Ukraine now has 67 companies working to shoot down Russia's jet-powered drones en masse, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said. He gave the number at a Kyiv press conference alongside US presidential envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner, Ukrinform reported.

Most of those firms are still chasing the problem, and only a few have working systems. The race matters because Russia's jet-powered Geran drones fly too fast for the mobile gun teams that once downed the slower models. Russia has sharply expanded the jets' use over the summer, launching them by day as well as by night and driving air-raid alerts over Kyiv almost hourly.

Prototypes outnumber proven interceptors

"Today, we have about 60 companies in Ukraine already working on intercepting jet-powered drones, and doing so on a mass scale. To be precise, there are 67," Zelenskyy said.

He added that three to five have shown real results, and the next step is mass production.

Zelenskyy calls it all "Plan B"

Zelenskyy framed the entire defensive build-up as a fallback.

"All this defense is 'Plan B,' though right now it is very relevant. 'Plan A' is to accelerate diplomatic possibilities as much as possible, to reduce escalation from Russia," he said.

He spoke as the US envoys pressed a peace push in Kyiv, with no breakthrough announced.

He also called anti-ballistic defense Ukraine's weak point, saying he would raise it in upcoming meetings in Norway and Canada, and that the US plans to increase production of Patriot interceptors next year while Germany expands its own output under existing licenses.

Ukraine needs the interceptors to down Russian ballistic missiles that come several times per week. Each Russian attack on Kyiv costs the city budget about $12 million.  More than four thousand buildings in Kyiv have been damaged by Russian strikes, with each attack adding to a repair bill the city carries alongside the human losses.

Shipping documents show how a Chinese state company kept supplying Russia's drone factories with the raw material used in its long-range attack drones, Politico reported. Chinese parts have been recovered from downed Russian drones before. These records are the first to show the raw material shipped straight to the factory—a sanctioned arm of Russia's nuclear giant Rosatom.

Russia's mass-produced attack drones run on parts sourced worldwide that keep slipping past Western export controls, and Ukrainian cities take the hits almost nightly. Kyiv has spent the war naming the foreign suppliers behind that hardware, one component at a time.

What the documents show

The papers trace 46 metric tons of carbon-fiber chemicals from Jilin Chemical Fiber Group to Alabuga-Volokno, a Rosatom subsidiary in Tatarstan. The exporter disguised the cargo under a customs code meant for civilian fibers like nylon, said weapons expert David Albright, who studies Russia's drone production. That precursor, polyacrylonitrile, is the raw ingredient for the light carbon fiber in Russia's Shahed-type attack drones.

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Drones of that type killed at least 15 people at a shopping mall in central Ukraine in August. Albright estimated the load could yield enough for as many as 1,300 kamikaze drones. The Kyiv-based Ukrainian Security and Cooperation Center, a think tank close to Ukraine's government, gathered the documents and shared them with Western governments. The US House Select Committee on China judged them legitimate, and Ukraine confirmed their authenticity.

Why Beijing can't plead ignorance

Alabuga-Volokno has faced Western sanctions since 2023 from the US, UK, EU, Ukraine, and others. Jilin faces none. Albright said the documents would let the State Department sanction the Chinese supplier. Serhii Kuzan, who heads the Ukrainian center, called China arguably the main and only source of these composite materials.

Former US officials rejected any idea that Beijing was unaware.

"The idea that Chinese state-owned enterprises can hide things from the Chinese government just doesn't wash," said Dennis Wilder, a former CIA deputy assistant director for East Asia and the Pacific.

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Denials and a summit

Rosatom claimed it works in full compliance with the law. China's embassy in Washington called the evidence an attempt to "smear and scapegoat China," saying Beijing has never supplied lethal weapons.

The disclosure lands as US President Donald Trump prepares to meet Xi Jinping in Washington this month. In late August, Xi told Vladimir Putin their ties were set to strengthen.

Want to take Ukraine's story global? We need someone ambitious.

Euromaidan Press is looking for a Deputy Editor-in-Chief who's ready to push this publication to the next level. If you're the kind of person who sees potential everywhere and wants to build something bigger—not just maintain what exists—keep reading.

We're an independent English-language outlet connecting Ukrainian realities to global audiences. We need someone who can see where we could go, not just where we are.

What you'll actually do:

• Edit and publish English-language content (obviously, but it needs to be sharp)
• Help run the show—you'll have real input on where we're heading
• Set and maintain quality standards across all platforms
• Figure out what international audiences actually want to read about Ukraine (not just what we think they should)
• Work with the team and write your own pieces when needed
• Track what works, what doesn't, and adjust accordingly
• Look at our current strategy and ask "how can we do this better?"
• Push us forward—propose new directions, challenge assumptions, help us grow

You'll fit if you:

• Have editing experience (media management is a plus, but ambition matters more)
• Actually understand what's happening in Ukraine and globally
• Ideally have worked in English-language or international media
• Speak fluent English and Ukrainian, based in Ukraine
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• Full-time, remote, flexible schedule
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How to apply:

• Send your CV, a short note about why you want this (not a formal cover letter—just tell us), and examples of your work to euromaidanpress (a) gmail.com
• Subject line: "Deputy Editor-in-Chief application"
• We'll send a quick test task, then chat if it looks like a fit.

Kyiv is building reserves of food and drinking water to help residents during prolonged power outages and other emergencies, the Kyiv City Council said on 7 September.

The preparations come as Russia continues to target Ukraine’s critical infrastructure and food supply chains, while Ukrainian officials warn that water systems could also come under attack. Kyiv is therefore preparing for a broader range of disruptions this winter, not just power outages.

The city is preparing the reserves ahead of the 2026–2027 fall and winter season, with priority given to low-income residents and people facing difficult circumstances.

The supplies will also be available at Points of Invincibility, emergency support centers set up to provide basic services during prolonged blackouts, for people affected by emergencies, and for workers involved in emergency and other urgent response operations.

Kyiv prepares for attacks on food and water supplies as Russia makes air attacks harder to stop

Russia has increasingly targeted infrastructure connected to Ukraine’s food supply in recent months. Russian strikes have hit food warehouses and distribution facilities around Kyiv, contributing to shortages and periods of empty supermarket shelves in the capital and other parts of the country.

Ukrainian officials have also warned that Russia could target water infrastructure as part of its attacks on critical civilian systems, raising concerns about access to drinking water during prolonged disruptions.

This year, the threat is particularly acute as Russia has expanded its use of ballistic missiles and introduced faster, jet-powered Geran drones that are harder for Ukraine to intercept. Ballistic missiles can only be reliably intercepted by a limited number of air defense systems, while the faster drones reduce the time available to detect and engage them.

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Kyiv prepares for another difficult winter

Russia's strikes have repeatedly targeted Ukraine's energy infrastructure during previous winters, causing extended blackouts and disruptions to heating and other essential services.

Kyiv is now preparing for the possibility that attacks could again leave residents without electricity or access to essential supplies for extended periods.

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Kyiv says food supply remains stable, for now

Oleh Kuіavskyi, deputy head of the Kyiv City State Administration, said the city's preparations are focused not only on accumulating supplies but also on ensuring they can quickly reach people who need them.

“Food security in the capital is not only about having the necessary reserves, but also a clear system for their distribution and delivery to those who need help most,” Kuіavskyi said, according to the Kyiv City Council.

He said Kyiv's consumer market remains stable and predictable, while the city continues to hold agricultural food fairs across its districts to help maintain access to basic food products.

Reserves could feed 25,000 people

According to the city council, Kyiv has already formed and is maintaining reserves of key food products for use if the energy system comes under severe strain.

With support from charitable and civic organizations, the city can organize hot meals for up to 25,000 people, officials said.

The city's Department of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development also plans to purchase another 20,000 food packages for use during emergencies.

The reserves are being coordinated through Kyiv's Humanitarian Headquarters, established in February 2022. The body coordinates the city administration, district administrations, municipal companies, charities, and donors, including the accounting and distribution of emergency resources.

Russia's foreign minister says the war has to end so that "no more Nazism" is left in Europe. Sergei Lavrov made the claim in a speech to students, casting Russia's war once again as a fight against a Nazi threat.

Earlier, Aleksei Selivanov, a sanctioned collaborator who became a senior official in the occupation administration of Zaporizhzhia Oblast, revealed the meaning behind the term "denazification". "Denazification is re-Russification," he said, adding that where Russian troops arrive, Ukrainian nationhood "ceases to exist," according to United24.

Russia reportedly points on Germany, one of Ukraine's main supporters

Meanwhile, Andrii Kovalenko, Head of the National Security and Defense Council's Center for Countering Disinformation, linked Lavrov's statement to the recent conflict between Germany and Russia over the drone attack on Ukraine's plane in Leipzig.

"Russia’s aggression is now becoming even more overt, with the main focus being placed on the political dismantling of the current elites who refused to acknowledge this aggression right under their noses," Kovalenko said.

Germany has been a long-term supporter of Ukraine, sending tons of aid, including Gepard anti-drone guns and Leopard tanks.

Russia plans Ukraine's new power figures after the war

"This war must be ended so that there is no more Nazism in Europe, which has again spread its metastases here," Lavrov said.

He added that leaving Ukraine's leadership in power would betray those who defeated Nazism in 1945.

The framing collapses on contact with the facts. It was Russia that launched the full-scale invasion on 24 February 2022, and it continues the war today.

Ukraine has no Nazi government. Its president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, is Jewish and was elected democratically. "Denazification" has functioned since the invasion's first day as a pretext, drawing on the Soviet myth of the Great Patriotic War to recast an attack on Ukrainian identity as a war on fascism.

Earlier, Lavrov said that one of Russia's war goals in Ukraine was to protect the "honor and dignity" of Russian citizens, including their right to use the Russian language and practice the Orthodox faith, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported.

In August, Patriarch Kirill, the leader of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), said during a sermon at the Holy Trinity Seraphim-Diveyevo Convent that the Soviet Union's creation of the nuclear bomb was the result of divine intervention.

Russia has deployed units of its 101st Missile Brigade to Belarus, a formation equipped with the Oreshnik intermediate-range missile system, according to Ukraine’s military intelligence chief Oleh Ivashchenko, Ukrinform reports.

Russia has been ramping up missile and drone attacks on Ukraine in recent weeks, including increasingly frequent strikes on Kyiv from the north, launched from Russian territory close to Belarus. Russia used Belarusian territory to launch its 2022 invasion of northern Ukraine, while Belarus is now allowing Russia to use its territory to support drone attacks. The latest deployment could give Moscow another launchpad for strikes deeper into Ukraine or potentially against targets in Europe.

Belarus not preparing to enter war, but threat remains

Ivashchenko said in an interview with Ukrinform that Ukraine currently assesses the military threat from Belarus as low and sees no signs that Belarus is preparing to directly enter the war.

But he said Kyiv is concerned by the growing Russian military presence in Belarus and the role Belarusian territory is playing in Russian attacks on Ukraine.

“Units of the 101st Missile Brigade of the Russian Armed Forces, which are equipped with the Oreshnik missile system, are also deployed on the territory of Belarus,” Ivashchenko told Ukrinform.

The Oreshnik is a Russian intermediate-range ballistic missile system that Moscow has presented as a new weapon capable of striking targets deep inside Europe. Russia first used an Oreshnik missile against Ukraine in November 2024, striking the city of Dnipro.

Oreshnik has been stationed in Belarus

Russia has maintained Oreshnik missile systems in Belarus since at least December 2025, when Belarusian leader Aliaksandr Lukashenka said an Oreshnik system had been placed on combat duty there as part of expanded military cooperation with Moscow.

The system is capable of carrying nuclear warheads, although Russia has used Oreshnik against Ukraine in a non-nuclear strike. Ukrainian intelligence has previously said the deployment is aimed in part at increasing pressure on Europe and NATO by shortening the missile's flight time to European targets.

The Oreshnik systems in Belarus remain under Russian control rather than Belarusian command, according to Ukrainian intelligence.

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Belarus allows Russia to use its territory to guide drone strikes

Ivashchenko also said Belarus has allowed Russia to deploy radio-signal repeaters that help guide Russian Shahed-type attack drones toward Ukrainian civilian and critical infrastructure targets.

“If Belarus did not give such permission, this indicates that Minsk no longer controls Russia’s activities on its own territory,” he said, according to Ukrinform.

The use of Belarusian territory to support Russian attacks has stopped short of Belarusian forces directly entering the war, but it demonstrates Minsk's growing role in enabling Russia's military operations. 

That cooperation makes the prospect of Russia using Belarusian territory for additional military capabilities less remote, particularly as Moscow expands its forces and intensifies attacks on Kyiv from the northern direction.

Renewed concern over a northern Russian offensive

The comments come as Russian strikes on Kyiv have intensified in recent weeks, while Ukrainian officials have increasingly warned about the possibility of another Russian offensive from the north toward Kyiv and Chernihiv.

There is no reported Russian ground offensive from Belarus underway. But the northern direction remains a major concern for Ukraine because of the precedent set in 2022, when Russian forces crossed from Belarus and advanced toward Kyiv before withdrawing in early April.

For now, Ivashchenko assesses the military threat from Belarus as low. The deployment of Russian missile forces nevertheless adds another significant Russian weapons capability to Belarus, while leaving open questions about how Moscow could use the territory in a future escalation.

At a Kyiv press conference on 6 September, Ukrainian journalist Dmytro Gordon asked US special envoy Steve Witkoff, to his face, whether he found it repugnant to sit across a table from Russian President Vladimir Putin. Witkoff did not answer directly, saying only that settling the war means keeping relations and communication open with both sides, according to Gordon.

US President Donald Trump began his peace efforts as soon as he returned to the White House in January 2025, promising to end the war in a single day. It did not happen. Instead, Russia has only stepped up its strikes on civilians and expanded the volume and types of weapons it uses for mass terror.

“And finally, aren’t you disgusted to be sitting at the same table with an international war criminal, the butcher of the Ukrainian people, who is personally responsible for the tragedy in Ukraine?” Gordon asked.

It is a reference with legal grounding, as the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Putin in 2023 over the deportation of Ukrainian children.

The questions Witkoff would not answer

Witkoff did not provide direct answers to the questions. He only added that, in order to resolve the war, it is important to maintain relations and communication with both sides of the conflict.

According to Trump’s special envoy, he has traveled to Moscow approximately eight times, where he met with Putin and his team, and said they "have always received respect from President Putin".

In practice, however, none of these meetings resulted in anything other than an intensification of the strikes. In the winter of 2025, a specific peace plan was discussed that, at the time, consisted of 20 points.

Yet as the discussions continued, Russia intensified its terror against civilians, destroying an entire thermal power plant in Kyiv and plunging millions of Kyiv residents and people in other cities into darkness amid temperatures as low as -15°C. Now, as the US is holding its anti-ballistic missile interceptors, this scenario will likely continue this winter.

“The language of force”

“Don’t you think that Putin, the Russians, and Russia understand only one language well — the language of force?” the journalist asked.

There was no direct answer to this question either. Instead, Witkoff said that their job is to bring the two sides together and improve communication.

Earlier, there have been numerous occasions when channels of communication between Russia and Ukraine have existed. This was confirmed by Kyrylo Budanov, Head of the Office of the President of Ukraine and former intelligence chief, according to The New York Times.

Russia attempted to murder Gordon

In 2025, the Security Service of Ukraine said it had foiled an assassination attempt against journalist and media manager Gordon. According to the agency, the FSB of Russia was behind the plot to murder the prominent media figure.

According to investigators, the Russian intelligence service offered a $400,000 reward for carrying out the assassination.

As then-SBU chief Lieutenant General Vasyl Maliuk told journalists, Dmytro Gordon “triggers” Russians, while the Russian authorities regard him as Ukraine’s main “propagandist.”

