com/LIFzkxXyia

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) November 13, 2025

Late on 12 November, Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ shared video footage of air defense activity in occupied Berdiansk, Zaporizhzhia Oblast. The channel noted that local residents reported two strikes, adding that this information “requires clarification.”

In the early hours of 13 November, Exilenova+ posted additional videos from Afipsky, a Russian settlement in Krasnodar Krai that hosts an oil refinery. Locals were heard complaining about the work of air defense systems during the apparent attack.

Exilenova+ posted footage from Oryol, Russia, where locals reported an attack, and burning debris was seen falling.

A later photo shows damage at the Oryol TPP, which was reportedly targeted with Ukrainian Flamingo missiles.
Exilenova+, Nikolaevsky Vanyok pic.twitter.com/6fJs7VO8GI

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) November 13, 2025

The same channel also reported an attack on Oryol, a city in western Russia. One of the videos showed burning debris falling from the sky. Later, Exilenova+ shared a photo showing structural damage at the Oryol thermal power plant — specifically, a large hole in a wall of one of its workshops. A Ukrainian airspace monitoring account, Nikolaevsky Vanyok, stated that Flamingo missiles had been used in the Oryol attack, sharing photos of a missile marked with the user’s avatar.

In occupied Crimea, explosions were reported in Feodosiya on the peninsula’s eastern coast. The Krymsky Veter Telegram channel said powerful blasts were heard in the area.

General Staff confirms hits in Berdiansk, Crimea, and unspecified targets in Russia

Later on 13 November, the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine released a statement confirming a series of strikes. The Staff also shared a clip, showing launches of drones and missiles.

Ukraine’s General Staff says Defense Forces hit several dozen targets overnight in Russia and occupied Ukrainian territories.

The strikes involved UAVs, jet-powered drones, and Ukrainian-made Flamingo, Bars, and Lyutyi systems.
General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine pic.twitter.com/u9uOnEkuIk

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) November 13, 2025

According to the military, "a number" of enemy targets were hit overnight in both occupied Ukraine and inside Russian territory. The specific extent of damage was still being assessed.

In occupied Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Ukraine confirmed a hit on an oil depot near Berdiansk, as well as forward command posts belonging to Russia’s 5th Combined Arms Army and the 127th Motor Rifle Division.

In occupied Crimea, Ukrainian forces reported strikes on multiple military facilities. Targets included the Maritime Oil Terminal, helicopter parking areas, and drone preparation sites at the Kirovske airfield, and an air defense radar station near Yevpatoriya on the western coast. The General Staff did not mention the location of the oil terminal, but the report likely refers to the facility in Feodosiya.

While no specific Russian regions were mentioned, the General Staff stated that targets in Russia were also hit. The report emphasized that the strikes were part of a systemic campaign to degrade the logistical and offensive capabilities of Russian forces.

The General Staff noted that Ukraine employed various long-range strike systems in the operation, including domestically developed Flamingo missiles, and the drones such as Bars and Lyutyi.

The UK will ban its firms from providing shipping or insurance services for Russian liquefied natural gas (LNG) exports starting in 2026, aiming to curb Moscow’s fossil fuel revenues that fund its war against Ukraine.

While Britain and the EU banned direct imports of Russian LNG years ago following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Western companies have still been allowed to transport and insure Russian gas bound for other markets - a gap campaigners have fought for years to close.

Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper announced the move at a G7 meeting in Canada, describing it as a coordinated effort with the EU, which plans to phase out Russian LNG imports under long-term contracts by early 2027. 

Britain banned direct imports in 2023, but its maritime and insurance sectors have continued to handle shipments from Russia’s Yamal terminal.

Campaigners welcome the move, urge faster action

A recent report by the Ukrainian group Razom We Stand identified Glasgow-based Seapeak Maritime as having facilitated about 4 million tons of Russian LNG in the first half of 2025 - nearly 40 percent of exports from Yamal. The group said the UK’s new measures mark a long-awaited success after more than three years of advocacy.

“The government’s move is a long-overdue and welcome step,” said Razom We Stand founder Svitlana Romanko. “But the UK must not slow-walk the phase-out, and Prime Minister Starmer should immediately cancel the indefensible energy contract with TotalEnergies - a firm still collaborating with Russia and helping raise billions for its war machine.”

Razom We Stand also urged London to align with upcoming G7 and EU sanctions and to consider secondary sanctions targeting Russian LNG exports and the shadow fleet that carries them.

Coordinated Pressure on Russia’s Energy Sector

Western allies have increasingly targeted Russia’s remaining energy revenues as oil price caps and pipeline gas embargoes lose impact. The G7 is discussing further restrictions on LNG transshipment and the use of Western shipping insurance - key pressure points in global trade. 

By joining these measures, the UK seeks to limit Russia’s ability to reroute gas through intermediary countries and close off financial channels that have helped sustain its war economy.

Cooper said the UK’s approach “shows unity with our partners in cutting off Russia’s access to the revenues it uses to wage this illegal war,” adding that London “will keep tightening sanctions until Putin ends his aggression.”

Ukraine has received €5.9 billion from the EU under ERA Loans and the Ukraine Facility, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has announced. A key feature is that part of these funds is financed from profits on frozen Russian assets.

“Today, there is an important decision in support of our country from our partners. Importantly, the ERA Loans mechanism is financed from profits from frozen Russian assets, which makes Russia pay for its aggression,” Zelenskyy said.

Ukraine aims to access €140 billion of frozen Russian assets in Europe and use them to support the war effort

According to Zelenskyy, only pressure can work to achieve peace, so efforts must be intensified to use Russian assets.

The majority of these funds are held in the Euroclear financial depository in Belgium. A decision on whether to transfer the funds to Ukraine is expected in December 2025, Politico reports. 

Previously, Zelenskyy stated that it would be a significant loss for Russia if Ukraine were to succeed in accessing €140–160 billion of frozen Russian assets.

“We are counting on a swift political decision regarding the reparations loan and full use of these funds for Ukraine’s defense. I thank President Ursula von der Leyen for her leadership and support of Ukraine,” he summarized.

ERA Loans and Ukraine Facility — financial instruments for security and reforms

Meanwhile, Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliya Svyrydenko has explained that €4.1 billion under ERA Loans is the final tranche of an €18 billion program, financed from profits on frozen Russian assets.

“This is an example of how Russia begins to pay for its crimes. At the same time, it is a signal of European solidarity and determination to support our ability to endure,” the official noted.

An additional €1.8 billion was received under the Ukraine Facility, reflecting confidence in Ukraine’s implementation of reforms and its European integration.

The Ukrainian 1st Azov Corps is mopping up the last Russian positions in a 40-square-kilometer salient north of Pokrovsk in Donetsk Oblast, winning a two-month battle that could free up hundreds—possibly thousands—of troops. Meanwhile, Pokrovsk itself is falling to Russian infiltrators after a yearlong siege, and 100 kilometers south, Russia's 90th Tank Division is advancing across open terrain toward the logistics hub of Huliaipole in Zaporizhzhia Oblast.

The victories north of Pokrovsk create a brutal dilemma: Ukrainian commanders can use these freed-up troops to buttress the new defensive line forming north of the fallen city—or rush them 100 kilometers south to Huliaipole, where Russia's 90th Tank Division is advancing across open terrain toward Zaporizhzhia.

Outnumbered five-to-one, they don't have enough troops to do both.

Ukrainian forces gain ground north of Pokrovsk

Counterattacks by the Ukrainian 1st Azov Corps since mid-August have steadily reduced a 40-square-kilometer salient that the Russian 132nd Motor Rifle Brigade had carved out of the front line north of Pokrovsk a few weeks earlier. The salient bent toward the village of Dobropillia, which sits astride one of the main supply lines into Pokrovsk.

Liberating the village of Kucheriv Yar late last month and defending the nearby village of Shakhove from repeated Russian mechanized assaults, Ukrainian forces have the momentum in the salient battle. Now they're killing, capturing, or forcing out the last few Russians.

The armed forces of Ukraine "are continuing to mop-up the Dobropillia salient, successfully recapturing several positions around the village of Shakhove," the pro-Ukraine Conflict Intelligence Team reported last week. "These successes may allow Ukrainian reserves to be redeployed from this sector to strengthen the Pokrovsk direction."

In other words, Russian commanders may have viewed the Dobropillia salient as a "counter-fixation axis for Ukrainian reserves," according to military theorist Delwin. The Russians devoted just enough troops and vehicles to the salient battle to keep the 1st Azov Corps fixated on fighting north of Pokrovsk—so the corps wouldn't shift its attention to Pokrovsk proper.

Pokrovsk likely lost despite northern gains

The problem, however, is that the Russians have the momentum in Pokrovsk—and it may be impossible for the Ukrainians, outnumbered five to one, to seize it from them. "Russian forces will very likely seize Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad," the Institute for the Study of War in Washington, D.C. concluded Tuesday.

The Russians succeeded in infiltrating Pokrovsk following a brutal yearlong siege in part because the salient battle drew the 1st Azov Corps into fighting north of Pokrovsk—keeping it from fighting in Pokrovsk, which was garrisoned by two exhausted Ukrainian units. The 68th Jaeger Brigade and 155th Mechanized Brigade began retreating north in late October.

Now that the 1st Azov Corps is on the verge of winning the salient fight, it's probably too late to do much for Pokrovsk. A few elite Ukrainian units, including one commando team that helicoptered into the city on 29 October, are clinging to fighting positions on the northern edge of Pokrovsk, holding open a narrow escape route for any Ukrainian troops still attempting to flee that city or neighboring Myrnohrad.

Pokrovsk, a once-thriving mining city of 60,000 people, is almost certainly lost—as is smaller Myrnohrad. The Ukrainian forces romping to victory in the disappearing Dobropillia salient may end up staying in the area, buttressing a new defensive line north of Pokrovsk.

Southern front threatens Huliaipole logistics hub

Or they may head south to the junction of Donetsk, Dnipropetrovsk, and Zaporizhzhia Oblasts, where a powerful force led by the Russian army's biggest division, the 90th Tank Division, has been steadily advancing across unfortified open terrain, pushing back an outgunned and outnumbered Ukrainian force.

"Unfortunately, over the past few weeks, Russian forces have made a series of gains toward Huliaipole and, more broadly, achieved notable advances in the southeastern sector," explained Tatarigami, founder of the Ukrainian Frontelligence Insight analysis group.

Reinforcements could stiffen Ukrainian defenses around Huliaipole. But Ukrainian commanders must choose carefully where they send their precious few reserves.

Their choice to fight so hard over the Dobropillia salient may have hastened Pokrovsk's fall. Likewise, rushing troops south to Huliaipole could weaken the new defensive line forming north of Pokrovsk.