Russia flew hundreds of warplane sorties against a small group of Ukrainian sea drones, according to the ArmyInform. The drones belong to Group 13, a Ukrainian military-intelligence unit. The unit is running out of Russian warships to sink and now strikes land targets from the sea, its commander, known by his call sign Thirteenth, said.

Years ago, Russia entered its all-out war against Ukraine with a commanding navy and treated the Black Sea as its own. A country left with almost no warships has since answered with cheap robot boats, turning expendable machines into the tool that now contests that sea.

More than 500 sorties to hunt one small drone group

Group 13 hunts Russian warships with Magura sea drones—uncrewed attack boats. Russia flew more than 500 aircraft sorties against a group of eight to 10 Magura drones at the time, the commander said. Moscow spent more on locating the drones than the unit's entire mission cost, he added. Missions have grown longer, too. What once took a day now takes three, four, or five days.

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The commander split the unit's rise into three stages: victory at sea, an end to Russian air dominance over the water, and now strikes on land from the sea. The bar set in 2023 and 2024 is unrealistic to hold in the Black Sea today, he said, because there are no ship targets left, and what remains is harder to reach. A struck S-400 air-defense system does not pay off like a sunk warship, he added.

The bill for Russia

The damage runs past destroyed hardware. Each Russian sailor killed leaves a family pension to pay and training to write off, the commander said. He pointed to the Syrian Express, Russia's sea supply line to Syria. It once ran a short route and now goes through the Baltic Sea, and the whole bill runs into the millions, he said.

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The unit's capabilities came together in a strike on the Ivan Khurs, a Russian reconnaissance ship, its first target. The later sinking of the missile boat Ivanovets killed 40 Russian crew in minutes, the commander recalled. He expects the unit to be remembered as revolutionaries, likening its sea drones to the first tanks more than a century ago.

The Ukrainian air force's Swedish-made Saab ASC 890 radar early warning planes have been flying combat sorties since March, the Ukrainian defense ministry has revealed—six months of operations Kyiv kept quiet. Sweden donated the pair of planes as part of a $1.25-billion aid package Stockholm announced in May 2024.

It is the first airborne radar Ukraine has ever operated. It is not the first one Ukraine has built. The Antonov An-71 flew from the Sviatoshyn factory airfield in Kyiv on 12 July 1985, a radar plane designed and assembled in the city it would have defended. The airframe worked—one prototype logged 362 flights. The radar, built by VEGA in Moscow, never did. Funding died with the Soviet Union. Of three prototypes, one was scrapped, one sits in storage at Antonov, and one is in the State Aviation Museum in Kyiv, the only An-71 in any collection anywhere.

The two twin-propeller ASC 890s with their top-mounted radars are a powerful addition to Ukraine's aerial arsenal. Cruising at around 6 km, the radar planes can detect and track aerial targets out to 450 km—roughly 350 km against fighter-size targets in heavy jamming—and hold 1,000 airborne and 500 surface tracks at once. Their Link 16 radio data links relay target data to the air force's Lockheed Martin F-16s, Dassault Mirage 2000s and Saab Gripens.

But there's a problem, one the Russians know all too well. Radar early warning planes are big, slow and the opposite of stealthy. Radiating electromagnetic energy from high altitude, they're easy for enemy forces to locate. Hitting them is harder given how far from the front line a radar plane typically flies. But a missile with sufficient range could do the job.

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And that's why Ukraine's ASC 890 crews should worry. The more they fly and contribute to Ukraine's air defense operations, the harder the Russians may try to shoot them down.

The risk isn't theoretical. The Russian air force went to war with as few as seven of its own Beriev A-50U radar early warning planes. The lumbering aircraft tracked Ukrainian warplanes and helped vector Russian fighters to intercept.

The Ukrainians fought back. A Ukrainian drone damaged an A-50U on the ground in Belarus in February 2023. In January 2024, a long-range Ukrainian missile—reportedly a American-made Patriot—shot down an A-50U over the Sea of Azov in southern Ukraine. Six weeks later, in February 2024, another Ukrainian missile, an ex-Soviet S-200, struck a third A-50U in the air in the same area.

The Russians learned the hard way that the A-50Us can't survive within the roughly 250-km range of Ukraine's best air defenses. The A-50Us redeployed deeper into the Russian interior. Today they mostly patrol the likeliest routes for incoming Ukrainian cruise missiles targeting strategic industries along the Volga River.

No retreat

Ukraine's ASC 890s can't retreat the way Russia's A-50Us have done. Russia is big. Comparatively, Ukraine is small. The Russian air force's best R-37M air-to-air missiles, fired by Sukhoi Su-35 and Mikoyan MiG-31 fighters, fly as far as the ASC 890's radar detects. To be useful, the Ukrainian radar planes must operate inside the envelope of the R-37M.

It's apparent how the ASC 890s can help the Ukrainian war effort. They can detect and track incoming Russian drones and cruise missiles, giving ground- and air-based defenses time to get into position to intercept. The Swedish-made planes could work alongside F-16s to stage complex aerial ambushes like the kind the F-16s pulled off with help from a ground-based Patriot battery back in July. That ambush took out a Russian Su-35.

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So far Ukraine has won that gamble. The ASC 890s have flown combat sorties for six months without a loss—and for most of that time, nobody outside the Ukrainian air force knew they were flying at all. The silence may have been part of the protection. It has now ended.

But each sortie is a gamble. As long as the Russian air force can push Sukhois and MiGs armed with R-37Ms close to the disputed gray zone in Ukraine, the ASC 890s could be targets. Nor is the R-37M the only threat: analysts have flagged Russia's S-300V4 surface-to-air system and its Krasukha-4 jammers as risks to the Swedish planes. Ukraine's ground-based Patriots and S-200s and air-launched AIM-120 missiles could push the Sukhois and MiGs farther back, but all of those missiles are in short supply.

But even a more favorable aerial environment wouldn't fully protect the ASC 890s. Ukrainian drones and missiles have destroyed or damaged several Russian A-50Us on the ground at their airfields. Between missions, the ASC 890s are just as exposed to Russian drones and missiles.

After a months-long pause, US President Donald Trump's envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner opened their first round of peace talks in Kyiv to end the Russo-Ukrainian war. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced their visit and talks on Telegram on 6 September. A day earlier, they visited Moscow and met with Russian President Vladimir Putin there. Ukraine came in with prepared proposals and a demand for security guarantees. Witkoff called the discussion substantive, and the British, French, and German national security advisers joined the later rounds. Despite their previous multiple visits to Moscow, this was their first-ever visit to Kyiv.

Zelenskyy came with a written package and one demand

Zelenskyy gathered his negotiating team before the meeting and wrote on Telegram that Ukraine was ready to talk. 

"Peace is needed. Security guarantees are needed. A dignified character of the post-war peace is needed. Our proposals have been prepared," he said, adding that it was important to work in a coordinated, substantive, and realistic way.

The preparatory meeting brought together head of the President's Office Kyrylo Budanov, Foreign Intelligence Service head Rustem Umierov, Servant of the People faction leader David Arakhamia, and First Deputy Head of the President's Office Serhii Kyslytsia—Ukraine's likely negotiating team.

The post announcing the start of the talks, published shortly after 2 p.m., carried video of Zelenskyy greeting the two Americans. He also told reporters the day would run in stages: one session with the US side, then another with the European advisers.  After the first part, Zelenskyy thanked American and European partners. 

The presidential website had published no report on the talks by the time this article went out.

Ending the fighting is not the goal, the envoys said

Witkoff called the talks substantive and said the US team was ready to continue working, TSN reported. He said Washington was looking for openings on external security issues and coordinating closely with Germany, France, and the UK.

Kushner said the goal was not only to end the fighting but to create conditions for a lasting peace. He called it “a very, very hard and complex problem,” but “a very worthy problem of solving,” and said a lasting peace should allow Ukraine to turn its wartime “bravery and ingenuity and strength” toward rebuilding the country.

Kushner also said Trump is determined to end the war and then shift toward investment and economic cooperation, which he argued could bring the countries closer and open new opportunities for Ukraine and Europe. He added that the talks continue between visits, with the US side speaking almost daily with the four Ukrainian negotiators, whom he named only by their first names.

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The Europeans joined the later rounds

Zelenskyy's spokesman Serhii Nykyforov said the first round with Witkoff and Kushner had finished, and that a second, expanded round with the national security advisers of the UK, France, and Germany would follow after a short break. A source familiar with the matter told Reuters the three advisers were in Kyiv on Sunday, without specifying which sessions they would attend.

A third round then opened, public broadcaster Suspilne reported. Witkoff described the discussion as substantive, concrete, and important shortly before it started.

Moscow, the day before

Witkoff and Kushner held three hours of talks with Putin in Moscow on 5 September. Putin's aide Yuri Ushakov stated the meeting was substantive, very frank, and constructive, and said Putin told them Russia would achieve its war aims and that the war's so-called "root causes" must be removed—Kremlin shorthand for Ukraine abandoning NATO membership and disarming, which Kyiv rejects.

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A White House representative told Radio Svoboda that the sides discussed concrete plans for next steps, to be announced in the coming weeks. Bloomberg reported that sources close to the Kremlin said Putin is ready to end the war only on his own terms, with Moscow's demands hardening. Axios reported that a US Treasury official responsible for sanctions policy joined the trip but did not attend the Putin meeting, alongside State Department and National Security Council staff.

Trump said on 4 September that Witkoff and Kushner were carrying a proposal to both Moscow and Kyiv, which he described as fresh, without giving details.

How the envoys reached Kyiv

Umierov published video this morning showing Budanov, Umierov, Arakhamia, and Kyslytsia welcoming Witkoff and Kushner at Kyiv’s railway station as the US envoys arrived for talks.

Ukraine had prepared to receive the envoys by air, but Russian strikes made that impossible, Zelenskyy said. He met them instead on Sofiivska Square before the delegation went inside St Sophia's Cathedral. In a 4 September address, Zelenskyy said Ukraine would keep Russian airspace safe for the envoys’ travel and demanded Moscow do the same.

A pause that covered two capitals

Ukraine ordered a three-day halt to strikes on Moscow around the visit, and the Kremlin claimed it would pause strikes on Kyiv until Monday. Nothing else stopped. Ukraine logged impacts at 11 sites across the country while the American delegation was in the Russian capital. Ukraine's 6 September strike hit the Ryazan oil refinery and set a core unit on fire, about 470 km from Ukraine.

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Twenty months of rounds without a deal

Trump made ending Russia’s war a priority after taking office in January 2025, but US-mediated talks produced little and later stalled during the US-Israeli war against Iran. Washington said in early August it intended to step up the effort, and Russian attacks intensifying pushed a planned August visit to Kyiv back.

The visit was confirmed on 4 September, after two weeks of heavy Russian attacks on Kyiv, including a drone strike on the headquarters of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) and an earlier six-day bombardment. Previous talks also left Kyiv and Moscow far apart over Donbas, where Russia demands Ukrainian withdrawal from fortified cities still under Kyiv’s control.

Russia attacked Ukraine from 18:00 on 5 September and through the night into 6 September with 108 strike drones and S8000 Banderol cruise missiles, Ukraine's Air Force reported. The assault ran while US envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner were finishing three hours of talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow. They left the Russian capital after midnight and were expected in Kyiv on 6 September, again carrying a US proposal to end the war. Ukraine's own offer of a four-day pause in the fighting went unmatched by Russia.

The attack was still running in the morning

By 09:30 air defenses had downed or suppressed 82 Shahed-type, Gerbera, and other drones, along with six Banderol missiles. The military logged impacts at 11 locations and falling debris at seven more, and warned that Russian drones were still in Ukraine's airspace.

Over the previous day, Russian strikes killed seven people and injured 57 across Kharkiv, Kherson, Zaporizhzhia, Dnipropetrovsk, and Donetsk oblasts, according to oblast administration figures published on the morning of 6 September. Kharkiv Oblast lost four people, three of them one family in Chuhuiv. Zaporizhzhia Oblast reported one death, 25 injured, and 886 strikes on 54 settlements.

Three hours in the Kremlin

Witkoff and Kushner met Putin on 5 September and left the Kremlin close to midnight. Putin opened by telling them he had "full trust" in the US side, Axios reported, and Washington's goal is to restart direct Russian-Ukrainian talks that stopped six months ago. Putin's aide Yuri Ushakov called the discussion "substantive, constructive, exceptionally candid," ABC News reported, and stated the envoys had promised to carry Putin's own assessments into their meetings in Kyiv. Ushakov also repeated that Russia will achieve its goals and that the war's "root causes" must be removed — the Kremlin's shorthand for barring Ukraine from NATO and cutting down its army.

A White House official told RFE/RL that the sides discussed "concrete plans" for next steps, to be announced in the coming weeks. Kremlin envoy Kirill Dmitriev, who sat in on the talks, called the Moscow trip an important peacemaking visit, Al Jazeera reported. The Kyiv leg would be the envoys' first trip to Ukraine since taking over the US effort; it was set for August and postponed as Russian strikes intensified.

Ukrainian drones struck the Ryazan oil refinery in Russia on the morning of 6 September and set one of its core units on fire, Ukrainian defense outlet Militarnyi reported. The unit produces the high-octane component the Rosneft plant needs for its higher grades of gasoline. Russian regional authorities acknowledged a fire without naming the site. Ryazan is situated southeast of Moscow, about 470 km from Ukraine.

What burned at Ryazan

Drones hit the low-temperature isomerization unit for pentane-hexane fractions, designated Izomalk-2-LIN-800, according to Militarnyi's analysis. The unit sits on the refinery's grounds and is one of the critically important links in the plant's production cycle.

It converts low-octane straight-run oil fractions into a cleaner high-octane blending component. That component is what allows the refinery to produce gasolines of the higher environmental classes, Euro-5 among them, without adding harmful additives. 

Ukrainian monitoring channel Exilenova+ published videos of the strike.

The same unit was hit in December

Drones already attacked this unit in December 2025 and damaged it. Earlier waves targeted the plant's ELOU-AVT-3, ELOU-AVT-6, and AVT-1 units.

By May 2026 the refinery had lost 90–100% of its refining capacity. Satellite imagery from 3 August 2026 showed Ukraine's Defense Forces had disabled two of the four crude distillation units on site.

Ukrainian drones struck the refinery in May, and FP-1 drones set it and a nearby warehouse burning in July.

Russian officials report a fire, not a target

Ryazan Oblast governor Pavel Malkov confirmed the region came under drone attack. Drone debris damaged residential buildings in Ryazan and Sapozhkovsky district, he stated, and a fire broke out at an enterprise he did not name. He said there were no casualties and that emergency services were working.

Russian news Telegram channel Astra said its analysis of photographs taken by residents established that the fire was on the grounds of the Ryazan refinery. Ukrainian channel Exilenova+, which tracks such attacks, also reported a hit on the plant.

Russia's fuel squeeze

Ukraine's General Staff said strikes on 26 August and 1 September fully stopped two large refining enterprises: Lukoil-Nizhegorodnefteorgsintez in Kstovo, Nizhny Novgorod Oblast, and the Novatek-Ust-Luga complex in Leningrad Oblast. Both supply the Russian army.

Short of gasoline, Russia has been buying more fuel abroad. Moscow discussed importing gasoline from Kazakhstan in June, and a Kazakh refinery deal would cover 0.3% of Russian demand. Belarus increased its gasoline supplies to Russia nearly 20-fold in the first half of the year.

Ukraine's drone forces say they struck 58,465 Russian targets in August, an average of nearly 1,900 a day. The tally is up almost 9 percent on July and more than double January's, and it included 54 vessels of Russia's shadow fleet, 33 air-defense systems, and 168 energy nodes, Unmanned Systems Forces commander Robert "Madiar" Brovdi reported on his Telegram channel.