At the same time, stiffening that defensive line at the expense of Huliaipole could accelerate Russian gains in the south. As long as Russia has more troops than Ukraine has, there are no easy choices for infantry-starved Ukrainian commanders.

Russian drones and aircraft have breached NATO airspace. This is a strategic attempt by Russian President Vladimir Putin to intimidate European allies supporting Ukraine, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy told Bloomberg.

Special operation of fear against Europe, the biggest Ukraine's ally in Russia's war

According to the Ukrainian president, the drone attacks were "psychological intimidation, without a doubt." They scared some European leaders from sending air defense systems to Ukraine.

 

“I think he scared them, that was his goal, and he achieved it,” Zelenskyy said.

Russia wants to drive the Ukrainians from their homes by winter terror 

Meanwhile, Russia has moved from a strategy of conquering Ukraine to a strategy of its destruction. This year, Putin has lost hundreds of thousands of soldiers in exchange for less than 1% of Ukraine’s territory. This means Moscow is ready to pay any price for the occupation. 

Russia is conducting thousands of air strikes on the power grid, central heating, and gas infrastructure as winter approaches.

The goal is to render parts of the country’s east uninhabitable, crash the industry, and provoke mass emigration and panic.

Moldova's largest Orthodox church—which remains under Moscow's authority—has stripped 11 priests of their powers after they switched to Romanian church jurisdiction in 2020 and weaponize a religious battle that mirrors Ukraine's struggle for ecclesiastical independence from Russia.

Romanian church challenges Moscow's religious foothold

Romania's Bessarabian Metropolis fired back at the priest expulsions, declaring that the "Moldovan Orthodox Church" name itself misleads believers. The Romanian church says the organization is simply "a local church structure of the Moscow Patriarchate" masquerading as Moldova's national church.

Before that, he Synod of the Orthodox Church of Moldova has stripped 11 more priests of their holy orders, after they transferred from the Archdiocese of Moldova to the Archdiocese of Bessarabia.

"The announced 'excommunications' have neither canonical nor legal force, since the mentioned priests together with their communities have not been under Moscow Patriarchate jurisdiction for many years," the Bessarabian Metropolis stated, calling the move an expression of "frustration at the return of more and more communities and priests to the Romanian Orthodox Church."

The Romanian church also accused some Moldovan church hierarchs of "direct and aggressive" interference in Moldova's electoral processes.

"After the direct and aggressive involvement of some hierarchs and clergy of the Moscow Patriarchate in the country's electoral and political processes—actions publicly condemned by civil society, the press, competent authorities, and also by the Bessarabian Metropolis—today's statement 'firmly condemns' the Church's involvement in politics," stated Besarabian Metropoly in Chișinău.

Despite the Moldovan church denying all accusations, this October, Moldovan police registered six cases of church representatives interfering in electoral campaigns on behalf of pro-Russian political parties.

Moscow-linked church denies Russian control

The Moldovan Orthodox Church called allegations from the Romanian church's Bessarabian Metropolis "unfriendly and dangerous."

In a synod statement, church officials insisted they represent "all people living in the Republic of Moldova," regardless of nationality, and claimed to be "free and independent in its governance."

Drawing parallels to Ukraine, where the Russian-linked church faces a ban because of security concerns, the Moldovan church labeled Romania's accusations as an attempt at "division," pointing to "similar experience in a neighboring country"—an apparent reference to Ukraine—where attempts to restrict the Moscow-linked church led to "failures and deep social upheaval."

"The Republic of Moldova should not repeat others' mistakes, but the time has come to maintain balance and wisdom for the common good of our people," the church statement declared.

In fact, the church dispute in Moldova follows a pattern familiar from Ukraine, where the Moscow Patriarchate used religious institutions as tools of political influence for years. Ukraine's own Orthodox Church declared independence from Moscow in 2022, shortly after Russia's full-scale invasion, though the split remains contentious.

Despite all denials, Moldovan media reports that the Moldovan Orthodox Church remains structurally part of the Russian Orthodox Church, with its center in Moscow, and effectively subordinate to Patriarch Kirill.

Ukrainian forces continue resisting Russian pressure in the heavily contested city of Pokrovsk in Donetsk Oblast, where close-quarters fighting is ongoing and logistics remain operational, according to Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine Oleksandr Syrskyi. The general noted that reports that Russian forces have taken control of the city of Pokrovsk or have operationally encircled Ukrainian forces are false.

Syrskyi rejects claims of Russian control in Pokrovsk

Syrskyi stated on the morning of 13 November that Russian forces have not captured Pokrovsk and Ukrainian troops in the area are not surrounded. He emphasized that the stabilization of the Pokrovsk–Myrnohrad operation depends on coordinated actions between military leadership, combat units, and subunits carrying out assigned tasks.

To address the evolving situation, Syrskyi says he has visited the Pokrovsk direction, where he and local commanders evaluated the results of previously defined objectives and planned further operations. He stressed that the Pokrovsk axis remains the main focus of Russian offensive activity, with the highest number of daily enemy assaults recorded there. A significant portion of Russia’s forces in Ukraine is now concentrated on this front.

Urban fighting and logistics under pressure, search-and-destroy missions ongoing near Pokrovsk

According to Syrskyi, Ukrainian troops are engaged in continuous combat with small Russian assault infantry groups both on the outskirts and within Pokrovsk’s urban areas. There are also occasional engagements involving the destruction of light Russian vehicles.

Ukraine’s key objectives in this sector, he said, include gradually regaining control of designated areas, maintaining and defending current logistics routes, and organizing additional supply lines. These efforts are aimed at ensuring the timely delivery of essential materials to frontline defenders and the uninterrupted evacuation of wounded personnel.

Fighting also continues in the nearby Ocheretyne direction. Syrskyi reported that over the past seven days, Ukrainian forces have cleared 7.4 km² of Russian sabotage and reconnaissance groups in the Pokrovsk district through search-and-strike operations.

"There is no question of Russian control over Pokrovsk or an operational encirclement of the Ukrainian Defense Forces grouping," Syrskyi said.

Meanwhile, the General Staff of Ukraine has released video footage showing Ukrainian forces targeting Russian troops and retaking previously lost positions in Pokrovsk. The footage from the 425th Separate Assault Regiment showed the use of tracked vehicles in logistics operations and the elimination of Russian soldiers during urban combat.

Ukraine's 425th Assault Regiment “Skelia” conducted offensive operations in Pokrovsk

"This is footage of our equipment entering the area... You can see additional assault units are moving into the eastern part of the city," said Ukraine's General Staff
The General Staff pic.twitter.com/UxoAGSwT0e

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) November 13, 2025

Russia increases pressure on Pokrovsk

Russian troops recently exploited poor weather conditions—specifically heavy fog—to penetrate parts of Pokrovsk. Separately, the Russians recently launched a mass assault on the city using light vehicles along the Selydove–Pokrovsk highway, achieving partial success.

Today, there are interesting updates from the Pokrovsk direction.

Here, the battle for the town has slowly become a lethal war of shadows with almost no chance of survival. The Russian army is disintegrating under the weight of its own losses, and its push to capture Pokrovsk turns into a slow-motion collapse of morale and unit-level desertions.

For many Russian soldiers, the order to attack Pokrovsk has become synonymous with a death sentence. 

Soldiers whisper among themselves that entering Pokrovsk means certain annihilation by Ukrainian artillery and drones, as videos from the area reveal the growing panic within the Russian ranks. In one, an agitated officer films two soldiers who refuse to go into the town, both saying they prefer prison over suicide missions. One claims a medical condition, the other shows a wound, but the officer is unmoved. He records them as proof to strip them of their pay, while threatening that they will be transferred to a penal unit and ultimately will be pushed into Pokrovsk at gunpoint anyway.

Such scenes are no longer rare, as the Russian army's losses in the sector are so extreme that many contract soldiers, who once enlisted for bonuses, now see imprisonment or even death in custody as preferable to the slaughter awaiting them on the front. 

But these men will not be sent back to Russia to serve prison terms, as the Russian command sacrifices such penal battalions as cannon fodder and bait to reveal Ukrainian fire positions.

Drone-dominated battlefield spawns war of shadows

Inside Pokrovsk itself, the battle has evolved into a war of shadows, with the mass assaults of the first two years of the Russian invasion gone. Now, a dispersed conflict is fought by small, almost autonomous groups, with both sides having adapted to the drone-dominated battlefield that prevents large-scale movement. 

The Russians use micro-units of infiltrators, two or three men slipping through rubble, hiding in basements, probing for Ukrainian strongpoints. The Ukrainians counter them with their own ghostly patrols, reconnaissance teams that move in pairs or trios, each guided by a drone in the sky with thermal vision, while the soldiers themselves carry portable electronic warfare devices. 

These patrols are silent, highly mobile, and lethal, despite engagements that rarely involve more than a handful of soldiers on each side. One street, one courtyard, or one collapsed apartment block may become a self-contained battlefield for hours. 

This war of shadows is a direct consequence of the omnipresence of surveillance and FPV drones, as any concentration of troops or vehicle movement is immediately detected and destroyed.

Main forces remain outside as small units fight street by street

The main forces of both sides now remain roughly ten kilometers outside the town limits, unable to advance through the open fields that have become killing grounds. Inside Pokrovsk, only the smallest, bravest, and most disciplined units can survive. 

For the Russians, infiltration serves to maintain a symbolic push forward and to create the illusion of control, while for the Ukrainians, the mission is to contain, hunt, and eliminate these infiltrators before they can threaten logistics or weaken defensive cohesion.

The defenders operate with speed and precision: detect the enemy, fix them in place by surrounding and suppressing them, neutralizing the trapped soldiers with rifles, grenades, bombs, or drones, and withdraw before Russian drones can kill them in return.

Skill-based warfare becomes unsustainable meat grinder for Russia

This new model of urban warfare rewards skill, awareness, and endurance more than numbers. Yet for the Russians, whose units are filled with unwilling conscripts and penal soldiers, it has become an unsustainable meat grinder. Their desertions and refusal to fight are the logical outcome of a system that sends men to die for objectives already lost in the chaos of the grey zone.

Ukraine's strategic focus: Hold the railway line

Overall, despite the terrible nature of this fighting, Ukraine's army does not need to reclaim every block of Pokrovsk. What matters is keeping Russian territorial control south of the railway line, serving as a tactical barrier from the still-defended north.

While the Azov units push east of Rodynske to relieve pressure and reopen Myrnohrad's northern approach, Ukrainian defenders inside Pokrovsk only need to hold long enough to keep that corridor alive. If Myrnohrad's connection stays open, the town can continue to resist, or if necessary, conduct an organized withdrawal under cover of the northern fields.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Russian war criminals can be held accountable. A Ukrainian court has found a Russian unit commander guilty of raping women during the occupation of the city of Makariv near Kyiv. Following a public prosecution by the Prosecutor General's Office, he has been sentenced to 12 years in prison.

Rape and any form of sexual violence are grave violations of the Geneva Conventions and are classified as war crimes.

 

The commander from Buryatia who brought terror to Kyiv Oblast received just punishment

On 7 March 2022, he and his brigade swept through the area, breaking into homes, looting, threatening, and killing civilians.

The commander, together with a subordinate, broke into a woman’s home, held her at gunpoint, and, under threat of execution, forced her into a neighboring house, where he physically assaulted and raped her.

The convicted man is a native of Makhachkala, who served as section commander and combat vehicle leader of the 9th Motorized Rifle Company, 37th Separate Guards Motorized Rifle Brigade (military unit 69647, Kyakhta, Buryatia, Russian Federation).

Makariv was occupied by Russian forces for several weeks but was liberated by the Armed Forces of Ukraine on 1 April 2022, during the counteroffensive. During the occupation, the town was about 40% destroyed, and 132 civilians were executed, as per Stratcom. 

Russian troops destroyed many private and apartment buildings, and razed hospitals and kindergartens.

Since 2022, Ukraine has documented 190,000 Russian war crimes. 

Russian forces are likely to collapse the Ukrainian pocket around Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad in Donetsk Oblast, but the impact depends on how Ukraine manages its withdrawal, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 12 November. ISW noted Russia had already denied Ukraine use of Pokrovsk as a logistics hub by July 2025. Meanwhile, Kremlin-linked milbloggers are prematurely declaring Pokrovsk’s fall, though ISW confirms Russian control over only 46% of the city.

Russian troops push into Pokrovsk as Ukraine maintains defense and logistics

ISW says Russian forces are advancing around Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad, supported by motorized assaults and glide bomb strikes. On 12 November, geolocated footage confirmed Russian progress in northern Pokrovsk. Moscow’s Ministry of Defense and milbloggers claimed the seizure of Sukhyi Yar and advances southwest of Rodynske, in eastern Novopidhorodne, and south of Molodetske — all near Pokrovsk.

Despite this, Ukrainian troops reportedly maintained or even regained positions in northern Pokrovsk and in the Zakhidnyi Microraion of central Myrnohrad. The Ukrainian 7th Rapid Reaction Corps reported Russia launched a multi-day assault on Pokrovsk using light vehicles along the M-30 highway. The unit confirmed Russia had established firing positions in several parts of Pokrovsk, but added that Ukrainian forces still controlled supply lines to the city.

Map: ISW.

A spokesperson for a Ukrainian drone battalion operating in Myrnohrad also said Ukrainian units continued receiving supplies there. Russian sources, meanwhile, acknowledged a Ukrainian counterattack near Rodynske, though they claimed the settlement remained in Russian hands.

ISW questions significance of Russian advances

According to the Institute for the Study of War, the strategic impact of Russia’s possible seizure of Pokrovsk hinges on how Ukraine withdraws — whether in an orderly fashion or under pressure. The think tank said Russian control of Pokrovsk as a logistics hub was already effectively achieved in July 2025.

Kremlin-linked sources exaggerate battlefield control

Russian milbloggers, many linked to the Kremlin, are mounting an aggressive information campaign claiming Pokrovsk is nearly or fully seized. One blogger said Russian troops gained "firm control" of the city by using heavy fog to advance, referencing footage of Russian soldiers entering Pokrovsk on motorcycles. Others declared that most of Myrnohrad is now a contested "gray zone."

Multiple milbloggers also circulated AI-generated videos allegedly showing mass Ukrainian surrenders in Myrnohrad. However, these were debunked by Ukraine’s General Staff and even by some Russian bloggers themselves. One milblogger even claimed Ukraine had shared the fake footage to discredit real videos from the front — while still insisting Russia held more ground than available evidence supports.

Canada has unveiled a new package of sanctions designed to strike at Russia’s energy revenues, military suppliers, and digital warfare infrastructure, according to the Canadian Government. The measures form part of a wider G7 strategy aimed at raising the economic cost of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, now approaching its fourth year.

Canada adds new wave of sanctions against Russian vessels, drone developers, and cyber enablers

On 12 November 2025, Canadian Foreign Minister Anita Anand announced a sweeping expansion of sanctions under the Special Economic Measures (Russia) Regulations. The updated list targets 13 individuals and 11 entities, many of them directly involved in supplying or developing military and hybrid warfare tools used by Russia in its ongoing aggression against Ukraine.

• For the first time, Canada imposed sanctions on Russian entities that support cyber infrastructure tied to Moscow’s hybrid operations. The government also sanctioned several developers and operators linked to Russia’s drone program.
• In addition, the new sanctions hit several Russian liquified natural gas companies. Ottawa stated that energy revenue continues to play a major role in financing Russia’s war of aggression.
• Another key component of the sanctions package is the inclusion of 100 Russian ships. Described as part of Moscow’s “shadow fleet,” these vessels have been used to transport "goods and property for the benefit of Russia" or Russian-linked persons. Canada previously sanctioned over 400 such vessels as part of earlier actions coordinated with its allies.

Minister Anand said Canada remains “unwavering in its commitment” to Ukraine’s sovereignty and will continue to apply pressure until Russia halts its invasion. The announcement aligns closely with sanctions introduced in October by the United States, the European Union, and the United Kingdom.

Measures part of long-term sanctions strategy

The Canadian Government described the move as a direct response to Ukraine’s current priorities on the battlefield and as reinforcement of the G7’s coordinated pressure campaign. The update also signals Ottawa’s continued alignment with G7 member states on sanctions policy and military support.

 

 

Exclusives

Russians rush into Pokrovsk as heavy fog blunts Ukraine's drone advantage. Drones are an effective defense, but only when the weather is clear. Ukraine has too few infantry to fill in when its drones can't see.

Russian information warfare escalates with fabricated MiG-31 hijacking plot targeting Romania and Ukraine. Analysis reveals coordinated multi-domain hybrid operation exploiting US troop withdrawal tensions

NABU survived Zelenskyy's July purge to expose his friend's $100M racket—now comes the harder test. Ukraine's justice system decides whether evidence by its top anti-corruption agency becomes convictions.

UN traces Kherson's "human safari" up the chain of command — to Putin himself. Erik Møse, Chair of the UN Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, which has declared Russia's drone terror a crime against humanity, explains how investigators traced a direct chain of command—from drone operators on the Dnipro's left bank to the Kremlin itself.

Military

No forests to hide in, no urban fortifications: Ukraine's southern front becomes Russia's open killing field. Russia tries Pokrovsk playbook again: encircle Huliaipole, threaten Zaporizhzhia, open route to Dnipro. Ukraine strikes power plant in occupied Donetsk, cutting electricity to key Russian-held cities. Strike on Starobesheve plant disrupts power across occupied territories, extending Ukraine's deep-strike campaign into areas Russia has held since 2014. Russia's petrochemical plant, producing military polymers engulfed in flames after Ukrainian strike 300 km away from border. Ukraine neutralizes threats on enemy soil. Failed to meet military quotas? Russia's solution: Send recruiters to meat assault units in Ukraine. Seven recruitment chiefs have been sent to frontline meat grinders for missing their conscription targets by 40%.

Intelligence and technology

Three years ago Ukraine bought Turkish drones—now it produces 4 million yearly, outpacing US. Ukraine's battlefield advantage becomes Europe's arsenal. Ukraine delivers $119 million in soft loans to 80 defense manufacturers, $112 million pending approval. Defense enterprises pay just 5% interest on loans up to UAH 500 million, with the state covering the remainder—enabling manufacturers to scale from battlefield-tested prototypes to serial production.

International

WhatsApp groups and dossiers: Ukrainian diplomat reveals how Russia sabotaged Istanbul peace talks. Russia's lead negotiator Vladimir Medinsky opened Istanbul peace talks with a lecture concluding "we, the Russians are killing Russians" and denied Ukrainian nationality despite sitting across from former defence ministers and generals Germany won't cut Ukraine aid over corruption case but will watch "very closely," spokesman says. A corruption scandal involving President Zelenskyy's former business partner and the state nuclear company Energoatom will not derail German aid to Ukraine, Berlin confirmed, though officials said they would monitor Kyiv's response "very closely." G7 ministers convene in Canada to discuss stalled Trump peace efforts, trade, and Russian escalation. Summit exposes rifts on Russia policy as Germany pledges €40 million for Ukraine's winter survival. Ukraine promises justice as $100 million corruption scandal comes under G7 allies spotlight in Canada. Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha assures G7 partners that those embezzling from Energoatom will face justice.

Humanitarian and social impact

Another group of Ukrainian children freed from Russian deportation, propaganda and abuse. Among those returned: a 10-year-old bullied for speaking Ukrainian, children orphaned by medical neglect, and a teenager tortured over family ties to Ukraine's military. From Donetsk orphans to Russian soldiers: How occupation transforms Ukrainian children into occupiers. Ukrainian orphans in their new Russian military uniforms represent the endpoint of Russia's systematic child militarization program.

Political and legal developments

FBI, EU-backed Ukrainian anti-corruption agency coordinate in major nuclear operator scandal, which involves Zelenskyy's closest associate. New FBI officer arrives in Kyiv, immediately focuses on $100 million energy scandal. Ukraine's Energoatom exec detained for $100M embezzlement, enough for 40,000 interceptor drones as country sits in darkness. $360K in luxury apartments, three Mercedes. Read our earlier daily review here.

Ukraine announced the return of a group of children and teenagers from Russian-occupied territories through the Bring Kids Back UA initiative, according to Presidential Office head Andriy Yermak.

The returns underscore the ongoing challenge of recovering Ukrainian children from Russia's systematic deportation campaign. Since February 2022, Russia has deported 19,546 Ukrainian children according to the Children of War portal, with only 1,791 returned as of 12 November 2025—a war crime for which the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants against Russian President Vladimir Putin and children's rights commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova in March 2023.

Children face harassment, forced assimilation under occupation

Among those returned was a 10-year-old girl whose classmates bullied her for her Ukrainian heritage, Yermak stated on Telegram. Her younger brothers at kindergarten were forced to sing Russian songs and collect money for the occupying army.

A 7-year-old girl and her 2-year-old brother lost their mother due to Russian doctors' inaction. Occupation authorities attempted to send the siblings to an orphanage despite having living relatives in Ukraine.