The volume matters less than where some of it lands. Cutting power to occupied Crimea and the south is meant to blind Russian air defense, much of which runs on the grid. Meanwhile, the strikes on Russia's sanctions-evading shadow fleet squeeze both Crimea's fuel supply and Moscow's oil exports.

Ukraine's drone forces claim 11,010 Russian troop casualties in August

Brovdi also said the strikes killed or wounded 11,010 Russian soldiers over the month, about 355 a day — a figure that counts only losses the drone force attributes to its own strikes, not Russia's total casualties.

That daily rate was slightly below July's 374, down about 5 percent, even as the number of targets rose. Compared with January, the force said Russian personnel losses were up 17.3 percent.

Three campaigns inside the count

Most of the headline volume is small front-line targets, but three named operations account for the strategic hits. Under Operation "Milk", the force said it struck 54 shadow-fleet vessels in August, bringing the total to 260 since the campaign began on 6 July. Operation "PPOpad" — a play on the Ukrainian for air defense — hit 33 Russian air-defense elements in August and 263 across 2026.

The third, Operation "Crimean Switch Off", struck 168 energy nodes in August, bringing the total to 349 since early July. That campaign has been running for months, blacking out swaths of occupied Crimea.

Brovdi has argued that cutting power to stationary radars and other air-defense elements opens the airspace for deeper Ukrainian strikes. Months of these strikes have left occupied Crimea rationing fuel and living with rolling blackouts, and cut the Kerch ferry crossing's capacity by about three-quarters. All of the figures are the force's own, and Ukraine's military claims of Russian losses are not independently verified.

Exclusives

Ukraine is running short of its best missiles for hunting Russia's jet drones. Now MiG-29s are firing 1970s weapons. The R-73 was the missile for the job. Ukraine has burned through enough of them to bring back a weapon that was obsolete in 2022.

Ukraine is taking 1980s Leopards from across Europe and giving them radar-guided anti-drone guns and gunner-less turrets. Thirty-one get a Belgian turret the crew doesn't sit in. Others become radar-guided drone killers, built in Rome and paid for with frozen Russian money.

Russia destroyed most of Ukraine's big warehouses. Now the country is scrambling to build small ones everywhere. Whether they can do it before winter, and at what cost to prices, is the question now hanging over the country's food supply.

Military

Ukraine's Lasar's Group says its bomber drones destroyed rare Russian Zhitel jammer 55 km behind front. The R-330Zh Zhitel jams GPS, satellite and cellular signals at once.

"Everyone is absolutely livid": Expert says Russian agent may have activated MESH relay within 5 km of attack on Security Service, enraging Ukraine and Europe. The drone was aimed directly at the acting SBU chief's office, Zelenskyy said.

Intelligence and Technology

More than 400 defense firms ask Kyiv to create one state body with real authority over $6.8 billion industry. A year after the strategic-industries ministry folded into Defense, the sector's council says responsibility is scattered across half a dozen agencies.

From HQ to the zero line: Ukraine's Hrafit system answers one important question on an ordinary phone in a trench and on the road. Built by military programmers, Hrafit fuses radio-intelligence and surveillance into one picture.

International

Slovakia, led by one of EU's most Russia-friendly governments, condemns Russia's drone strike on Ukraine's Security Service building. Slovakia condemns Russia's SBU strike but urges "both sides" to de-escalate.

Ukraine orders temporary ceasefire as US envoys visit Moscow. Air raid alert sounds in Kyiv immediately as pause begins. The reported order covers 5–8 September as Washington seeks to restart peace talks after months of stalled negotiations, but Russian attacks continued as the pause was due to begin.

Germany suspects Russian intelligence behind arson attack as hybrid warfare threat grows across Europe. The Munich attack follows attempts to disrupt Germany's power grid and comes amid mounting evidence of Russian covert operations targeting European countries supporting Ukraine.

Humanitarian and Social Impact

Russia made 500 Ukrainian schoolchildren in occupied Donetsk take part in "anti-terrorism dictation". It taught them they can be jailed for a repost at 14. The test drilled Russian extremism law into pupils. In 2025 alone, occupation authorities sent 48 Ukrainian children to psychiatric hospitals.

Political and Legal Developments

"If you're gonna f*ck, f*ck a queen, if you're gonna steal, steal a million": Ukraine's anti-corruption bureau says senior official ran criminal ring inside Prosecutor General's Office. Investigators say the suspect took bribes to shield scam call centers and laundered millions.

Read our earlier daily review here.

Ukraine's anti-corruption investigators say a senior official in the Office of the Prosecutor General set up and ran a criminal organization from within the office. The National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office (SAPO) said in a statement on 5 September that the group took bribes to allow fraudulent call centers to operate and laundered millions.

The case cuts into Ukraine's own prosecution service, the body meant to bring such crimes to court. NABU, widely regarded as the country's most independent anti-corruption institution, and SAPO opened the operation this week, at a time when fraudulent call centers have become a major problem for organized crime. Meanwhile, authorities are pursuing hundreds of suspected operations at home and abroad.

More than $450,000 was spent on real estate

According to the investigation, a head of a structural unit at the Office of the Prosecutor General created and led the organization in mid-2025, recruiting both serving prosecutors and close associates. Members allegedly took systematic bribes in exchange for not obstructing the so-called call centers, which defraud Ukrainian citizens and foreigners on a mass scale. Such operations run phone and online scams that strip money from victims at home and abroad.

The proceeds were laundered, investigators say. More than $450,000 was spent on real estate, jewelry, and other valuables, while roughly $225,000 was placed in associates' bank accounts and passed off as business income. The alleged organizer also re-registered previously acquired assets to third parties to hide his ownership, including property in a popular apartment complex near the Carpathian Mountains worth at least $270,000.

According to NABU, the criminal group included:

• "Chancellor", its leader
• "Muza", a close friend of the Chancellor
• "Comrade", Chancellor’s driver
• "Flash", Chancellor’s assistant

The investigation shows that the "Chancellor" has managed to consolidate all the levers of influence over fraudulent call centers in his hands. The individual decided which call centers to “protect” and which ones to shut down. Bribes were also allegedly paid to secure appointments to senior positions in the prosecution service.

“I can’t just go to work for the sake of going to work. I need to live there, not just exist. If you’re going to do something, then go all in. But I prefer it this way: if you’re gonna f*ck, f*ck a queen, if you’re gonna steal, steal a million,” Chancellor says in an audio recording released by NABU.

Five charged, more expected

Five people have been exposed so far, suspected of creating, leading, or participating in a criminal organization and of laundering money. The investigation is continuing, and NABU says it is identifying other possible participants.

The Office of the Prosecutor General said it would assist the anti-corruption agencies and suspended the employee in question for the duration of the pre-trial investigation.

"I have a Porsche, Loro Piana, Mimi, flowers"

At the same time, the Prosecutor General’s Office is calling for an assessment of the legality of NABU’s nighttime searches. It says the searches of the offices of senior officials and the investigators’ access to materials from other criminal proceedings require a legal assessment.

Meanwhile, the recordings show that after NABU began searching the people involved in the scheme, they panicked and covered up the most obvious traces of their alleged wrongdoing, including deleting photos of their luxurious lifestyles from social media.

“I need to delete everything… I have a Porsche, Loro Piana, Mimi, flowers, watches, bracelets, bags here. I need to delete everything,” an accomplice in the scheme, known by the pseudonym "Muza", tells "Chancellor" in the recordings.

Earlier, Ukrainska Pravda reported, citing its own sources, that on 4 September NABU detained Serhii Kropyva, deputy head of the Department of International Legal Cooperation at the Prosecutor General’s Office.

A Ukrainian National Guard unit says it destroyed one of Russia's rarer electronic-warfare stations, 55 kilometers behind the front. Lasar's Group said its own bomber drones hunted down an R-330Zh Zhitel jamming station near Sievierodonetsk in mid-summer, in a statement on its Telegram channel.

The Zhitel is worth the effort. It detects and jams GPS, satellite, and cellular signals, and Russian forces have been using it to blind Ukrainian reconnaissance drones over the Sievierodonetsk area. Mounted on a KamAZ truck, it can operate alone or be integrated into a wider jamming network, Militarnyi reported.

How the unit says it did it

The strike was the unit's own from start to finish, Lasar's Group said. Its intelligence analysts, working with the unit's aerial reconnaissance crews, pinpointed the Zhitel's exact position.

Strike crews then flew in-house-built LASAR bomber drones 55 kilometers deep to destroy it.

The rationale is simple: the fewer electronic warfare systems the Russians have, the freer Ukrainian drones are at the front, which is why such systems sit high on the Lasars' target list. The Zhitel they hit had been used mainly against reconnaissance drones, keeping Ukraine's forces from monitoring the area around Sievierodonetsk.

Not the unit's first

It is at least the second Zhitel Lasar's Group has claimed this year. In April, the unit destroyed a Zhitel and a command-and-staff vehicle in Kharkiv Oblast. The unit has made a specialty of hunting high-value Russian assets deep in the rear: in March, its drone crews tracked down a roughly $50-million Yastreb-AV counter-battery radar in occupied Luhansk Oblast, one pilot even landing a drone on the vehicle to follow it as Russian forces tried to move it to safety.

Taking out a jamming node like the Zhitel has an outsized effect: it restores freedom of movement for Ukrainian drones, brings back GPS-dependent navigation and weapons in the area, and makes it harder for Russia to blind Ukrainian reconnaissance.

Russia is launching more of its best jet-propelled attack drones and miniature cruise missiles at Ukrainian ports, cities, warehouses, and power plants. The speedy Geran-3, Geran-4, and Geran-5 drones and Banderol missiles can zoom right past Ukraine's ground-based guns and slower interceptor drones, so the Ukrainian air force is deploying more supersonic fighters to chase down the Russian munitions.

But there's a problem. The Ukrainian jets are running short of the missiles that work best against them.

A deepening shortage of infrared-guided AIM-9 missiles and radar-guided AIM-120 missiles for the Ukrainian air force's ex-European Lockheed Martin F-16 fighters has been reported elsewhere. Less well known is what has been happening to the Soviet-era missiles carried by Ukraine's older Mikoyan MiG-29 fighters.

The F-16 is probably the most numerous Ukrainian fighter type, with around 50 in service. But the MiG-29 is a close second. Despite steep losses of MiG-29s in the 55 months since Russia widened its war on Ukraine, Ukrainian aviation brigades may still fly dozens of the classic Soviet-made fighters. MiG-29s are daily sights in the sky over the port of Odesa in southern Ukraine as the twin-engine fighters chase down Russian missiles and drones.

The MiG-29 can carry the full array of Soviet-style air-to-air missiles in the Ukrainian inventory including the infrared-guided R-60 and R-73 and the radar-guided R-27. But the missile of choice for intercepting the 500 km/hr Gerans and 700 km/hr Banderols is the more modern R-73. The $300,000 heat-seeking missile is maneuverable and accurate at the close ranges that are typical of fighter-on-drone engagements. Its one known weakness is cloud: a Ukrainian pilot said in 2022 that the R-73 tracks poorly through it, which is part of why pilots sometimes fall back on the cannon.

Ukraine went to war in 2022 with substantial stocks of R-73s and surely received additional copies from allies. While Ukrainian industry built some components for the 1980s-vintage missiles, they were and still are assembled in Russia—so the supply is finite. And the rate of expenditure rose sharply as Ukraine pushed the R-73 into roles it was never built for: onto ground-based launchers, after the 9M33 missiles for its Soviet Osa air defense systems ran short, and even onto some of its robotic boats.

Down to the 1970s stock

The sign of that pressure is the return of the R-60—a missile designed in the 1970s and considered obsolete when Russia widened the war. Last month an R-60 was visible in the wreckage following the crash of a Ukrainian MiG-29. And this week, video circulated of a MiG-29 downing a Banderol with one at extremely low altitude.

Ukraine's air force had enough R-73s in 2022 that nobody expected to see R-60s again. Continuous interception of Russian cruise missiles and Shahed-type drones changed that, Militarnyi reported. Nor is this improvisation: since November 2025 Ukraine has been running a program to modernize the R-60, replacing analog seeker components with digital ones to sharpen its infrared sensitivity, and adapting it for ground launch. Ihor Fedirko of the Ukrainian Council of Defense Industry called it a temporary way to put otherwise unusable missiles to work.

It's not that the R-60 isn't suitable for downing a Geran or Banderol. It's that it's less suitable than an R-73. "I don't think Ukraine would be using R-60 missiles unless it had nothing else left," one close observer of the Ukrainian air force noted.

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The only other alternative is for a fighter to use its gun. But that's risky, as the pilot must fly dangerously close to a drone or missile before opening fire; the resulting explosion could take out both the interceptee and the interceptor.

In the same way Russia is exhausting Ukraine's long-range surface-to-air missile batteries by firing more ballistic missiles than Ukrainian forces can intercept with their dwindling supply of Patriot missiles, Russia may also be exhausting Ukraine's fighters and their limited stocks of short-range air-to-air missiles.

As the Ukrainian missiles run out, more of the Russian missiles and drones get through—and strike their targets.

The problem is going to get worse before it gets better. Russian industry is ramping up production of both the jet-propelled Geran models and the Banderol, and jet output overtook piston output in August. The Russians launched a reported 1,500 jet Gerans in July and 2,500 in August. Interception rates for the fast drones specifically ran as low as 50% in July, though they may have ticked up to 60% or even 70%.

But that's still too low considering that Ukrainian air defenders usually shoot down 90% of slower propeller-driven Geran-1s and Geran-2s. "Nobody wants interception rates in the 60s/70s," explained Michael Bohnert, an analyst for the RAND think tank in California.

New models of faster interceptor drones, which several Ukrainian manufacturers are scrambling to deliver to front-line forces, may help restore the 90% kill rate for even the fastest Gerans. But "jet-interceptor output has been behind jet-drone output," Bohnert noted. So it's likely that, for a few months at least, the Russians will have the numerical edge, and the Ukrainians will have no choice but to continue sortieing F-16s and MiG-29s to reinforce ground-launched air defenses.

But what happens when the fighters run out of even their oldest missiles?

Ukraine's private defense industry says no single part of the government is actually responsible for it. The Ukrainian Council of Defense Industry, an alliance of more than 400 companies, has called on the authorities to create a state body with clear powers over defense-industry policy.

The gap sits under a fast-growing sector: Ukraine's top defense-market segments more than doubled to $6.8 billion in 2025, and the private arms market has grown roughly tenfold since 2022. By industry estimates, the sector now employs on the order of 300,000 people. The council argues that a sector of that scale has no government home with the authority to steer it.

Responsibility with no owner

The council traces the problem to July 2025, when the government merged the Ministry of Strategic Industries into the Ministry of Defense, a move meant to unify defense management. More than a year on, the council says the relevant functions remain split among the Defense Ministry, the ministries of economy, finance, and digital transformation, the National Security and Defense Council, and various state agencies.

Each institution handles one slice, the council says, but none holds enough authority or bears comprehensive responsibility for developing the defense industry. That, it argues, makes it harder to solve producers' problems, coordinate policy, attract investment, scale production, and enter foreign markets.

What the council wants

The council stresses that it is not demanding the restoration of the Strategic Industries Ministry. Instead, it wants a capable body with clear powers, adequate resources, and defined political responsibility — a single point of contact between the state and Ukrainian producers.

Such an institution should:

• Develop a medium-term defense-industrial policy aligned with the needs of the Defense Forces and budget planning;
• Coordinate the development of production capabilities, technologies, testing infrastructure, investment, and joint production;
• Serve as the state’s single point of contact with Ukrainian defense manufacturers;
• Ensure the systematic promotion of Ukrainian defense products abroad and protect the interests of Ukrainian companies in international partnerships;
• Involve manufacturers and relevant industry associations in developing decisions that affect the sector.