Another young person returned, now 19, had endured torture and execution threats from Russian military personnel because a relative served in Ukraine's Armed Forces. After reaching adulthood, occupation authorities placed him on the military registry.

Recent investigations reveal Russia systematically channels deported Ukrainian children through cadet schools and military training programs. The militarization campaign targets children as young as eight, subjecting them to years of pro-Russian indoctrination before conscripting them into occupation forces.

Russia weaponizes children as political leverage

The returns come as Russia uses deported Ukrainian children as bargaining chips with Washington, according to the Institute for the Study of War. Russian officials frame limited returns as goodwill gestures toward the United States while continuing mass deportations.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy recently highlighted the Bring Kids Back UA initiative as the primary channel for facilitating children's returns. An international coalition of 41 countries now works to support these efforts.

"We are fulfilling the president's task—to return all Ukrainian children," Yermak said on his Telegram, thanking Save Ukraine, the Security Service of Ukraine's Joint Center, and international partners.

Read more:

From Donetsk orphans to Russian soldiers: How occupation transforms Ukrainian children into occupiers

Russia sees deported Ukrainian children as bargaining chips with Washington - ISW

US senators seek to question Russian ambassador on more than 19,000 abducted Ukrainian children

Members of Ukraine’s EU-backed anti-corruption agency and the FBI are coordinating actions in the 2025 top energy investigation, which involves the alleged laundering of $100 million, ZN.UA reports, citing its own sources. 

Recently, representatives from both agencies met in connection with the case of Energoatom, Ukraine's sole nuclear operator.

According to investigators, the perpetrators demanded kickbacks amounting to 10–15% of Energoatom contract values. Contractors had to pay to avoid blocked payments or the loss of supplier status. Timyr Mindich, one of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's closest associates, oversaw the operation of a so-called “laundromat”, where funds obtained through illegal means were laundered.

In the embezzlement case, five individuals have been detained, and seven alleged members of the criminal organization have already been formally charged. Among those searched were Justice Minister Herman Halushchenko, who has since resigned, and Mindich, who is hiding abroad.

FBI returns to Ukrainian investigations 

A new FBI officer has recently arrived in Kyiv, and one of his first meetings was specifically focused on the Mindich case. The FBI representative works within the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine under an interagency memorandum originally signed during the bureau’s founding.

The case highlights Ukraine’s commitment, with strong European Union support, to eradicating corruption at the highest levels of government. However, the investigation must yield results and lead to the arrest of jail officials involved in the scheme. The case is especially painful to ordinary Ukrainians, who continue to endure up to 12-hour blackouts following Russian missile attacks.

For comparison, the stolen $100 million could have purchased 27 Patriot missiles or 40,000 Sting interceptor drones. 

After a brief technical pause that coincided with the US President Donald Trump administration, the document was re-signed following NABU Director Semen Kryvonos’s visit to the US. Since then, constant operational cooperation between NABU and the FBI has been restored for cases involving high-level corruption.

Germany maintains its confidence in Ukraine following a major corruption scandal in the country's energy sector, according to German government spokesman Stefan Kornelius in comments to DW

"The federal government will now very closely monitor developments," Kornelius said on 12 November. "We are in the closest confidential contact with the President [of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy and continue to be at his side, especially in such situations. Now we will observe the development in this particular case. And, if necessary, we may have to take measures in this matter as well."

The spokesman was responding to questions about whether the scandal would lead Germany to tighten control over how Ukraine uses aid.

"At this moment we have confidence in the government of Ukraine that it will take care of resolving this issue itself, as well as in anti-corruption bodies - that they will solve this case and bring it to a logical conclusion," Kornelius emphasized.

He added that corruption is not on the agenda for German-Ukrainian intergovernmental consultations scheduled later this year, and its discussion is not planned.

Finland previously reported that the corruption scandal in Ukraine's government would not negatively impact the European Union's plans to provide financial assistance to Kyiv.

The National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) announced on 10 November an investigation into a large-scale corruption scheme at the National Nuclear Energy Generating Company "Energoatom," codenamed "Midas." Businessman Tymur Mindich, co-owner of Kvartal-95 and former partner of President Zelenskyy, was identified as the scheme's organizer. The prosecution stated that Mindich exerted influence on former Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko and former Defense Minister Rustem Umerov.

On the morning of 12 November, Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko announced that Halushchenko, now serving as Justice Minister, had been suspended following the NABU investigation.

Suspects in the case include a businessman described as the head of a criminal organization, a former advisor to Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko, the executive director for physical protection and security at Energoatom, and four individuals involved in the back office for money laundering. Former Deputy Prime Minister and ex-Minister of National Unity Oleksiy Chernyshov also received suspicion.

Two government members will be dismissed in the near future - Energy Minister Svitlana Hrynchuk and Justice Minister Herman Halushchenko.

Foreign Minister Andriy Sybiha discussed the corruption scandal with international partners during a meeting in Canada with counterparts from France (Jean-Noël Barrot), Germany (Johann Wadephul), Italy (Antonio Tajani), and the EU (Kaja Kallas).

"I informed our partners about the situation on the battlefield, efforts to achieve peace and the fight against corruption. I confirmed that those involved in corruption schemes will be held accountable - this is the firm position of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and our government," Sybiha wrote on X following the talks.

Russian negotiators came to peace talks in Istanbul with detailed dossiers on every member of Ukraine's delegation and proposed creating WhatsApp groups to simulate progress rather than discuss substantive peace terms, according to Ukraine's Deputy Foreign Minister Sergiy Kyslytsya.

In an interview with The Times, Kyslytsya described three rounds of negotiations held on 16 May, 2 June, and 23 July in the Turkish city, where Russia's lead negotiator Vladimir Medinsky opened discussions with a lecture denying Ukraine's separate identity.

"He had the entire line-up of Ukrainian defence ministers, generals and diplomats, and still they deny your identity, your nationality," Kyslytsya said.

The Ukrainian delegation had anticipated this approach and agreed beforehand to avoid engaging with historical arguments, he explained.

"They know very well the background of every one of us and sometimes they do say provocative things and quite nasty," the diplomat told The Times. The tactic was designed to distract Ukrainian negotiators and create grounds to blame them for derailing talks.

Medinsky concluded his opening remarks by stating "we, the Russians are killing Russians," Kyslytsya recalled. The Ukrainian team let Russian negotiators speak as long as they wanted before attempting to move to their agenda.

Russian representatives repeatedly refused to discuss concrete proposals, instead offering to establish working groups and messaging channels that could create an illusion of diplomatic momentum, according to Kyslytsya.

"You have to put your arguments on the desk too, then the other side also puts their arguments on the desk. Then you try to figure out, where is the common ground? What is a grey zone? Where is the batch of the arguments that are totally unacceptable? We never reached that point," he said.

The only ceasefire proposal Russia's delegation would consider was a two-hour truce to collect bodies from battlefields. All other discussions of temporary cessations of hostilities were rejected.

Kyslytsya explained that Russian negotiators operated under rigid mandates from the Kremlin. "In a dictatorship, you can't have creative discussions with negotiation teams representing the dictator. They come with a very rigid mandate and they have to defend whatever positions they were given," he said. "So in the Russian system, you have to deal directly with the dictator."

The deputy foreign minister, who was appointed by President Zelenskyy to oversee Ukraine's peace process with Russia and Western allies, said talks aimed to deceive American officials into believing negotiations were progressing to avoid punitive measures.

Before the Trump administration imposed sanctions on Russian oil companies Rosneft and Lukoil on 22 October, Kyiv worked to demonstrate Russian deception to Washington. Kyslytsya said he had confronted Trump's negotiator Steve Witkoff about accepting Kremlin rhetoric at face value.

"I told him at one of the meetings, you know, Mr Witkoff, your problem is that you are too American. Americans, overall are very direct, they hear what you say and they say what you want heard. While the eastern European and Byzantine attitude is very ornate and very difficult, full of hints and references," Kyslytsya recounted. "Witkoff was really buying at face value what the Russians were telling him."

Kyslytsya was in the room when Trump met with Zelenskyy a week before the sanctions announcement and had lobbied Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent on economic cooperation, including proposals to use Ukraine's underground gas storage network for American liquefied natural gas destined for Europe.

The Istanbul talks have since been abandoned. Kyslytsya said Ukraine's focus has shifted to pressuring international partners to force Putin into direct negotiations with Zelenskyy.

The overcast and foggy weather that rolled in with the winter months is an opportunity for Russian forces to rush infantry and vehicles across the drone-patrolled no-man's-land and secure new positions in Pokrovsk, Myrnohrad, and other contested settlements.

That's because bad weather means poor visibility for drones—and drones are now the main means of defense for infantry-starved Ukrainian formations.

If the drones can see, the Russians struggle to advance. If the drones can't see, the Russians advance quickly—and in large numbers.

This was dramatically evident this weekend. "During recent days, the Russians have intensified efforts to penetrate Pokrovsk on light equipment through the southern suburbs," the Ukrainian 7th Rapid Response Corps, which defends Pokrovsk and neighboring Myrnohrad, explained on social media on Tuesday.

"For this, the enemy used adverse weather conditions, including thick fog," the corps added. "This reduces opportunities for our aerial reconnaissance."

How fog blinds Ukrainian drone defenses in Pokrovsk

Videos from Pokrovsk during the stretch of bad weather depict dozens of Russian troops motoring into the city on bikes and in compact cars and trucks. Yes, videos also depict some Ukrainian drone strikes on the intruding Russians—but too few and too slow to halt the Russian advance.

"There are currently more than 300 Russians in the city," the 7th Rapid Response Corps warned. "Their goal remains unchanged—to reach the northern borders of Pokrovsk with a further attempt to surround the agglomeration."

The Russians were already creeping into Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad before the weekend fog, but much more slowly. Now with the advantageous weather, Russian forces have accelerated their advance dramatically—and the fragments of two Ukrainian brigades still in Myrnohrad face potential encirclement.

Video of Russian soldiers taking advantage of the fog to drive into southern Pokrovsk in motorcycles, Bukhanka, and other modified vehicles.https://t.co/vuNp68mHfAhttps://t.co/GrFY1bOmss pic.twitter.com/R3BDwRvnml

— Rob Lee (@RALee85) November 10, 2025

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Russian commanders exploit weather to bypass drone surveillance

One Ukrainian drone operator has been warning for months—years even—that fog and other obscurants can blunt Ukraine's drone edge, assuming Russian commanders have the foresight to take advantage of the concealment.

"Need to say that Russian [paratroopers are] trying to use fog and a lot of smoke at the battlefield," drone operator Kriegsforscher reported a year ago. "And it really helps."