The council, chaired by presidential adviser Oleksandr Kamyshyn, groups more than 360 private producers, 28 drone-pilot schools, and 20 defense venture funds.

"We represent the industry's common position and help producers work with the state, the military, and international partners," it says of its role.

The defense-industrial complex is critical to Ukraine's ability to defend itself, the council says, and its scale now demands a matching system of state management.

The Russian drone that hit Ukraine's Security Service headquarters in Kyiv came down next to Slovakia's consular section in central Kyiv. Bratislava condemned the strike and ordered Russia's ambassador summoned, Slovak Foreign Minister Juraj Blanár said on 5 September, a day after the attack, according to the Slovak Foreign Ministry.

The response is a rare rebuke from a government that has been among the EU's friendliest to Moscow. The jet-powered Geran drone struck the SBU's central building on 4 September, injuring 12, in what Ukraine called a deliberate hit on the office of its Acting Security Service chief, Oleksandr Poklad, who was unharmed.

What Blanár said

"We strongly condemn today's Russian attack with a jet-powered drone on the building of the Ukrainian Security Service, which is located near the consular section of the Slovak Embassy in Kyiv," Blanár said.

The building has been operating on a limited basis for security reasons, he added, and no one was inside during the attack.

Blanár said Slovakia would not confine itself to a statement.

"I have ordered the Russian ambassador to the Slovak Republic to be summoned," he said, to seek an explanation from Moscow, and called on Russia to refrain from actions that could endanger civilians.

A condemnation with a hedge

He paired the rebuke with an appeal that treated the war as a two-sided problem, urging "both sides" to avoid further escalation and pointing to a "peaceful settlement." The strike, however, was carried out by Russia against Ukraine.

The symmetry fits Bratislava's stance under Prime Minister Robert Fico, whose government has been the most openly pro-Moscow in the EU and repeatedly at odds with Kyiv. Relations soured over Ukraine's decision to end Russian gas transit to Europe, and Fico has called President Zelenskyy an "enemy" of Slovakia. Meanwhile, Kyiv has accused him of acting as a "mouthpiece" for the Kremlin.

In occupied Donetsk Oblast, the Russian occupation authorities had some 500 schoolchildren take part in an "anti-terrorist dictation." The rights group Zmina says the occupiers and their collaborators stage such events deliberately to intimidate local residents, children, and teenagers among them.

The exercise is one instrument of a documented system. In July 2026, an OSCE expert mission invoked by 41 states found that Russia's use of terrorism and extremism legislation against Ukrainian children may amount to a crime against humanity.

Only in 2025, occupation authorities sent 48 Ukrainian children in Donetsk Oblast to psychiatric hospitals on extremism charges. For example, teenager Maksym Lypkan is being forcibly subjected to psychiatric treatment because he said that the war against Ukraine is an act of villainy.

The test drilled Russian criminal law

The dictation was held in 17 schools across occupied Donetsk, Mariupol, Makiivka, and Volnovakha, with pupils in grades eight through eleven answering questions in writing, according to the occupation's Donetsk News Agency, cited by Zmina.

The three themes were basic definitions, criminal responsibility, and the roles of the state and citizens in combating terrorism, with an emphasis on Russian criminal code provisions on terrorism and extremism.

Some questions were situational. In one, pupils were told that an internet user had shared someone else's post containing banned content, and then asked whether only the original author bore responsibility, or whether the person who reposted it had also broken the law.

Afterward, teachers walked the teenagers through the correct answers. Particular attention was given to the point that criminal liability for terrorism offenses begins at age 14, said Marharyta Kucheriava, who heads a committee on information policy and countering extremism and terrorism within the occupation's "youth parliament" in Donetsk Oblast.

One arm of a wider effort

The dictation sits alongside a broader remaking of occupied schools. From 1 September, the occupation authorities introduced a compulsory Russian-identity subject, a separate military-training track, and behavior grades for children as young as second grade.

A Ukrainian soldier in a trench or in a vehicle can now get a short alert on their phone the moment a Russian FPV drone or glide bomb starts closing in. The system behind it, Hrafit (Graphite), pulls together data from nearly all available radio-technical intelligence and surveillance into a single picture, ArmyInform reported.

The threat no longer stops at a command post. The warning reaches the soldier at an observation point, the sector command, and the commander-in-chief at once. To use it in a position, a soldier needs only a protected smartphone and satellite internet, including Starlink, and on the ground, it comes down to one short push notification.

Hrafit answers one question: Is the sky clear?

In modern combat, a second's hesitation can be enough for an infantry soldier in a trench or a crew in a vehicle to be caught by an FPV drone or a guided glide bomb. Hrafit is the Ukrainian answer, moving situational awareness onto an ordinary phone.

Military programmers built it for Ukraine's Defense Forces to answer the one question that matters most in the field: is the sky clear? Militarnyi reported that the system is being supplied to the Armed Forces, the National Guard, the Security Service, and the Border Guard Service.

It tracks drones and glide bombs

Working in real time, Hrafit flags a wide range of incoming threats:

• FPV drones, both kamikaze and loitering types
• tactical quadcopters such as the DJI Mavic, which are often used to direct fire
• winged Russian drones like the Molniya and Privet
• guided glide bombs and other aerial munitions

Three versions run from HQ to the trench

Hrafit runs on Android, iOS, and the web, in three versions.

The full version, for analysts, commanders, and electronic warfare and air defense operators, adds reporting, filters, frequency-band analysis, and a global map of the fighting.

For instance, Hrafit Lite strips down the interface for troops on the zero line, showing only the local area, so nothing distracts from the fight.

A third module, Sova (Owl), is built for logistics crews, drivers, and medical evacuation: it runs during a drive, moves its monitoring sector across the map with the vehicle, and warns of danger along the way.

Soldiers can learn the system through an official online course in the Army+ app, which teaches them to operate and configure Hrafit and issues a completion certificate.

Ukraine has lost a quarter of its German-designed Leopard 1A5 tanks. But it could get many more of the nimble, 40-ton tanks. And some could have brand-new turrets that make them lighter, faster, farther-shooting, and more survivable.

The hulls are 1980s West German. The refurbishment is done in Germany, the air defense turrets are built in Rome, the tank turrets are designed in Belgium, and one of the two programs is paid for out of frozen Russian assets. Ukraine's newest armored vehicles are being assembled from the leftovers of a war Europe spent forty years preparing for and never fought.

In 2023, a German-Danish-Dutch consortium pledged 170 Leopard 1A5s to Ukraine. The 1980s-vintage tanks have come from German, Danish, and Belgian surplus stocks.

Refurbished in Germany by tank-maker Rheinmetall and fitted with add-on anti-drone armor in Ukraine, the first 135 or so Leopard 1A5s now equip at least five units: the 44th Mechanized Brigade, 5th Heavy Mechanized Brigade, the 425th Assault Regiment, the 142nd Mechanized Brigade, and the 13th National Guard Brigade.

Losses have been heavy. The Russians have struck no fewer than 37 of the four-person tanks, destroying at least 30 of them. The 44th Mechanized Brigade, which is fighting a defensive action south of the cities of Kramatorsk and Sloviansk in eastern Ukraine's Donetsk Oblast, has been hit the hardest. The brigade has written off around half of its original allotment of 31 or so Leopard 1A5s.

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Another 35 Leopard 1A5s from the 2023 pledge should eventually reach Ukrainian units, potentially making good those losses.

But Kyiv is diverting some of those initial 170 Leopard 1A5s to a pair of conversion programs that are reinforcing Ukraine's air defense while also re-equipping the ground forces with a new generation of tank.

The first conversion program, overseen by Rheinmetall, plucks the old turrets with their 105-millimeter cannons off some Leopard 1A5s and drops in a new turret with a faster-firing 35-millimeter anti-aircraft gun. Effectively a next-generation Gepard, the resulting Skyranger 35 is a mobile, armored drone-killer that can post up between Russian drone launch sites and Ukrainian cities in order to down incoming Geran drones before they can strike.

Its revolver cannon fires 1,000 rounds a minute out to 4 km, using airburst ammunition that scatters tungsten pellets in the path of an incoming drone. An unnamed EU country is paying for the systems out of proceeds from frozen Russian assets, and Rheinmetall builds them at its subsidiary in Rome. Germany's own army has ordered 19 and is discussing hundreds more; Ukraine's arrived first.

The first imagery of a Skyranger 35 in Ukrainian service circulated online this week, with the 1020th Anti-Aircraft Missile Regiment.

Old tank, new turret

The second conversion program won't produce combat-ready vehicles for another year or so. This program will swap out the turrets on 31 Leopard 1A5s. The new turret, produced by John Cockerill Defense in Belgium, is unmanned: the commander and gunner move down into the hull alongside the driver, and an autoloader replaces the human loader. That drops the crew from four to three and takes everyone out of the part of the tank most likely to be hit.

The new turret is welded from ballistic aluminum instead of steel, shaving three tons off the tank's 40 and freeing weight for reactive armor, anti-drone netting, or electronic warfare kit.

As a bonus, the 105-millimeter gun in the multi-million-dollar Cockerill 3105 turret also elevates far higher than the gun in the existing turret—42 degrees, against roughly 20 on the original. That confers greater range when a tank functions as artillery, firing its cannon at targets over the horizon: Cockerill says no other Western main battle tank can shoot indirectly the way this one does, and Ukrainian trials reached 10 km from a covered position.

Kyiv has ordered 30 of the turrets and holds one more it bought for testing last year. Some time in 2027, that is a battalion of new medium tanks: a cutting-edge turret on a chassis built when Leonid Brezhnev was alive.

To provide hulls for the 31 Cockerill-converted Leopard 1A5s while also sustaining the Skyranger 35 program, Ukraine must make a choice. Combined, the two programs need potentially 50 or more tank chassis, but just 35 Leopard 1A5s from the initial 170-tank pledge are still in the queue for delivery to Ukraine.

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Ukraine's ground forces are already short on tanks; taking Leopard 1A5s from the five brigades and regiments that operate the type could deprive those units of desperately needed firepower. Fortunately for Ukraine, there are still hundreds of old Leopard 1A5s in warehouses in Europe and farther abroad—and Rheinmetall is pulling the Skyranger hulls from storage rather than from Ukraine's active fleet.

French historian Stevius made a count and concluded "the stocks in Europe are far from exhausted." As recently as 2022, German firm Flensburger Fahrzeugbau Gesellschaft held 99 Leopard 1A5s. Rheinmetall held 88 of the tanks in 2022 and, in 2023, bought 50 more from OIP Land Systems in Belgium. That's 237 tanks: 67 more than the Europeans pledged to the Ukrainians in 2023.

Some of those 67 excess Leopard 1A5 hulls are unusable owing to rust and other wear and tear. Even so, there should be enough Leopard 1A5s left in Europe to feed the Skyranger and Cockerill conversion efforts. And once those run out, there are still some ex-Italian and ex-Greek Leopard 1A5s that Ukraine could acquire.

And if it can secure the financing, Ukraine could convert those additional tanks—or even some of its existing ones—into faster, farther-firing Leopard 1A5s with Cockerill C3105 turrets. Cockerill has already proposed doing the whole active fleet, around 100 tanks.

On the afternoon of 4 September, a Russian drone struck the building of Ukraine's Security Service in Kyiv, flying straight at the office of the acting chief, Oleksandr Poklad. One source close to the security services was blunt about the mood afterward, telling LIGA.net that everyone was "not just furious — everyone is absolutely livid."

It was a rare direct hit on a top government building — the first time the SBU headquarters had been struck in the four-and-a-half-year war. The central building stands on Volodymyrska Street opposite St. Sophia's Cathedral, a UNESCO World Heritage site.

Poklad was unharmed, and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said he had ordered a response that mirrors the attack.

Beskrestnov: a planned operation, guided from the ground

Serhii "Flash" Beskrestnov, President Zelenskyy's adviser on defense technologies, argued the strike was too precise to be a stray hit.

"My personal opinion: the Geran was controlled and guided online through a MESH radio relay with internet access, which a Russian agent switched on somewhere nearby — within five kilometers — for a short period during the attack," he wrote.

Such a relay is small, about the size of half a school backpack, he said. He added that no other jet-powered Gerans were in the air over Kyiv at the moment of the strike, which, in his view, rules out the drone being flown along a relay chain reaching back into Russia and points instead to local control.

Europe calls it a major escalation

Katarína Mathernová, head of the EU Delegation to Ukraine, said the drone hit near where she and her colleagues live and work, and her Kyiv staff again had to leave their desks for shelter. Under her post, former EU Ambassador to Ukraine José Manuel Pinto Teixeira called Russia a terror state.

"Time for Ukrainian drones visiting the center of Moscow," he said.

Estonian Foreign Minister Margus Tsahkna said Russian drones had struck "the very heart of Kyiv," and pressed for tighter sanctions and deeper isolation of Moscow.

"The Kremlin’s objective remains unchanged: inflict maximum carnage, sow terror, and trample every norm of international law," he said.

On the morning of 30 August, I went to a central Lviv branch of Silpo, a Ukrainian supermarket chain operated by Fozzy Group. It had run out of buckwheat, peas, pearl barley, and other dry goods.

Telegram reports from Lviv showed partially empty shelves at other supermarkets as shoppers stocked up on flour, salt, and cereals. Similar gaps appeared in Kharkiv, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Vinnytsia. Russian strikes have also damaged some of Ukraine's largest wine warehouses, raising the prospect of shortages of wine and other alcoholic beverages.

As replacement space runs short, the state has stepped in: on 4 September, on Zelenskyy's order, oblast military administrations switched to round-the-clock operation, opening a single window for businesses and forming working groups to find them relocation sites and connect utilities, deputy Head of the President's office Viktor Mykyta said.

Overall, Russia has destroyed about 90% of Ukraine's modern storage—including 80% of the refrigerated warehouses around Kyiv—faster than it can be rebuilt. So retailers, parcel carriers, and now the government are scrambling to replace one centralized system with dozens of scattered sites. Whether they can do it before winter, and at what cost to prices, is the question now hanging over the country's food supply.

Replacement warehouses become new targets

Each time a company disperses its stock to survive, the new sites become the next targets. Russia hit a warehouse used by Fora, a nationwide "store next door" Ukrainian grocery chain, four days after the company began using it—the third strike on Fora's logistics in 22 days, and the chain had only just spread its stock across several warehouses to reduce exactly this risk. Another warehouse added during that rebuilding was destroyed on 20 August, one week after Fora began using it.

The same pattern caught Ukraine's largest private parcel carrier Nova Poshta: lost its most advanced robotic fulfillment center and a sorting depot in Sviatopetrivske near Kyiv overnight on 28 August and is now doing what Fora did—pushing stock out to its local branches, according to CEO Yevhen Tafiichuk's Facebook statement. "Nova Poshta's cargo and postal branches across the country are becoming local warehouses," he wrote.

Clients' stock will be divided among those locations, reducing dependence on a few large centers. Nova Poshta is also contacting publishers and shops whose books were destroyed and will compensate them for their losses, Tafiichuk said.

And it continues daily. On 29–30 August alone, Russian strikes hit PepsiCo, an Auchan warehouse, and food stores in Odesa Oblast.

The Agriculture Ministry told Euromaidan Press that Ukrainian farms continued to supply the domestic market in full and that the country faced no danger of famine. Individual supermarket chains could nevertheless carry a narrower selection.

Fozzy freezes office hiring

Fora's parent company, the Fozzy chain of wholesale supermarkets, told Forbes Ukraine that ten of its distribution centers had been damaged during August. Rebuilding delivery routes and restoring supplies had substantially increased logistics costs.