Four months later in March, the Russians continued to attack under the cover of smoke and fog in Kriegsforscher's sector. "I need to say that because of the smoke, it was hard for us to find them," the drone operator stated. "It's effective."

The fog that protected the Russians back in the spring is even thicker now. In late October, analyst Moklasen observed the Russian 336th Naval Infantry Brigade attacking toward the village of Dobropillia, just north of Pokrovsk.

336 naval infantry.
late october, heavy fog -
bikers clear the road of munitions for turtle mtlb assaults toward dobropillia, & bike casevac pic.twitter.com/eOTUuQHBMT

— imi (m) (@moklasen) November 10, 2025

"Heavy fog," Moklasen observed. The concealment allowed Russian bike troops to sweep a road of Ukrainian munitions and clear a path for up-armored Russian vehicles to assault toward Dobropillia while the bikers fetched the wounded and sped them back toward Russian lines.

Dobropillia remains in Ukrainian hands despite the foggy Russian attacks, but the same can't be said of Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad. After a yearlong siege, the settlements are on the cusp of falling to the larger Russian force.

Ukraine's infantry shortage exposes critical vulnerability

The loss underscores an important truism. Infantry can fight through fog in a way drones can't, but Ukraine has too few infantry to fill the aerial gaps when the drones can't fly or see.

"Drones and artillery help, but infantry still matters," Finnish analyst Joni Askola explained. "You need soldiers to hold ground. Ukraine does not have enough."

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Ukraine has become a drone superpower, producing about 4 million unmanned aerial vehicles of various types each year. For comparison, some estimates put US military drone production at roughly 100,000 units per year, Bloomberg reports. 

Ukraine’s drone era began with Turkish Bayraktar TB2s. Ukraine purchased its first Bayraktar TB2 unmanned aerial vehicles in 2019. These drones have significantly strengthened the capabilities of Kyiv's forces since the beginning of Russia's full-scale war. Today, Ukraine produces most of its drones itself with the support of its allies. 

 

Ukraine's drone variety exceeds NATO arsenals

Now, Ukrainian companies, facing acute funding shortages, are eager to share their drone expertise and create safer production lines aimed at European armies that want to stockpile weapons.

“It’s not just the quantity of drones, it’s the variety. Probably more than all NATO countries combined right now," said RAND analyst Michael Bohnert.

That variety includes long-range strike drones, as well as inexpensive first-person-view (FPV) attack drones.

Increasingly, Ukrainian air defenses are also using interceptor drones. Ukraine and the UK plan to begin joint production of such drones in the coming months to counter swarms of Russian drones.

FlyWell wants $50 million to manufacture drones on European soil

• Some Ukrainian drone makers have already entered the EU market. For example, Skyeton opened a facility in Slovakia and has announced partnerships with Denmark and the UK. The company produces reconnaissance UAVs capable of flying for up to 24 hours.
• Another Ukrainian firm, TSIR, is now operating in Finland and is preparing to launch a production line for tactical quadcopters that can cover up to 15 kilometers and are used for reconnaissance and strikes along the front line, in a joint venture with Finnish partner Summa Defence Plc.
• FlyWell brings together several Ukrainian companies that produce aerial, ground, and maritime drones intended for reconnaissance and strikes on Russian targets from the front line to ranges of up to 2,000 kilometers. FlyWell plans to raise about $50 million to fund European manufacturing and R&D projects.

Currently, Summa Defence is self-funding production and has already created prototypes of three models that could enter mass production immediately after testing in Ukraine, CEO Yussi Holopainen said. Some of the output is intended for NATO countries, but Ukraine remains the priority.

Offices in Berlin and Copenhagen

Denmark allocated nearly $77 million this year to help Ukrainian arms manufacturers establish operations on its territory. The first project is expected to begin producing rocket fuel this year for Fire Point, a Ukrainian company developing the Flamingo cruise missile with a range of 3,000 kilometers.

Ukraine plans to open offices in Berlin and Copenhagen this year to market weapons, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on 3 November. This is about joint production and the export of weapons that Ukraine can afford to sell in order to raise funds for domestic production of scarce items that Kyiv currently lacks funding for.

The southern front, lacking forests and urban fortifications, remains one of the most challenging areas for Ukraine to defend. Therefore, Kyiv forces don't have options to hide somewhere to repel the rapidly advancing Russian attacks to the center of Zaporizhzhia Oblast, says military observer Denys Popovych, according to NV. 

The region's center, the city of Zaporizhzhia, would give Russia a stronghold for an offensive toward Kryvyi Rih and Dnipro. Its capture would also be accompanied by war crimes and crisis, including population displacement and the suppression of cultural identity, as it has been in other occupied territories. 

He explains that Russia is attempting to recreate the same scenario in the Huliaipole area of Zaporizhzhia, as it was in Pokrovsk and Myrnohrad in Donetsk Oblast. 

Ukrainian paratroopers execute daring parachute-free airdrop under fire near Pokrovsk, breaking through Russian lines

Dangerous “pockets” are forming north of the city

Russian invaders are trying to encircle this city, which is important from a logistical point of view, to surround it from the north.

“If we look at the map, we can see that such pockets are forming there, and this threatens that the city could be encircled from the north and the scenario of the Pokrovsk–Myrnohrad agglomeration could be repeated,” Popovych says.

At the same time, he added that if the Defense Forces fail to stop Russia in this direction, the occupiers may first threaten Huliaipole, and then move closer to Zaporizhzhia, he adds. 

According to the expert, the difficulties for Ukrainian defenders lie, in particular, in the fact that in the south of Ukraine, there are neither forests nor urban areas convenient for building defensive lines.

Kyiv forces withdraw to save personnel's lives

On 11 November, Vladyslav Voloshyn, Spokesperson for the Defense Forces of the South, stated that the situation in Zaporizhzhia has rapidly deteriorated, per RBC. The Ukrainian Armed Forces withdrew from positions near five settlements. 

“In Zaporizhzhia, particularly in the Oleksandrivka and Huliaipole directions, intense fighting has been going on for several days. The Russians are using all types of available weapons to push the Armed Forces of Ukraine out of their positions,” said Voloshyn.

According to him, in the past few days, up to a hundred combat clashes have been recorded on the Zaporizhzhia front.

As a result, Ukrainian forces were forced to withdraw from positions near the settlements of Novouspenivske, Nove, Okhotnyche, Uspenivka, and Novomykolaivka in order to preserve the lives of personnel. There, the Russian assault fired more than 400 artillery shells daily, using about 2,000 munitions.

“Unfortunately, the numerical advantage of the Russians is making itself felt ... which could endanger Huliaipole,” the DeepState emphasized.

According to the experts, Huliaipole had long remained impregnable to the Russians, who attempted to attack it from various directions, including the Marfopillia area. Now, there is a risk of opening a new route that could complicate the defense of this strategic point.

Ukraine's Soft Loan Program delivered UAH 5 billion ($119 million) to 80 defense industry enterprises during its first year of operation, the Ministry of Defence announced on 12 November. On top of that, the ministry approved an additional 16 loan applications worth nearly UAH 700 million ($17 million), while 52 applications totaling over UAH 4 billion ($95 million) remain under review.

This financing is significant because it addresses a fundamental challenge for Ukraine's defense transformation: manufacturers need capital to transition from prototype development to mass production to meet immediate frontline demands.

How the Soft Loan Program works

The program offers manufacturers two financing options:

• Working capital loans: Up to UAH 100 million ($2.4 million) for three-year terms.
• Investment project loans: Up to UAH 500 million ($11.9 million) for five-year terms.

Defense enterprises pay 5% interest while the state covers the remaining percentage. Companies can apply through five partner banks that meet security requirements. The Ministry of Defence implements the program alongside the Ministry of Finance, the Business Development Fund, and participating Ukrainian banks.

"Safeguarding the workforce of defense industry enterprises is a matter of national security. Many key production facilities continue to operate under extremely difficult conditions to ensure that the army receives modern weapons and equipment on time. We are enhancing the conditions to ensure their continuous operations," stressed Deputy Minister of Defence of Ukraine Anna Gvozdiar.

Bridging the gap from prototype to production

Loan recipients use funds for production modernization, equipment acquisition, manufacturing expansion, and serial production development. The structure reflects a broader pattern in Ukrainian defense financing: companies build battlefield-tested prototypes and secure military contracts, but then need capital to scale.

While Ukrainian defense manufacturers can produce $35 billion worth of equipment annually, the loan program addresses the gap between this technical capability and the actual production volume. Companies often demonstrate successful designs but lack the working capital to purchase components, hire workers, and expand facilities to meet demand.

The loan program complements direct government procurement. For instance, Ukraine's Defence Procurement Agency paid UAH 104.2 billion ($2.5 billion) to 76 drone manufacturers during 2024-2025, demonstrating how rapid scaling responds to battlefield requirements. Manufacturers need both contracts and capital—procurement orders create the demand, while these soft loans provide the financing to fulfill those orders at scale.

Ukraine is fighting enemies both abroad and within the system. Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha, during meetings in Canada with his counterparts from France, Germany, and Italy, assured that all those involved in corruption schemes in Ukraine will be held accountable.

An investigation into the alleged embezzlement of $100 million from Energoatom, Ukraine's only company that operates all of the nuclear power plants, is underway. It has been revealed EU-backed anti-corruption agencies have uncovered a large-scale bribery and $100 million scheme involving four ministries. The case is especially painful to ordinary Ukrainians, who continue to endure up to 12-hour blackouts following Russian missile attacks.

The minister is visiting Canada to take part in the G7 foreign ministers’ meeting at the invitation of Canadian Foreign Minister Anita Anand.

The talks are expected to be dominated by Russia's escalating war in Ukraine, stalled US-led peace initiatives, and growing trade frictions within the alliance.

Ukraine is working on building the trust of its international allies 

“Those involved in corruption schemes will be brought to justice,” he emphasized.

In a high-profile corruption case involving Energoatom, Ukraine’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau and Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office have detained five individuals. In total, seven members of the criminal organization have been formally charged.

The special operation to document the group’s activities lasted over 15 months, beginning in the summer of 2024. During this period, investigators collected a substantial amount of data, including thousands of hours of audio recordings.

Reports indicate that the head of the scheme is businessman Timur Mindich, who is also a co-owner of the entertainment studio Kvartal 95 and an associate of the president.

Mindich reportedly fled abroad a day before the raids, in which millions of dollars in cash were seized. This has raised suspicions that he may have been forewarned about the operation.

“I reaffirmed that those responsible for corruption will be held accountable. This is the firm position of President Zelenskyy and our government,” Sybiha claimed.

On social media, Sybiha called the meeting with French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot, German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul, Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani, and the EU's High Representative for Foreign Affairs, Kaja Kallas, "productive."

Sybiha: winter defenses needed, Russian assets must be seized

He also noted that discussions covered the 20th EU sanctions package and efforts to use frozen Russian assets.

“We also focused on strengthening our air defense and energy resilience ahead of winter, including through the PURL and SAFE mechanisms,” the foreign minister added.

Sybiha thanked allies preparing new military and energy aid packages and invited his colleagues to visit Ukraine.

Rubio arrives in Niagara: talks on Ukraine and Gaza continue

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has also arrived in the Niagara region of Canada to participate in the G7 foreign ministers meeting. He is expected to address questions from G7 partners regarding President Donald Trump’s initiatives to end the war in Ukraine, as well as the second phase of the Gaza ceasefire agreement.

The meeting comes shortly after efforts to organize a summit between Russian President Vladimir Putin and US President Donald Trump were suspended last month, Reuters reports. Officials cited that Moscow’s refusal to cease hostilities in Ukraine overshadowed the planned negotiations.

An investigation into the alleged embezzlement of $100 million from Energoatom, Ukraine's only company that operates all of the nuclear power plants, is underway. On 12 November, a Ukrainian court ordered 60 days of pre-trial detention for Energoatom’s Executive Director for Security, Dmytro Basov, after EU-backed anti-corruption agencies uncovered a large-scale bribery and kickback scheme, UkrInform reports. 

The court set bail at $951,000 for Basov. If posted, he must:

• appear upon summons by investigators,
• surrender his international passports,
• remain at his registered residence,
• refrain from contact with witnesses in the case.

What was Basov's role in the scheme?

The investigation has implicated at least four ministers from Ukraine’s Cabinet of Ministers. Over 70 searches have been conducted across several regions.

According to NABU (National Anti-Corruption Bureau) and SAP (Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office), members of the criminal network demanded and received kickbacks of 10–15% from Energoatom contractors. During raids, officials seized over $4 million in cash, RBC reports. 

Basov, codenamed “Tenor” in investigative materials, allegedly coordinated the shadow network, overseeing procurement and financial operations.

Elite property and Mercedes GLE 300D

Basov previously led a department in the Prosecutor General’s Office investigating organized crime and later worked at the State Property Fund before becoming Executive Director for Physical Protection and Security at Energoatom.

He was dismissed from the Prosecutor General’s Office in 2019 amid corruption scandals but was later reinstated through court proceedings, receiving $59,500 in compensation for “unlawful dismissal.”

After joining Energoatom, Basov’s family’s wealth grew rapidly. In 2024, Nataliia Basova, his wife, purchased a 70 m² apartment in the elite White Lines residential complex in Kyiv.

Journalistic investigations reveal that over the past few years, she has spent approximately $360,000 on luxury assets, including another apartment (127 m²) in the French Quarter complex, valued at no less than $140,000, and several vehicles, such as a Mercedes GLE 300D, a Range Rover, and a Mercedes GLC 220D.

Her declared income does not justify these expenditures. Shortly before the purchases, the couple officially divorced.

EU Response

The European Commission has declined to comment on the ongoing investigation but reaffirmed that fighting corruption remains one of the key prerequisites for Ukraine’s EU accession, Suspilne writes.

“Combating corruption requires sustained efforts to ensure strong institutional capacity and respect for the rule of law. The independence of anti-corruption bodies must be safeguarded — they are a cornerstone of Ukraine’s rule of law as a future EU member state,” the Commission’s press service stated.

The EU has urged Ukraine to consolidate its progress in major corruption cases, particularly in asset seizure and confiscation, and to prioritize those with the highest public impact.

“We will continue to closely monitor the rule of law situation and stand ready to provide support,” the statement added.

Ukraine remains heavily dependent on EU support as it continues to resist Russia’s war. Ukrainian citizens endure immense hardships but remain steadfast in their commitment to defending their sovereignty.

Meanwhile, Moscow seeks to exploit such scandals for propaganda purposes, attempting to spread narratives suggesting that Western nations should reduce their aid to Kyiv.

 

Ukrainian forces hit the Starobesheve thermal power station in Russian-occupied Donetsk Oblast late on 11 November, triggering a large explosion and subsequent fire that disrupted electricity supply across occupied territories from Donetsk to Mariupol.

The strike extends Ukraine's systematic energy warfare campaign into territories Russia has occupied since 2014. Ukrainian forces have conducted retaliatory strikes on Russian power infrastructure since October, after Moscow's winter terror campaign destroyed over half of Ukraine's pre-war generating capacity in early 2025. The Starobesheve attack shifts focus from Russian territory to energy supplies sustaining occupation administrations.

Strategic facility powers Russian occupation infrastructure

The Starobesheve thermal power plant, located in Novyi Svit settlement, has a reported electrical capacity of about 2,300 MW and serves as the primary source of power supply for the occupied territories, Militarnyi reported. Purported videos posted on social media appear to show a large explosion and subsequent fire emanating from the Starobesheve power plant, captured by local residents.

Petro Andriushchenko, head of the Center for the Study of Occupation, noted that the plant was damaged and out of order, which caused massive power outages in the occupied cities—from Donetsk to Mariupol. Residents say electricity in homes is intermittent, with some appliances malfunctioning, according to RBC-Ukraine.

The facility has been under Russian control since 2014. After Ukraine disconnected the occupied parts of Donbas from its national grid in 2017, the Starobesheve and Zuiivska thermal power plants remained the main electricity sources for the Russian-occupied territories, RBC-Ukraine reported.

Ukraine expands deep-strike energy campaign

The Starobesheve strike is part of Ukraine's broader campaign targeting Russian energy infrastructure:

• Days before Starobesheve, Ukrainian forces launched a coordinated assault on fuel and drone infrastructure in Volgograd, Crimea, and Donetsk
• Ukrainian forces conducted more than 160 precision strikes on oil refineries and energy facilities in 2025, reducing Russia's oil production by up to 90% and causing a fuel shortage of over 20%, according to Security Service of Ukraine chief Vasyl Malyuk
• Ukrainian drones and missiles have hit power facilities deep inside Russia for several consecutive nights, demonstrating both reach and precision
• The International Energy Agency estimates Ukrainian strikes cut Russia's refining output by 500,000 barrels per day, keeping processing rates low until at least mid-2026
• President Zelenskyy warned that if Russia resumed its winter terror campaign on Ukrainian energy infrastructure, Ukraine would strike back in kind.

Kyiv strikes Russia’s military economy. On 12 November, Ukraine's General Staff reported that Kyiv troops targeted the infrastructure of Stavrolen LLC, a petrochemical enterprise, in Stavropol Krai, nearly 300 kilometers away from its border. The strike diminishes Russia’s ability to produce weapons used to kill Ukrainian civilians.

The Ukrainian operation was precise and technological, with no innocent casualties, in stark contrast to Russia’s attacks on hospitals, schools, and energy infrastructure. Since 2022, Kyiv has documented 190,000 war crimes committed by the Russians. 

Reducing the capacity of products for the needs of Russia's military-industrial complex

“The plant has a full cycle of hydrocarbon processing and produces polymers for manufacturing composite materials, body parts, seals, and insulation for various types of Russian military equipment. Among other things, it also produces components for UAVs,” the statement reads.

Multiple explosions and a large fire were recorded in the target area. The results of the strike are being clarified.

Ukraine neutralizes threats in Russian depots

Additionally, to reduce the Russian offensive potential, an ammunition depot was struck in the temporarily occupied settlement of Novyi Svit, Donetsk Oblast.

“A direct hit and explosions were recorded. The extent of the damage is being clarified,” the General Staff said.

Special Operations Forces drones hit the target

Ukraine's Special Operations Forces have also confirmed the strike. 

“On the night of 12 November, Deep Strike units of the Special Operations Forces carried out a successful fire strike on the Stavrolen petrochemical plant in Budyonnovsk, Stavropol Krai, Russia," it reveals. 

Several Ukrainian deep-strike drones reached their targets. Local residents confirmed the explosions on social media, while local authorities claimed the fire was caused by falling debris.

Foreign ministers from the Group of Seven (G7) nations convened in Niagara-on-the-Lake, Canada, on 11-12 November 2025, for tense discussions on global security.

The talks are dominated by Russia's escalating war in Ukraine, stalled US-led peace initiatives, and growing trade frictions within the alliance.

The gathering comes as the G7 confronts a dual challenge: maintaining a united front against Russian aggression while navigating sharp internal divisions over US trade policies and defense spending demands.

Divisions over Ukraine and US peace efforts

The summit opened amid clear divisions on how to handle the war in Ukraine. Most G7 members have adopted a tougher line on Russia than US President Donald Trump, who has prioritized his own peace proposals. German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul stated before the meeting that Russia's "continuing war of aggression against Ukraine" challenges global freedom and security, requiring a united G7 front.

According to a report from Euronews, European allies are particularly concerned about uncertainty over US efforts to end the war, as well as a separate US-brokered ceasefire plan in Gaza that is reportedly faltering.

The German foreign minister emphasized that his country is providing an additional €40 million to help Ukraine endure another winter, specifically to counter Russia's "targeted terror attacks on the civilian gas and heat supply." This financial support directly translates into tangible resilience, helping Kyiv maintain civilian morale and infrastructure stability—a strategic goal to prevent Russia from breaking the country's spirit.

Trade tensions and defense spending

The talks were also marked by strained relations over US trade policy. As reported by The Associated Press, President Trump's imposition of tariffs on Canadian imports has created friction with the host nation. This economic pressure is coupled with Trump's demand that NATO partners, including all G7 members except Japan, spend 5% of their GDP on defense.

The AP noted that Canada and Italy are the furthest from this goal, though Canadian Foreign Minister Anita Anand stated Canada plans to reach the target by 2035. In a social media post, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio framed the US position, stating the focus is on "putting the safety and security of Americans FIRST."

Indo-Pacific and critical minerals

While Ukraine and trade dominated, the ministers also addressed long-term strategic challenges, particularly in the Indo-Pacific. Kyodo News reported that Japan's new Foreign Minister, Toshimitsu Motegi, planned to "bring an Indo-Pacific perspective into G7 discussions and advance concrete cooperation."

A central part of this strategy is a G7 initiative to establish alternative supply chains for critical minerals to diversify away from China’s market dominance. This effort is a direct attempt to bolster the G7's economic and defense security by mitigating reliance on geopolitical competitors, a crucial step in the world's current volatile geopolitical situation.

The Russian army is punishing military personnel who failed to meet recruitment targets for the occupation army. They have begun to send them directly to the front, according to Ukraine's Defense Intelligence. 