The increased costs have hit company development. Fozzy has frozen office hiring and canceled its planned autumn salary review for office employees. However, recruitment for supermarkets, warehouses, and production continues. The company will reconsider the restrictions once its financial results and cash flow become clearer.

Replacement storage falls short

Kyiv's commercial warehouse space had returned to prewar levels by the end of 2025. Yet only 2.5% was vacant at the end of June 2026, according to Yaroslav Horbushko's August assessment. Horbushko, an executive at commercial property consultancy Expandia, said a business seeking a 10,000-square-meter warehouse could not find one because only scattered smaller premises remained available.

Available refrigerated storage in and around Kyiv could replace only 20–30% of the refrigerated space destroyed by Russian attacks, Investment Programs Bureau CEO Oleksandr Bondarenko estimated on 11 August. He put the destroyed space at 80,000–100,000 square meters, compared with 20,000–30,000 square meters still available to rent.

The destroyed warehouses kept meat, dairy products, fruit, and vegetables chilled before delivery to shops. Even a small new refrigerated terminal would take six to twelve months to build.

Logistics company Global Ocean Link outlined one option on 17 August: keeping some imported stock in Central European warehouses and bringing it into Ukraine in smaller batches. Factories can also bypass distribution centers and deliver directly to shops. However, three-quarters of Ukrainian dairy producers lack enough vehicles and staff to supply individual stores across large retail networks, said Arsen Didur, executive director of the Union of Dairy Enterprises of Ukraine.

Export bottleneck strains grain storage

A separate shortage is developing in the storage of crops awaiting export. The Agriculture Ministry expects Ukraine to harvest approximately 84 million tonnes of grain and oilseeds this season—far more than the country consumes—while civilian agricultural exports through deepwater sea routes have stopped completely following intensified attacks on ports and warehouses.

Explore further

Russia drove most ships from Ukraine’s ports. Now its drones are hunting the trains

Alternative routes carried approximately 1.5 million tonnes of agricultural products in August, only 33% of the estimated requirement, the ministry told Euromaidan Press. Grain shipments reached 822,000 tonnes, or 21% of potential export demand.

Even if fully expanded, the Danube ports, railways, and roads could carry no more than half of the required export volume. Slower exports could leave Ukraine short of storage for 11 million tonnes of agricultural products by November.

The government is seeking temporary storage capacity. With international donors, it is also providing large polymer sleeves to farmers whose warehouses have been damaged in nine oblasts. The sleeves allow crops to be stored temporarily at individual farms.

Who pays for new routes?

Bondarenko's cost estimates suggest that replacing one large refrigerated warehouse with several smaller facilities could increase logistics costs by 10–15%. He estimated that the smaller sites would collectively require 60–70 workers, compared with 20–30 at one large automated warehouse, as well as additional loading and sorting equipment.

Some retail chains were demanding that manufacturers cover all logistics risks, according to Didur's RBC-Ukraine interview. He warned that suppliers could seek other sales channels if those demands spread.

Ukrainian supermarket chain VARUS, the fifth-largest on the Ukrainian market, said it was trying to absorb additional logistics costs. Higher delivery costs would not automatically raise shelf prices by the same percentage, the chain said, because purchasing costs, exchange rates, and other factors also influence what shoppers pay.

Shops remain open, and the ministry sees no famine threat. The lasting damage appears in the capacity and money consumed by each workaround: more workers and vehicles, smaller shipments, deferred hiring and salary reviews, and fewer warehouses available when the next strike comes.

In the pessimistic scenario, producers would refuse to work under the new logistics rules and prefer going down the export route, which would lead to a stable deficit of goods on the shelves of Ukrainian supermarkets by October-November, Bondarenko assessed.

But from a broader perspective, if the pace of Russian strikes continues, Ukrainian businesses could be forced to close or relocate their production facilities to neighboring Romania, Slovakia, and Poland—leading to losses in employment and taxes to the Ukrainian budget, he added.

Exclusives

Desperate to save Sloviansk and Kramatorsk, Ukrainian forces counterattack and reinforce. A Russian pincer is slowly closing around the last two big free cities in eastern Ukraine's Donbas region. Winter will be a brief reprieve.

Military

Ukraine's Khartiia soldiers clear 4 km² near Kupiansk, while Russia pushes for main rail hub (VIDEO). On the left bank, Russian supply was so broken that they delivered water by drone.

Drones hit fuel depots in Sochi and an explosives plant 1,300 km away on the same night.

Spain keeps arming Ukraine against Russia's ballistic missiles, and promises even more. Madrid is readying a fresh batch of interceptors for Kyiv, and has ordered four new Patriot systems of its own in a $1.7 billion Raytheon deal.

Ukraine's F-16s are so short of Western missiles that pilots fall back on jet's built-in M61A1 Vulcan cannon, which risks killing civilians below. The AIM missiles the jets are rationing are the same ones defending Kyiv from the ground.

Ukraine says it struck a Bastion in Crimea, the launcher Russia pairs Zircon and Oniks missiles on. One of those missiles flies at hypersonic speed, and Russia has aimed both at targets far from any coastline.

Russian drone strikes SBU headquarters in central Kyiv. Zelenskyy says "geography" of Ukraine's response is set. The midday strike injured 12 people and damaged the nearby Sofia Kyivska historic complex, as Russia continues its relentless drone campaign against the capital.

Gunman on a motorcycle shoots the Russian air force general Ukraine says ordered the strike on Kyiv's children's hospital. The officer was hit twice as he stepped outside in a settlement near Engels, and surgeons in Saratov worked through the morning to keep him alive.

For first time, Ukraine shows its British Rapid Ranger air-defense system mounted on Spanish off-road chassis. Its crews call it "close-range storm". This 500-kilogram missile system is designed to catch what radar misses.

Intelligence and technology

Russia's answer to Starlink was written off as a failure, its satellites are still climbing. Forty-six days after their 19 July launch, the new craft sit at a median 365 km, higher than Russia's already-working first batch was at the same age.

Russia straps two small attack drones to wings of its long-range Gerans and releases them deep inside Ukraine. It rarely works, Flash says. An FPV drone drop was recently recorded in Kyiv Oblast, but there is no confirmation yet that it was carried out using a Gerbera.

Russia now hunts Kyiv by daylight too, Flash explains why.

International

Germany suspects Russian intelligence behind arson attack as hybrid warfare threat grows across Europe. The Munich attack follows attempts to disrupt Germany's power grid and comes amid mounting evidence of Russian covert operations targeting European countries supporting Ukraine.

Witkoff and Kushner to visit Kyiv and Moscow to revive peace talks as Russia ramps up attacks across Ukraine. The US envoys will meet Russian and Ukrainian leaders as Washington attempts to put peace talks back on track.

Finland ran Europe's largest civil defense drill since World War II inside a shelter carved under a sports arena. More than two thousand people spent hours underground in Kuopio while rescue services tested a facility that had never once been used for its wartime purpose.

Germany will close Russia's Bonn consulate after attributing Leipzig Airport drone attack to Moscow. Germany is tightening its response to Russia after the Leipzig drone plot, with new restrictions targeting Russian institutions and citizens as investigators identify two suspects.

Estonia paid $81 million for Ukraine's shells to firm that had never made one, now its defense minister is out. Estonia may have to repay €70 million in EU funds. The ammunition failed quality standards.

Poland sent Ukraine 350 tanks, Europe just agreed to refund it half a billion dollars. Once Hungary lifted its two-year veto, Warsaw's total refund for arming Kyiv is nearing $1.4 billion, with $500 million more due in 2027.

EU foreign ministers want Russia's ex-fighters out. Nobody has written down what counts as proof. Each member state would have to judge individual cases, and the bloc set itself a June deadline for the plan that its council still cannot approve.

Russian Black Sea attacks, low Danube waters push EU to seek alternative routes for Ukrainian grain exports. Ukraine's two main wartime export outlets are under pressure at once, threatening farm revenue as global crop prices climb.

Ukraine takes Zelenskyy's Russian airspace warning to UN aviation body. Kyiv's letter asks the UN aviation body to recommend that member states stop flying over Russia.

Belgium points Ukraine to next year's European loan instead of Russia's frozen cash. Earnings from the immobilized money underwrite an earlier European loan, while the sum they come from stays behind one government's objections.

Humanitarian and social impact

Ukraine adopts two-tier air raid alert system as Russia's mass drone attacks become the new normal. The new system will distinguish drone threats from the heightened threat of missile or combined strikes, changing how businesses and cities respond to air raids.

Political and legal developments

Ukraine orders temporary ceasefire as US envoys visit Moscow. Air raid alert sounds in Kyiv immediately as pause begins. The reported order covers 5–8 September as Washington seeks to restart peace talks after months of stalled negotiations, but Russian attacks continued as the pause was due to begin.

After years of disputes, Hungary finds common ground with Ukraine, on honoring Soviet deportations from Zakarpattia. A Rada resolution honors thousands who died in a Soviet deportation campaign targeting Hungarian- and German-speaking Zakarpattia residents.

Ukraine's anti-corruption agencies target Prosecutor General's Office official linked to fraudulent call centers. The operation targets an alleged criminal organization linked to a network of fraudulent call centers and asset laundering.

Read our previous daily review here.

Ukrainian Defense Forces units have been ordered to temporarily observe a ceasefire along the line of contact from 00:00 on 5 September through 23:59 on 8 September, Ukrainska Pravda reported, citing sources in several military brigades and a senior security official.

The order comes as US President Donald Trump’s special envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner are expected to visit Moscow and Kyiv this weekend for talks aimed at ending Russia’s war against Ukraine.

According to Ukrainska Pravda’s sources, Ukrainian units operating across the front have received instructions to observe the temporary “silence regime” during the four-day period.

An air raid alert was issued in Kyiv at 00:00 on 5 September just as the temporary ceasefire was due to take effect, with Russian drones reported over Kyiv and Kharkiv oblasts.

Pause coincides with US envoys’ visits

Witkoff and Kushner are expected to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on 5 September before traveling to Kyiv for talks with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on 6 September.

Their visit comes after months of stalled negotiations. US-mediated talks between Russia and Ukraine froze in February following the outbreak of war between the US, Israel and Iran, while subsequent contacts between US, Russian and Ukrainian officials have failed to produce a breakthrough.

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Witkoff and Kushner to visit Kyiv and Moscow to revive peace talks as Russia ramps up attacks across Ukraine

Zelenskyy said on 4 September that Ukraine would ensure conditions for the US envoys’ safe travel and called for Russia to reciprocate by refraining from strikes during the period needed for the meetings and related logistics.

The reported Ukrainian order would extend the pause beyond the envoys’ visits, covering 5–8 September.

Russia has continued its intensive drone campaign against Ukrainian cities even as diplomatic contacts have resumed. Kyiv remains skeptical of Moscow’s willingness to accept a genuine ceasefire, with Ukrainian officials warning that Russia may use negotiations to buy time while continuing its military campaign.

German security authorities have found strong indications that a suspected arson attack near defense companies in Munich may have been carried out on behalf of a Russian intelligence service, German broadcaster Tagesschau reported on 3 September.

The attack is part of a growing series of suspected sabotage and espionage operations in Germany as European governments warn that Russia is using covert methods to target countries supporting Ukraine.

Two Bulgarian nationals were arrested after allegedly throwing incendiary devices at a construction site near the headquarters of Rohde & Schwarz in Munich. One device started a fire, while another was found unexploded and neutralized by police specialists. No one was injured and there was no major damage. The two suspects were placed in pre-trial detention on 4 September, according to Tagesschau.

Rohde & Schwarz develops defense and security technology, including systems used to detect, track and jam drones. The construction site is also near the headquarters of Helsing, a German defense company that produces AI-enabled combat drones and supplies Ukraine’s armed forces.

It has not been established whether either company was specifically targeted.

Investigators suspect Russian intelligence link

According to Tagesschau, German security authorities have strong indications that the Munich attack could have been carried out by so-called “low-level” or disposable agents working for Russian intelligence services.

Such agents can be recruited through intermediaries to carry out individual tasks for payment, ranging from photographing defense companies to conducting sabotage operations.

German authorities have already identified other cases in which people were allegedly recruited to gather information on defense companies involved in supporting Ukraine.

In August, German authorities arrested a 33-year-old Ukrainian citizen in Thuringia who is accused of photographing a Bavarian defense company in June and sending the images to an alleged handler. Investigators suspect the activity was preparation for a sabotage operation, according to Tagesschau.

German authorities also arrested two people in March over an alleged plot to spy on a Bavarian drone manufacturer and its managing director. Investigators said they believed the operation may have been intended to prepare the man’s assassination.

Power-grid attacks remain unresolved

The Munich attack came days after two attempts to sabotage Germany’s electricity grid in Brandenburg and North Rhine-Westphalia.

The attacks involved improvised devices apparently designed to cause short circuits on high-voltage lines. German investigators are treating the cases as possible terrorism or anti-constitutional sabotage, according to Tagesschau.

Authorities believe the two attacks may be connected, but have not established who was behind them. A Russian intelligence connection remains possible, although investigators currently have no evidence linking the power-grid attacks to the suspected Russian operation in Munich.

German authorities are investigating multiple possible forms of hybrid activity rather than assuming that every recent sabotage incident has the same origin.

More than 165 suspected sabotage cases and 747 suspicious drone incidents in Germany this year

The incidents come amid a broader increase in suspected sabotage and espionage activity in Germany.

A confidential assessment by Germany’s Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) recorded more than 165 suspected sabotage cases across Germany between January and the end of August, according to Tagesschau.

The assessment also recorded 112 crimes linked to espionage, including 26 cases in which authorities suspect agent activity for sabotage purposes.

German authorities recorded 747 suspicious drone incidents during the same period, involving 1,068 drones spotted over critical infrastructure, military facilities and defense companies.

The figures do not establish that Russia was responsible for all of these incidents. But German authorities have increasingly identified Russian intelligence services as a potential source of sabotage and espionage as Moscow seeks to pressure European countries supporting Ukraine.

Germany and its allies have also accused Russia of being behind an August drone attack at Leipzig/Halle Airport, which Berlin and its partners described as part of a Russian hybrid campaign intended to intimidate and divide European countries supporting Ukraine.

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Germany blames Moscow for Leipzig drone attack, closes consulate and cultural center among sweeping diplomatic measures

The suspected Munich attack adds to growing evidence that Russia’s war against Ukraine is being accompanied by covert operations targeting the defense industry and critical infrastructure of countries helping Kyiv.

Budapest praised the Verkhovna Rada—Ukraine’s parliament—after it voted 261–0 to classify mass arrests, deportations, and persecution by the Soviet military administration in Zakarpattia (also known as Transcarpathia) from 1944 to 1946 as crimes of the communist regime.

The vote makes the Verkhovna Rada the first state body in the world to recognize the repression of Zakarpattia’s Hungarian community as a crime, according to European Pravda. It creates an opening for historical reconciliation after years of minority-rights disputes, strained relations, and blocking Ukraine’s EU accession. However, Budapest continues to press Kyiv for further concessions.

After Soviet forces took control of Zakarpattia—Ukraine’s westernmost region, bordering Hungary and home to the country’s largest ethnic Hungarian community—the NKVD, Stalin’s secret police, and SMERSH, Soviet military counterintelligence, detained civilian men aged 18 to 50 under the pretext of mobilization.

The men were deported without trial to labor camps and the Soviet Gulag prison-camp system. Hungary’s Foreign Ministry said tens of thousands of Hungarian- and German-speaking men were deported, and many thousands died under the inhumane conditions of forced labor.

The campaign became known in Hungarian as malenkij robot. Derived from a Russian phrase meaning “a little work,” Soviet troops used this deceptive phrase when taking people away.

Hungarian Foreign Minister Anita Orbán—no relation to former Prime Minister Viktor Orbán—called the declaration “a fitting tribute” to thousands targeted by Soviet terror because of their Hungarian identity. She said Hungary was ready to help uncover the truth about the past and honor the victims.

The resolution calls for memorials, archival publications, research, and the inclusion of the repression in educational programs. It also draws a parallel with Russia’s present-day occupation practices, saying Moscow is committing similar large-scale repression against civilians in occupied Ukraine.

Marton Hajdu, chair of the Hungarian parliament’s foreign affairs committee, nevertheless said reconciliation must be accompanied by Kyiv’s full implementation of its June agreement with Budapest on minority rights.

A cautious thaw in Hungarian-Ukrainian relations

The exchange adds to tentative signs of improving relations since Péter Magyar ended Viktor Orbán’s 16 years in power in April. Magyar’s government summoned Russia’s ambassador after Moscow struck Zakarpattia and later closed a money-laundering case involving $82 million belonging to Ukraine’s state-owned Oschadbank, reversing another Orbán-era dispute.

Budapest and Kyiv also reached a June agreement covering Hungarian-language education and the use of Hungarian in public services. Yet Magyar’s government has continued to slow parts of Ukraine’s EU accession process amid domestic pressure to defend Zakarpattia’s Hungarian community. The recognition of Soviet crimes, therefore, provides new common ground without settling the wider disagreements between the neighbors.

Ukraine’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) have launched an operation targeting an alleged criminal organization headed by an official of the Prosecutor General’s Office and involved in protecting a network of fraudulent call centers and laundering assets.

Fraudulent call centers have become a major organized-crime problem in Ukraine, with authorities investigating hundreds of suspected operations and working with international partners to pursue these networks.

NABU announced the operation on 4 September, saying further details would be released later.

Deputy department head reportedly detained

Ukrainska Pravda, citing sources, reported that NABU and SAPO had detained Serhii Kropyva, deputy head of the Prosecutor General’s Office’s Department of International Legal Cooperation.

Ukrainska Pravda also reported that investigators were carrying out searches at the Prosecutor General’s Office. The outlet published footage showing NABU employees entering the building, including climbing over its fence with ladders.

The allegations against Kropyva have not been detailed publicly by NABU, and his detention has not been officially confirmed by the Prosecutor General’s Office.

Prosecutor General’s Office pledges cooperation

The Prosecutor General’s Office said the circumstances surrounding the possible involvement of one of its employees in illegal activity connected to fraudulent call centers must be established by investigators.

The office said it would provide anti-corruption authorities with all information and assistance required by law and that the case should receive an objective legal assessment.

The employee under investigation will be suspended from official duties for the duration of the pre-trial investigation, according to the Prosecutor General’s Office.

Ukraine has been targeting fraudulent call centers

The Prosecutor General’s Office said authorities have carried out more than 1,050 searches over the past 12 months and shut down around 340 fraudulent call centers comprising more than 5,000 operator positions.

Ukrainian prosecutors have also participated in 37 international joint investigation teams coordinated by Eurojust and supported by Europol, the office said.

Authorities are currently investigating 147 criminal proceedings related to the activity. More than 183 people have been notified of suspicion, while indictments against 93 people have been sent to court, according to the Prosecutor General’s Office.

The established losses suffered by victims amount to tens of millions of hryvnias, it said.

Kropyva’s previous positions

According to Ukrainska Pravda, Kropyva previously worked in Ukraine’s Cyber Police, where he headed its Kyiv department and later served as first deputy head.

The outlet reported that former Prosecutor General Iryna Venediktova appointed Kropyva to head a newly created department in 2022 without a competitive selection process. The department was responsible for economic crimes and state cybersecurity, according to Ukrainska Pravda.

Before joining the Prosecutor General’s Office, Kropyva reportedly served as deputy head of the Odesa Regional State Administration under Oleh Kiper.

The investigation is ongoing, and the allegations have not yet been adjudicated by a court.

The Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine adopted a decision to introduce two levels of air alerts, with yellow for drone attacks and red for a heightened threat of missile or combined strikes, Prime Minister Serhii Koretskyi said on 3 September. Under the yellow level, designated businesses can operate if they meet safety requirements, while a red alert will require work to stop and people to move to shelters.

Russia continues to attack Ukrainian cities with drones and other long-range weapons, repeatedly disrupting civilian and economic activity. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Russia is using mass drone attacks to wear down civilian life and economic activity, while the existing system of signaling all aerial threats in the same way no longer fits Russia's tactics.

How it will work

Businesses cleared to operate under a yellow alert must ensure staff and visitors can reach shelters. Where that access is missing, the Cabinet is giving businesses three months to provide it.

The General Staff, the Air Force, the government, the Defense Ministry, the Interior Ministry, and the State Emergency Service will set the specific indicators for declaring each level weekly, Zelenskyy said.

What still has to be worked out

Zelenskyy also directed officials to develop geographic targeting for alerts, so warnings can be limited to areas facing an actual threat. The measure is still being worked out and is not yet part of the new system.

The new approach is intended to allow economic activity to continue during drone threats while preserving stricter measures for more serious attacks. The government has not yet finalized which businesses will qualify to remain open under a yellow alert or all of the criteria for applying the two levels.

US President Donald Trump’s special envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner are expected to travel to Moscow and Kyiv this weekend for talks aimed at restarting efforts to end Russia’s war against Ukraine, Axios reported, citing US officials.

The planned trip comes as Washington seeks to revive negotiations that stalled earlier this year and as Russia continues its military campaign against Ukraine. Russia has dramatically stepped up its attacks on Ukraine in recent weeks, launching increasingly large waves of drones and missiles against Ukrainian cities and infrastructure.

Moscow talks Saturday, Kyiv on Sunday

Witkoff and Kushner are expected to travel to Moscow on Friday, 4 September, and meet Russian President Vladimir Putin on Saturday, 5 September, Axios reported.

They are then scheduled to travel to Kyiv for talks with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on Sunday, 6 September. Zelenskyy confirmed the planned meetings on 4 September.

The Kyiv visit would be the first by Witkoff and Kushner since Trump returned to the White House. The two envoys have traveled to Moscow several times to meet Putin but have not previously visited Kyiv during the current Trump administration.

Ukrainian and US officials have discussed a Kyiv visit for several months, but it has reportedly been postponed multiple times for various reasons.

Zelenskyy confirms visit, calls for reciprocal pause in strikes

Zelenskyy said Ukraine is preparing for the envoys’ visit and will ensure the necessary conditions for their safe arrival.

He said Ukraine would refrain from airstrikes against Russia for the period required for the talks and related logistics, and called on Moscow to provide a reciprocal pause in its air attacks.

“We care specifically about them, not Russia,” Zelenskyy said, adding that Kyiv expects Russia to “mirror” the pause.

Zelenskyy said Ukraine wants the visit and negotiations to be as constructive and substantive as possible, while acknowledging that the outcome will depend on the proposals Witkoff and Kushner bring and Russia’s response to them.

Talks stalled earlier this year

The Trump administration’s mediation between Russia and Ukraine was effectively frozen in February after the outbreak of the US-Israeli war with Iran.

Witkoff and Kushner have continued holding separate discussions with Russian and Ukrainian negotiators in the months since, but the talks have produced little significant progress.

The renewed push comes as Washington has again sought a path toward direct negotiations. CIA Director John Ratcliffe also recently traveled to Moscow and discussed the possibility of restarting diplomatic efforts, including a potential Trump-Putin-Zelenskyy summit.

Kyiv remains skeptical of Moscow’s intentions

The diplomatic effort comes alongside continued Russian attacks and an increasingly escalatory military situation.

Kyiv has faced near-constant large-scale drone attacks in recent weeks, while Ukrainian officials have warned that Russia may be preparing further military escalation. Axios reported that Ukrainian officials remain highly skeptical of Putin’s intentions and believe Russia could be preparing a major escalation in the war.

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Russian drone strikes SBU headquarters in central Kyiv. Zelenskyy says “geography” of Ukraine’s response is set

At the same time, Ukrainian officials have continued to argue that negotiations should not be abandoned.

Kyrylo Budanov, Zelenskyy’s chief of staff and former military intelligence chief, told The New York Times that US-mediated talks could resume in September. He said, however, that conditions for a ceasefire were unlikely to emerge before spring 2027.

Budanov has argued that Ukraine must keep diplomatic channels open even while fighting continues, saying that “the war cannot be eternal.”

The planned meetings will therefore take place against a backdrop of continued battlefield fighting and increased air attacks, with major disagreements still unresolved between Kyiv and Moscow.

A Russian drone struck the central building of Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU) on Volodymyrska Street in central Kyiv on September 4, injuring 12 people, according to Ukrainian officials.

The strike hit the SBU’s central headquarters directly opposite St. Sophia’s Cathedral, one of Kyiv’s best-known historic landmarks.

Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko said nine of the injured were hospitalized, with two in serious condition.

Drone targeted SBU chief’s office

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said the drone was directed toward the office of SBU chief Oleksandr Poklad inside the building.

The SBU confirmed that the strike was deliberately aimed at Poklad’s office, but said he was not injured.

Zelenskyy said he had ordered Poklad to prepare a “meaningful” and, if possible, symmetrical response to the Russian attack, with Ukraine’s military supporting the operation.

Later, Zelenskyy said Ukraine had already determined the "geography" of its response and would choose the timing based on when it could achieve an effective result.

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha called the strike on the SBU headquarters “major escalation that demands resolute responses,” saying it showed Moscow’s rejection of diplomacy during a renewed push for peace.

Kyiv faces near-daily Russian drone attacks

The strike occurred in the middle of the day in one of central Kyiv’s busiest areas, with large numbers of civilians and vehicles on nearby streets, according to Euromaidan Press sources on the ground.

The attack came amid a sustained Russian campaign of drone attacks on Kyiv and the surrounding oblast, with the capital repeatedly targeted by large waves of jet-powered Geran drones and other weapons.

The attacks have increasingly brought explosions, fires and falling debris to residential and civilian areas across the capital and its suburbs, forcing emergency crews to respond repeatedly as the city remains under a persistent aerial threat.

Russia’s new models of Geran drones, developed from Iranian-designed Shaheds, are harder for Ukrainian air defenses to intercept. Moscow is deploying them in growing numbers, increasing the chances that drones reach Ukrainian cities and intensifying the threat to civilians.

Building damaged and fire breaks out

The drone strike caused a fire in the building, which emergency crews later extinguished.

Klitschko said sections of the building’s ceiling and an exterior wall were destroyed. Emergency services remained at the scene after the fire was brought under control.

The SBU said the damaged headquarters would be restored.

The agency also vowed that Russia would face a response through further Ukrainian operations, including strikes against Russian assets and networks.

Historic Sofia Kyivska complex damaged

The Russian strike also damaged a building within the National Conservation Area “Sofia Kyivska,” located directly across Volodymyrska Street from the SBU headquarters, according to Suspilne.

According to the reserve’s director general Nelia Kukovalska, the blast shattered windows and destroyed the glass entrance structure of the complex’s Consistory building, whose exterior faces Volodymyrska Street.

No one at the reserve was injured, as staff and visitors took shelter. The historic St. Sophia Cathedral itself was not damaged, according to Kukovalska.

The nearby Zavertailo bakery was also damaged, though all staff and customers survived after taking shelter in the basement.

Russia's newest batch of Starlink-style satellites is gaining altitude sooner and sitting higher than the country's already-working first batch did at the same point, an analysis by Ukrainian defense outlet Militarnyi found. That complicates recent reports that the batch will stay far below its working altitude—though a few of the craft clearly have malfunctioned.

Moscow is racing to field its own orbital network to replace the Starlink service its troops used without authorization, a system experts warn could one day relay commands to long-range strike drones.

Where the "failure" verdict came from

Business Insider reported that all 16 satellites in the second Rassvet batch—launched 19 July—had fallen short of their target orbit, citing public US Space Force tracking data. The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) noted that many of the craft sat between 300 and 400 kilometers, well below their intended orbit. Russia looks unprepared to deploy at this pace and will likely face further delays, ISW assessed. At those low heights, thicker air drags on satellites and shortens their lives. Rassvet—Russian for "Dawn"—is built by the Russian firm Bureau 1440. Moscow rushed the network in after SpaceX cut off Russian forces' access to Starlink.

What the altitude data shows

Militarnyi's own reading of the tracking record points the other way. A rocket drops the satellites near 300 kilometers, and they raise themselves over months on their own engines. The July batch fired those engines days earlier than the March group, giving it a head start. By day 46, the new batch's median altitude was 365 kilometers, against 314 for the first. Thirteen of the new craft had passed 320 kilometers and ten cleared 350, against five and one for the first batch. The newer craft climb at a slower daily pace, but the early start left them well ahead on height.

Militarnyi cautions that the batch cannot be judged before roughly 100 to 125 days after launch—around late October—the window in which most of the March craft passed 500 kilometers.

The malfunctions are real

Two satellites show no real climb and are sinking toward the atmosphere, a third rose and slipped back, and a fourth stalled with the cause unclear. The March launch lost one craft outright and left two more stuck below working height. The company had listed a target orbit near 800 kilometers, yet the first batch settled far lower and still works. Militarnyi counts thirteen of its satellites in a stable orbit near 508 kilometers, where Business Insider and ISW put twelve of them at roughly 550. By its count, they now open at least two communication windows over Ukraine each day, each running longer than an hour.

Ukrainian drones set fire to two fuel depots around Sochi and hit a Russian air defense position overnight on 4 September, according to monitoring channels. They also reported that drones struck an explosives factory and a petrochemical plant in Bashkortostan the same night, more than a thousand kilometers from Ukraine. Russian officials acknowledged the depot fire and said nothing about the air defense site.

Two depots burned behind their anti-drone screens

Astra's OSINT analysts geolocated the fires to the Rosneft-Kubannefteprodukt depot in Sochi's Adler district and to the Lukoil-Yugneftprodukt depot on the federal territory of Sirius. Sochi mayor Andrei Proshunin confirmed a fire at a depot. The regional operational headquarters claimed there were no casualties. Sochi is a Russian resort city on the eastern Black Sea coast, about 600 km from the frontline in Ukraine.

The Ukrainian OSINT channel Cyberboroshno identified one of the hit sites as the BATO aviation fuel terminal, which fuels aircraft at airports across Krasnodar Krai. Every tank there stood behind purpose-built protective structures, Militarnyi reported, and the Lukoil site holds 12 tanks with a combined volume of about 8,400 m³. The burning depot sits roughly 100 meters from Sochi international airport, Russia's fifth-busiest by passenger traffic in 2024, the Russian outlet Agentstvo found.

Panoramic imagery from this year shows anti-drone netting around the tanks at both depots. Two days before the strikes, Russian Deputy Prime Minister Aleksandr Novak claimed Russian refineries were better protected than those in the UAE, and Russian President Vladimir Putin said their protection level was now completely different.

An air defense position caught fire near the Abkhazia border

Astra analyzed eyewitness footage and placed a detonation and fire at a launch position near the settlement of Sirius, by the Psou river on the Abkhazia border, where an S-300 or S-400 system is based. The Ukrainian monitoring channels Exilenova+ and Supernova+ said drones struck the air defenses directly. Russia's Defense Ministry and local authorities reported nothing about it.

Drones had tried the same area in May. A Ukrainian sea drone struck the Russian supply vessel Nefrit at Sochi port the previous day.

Explosives and petrochemicals hit in Bashkortostan

Drones reached Sterlitamak on the morning of 4 September, hitting the Avangard plant and the Sterlitamak Petrochemical Plant, footage published by Supernova+ shows. Residents reported a series of explosions, and one man said on video that about a dozen drones had already flown toward the petrochemical works. The frames show Ukrainian FP-1 strike drones. 

 Russia's Defense Ministry claimed it downed 490 drones overnight across several regions, occupied Crimea, and the Black Sea.