The Russian regime is ready to destroy anyone, even its own citizens, to continue the war

Russia's Federal Security Service has launched a sophisticated disinformation campaign alleging that Ukrainian and British intelligence services plotted to hijack a MiG-31 fighter jet equipped with Kinzhal hypersonic missiles and redirect it to NATO's Mihail Kogălniceanu airbase in Romania. The evidence-free accusation represents a dangerous escalation in Moscow's hybrid warfare targeting both Bucharest and Kyiv, arriving at a strategically opportune moment as Romania grapples with announced US troop reductions.

FSB and its hybrid "design"

The FSB's Tuesday announcement follows the established pattern of Russian intelligence services operating as primary tools in the information domain. The agency provided no evidence to support its claims, instead constructing an elaborate narrative involving $3 million bribes to pilots, British intelligence coordination, and even alleged involvement by the investigative journalism group Bellingcat.

Romania's Foreign Ministry swiftly dismissed the allegations with pointed irony.

"Soviet spy novels weren't exactly brilliant, being propaganda exercises. Today's Russian news stories with spies are the same," said Foreign Ministry spokesman Andrei Țărnea, emphasizing that "what's real is Russian aggression and the Russian provocations these stories about planes and spies attempt to cover."

Multi-Domain targeting strategy

The operation demonstrates textbook hybrid threat methodology across multiple domains:

Information domain: The primary vector employs disinformation to shape international perceptions and create confusion about alliance cohesion.

Diplomatic domain: By falsely implicating Romania in an alleged Ukrainian intelligence operation, Moscow seeks to create friction between NATO allies, particularly by exploiting sensitivities around Romania hosting alliance infrastructure.

Political domain: The timing capitalizes on genuine political tensions following the US troop withdrawal announcement, amplifying existing vulnerabilities in the Romanian security debate.

Military/Defense Domain: The narrative specifically targets Mihail Kogălniceanu airbase, NATO's largest military installation in southeastern Europe, where nearly 3,000 hectares are under development with €2.5 billion in investments planned through 2040.

Tool application: coordinated propaganda amplification

The operation's sophistication emerges in its cross-platform propagation. Chinese state media quickly amplified the FSB narrative, with Xinhua publishing a version that emphasized anti-Ukrainian angles and cited Russian State Duma deputy Dmitry Belik claiming the alleged plot demonstrated "Ukraine's intention to drag NATO into an open military conflict with Russia."

This coordinated echo represents a calculated information tool designed to establish false legitimacy through repetition across multiple authoritarian media ecosystems. 

The narrative simultaneously serves Chinese strategic interests inportraying Western-aligned Ukraine as destabilizing.

Priming through provocation as the Hybrid playbook tool

The FSB operation aligns with the priming phase of hybrid threat activity, where actors establish narratives that can be leveraged during future destabilisation or escalation phases.

By creating a fictional "precedent" of Ukrainian-British operations against Russian assets via Romanian territory, Moscow establishes information terrain for potential future false-flag operations or diplomatic pressure campaigns.

Notably, the FSB claimed that in response to this "thwarted plot," Russian Aerospace Forces struck Ukrainian intelligence facilities in Brovary and Starokonstantinov airfield on November 9-10 using Kinzhal missiles. This represents a dangerous inversion of cause and effect, potentially providing retroactive justification for kinetic military operations.

Strategic Objectives: fracturing alliance cohesion

The underlying objectives align with Russia's documented strategic culture of exploiting openness in democratic societies while seeking to undermine collective security architectures:

1. Wedge strategy: creating perceived conflicts of interest between Romania, Ukraine, and other NATO allies
2. Deterrence manipulation: Suggesting that hosting Ukrainian military operations or aircraft could make Romania a direct target
3. Narrative preparation: establishing information groundwork for future accusations or provocations
4. Attention diversion: Shifting focus from Russian aggression in Ukraine to fabricated NATO "provocations"

Resilience Response: exposure and Attribution

Romania's response demonstrates effective hybrid threat countermeasures. By immediately exposing the disinformation, using accessible language that frames the narrative within historical Soviet propaganda patterns, and refusing to legitimize the accusations through detailed rebuttals, Romanian officials denied the operation its intended amplification effect.

The incident highlights the importance of rapid response capabilities, strong inter-agency coordination between foreign ministries and defence establishments, and effective public communication strategies that expose hybrid operations without inadvertently reinforcing their narratives.

Vulnerability exploitation in transitional security contexts

The operation's timing reveals sophisticated intelligence about alliance vulnerabilities.

By launching this disinformation campaign during a genuine period of Romanian concern about US force posture adjustments, the FSB maximized the narrative's potential to create doubt and friction.

Approximately 5,000 NATO troops currently stationed in Romania, predominantly from the United States, Poland, France, and Spain, represent a tangible alliance commitment that Russia seeks to undermine.

Implications for Hybrid Threat Preparedness

This incident validates several core principles of the hybrid threats analytical framework:

• Cross-domain effects: actions in one domain (information) create cascading vulnerabilities in others (diplomatic, political, military)
• Attribution challenges: by implicating multiple actors (Ukraine, UK, Bellingcat), the operation complicates attribution discussions
• Below-threshold operations: the activity remains beneath conventional military thresholds while achieving strategic communication objectives
• Exploitation of openness: democratic media ecosystems and diplomatic transparency requirements become vectors for disinformation spread

As hybrid warfare continues evolving, the Mihail Kogălniceanu fabrication serves as a case study in how authoritarian actors weaponize information during periods of genuine security transition, seeking to transform legitimate policy debates into tools of strategic destabilization.

This analysis employs the Hybrid CoE conceptual framework for analyzing hybrid threats across actors, tools, domains, and phases to provide structured understanding of contemporary information warfare operations.

Mykola Sedykh and Stas Balytskyi were eight years old when Russian occupation began in Donetsk Oblast. Now, they wear Russian military uniforms after years in cadet schools—victims of war crimes who may return to Ukraine as occupiers.

Ukraine faces a generation gap Russia engineered through decade-long indoctrination campaigns. Since 2014, Moscow has deported children from Donetsk Oblast orphanages and shelters, subjected them to years of pro-Russian propaganda in cadet schools, and channeled them into military service once they reach conscription age, according to an investigation by Ukrainian online newspaper Texty. The two young men now of legal age—Mykola Sedykh and Stas Balytskyi—exemplify how children removed from Ukrainian institutions become part of Russia's occupation forces, potentially returning to fight against their homeland.

Weaponizing childhood vulnerability

Eight-year-old Mykola Sedykh spent four years in a Khartyzsk shelter between 2015 and 2019, where Russian paramilitaries from the "Pyatnashka" brigade regularly visited, bringing gifts and displaying weapons, Texty found. For children without parental protection, these armed men became heroes rather than invaders. The International Committee of the Red Cross recently clarified that propaganda aimed at encouraging children from occupied territories to voluntarily join enemy military service constitutes a war crime, even when presented as voluntary recruitment.

Stas Balytskyi's trajectory followed similar patterns. After losing both parents during the war, Russian propaganda outlets exploited his image for "Save Donbas Children" campaigns targeting European audiences, using orphaned children to justify Moscow's 2014 invasion while simultaneously preparing those same children for future combat roles.

The cadet conveyor belt

The institution has since transformed into a militarized cadet school named after Russian cosmonaut Georgiy Beregovoy, enrolling approximately 180 Ukrainian children starting from first grade, with a Russian citizen and war participant serving as military director.

Sedykh and Balytskyi were separated into different Cossack cadet schools—Sedykh to Kropotkin in Krasnodar Krai, Balytskyi to Ruza in Moscow Oblast, Texty reported. These facilities function as military boarding schools with weapons training, parade drills, and mandatory meetings with war veterans. Sedykh's school honors Russian General Gennadiy Troshev, who advocated public executions of Chechen resistance fighters during the 1990s conflicts.

Completing the transformation

Recent photos show both young men in Russian military uniforms. Balytskyi now attends Moscow Higher Military Command School training motorized rifle commanders and military police, while Sedykh appears to have joined a Kuban Cossack military formation, likely one of the BARS units currently fighting in Zaporizhzhia, Kherson, and Donetsk oblasts.

Russia's Kuban Cossack forces deployed more than 9,200 personnel in Ukraine as of 2025. Ukrainian citizen Mykola Sedykh may soon return to Donbas—but as Nikolay (the Russian version of his name), an occupation soldier potentially fighting against his own country.

The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Vladimir Putin and Maria Lvova-Belova in March 2023 for illegal child deportation. Ukraine searches for nearly 20,000 deported children, though Russia's children's rights commissioner claimed receiving over 700,000 Ukrainian minors.

Every democracy faces a test: can institutions investigate the powerful? The answer reveals whether you have a state of law or a state of protection.

Ukraine faced this test in July 2025. The government claimed anti-corruption investigators were compromised by Russia. Raids came overnight. Legislation stripping the agencies of independence rushed through parliament. By morning, institutions investigating the president's circle would report to the president's appointee.

Then, teenagers with cardboard signs showed up. "F*ck corruption," their handmade posters read.

The thousands of GenZs outside Zelenskyy's residence this July probably couldn't explain the technical details of how Ukraine's National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) works. But they understood something fundamental: when your government cracks down on anti-corruption investigators amid a war, you show up.

"If NABU is leashed, the corruptioners walk free," read one such cardboard sign as thousands gathered to protest against legislation stripping NABU of its independence. International partners expressed alarm. Within a week, mass demonstrations forced Zelenskyy to reverse course and restore NABU's independence.

Why Zelenskyy attacked Ukraine's anti-corruption agencies

At the time, it was not immediately clear what motivated Zelenskyy to torpedo the anti-corruption infrastructure created as part of Ukraine's EU integration obligations—and by doing so, to implode the EU's secret plan to bypass Hungary's veto in opening accession negotiations with Ukraine.

However, journalistic investigations offered a compelling explanation: NABU finally reached Zelenskyy's inner circle. One of the suspects was reportedly Tymur Mindich, Zelenskyy's former comedy studio business partner, birthday party guest, and longtime friend.

Throughout the summer and fall, Ukrainian media outlets spoke in hushed tones about "the Mindich tapes"—audio recordings allegedly captured by NABU surveillance in Mindich's apartment on vul. Hrushevskoho, where Zelenskyy once celebrated his birthday.

NABU and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office neither confirmed nor denied their existence. Opposition politicians referenced them cryptically. Anti-corruption activists warned they could be "Ukraine's new Melnychenko tapes"—a comparison to the recordings that sparked massive protests, damaging President Kuchma's presidency in 2001.