Spain will send Ukraine more Patriot interceptor missiles, Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares confirmed, according to Le Monde.

Patriot interceptors are among the few weapons Ukraine has that can stop Russian ballistic missiles. The specialized rounds are scarce worldwide, and manufacturer Raytheon cannot build them fast enough to meet demand. Each costs $3 million to $4 million.

Spain confirms the flow will grow

Albares spoke at an informal meeting of European Union foreign ministers in Ireland on 2 September. He reaffirmed Madrid's support as Kyiv pressed for more interceptors. "We have been doing this for a long time, and we will continue to do so," he said. He confirmed that Madrid is preparing a new batch. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said the bloc is also working with non-member states to lift Ukraine's air defenses.

Madrid and Kyiv meet in Wicklow

The confirmation followed talks with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha. They met on the sidelines of the same EU gathering, in Wicklow. Sybiha said he pressed Ukraine's urgent need to strengthen its air and ballistic missile defenses. He also thanked Spain for its solidarity. Albares reaffirmed Spain's role as a founding member of the Integrated Anti-Ballistic Missile Coalition, which ten countries launched in Paris on 13 July. The group aims to build a shared anti-ballistic capability, and its declaration calls the coalition purely defensive. Spanish military instructors are training Ukrainian technicians to maintain the systems.

What Spain has promised so far

Spain is not just giving—it is also buying. In December 2025, Madrid signed a $1.7 billion contract with US arms maker Raytheon for four new Patriot systems. It was Spain's largest Patriot order yet. The deal covers radars, launchers, command-and-control stations, and training. Spanish firm Sener builds the control system for the GEM-T interceptor those launchers fire. Spain is one of only a handful of European countries that operate Patriots.

What Spain has already sent

Spain has supplied Ukraine with Patriot missiles before. In March, Madrid pledged five older PAC-2 interceptors from an air-defense artillery regiment at Marines, near Valencia. Madrid has pledged €1 billion ($1.16 billion) in military aid for 2026. Ukraine has spent months urging partners to release interceptors from their stockpiles.

Finland shut more than 2,000 people into a rock-hewn shelter that is normally a sports hall in Kuopio on 2 September, with some remaining overnight to practice operating the facility, the Associated Press reported. The two-day exercise, Shelter 2026, was the largest civil defense drill in Europe since World War II, by AP's account. Its scenario had cyberattacks cutting power and water while the threat of Russian missile strikes grew.

What two hours underground exposed

Three colleges got the alarm at 11:30 on 2 September, and students had about half an hour to reach the shelter, called Luola, or the Cave, Yle reported that evening. Staff barred the doors behind them. Partitions divided the sports hall into rooms of about 200 people. There were not enough beds, so people rested in shifts, and 60 dry toilets served everyone. The internet worked poorly, and the air grew heavy after an hour. The site holds up to 7,000 people under emergency law.

Antti Haataja, preparedness chief at the North Savo Rescue Department, said the move underground went calmly and faster than he expected. A real emergency would put those inside to work, he added, including emptying the toilets. More than a hundred people stayed through the night into 3 September, Yle said, while AP described hundreds sleeping on trestle beds.

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Finland is reading Ukraine's experience

Retired Finnish Army Colonel Asko Muhonen, who organized the drill, said Finland has to learn from Ukraine, where people sometimes have only minutes to reach a metro station. What matters is cover they can actually get to, not a shelter that survives a nuclear blast. Ukraine's parliament is advancing a Finnish-style bill that would put one within 10 minutes of everyone.

Dmytro Untila, 20, a Ukrainian student in Kuopio, was at home in Odesa when Russian missiles hit the city on 24 February 2022, and waited the strike out in his building's entrance hall, having nowhere better to go. Training like this would have helped in Ukraine, he said, "because nobody knew this could happen."

The pressure Finland and its neighbors are drilling against

Finland shares more than 1,300 km of border with Russia and joined NATO with Sweden after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Shelters answer only part of the pressure. Russia is running a campaign of sabotage across Europe, Western officials say, a Russian aircraft is suspected of having entered Finnish airspace on 20 August, and US intelligence has warned that Poland and the Baltic states may face wider Russian hybrid attacks for backing Kyiv.

On 4 September, Ukraine's military intelligence agency HUR published drone footage of an August operation against a Russian coastal missile launcher in occupied Crimea, it said on Telegram. Its special unit Group 13 struck the launcher and hit fuel trucks and a command vehicle on the peninsula in the same operation. 

What HUR says its operators hit

The target was a Bastion, the carrier of Zircon and Oniks missiles. Russia uses those missiles for terrorist strikes against Ukraine, HUR said.

Group 13 operators destroyed and struck two fuel trucks and a command-and-staff vehicle belonging to Russian forces, the agency said. It placed the work in August 2026 without giving a date or a place on the peninsula.

The footage shows the view from drone cameras closing on the targets. HUR did not say what kind of drones its operators used, and the unit works with both aerial and naval systems, including naval drones rigged to carry FPV drones.

Designated 3K55, the system defends a shoreline and hits both surface and ground targets, warships among them. It takes up to five minutes to deploy, fires supersonic P-800 Oniks and hypersonic Zircon missiles, and reaches from 300 to 600 km depending on the missile and the mode of use. It doubles as an air defense asset, tracking up to 50 objects along the horizon at up to 250 km with passive radar and 450 km with active radar. Russia has fielded it since 2010 and builds it in a mobile version and a silo-based one.

Other Ukrainian services have hit Bastions before

Ukraine's Navy said its forces struck a Bastion's launch positions and deployment site on the peninsula overnight on 16 August, without naming a unit. Ukrainian forces hit a Bastion launcher in the occupied village of Aktachi in March, and in February they struck the concentration area of the Russian brigade that operates the system in Crimea.

In an operation earlier in the summer, one of Group 13's uncrewed boats launched attack drones at two Russian radars in occupied Crimea without the vessel ever reaching shore.

Strikes on the peninsula continued overnight

Drone attacks on occupied Crimea have been running for weeks, and they continued into 4 September, though what was hit this time is not yet known. 

Explosions sounded in Sevastopol and Dzhankoi district, Suspilne reported. Monitoring channels logged blasts and drone flights past 04:00, and satellite imagery showed a fire west of the airfield at Hvardiiske, with the cause unconfirmed. Russia's Defense Ministry claimed 490 drones downed over Crimea, other occupied territories, and Russian regions.

Ukraine's F-16 pilots are so short of air-to-air missiles that on some daytime sorties they go up with nothing but the plane's gun. Instead of using effective AIM-120 Advanced Medium-Range Air-to-Air Missile (AMRAAM) and the shorter-range AIM-9 Sidewinder, Ukrainian forces are left with the M61A1 Vulcan 20mm rotary cannon, which can pose a grave danger to civilians, the War Zone reports.

Destroying Russian targets with the M61A1 Vulcan 20mm rotary cannon carries risks: the cannon rounds, similar to grenades, can strike a fairly wide area when they hit the ground, potentially killing innocent people.

Worse, the AIM missiles the F-16s are rationing are the same ones that arm the NASAMS batteries defending Kyiv, so every jet-fired round competes with ground air defense for the same scarce stock.

A 107th Wing commander using the callsign "Phantom" confirmed the shortage when a journalist asked him directly whether Ukraine was severely short of missiles for its F-16s.

“Yes, that’s true. Any aircraft without weapons is … useless,” Phantom said.

Kyiv wants the missiles, and a way to make them

Stopping as many Russian Geran drones and cruise missiles as possible before they reach Ukrainian cities takes missiles, and Phantom was blunt about what the fleet needs. He called for more air-to-air missiles and for interceptors to reload the US-made ground-based Patriot batteries.

"We require more means of protection, such as Patriot missiles and air-to-air missiles, AIM-9s or AIM-120s to our fleet," he said.

The fix he wants outlasts any single shipment: "At least we need to try to increase the production, or at least to allow Ukraine to localize the production in Ukraine or other European countries."

Until that exists, the arithmetic stays brutal, as every missile fired at a Russian drone or cruise missile is one fewer for the next attack.

A cheaper rocket enters the mix

One weapon Phantom did not mention may ease that math. Ukrainian F-16s now appear to carry the laser-guided 70mm APKWS II rocket.

Built from a standard unguided rocket fitted with a laser-guidance kit, it is far cheaper than an AMRAAM and has already become a primary anti-drone weapon for US jets in the Middle East — a lower-cost way to knock down drones and subsonic cruise missiles without spending a scarce air-to-air missile on each one.

Germany will close Russia’s General Consulate in Bonn, terminate the agreement concerning the Russian House in Berlin, and tighten entry controls for Russian citizens. Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul announced this at a joint press conference with Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt on 1 September, after German authorities formally attributed the attack at Leipzig/Halle Airport to Russia.

German investigators have identified two suspects allegedly linked to the operation: a Russian-born man with a Latvian passport and a Belarusian man with a Russian passport. This information was reported by Süddeutsche Zeitung. Investigators believe both have links to Russian state structures, according to the report.

Both men have already left Germany, complicating efforts to bring them to justice, Tagesschau reports. One of Berlin’s responses was the closure of Russia’s Consulate General in Bonn — the last Russian consulate general remaining in Germany.

Germany tightens its Russia policy

Russia’s General Consulate in Bonn will close on 18 September, according to Wadephul. Germany will also seek additional EU sanctions against people linked to Russian hybrid attacks, increase pressure on Russia’s “shadow fleet,” and strengthen entry controls for Russian nationals.

He stated that since the beginning of "the unlawful war of aggression" against Ukraine, Germany's goal has been to bring the war to an end, restore the peace order in Europe, and return to a constructive relationship.

"However, this requires a minimum level of willingness on the Russian side. We must acknowledge that Russia shows no willingness to reach an accommodation,” Wadephul said.

Moscow rejected the accusations. Russian President Vladimir Putin called Germany’s response a “grave mistake,” TASS reports.

The investigation leads to two suspects

According to German investigators, the Belarusian suspect left DNA traces on one of the drones, inside a container containing explosives, and on an antenna found near the airport. The Russian-born suspect, who holds a Latvian passport, is believed to have coordinated and directed the operation, entered Germany through Berlin, and then traveled toward Saxony.

The Russian-born suspect left Germany two days before the attack, while the Belarusian suspect also left the country.

What happened at Leipzig Airport

The diplomatic response stems from a sabotage attempt on 4 August, when a bomb-laden drone struck a Ukrainian An-124 cargo aircraft but failed to detonate. The drone, carrying explosives, remained unnoticed for about four hours before being discovered, while later analysis indicated it had been aimed at the aircraft near its fuel tanks.

Exclusives

Desperate to save Sloviansk and Kramatorsk, Ukrainian forces counterattack and reinforce. A Russian pincer is slowly closing around the last two big free cities in eastern Ukraine's Donbas region. Winter will be a brief reprieve.

NATO vows to defend every inch. Svalbard is where Russia plans to prove it won't.. The CIA chief's visit to Moscow gave rise to warnings that Russia may be preparing to strike the Baltics. However, Russia has an easier target for the goal of paralyzing NATO.

Military

Ukraine's Khartiia soldiers clear 4 km² near Kupiansk, while Russia pushes for main rail hub (VIDEO). On the left bank, Russian supply was so broken that they delivered water by drone.

Gunman on a motorcycle shoots the Russian air force general Ukraine says ordered the strike on Kyiv's children's hospital. The officer was hit twice as he stepped outside in a settlement near Engels, and surgeons in Saratov worked through the morning to keep him alive.

Russia now hunts Kyiv by daylight too, Flash explains why.

Intelligence and technology

Poland sent Ukraine 350 tanks—Europe just agreed to refund it half a billion dollars. Once Hungary lifted its two-year veto, Warsaw's total refund for arming Kyiv is nearing $1.4 billion—with $500 million more due in 2027.

Russia straps two small attack drones to wings of its long-range Gerans and releases them deep inside Ukraine. It rarely works, Flash says. An FPV drone drop was recently recorded in Kyiv Oblast, but there is no confirmation yet that it was carried out using a Gerbera.

For first time, Ukraine shows its British Rapid Ranger air-defense system mounted on Spanish off-road chassis. Its crews call it "close-range storm". This 500-kilogram missile system is designed to catch what radar misses.

Ukrainian brigade trials Serval Cube EW dome in combat-like conditions, suppresses every drone launched at it. Serval Cube jams the control, navigation, and video-transmission channels a drone depends on rather than destroying it outright.

International

Ukraine takes Zelenskyy's Russian airspace warning to UN aviation body. Kyiv's letter asks the UN aviation body to recommend that member states stop flying over Russia.

Humanitarian and social impact

Russian Black Sea attacks, low Danube waters push EU to seek alternative routes for Ukrainian grain exports. Ukraine's two main wartime export outlets are under pressure at once, threatening farm revenue as global crop prices climb.

Political and legal developments

Estonia paid $81 million for Ukraine's shells to firm that had never made one—now its defense minister is out. Estonia may have to repay €70 million in EU funds. The ammunition failed quality standards.

EU foreign ministers want Russia's ex-fighters out. Nobody has written down what counts as proof. Each member state would have to judge individual cases, and the bloc set itself a June deadline for the plan that its council still cannot approve.

Belgium points Ukraine to next year's European loan instead of Russia's frozen cash. Earnings from the immobilized money underwrite an earlier European loan, while the sum they come from stays behind one government's objections.

Read our earlier daily review here.

Estonia's defense minister resigned on 2 September over a failed €70 million ammunition deal for Ukraine, ERR reported. The state procurement agency paid EU funds to companies that had never sold artillery shells. Estonian taxpayers may now have to cover the losses.

The Baltic states have poured billions into defense since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Estonia alone redirected €500 million toward air defense and drones. It pledged 0.25% of GDP in annual aid for Kyiv. Defense budgets have grown faster than the procurement systems managing them.

Minister walks over "socks and ammunition"

Hanno Pevkur has held the post since 2022. Amid the scandal, he told Estonian public broadcaster ETV he would step down.

"The minister does not count socks and ammunition," Pevkur said.

RKIK's former chief countered that no major decisions were made without the ministry's approval.

Three opposition parties called for his resignation before he announced it. Prime Minister Kristen Michal said Pevkur was not personally at fault but acknowledged political responsibility applied. The resignation followed a National Audit Office report released on 28 August. Estonia's Prosecutor's Office has also opened a criminal investigation into the procurement.

The deal that fell apart

In 2024, Estonia's Center for Defense Investments (RKIK) signed four contracts with Datasel S.R.L., an Italian-registered firm. Eesti Ekspress reported that the Indian company Neco Defense Munitions owned it. Neither had ever sold a single artillery shell. RKIK paid roughly $81 million in advance using the EU's European Peace Facility. The first delivery was due in November 2024. Ammunition that arrived failed to meet quality standards. Estonia canceled the deals and filed a case at the European Court of Arbitration in Strasbourg.

Pevkur is the second Baltic defense minister to resign in four months. Latvia's Andris Sprūds stepped down in May after drone incursions from Russia's war destabilized the country's government.

Poland will recover hundreds of millions of euros from a shared European Union fund for weapons it handed to Ukraine, the defense outlet Militarnyi reported. The money had been frozen for two years and only started moving after a change of government in Hungary lifted a veto.

Europe's ability to keep weapons moving to Ukraine rests on members trusting they will be paid back for what they give away. When that cost-sharing seizes up, national governments face the full bill alone, and the case for the next donation gets harder. A single member's veto can jam that machinery for years.

The money starts flowing again

Poland will receive up to $500 million in 2027 from the European Peace Facility (EPF), an EU fund that reimburses member states for military aid to Ukraine. Deputy Defense Minister Paweł Zalewski told the Polish news agency PAP that the ceiling combines the $465 million now secured with a possible $12–35 million more, depending on which of the two payout options the European Commission picks. Warsaw had already collected $960 million earlier, bringing its total EU reimbursement to roughly $1.4 billion.