On 10 November, NABU unveiled "Operation Midas"—15 months of investigation, over 1,000 hours of surveillance recordings, and charges against seven people in a corruption scheme that treated Ukraine's state nuclear operator Energoatom like a personal ATM machine. The alleged mastermind, according to audio excerpts NABU released: Tymur Mindich.

The Mindich tapes were real. And they documented exactly the kind of high-level corruption the July crackdown was designed to bury.

Tymur Mindich: From Kolomoisky's youngest partner to Zelenskyy's inner circle

To understand why Zelenskyy risked Ukraine's European integration to protect one man, you need to know who Tymur Mindich is—or more precisely, who he became.

From Kolomoisky's shadow to presidential power

Mindich entered Ukraine's oligarchic world as the youngest partner of Ihor Kolomoisky, managing media assets while the controversial businessman built his empire through PrivatBank and vast holdings. While Kolomoisky amassed billions, Mindich played a supporting role—"bringing branded clothing to Ukraine," handling logistics, "conceptually holding part of Kolomoisky's assets," as business sources described it.

"He was never a player," one influential Ukrainian businessman told Ukrainska Pravda. "He could turn to the president with a request, but nothing more."

But Mindich possessed something more valuable than Kolomoisky's billions: genuine friendship with Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

The two men were co-owners of Kvartal 95, the comedy studio that launched Zelenskyy's entertainment career and eventually his political brand. Their relationship extended far beyond business partnership.

"The president could spend a weekend with him. Grill shashlik. Disconnect. Rest his soul," another influential source told Ukrainska Pravda. A different source called Mindich's role in the power architecture "a hotel, a restaurant, costumes"—maintaining the lifestyle that surrounded the presidency.

The visible signs of intimacy

The friendship became political early. In 2019, as Zelenskyy's presidential campaign reached its final stretch, he began using Mindich's armored Mercedes. During the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020, journalists documented Mindich visiting the Presidential Office multiple times. When asked, Mindich explained he came "to help organize food deliveries during lockdown."

In January 2021, Zelenskyy celebrated his birthday in Mindich's apartment at 9a Hrushevsky Street—the same apartment where NABU would later install the surveillance devices that captured Operation Midas. Later that year, Mindich attended Presidential Office head Andriy Yermak's 50th birthday celebration at the state residence Synohora in the Carpathians.

Multiple sources in business circles said that Mindich also played a quiet but crucial role in personnel decisions. At the start of Zelenskyy's presidency, Mindich recommended Oleksiy Chernyshov when asked about him. "Tymur said he was a good guy," sources told Ukrainska Pravda.

That endorsement launched Chernyshov's rise from Kyiv regional governor in 2019 to Deputy Prime Minister by 2024—until NABU corruption charges ended his potential path to the premiership.

Wartime transformation: Energy and defense influence

After Russia's February 2022 invasion closed the Presidential District to public view, Mindich's alleged influence expanded dramatically. "He started making a lot of noise when he placed his people in the Cabinet," one business source told Ukrainska Pravda. "He actively invited people to his home. He proposed various schemes. There became a lot of him."

By 2024, sources across political, business, and law enforcement circles linked Mindich to Ukraine's most lucrative wartime sectors:

• Energy: Sources connected him to then-Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko (now Justice Minister), Environment Minister Svitlana Hrynchuk, and Agriculture Minister Vitaliy Koval. Even after mid-2025 Cabinet reshuffles, Hrynchuk moved to Energy and Halushchenko to Justice—maintaining network influence, sources said. His relative Leonid Mindich was detained in summer 2025 for allegedly taking "personal control" of procurement at state energy company Kharkivoblenergo in 2021.
• Defense: Fire Point defense company began receiving billion-hryvnia state contracts in 2024 for long-range drone production. In November 2024 alone, Fire Point received two contracts worth over 7 billion hryvnias ($170 million), according to defense sector sources. The company allegedly received funding from both Ukraine's budget and Western partners. After Mindich's name emerged publicly, management reportedly decided to sell part of Fire Point to a Saudi buyer.
• Banking: Sources said Mindich gained influence over nationalized Sens Bank through contacts with Vasyl Vesely, an unofficial curator. Vesely's family received a stake in Karpatnaftochim, Ukraine's largest petrochemical enterprise, in 2024—the same year assets were unfrozen.

"Right now in Ukraine, big money is made in only a few directions: defense (drones), energy, reconstruction, and call centers," one businessman told Ukrainska Pravda. According to numerous sources, Mindich was present in the first two.

The Russia connection and FBI interest

In September 2025, MP Yaroslav Zheleznyak published an investigation revealing Mindich operated a "mirror" diamond business in both Ukraine and Russia. The investigation found Mindich created a company in Russia after its initial aggression in 2015, continued as co-owner after the full-scale war began, and sold Russian laboratory diamonds abroad in 2022.

Ukraine's Security Service opened a case under Article 111-2—aiding an aggressor state.

Ukrainska Pravda reported in early November that Mindich could also have become the subject of an FBI money-laundering investigation, though US authorities have not confirmed any such probe. The speculation stems from the case of Oleksandr Horbunenko, a Ukrainian businessman wanted by NABU who was detained by US authorities in April 2025 and subsequently released under FBI protection—a move Ukrainian law enforcement sources interpreted as indicating cooperation with American investigators.

The oligarch who wasn't—until he was

By Zelenskyy's own 2021 anti-oligarch law, Mindich 2.0 qualified as an oligarch: media influence (Kvartal 95 co-owner), alleged control over strategic enterprises (Energoatom), participation in political life (presidential access), and significant assets.

"Tymur is a good organizer. He has direct access to the president. But he never had big money, and he was never a separate subject," one influential member of the informal "Privat" group recalled—the network that effectively ceased existing after Kolomoisky's arrest in late 2023, when the oligarch was charged with money laundering through Privabank, Ukraine's largest bank.

But surviving Kolomoisky's fall may have been Mindich's greatest achievement. As the oligarch's empire collapsed, his junior partner transformed presidential proximity into alleged influence over who gets contracts, who enters ministries, and who controls energy flows in a wartime nation where only a few sectors generate what businessmen call "big money."

NABU wiretaps expose Energoatom kickback scheme during Russian attacks

Over 15 months, NABU surveillance in Mindich's Hrushevsky apartment captured a protection racket at Energoatom—the company generating over half of Ukraine's electricity while Russia systematically struck substations powering nuclear plants.

Contractors faced what suspects called "Shlagbaum" (boom barrier): pay 10-15% kickbacks or watch payments freeze. One company allegedly received a 435 million UAH ($10.4 million) contract in 2025 after agreeing to the higher rate.

On tape, suspects used codenames: "Carlson" for Mindich, "Professor" for Halushchenko, "Rocket" for former energy minister advisor Ihor Myroniuk, "Tenor" for Energoatom security director Dmytro Basov. In June, "Carlson" expressed concern about investigations.

A month later, when discussing protective structures for nuclear facilities, "Rocket" replied: "I'd wait. But, f***, honestly, it's a shame to waste the money."

On 7-8 November, Russia targeted substations powering Khmelnytskyi and Rivne nuclear plants. Two days later, NABU unveiled Operation Midas, documenting how the Ukrainian president's friend ran a scheme to profit off protection contracts, decreasing Ukraine's chances to survive Russia's winter missile barrage with power in their flats—at least some of the time.

• Operation Midas key facts:
• Duration: 15 months of NABU surveillance (2024-2025)
• Evidence: Over 1,000 hours of audio recordings
• Kickback rate: 10-15% of contract values
• Total scheme value: $100 million in alleged kickbacks
• Suspects: 7 people charged, including former Energy Minister Herman Halushchenko
• Method: Contractors paid bribes or faced frozen payments ("Shlagbaum" barrier)

NABU documented how $100 million was processed through a money-laundering office in central Kyiv belonging to the family of Andriy Derkach—a former Ukrainian MP whom the US Treasury sanctioned in 2020 as "an active Russian agent" for election interference, and who now serves as a Russian senator.

Can Ukraine hold the powerful accountable?

NABU's release of the "Mindich tapes" answered any remaining questions about the reasons behind Zelenskyy's crackdown on the anti-corruption agency in July: the anti-graft bureau had reached his long-time friend.

Mindich fled Ukraine hours before NABU came to search his flat—somebody had tipped him off. NABU is studying who exactly and how Mindich could be returned.

President Zelenskyy addressed the investigation in general terms on 10 November, stating that "everyone who has constructed corrupt schemes, must face a clear procedural response." He did not mention Mindich or address the searches at former Justice Minister Halushchenko's residence.

Ukraine's anti-corruption infrastructure proved stronger than the president's attempts at gutting it to protect his inner circle this July. But the fabricated justification for that crackdown—claims that NABU was infiltrated by Russian spies—continues damaging the bureau's work.

Security forces arrested two agents during a raid to justify the crackdown on NABU. They are still being prosecuted on accusations anti-corruption activists say are fabricated.

Energy expert Oleh Savytskyi wrote that Operation Midas exposes what he calls "GULAG culture"—the Soviet-era mentality where energy sector managers, from mine directors to ministers, treated state assets as personal fiefdoms. The same networks have controlled Ukraine's energy sector through kickbacks and political protection across every presidency since independence.

"In Zelenskyy's case, there was a chance to change everything, and his first government even tried to change course from self-destruction to European integration," Savytskyi wrote. "But the deeply rooted corruption system won again, and the gang not only regained control over Energoatom but also attempted to control all key state energy companies, including Ukrenergo," the operator of Ukraine's entire power grid.

The pattern Savytskyi identifies: Halushchenko, Myroniuk, and others in the Midas investigation belonged to a group that previously controlled Energoatom under earlier administrations. They lost influence when Zelenskyy's first government attempted reforms, then regained control—turning wartime nuclear protection contracts into profit opportunities while Ukrainians endure 12-hour blackouts.

Will Zelenskyy learn from his failed July crackdown? Or will protecting networks trump institutional integrity—again?

NABU delivered accountability the president promised but avoided executing. Western partners watching—with €50 billion in EU assistance already at risk over anti-corruption failures—want to see whether investigations reach conclusions or stall protecting the powerful.

Zelenskyy has instructed that ministers of Justice Herman Halushchenko and Energy Svitlana Hrynchuk be dismissed. Mindich remains at large, reportedly in Israel and Austria. The Tsukerman brothers fled Ukraine.

In July, teenagers with cardboard signs forced a president to back down. In November, NABU proved why they were right. Whether Ukraine passes democracy's ultimate test—holding the powerful accountable—now depends on what happens in courtrooms, not just on streets.

Correction: an earlier version of this article said the Melnychenko tapes toppled the Kuchma administration. In fact, they merely damaged it—Kuchma stayed in power.