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The reimbursements had stalled in 2024, when Hungary blocked a $7.7 billion tranche. Budapest dropped the veto in June 2026 after a new government took over, unfreezing the funds. The bloc is now steering part of the money toward joint arms purchases and its training mission for Ukraine, rather than just reimbursement.

Where Poland stands among donors

By Militarnyi's tally of Kiel Institute figures, total Polish aid has reached $6.8 billion, with $5.2 billion of that military. That ranks Poland 11th among donors by raw volume. When weighed against each country's economy, it ranks 9th, equal to 1.021% of Polish GDP, with the military share at 0.775%.

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What Warsaw handed over

Poland has supplied ammunition and other weapons since early 2022, before the full-scale invasion, and has since handed over more than 350 tanks—14 Leopard 2A4, about 60 PT-91 Twardy, and roughly 280 Soviet-era T-72 variants. Warsaw also sent Krab self-propelled howitzers, Piorun shoulder-fired air-defense missiles, and Grad rocket launchers. Alongside Slovakia, it was among the first NATO states to send Ukraine fighter jets, delivering 14 MiG-29 jets and 10 Mi-24 attack helicopters between 2022 and 2024.

EU foreign ministers have given broad backing to an entry ban on Russians who fought in Ukraine and to stricter tourist visa rules for Russian citizens, DW reported. The bloc's foreign policy chief announced that support on 2 September, after an informal meeting in Wicklow, Ireland, without setting out what the tightening would involve. She tied the visa question to the risk of sabotage in Europe.

"Broad support," and nothing pinned down

EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas spoke to reporters after the ministers finished. 

"There was broad support for moving ahead with a ban on entry to the EU for Russian ex-combatants and tougher visa restrictions for Russian tourists," she said.

She did not name the restrictions planned for Russian tourists, say when they might take effect, or say which categories of Russian citizens they would cover.

The bloc has no unified position on tightening visa rules further, Kallas acknowledged. Some member states have so far argued against additional steps in that direction, she said.

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Many EU countries say tourist visas serve sabotage preparation

Reporters asked Kallas about accounts that one suspect in the Leipzig attack may have entered the EU on a tourist visa issued by Italy. German authorities have to confirm or refute those accounts, she said. If the information is correct, it shows that visas can be used to enter the bloc by potential wrongdoers who intend to harm it, she added. Many EU countries pointed out that tourist visas are used in preparing sabotage, because the people who carry it out need to get onto EU territory, she said.

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"It is not normal": Russians in Europe while Russia bombs Ukraine

Many ministers raised the visa question while the meeting was discussing Russia's war against Ukraine, Kallas said.

"It is not normal when a country bombs Ukraine, kills civilians—in July and August more than ever during this war—and at the same time Russians enter and enjoy the hospitality of European countries. That should not be," she said.

EU representatives said in July that the ban, kept separate from the tourist visa rules, was agreed in principle but still needed an evidence standard for refusing entry. The EU Council signs off after that, and the European Commission hoped at the time to finish by October.

Ukraine's National Guard says its assault units have cleared four square kilometers of ground near Kupiansk. According to the military, fighters of the 23rd R.U.G. Assault Regiment of the Khartiia corps have pushed Russian forces out of territory between the settlements of Dvorichna and Zapadne, working with the 35th Separate Marine Brigade on one stretch.

Russia wants Kupiansk as a logistics node and a springboard for pushing deeper into Kharkiv Oblast. Just outside the city sits the Kupiansk-Vuzlovyi station, a key rail hub whose capture would let Russian forces move supplies and equipment far more easily.

“Overall, another 4 square kilometers of Ukrainian territory have been liberated. As long as the enemy remains on our land, the work continues,” the National Guard said.

A city fought over from both banks

The clearing north of the city is only one part of a contested picture. Kupiansk straddles the Oskil River: Ukraine holds the left, eastern bank, while Russian forces have pushed onto the right, western bank closer to Ukraine's rear.

On 2 September, Viktor Tregubov, head of communications for Ukraine's Joint Forces Group, said Russian troops had infiltrated part of northern Kupiansk on that right bank.

"On the right bank, the Russians are trying to hold the northern parts of the city, where they've already infiltrated some of their fighters," he told Suspilne, adding that Ukrainian forces are making trouble for them there.

The infiltrators are trying to reach the city through the village of Holubivka, he said.

On the left bank, Russian units are trying to reach the railway station.

"The Russians are pushing very hard toward it. They want to narrow our bridgehead," Tregubov reported.

No confirmed Russian advance

Back in July, Trehubov mentioned the Russian forces’ logistical problems in this direction, according to ArmyInform.

He explained that logistics for Russian forces in the area had been effectively paralyzed by a fuel shortage, with even water being delivered exclusively by drones.

The European Union is discussing export support with Ukraine and its neighboring countries, including through so-called solidarity lanes, Agriculture Commissioner Christophe Hansen told Bloomberg on 2 September.

Strikes in the Black Sea have curtailed exports from both Ukraine and Russia, while low water limits how much grain vessels can carry on the Danube, Ukraine’s main fallback when sea traffic slows. Wheat and corn prices are at multiyear highs, and the Bloomberg Agriculture Spot Index jumped by more than 13% in August, its sharpest monthly rise in over a decade. Hansen said the EU’s role as a major food exporter means drought-driven production losses could cause shortages elsewhere.

Created after Russia's full-scale invasion, the solidarity lanes carry Ukrainian exports by road, rail, and river through neighboring countries when Black Sea shipping is disrupted.

The European Commission is separately weighing relief for drought-hit EU farmers. Hansen urged governments to use flexibilities in the Common Agricultural Policy, the EU's farm-subsidy system, including exemptions for circumstances beyond farmers' control, emergency fertilizer aid, and earlier payments, but proposed no new measures in a letter seen by Bloomberg. EU agriculture ministers are due to discuss the drought in Ireland next week and in Brussels later in September.

Russian attacks squeeze Ukraine’s export routes

Low water is only one obstacle to Ukraine’s southern export routes. Russia has repeatedly attacked ports and transport links along the Danube and on Odesa Oblast’s Black Sea coast. Some Ukrainian farmers have sold wheat below production cost as port prices fell, leaving less money for the next sowing.

Romania detected more than 100 drones during seven attacks on Danube ports in mid-August, interim Romanian Defense Minister Radu Miruță said. Russia struck Izmail, Ukraine's largest Danube port, three times in August. The 29 August attack killed one person and destroyed five grain trucks, Odesa regional authorities said.

Ukraine and Moldova have pursued a rail corridor through Moldova to Constanța, Romania’s main Black Sea port, as an alternative. Moldova later halved transit tariffs through 31 December. Ukrainian officials estimate the corridor could handle around 10% of Ukraine's grain exports, Reuters reported.

Russia has been bolting small FPV attack drones to the wings of its long-range Gerans and releasing them deep inside Ukraine, far behind the front. The tactic may now have reached Kyiv Oblast, where an FPV drone was recently recorded, though it is not confirmed that a Geran delivered it, Serhii "Flash" Beskrestnov, the president's adviser on defense technologies, told UNIAN. A Geran drop is one of the versions being weighed.

A Geran (the Russian-built version of Iran's Shahed-136) can fly hundreds of kilometers, so bolting short-range FPVs to its wings carries them far past the front line before release. Russia has done the same with its Molniya and Gerbera drones, and in May Euromaidan Press reported FPVs delivered this way, turning up dozens of kilometers from the border, on the ground, and even on the roofs of apartment buildings.

A year-old experiment, still rare

"The Russians have been running these experiments for a while. They attach two FPVs above the wings and drop them," Beskrestnov said.

He last recorded the tactic a week ago in Konotop, in Sumy Oblast, where Russian forces held two such drones on a carrier's wings and released them.

Until now, he added, it had shown up only on conventional Gerans. Holding an FPV on a jet-powered Geran is far harder because the speed is too high for a clean release, "but technologically it's entirely possible," Beskrestnov believes.

Ukrainian air defenders have brought at least one carrier down: in March, the Darknode anti-Shahed unit destroyed a Geran carrying two wing-mounted FPVs over Ukrainian airspace before it could release them, Militarnyi reported.

Low yield, mostly a scare tactic

Russia uses the tactic sparingly, and by its own measure, it does not work well.

"If you look at the number of successful strikes they've had with these FPVs, it's small," Beskrestnov explained, because controlling a drone dropped this way is difficult.

The FPVs carry no large warhead, and the launches often serve mainly to terrorize civilians, he said.

The dropped drones are usually flown over ordinary mobile networks rather than through a relay mounted on the carrier.

"There's an ordinary SIM card, and they control the FPV through it," Beskrestnov said, adding that Ukraine has been recording the practice on and off for about a year.

A gunman on a motorcycle shot a Russian Aerospace Forces officer twice in Saratov Oblast on the morning of 3 September, Radio Svoboda reported. Telegram channels identify the wounded man as Nikolai Varpakhovich, the major general who commands Russia's heavy bomber division at Engels. Ukraine's security service and prosecutors named that officer a suspect three days earlier over the missile strike on Kyiv's main children's hospital.

Ukraine's services have pursued senior Russian officers in the rear, sometimes unofficially claiming the operation and sometimes saying nothing at all. Bombings have killed at least three generals in and around Moscow since December 2024, and a fourth died in a Moscow restaurant blast whose target Russia has never established. Nobody has claimed the Engels shooting yet, and Ukrainian officials have not commented on it.

Two shots outside Engels, then the motorcycle was gone

The attack happened in Probuzhdeniye, a settlement next to the city of Engels in Russia's Volga region. The Russian Telegram channel Shot said the officer was leaving a shop when an unknown man on a motorcycle fired twice, hitting his face and his body. Another Russian channel, Mash, reported that the gunman rode up to a detached house, that one bullet struck the abdomen and the other the head, and that surgeons removed both. The accounts of the spot and the wounds do not match.

The officer's driver was hit as well, got away, and called an ambulance himself. The attacker wore a helmet and fled, and doctors in Saratov operated before preparing the officer for a flight to Moscow. 

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The regional branch of Russia's Investigative Committee stated that someone had attempted to kill a serviceman and that the victim was hospitalized. Investigators stated they had recovered cartridge cases and bullets at the scene and opened a case for attempted murder and illegal weapons trafficking. They released no name.

The  Telegram channel Dosye Shpiona, possibly linked to the Ukrainian special services, named the victim as Nikolai Varpakhovich, commander of the 22nd Heavy Bomber Aviation Division of Russia's long-range aviation. Meduza noted that no official source has confirmed this. Agentstvo reported that Varpakhovich comes from Ryazan, served earlier as deputy head of the 43rd flight-crew training center, and has lived in Saratov Oblast since at least 2024, with documents listing an apartment in Engels and a house in Probuzhdeniye.

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Ukraine named him a suspect on 31 August

The SBU and the Prosecutor General's Office announced an in absentia suspicion against Varpakhovich on 31 August. Investigators say he issued the combat order for the strike that hit Kyiv's Okhmatdyt children's hospital on 8 July 2024, killing two people and injuring 32. Russia's Defense Ministry claimed that day's missiles went at military-industrial sites and airbases.

It was his second notice this year. Ukraine charged him in June over a 2022 cruise-missile strike on an Odesa apartment block that killed eight, and prosecutors had notified his division's commander of suspicion back in June 2023.

Ukraine formally notified the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) on 2 September that Russian airspace is unsafe for civilian flights because of increased military activity, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said. The letter behind the notification asks the organization to urge its member states to stop civil flights over Russia altogether, ZN reported.

ICAO, the UN aviation agency, cannot close Russian airspace or order carriers to reroute. European and US airlines already avoid Russia's airspace, while carriers from China, Türkiye, and the Gulf states have kept flying through it. Those remaining airlines must assess the safety of flying amid drone and air defense operations. Drone alerts during reported Ukrainian attacks have repeatedly shut Russian airports and delayed hundreds of flights.

The notification follows a 1 September warning by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who told airlines, insurers, and other aviation stakeholders that Russian skies were becoming unsafe as Ukrainian drones reached deeper into the country.

Zelenskyy said Ukraine's Foreign Ministry would pass information about the risks to international organizations. The letter to ICAO came from another office—Mykola Kalashnyk, Ukraine's minister for recovery, infrastructure, and transport, whose portfolio covers aviation.

Russian President Vladimir Putin said Zelenskyy's statement amounted to "a bid for state terrorism" and that Moscow would find a way to respond if civilian "tragedies" followed.

Sybiha urged airlines to avoid Russian airspace and said the notice was meant to prevent unintended incidents, arguing that Moscow was failing to disclose the dangers its war had created. He invoked Ukraine’s inherent right to self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter, the provision that recognizes states’ right to defend themselves against an armed attack. The foreign minister further stated that the war was “returning home to Russia.”

In its separate statement, ICAO warned of rising threats to civil aviation worldwide. It did not mention Russia, endorse Ukraine’s assessment, or say Kyiv’s notification had prompted it.

The UN aviation body identified long-range weapons, drones, navigation-signal interference, and advanced air-defense systems as growing dangers to civilian aircraft. It reiterated that international aviation law prohibits the use of weapons against them.

ICAO urged member states to assess airspace under their control, share threat intelligence quickly, and improve military-civilian coordination.

Russian airports were already facing repeated closures

Russian airspace has not been legally or completely closed. The disruption has instead taken the form of temporary restrictions at individual airports.

From 5–7 May 2026, restrictions during reported Ukrainian attacks delayed more than 450 flights at Moscow airports, while limits at Vnukovo remained in place for nearly 18 hours.

On 6 July 2025, Moscow's Sheremetyevo airport canceled 171 flights, while airports in five other cities suspended operations. During an earlier wave on 22 May 2025, Domodedovo halted flights four times in one day and Sheremetyevo three times, while Vnukovo and Zhukovsky also restricted operations.

Airports in Kaluga, Nizhny Novgorod, Saratov, and Tambov were temporarily closed during a 27 May attack in which Moscow claimed 99 drones were intercepted. Two days later, another alert delayed 20 arrivals and 14 departures at Vnukovo, pro-Kremlin Telegram channels claimed.

Russia has started launching its strike drones during the day, not only after dark. The reason is the new jet-powered Geran drones, which fire groups cannot take down, so for Russia there is no longer any difference between attacking by day or by night, Serhii "Flash" Beskrestnov, President Zelenskyy's adviser on defense technologies, told Glavcom.

The near-hourly daytime raids are the new face of a campaign that culminated on 1 September, Knowledge Day, when Russia hit Kyiv and its region with ballistic missiles and jet-powered drones and killed 12 people. That strike culminated a six-day assault on the capital that began on 27 August, two days after CIA Director John Ratcliffe arrived in Moscow. However, even after that, the attack continued. Sirens now sound across Kyiv and the surrounding oblast roughly once an hour, around the clock.

Why the shift to daylight

The daytime raids carry an added economic and psychological weight, he said. The threat of strikes forces shops and businesses to open and close unpredictably, snarls transport, and can halt rail service.

"They understand perfectly well that daytime attacks hurt the population and business," Beskrestnov said, adding that the state railway Ukrzaliznytsia is paralyzed.

Keeping the defenders on their feet

A further aim is to hold Ukraine's air defense in a permanent state of readiness, Beskrestnov said. Round-the-clock attacks mean radar stations and generators must run without pause.

"Radar stations and generators run constantly, and that also puts a strain on our troops," he added.

Kyiv remains a Russian prime target because it carries symbolic as well as military weight, as the capital houses the government, business, and warehouses, and a strike there would resonate far more than terrorizing a small town.

Russian forces first concentrated on districts nearer the drones' launch corridors — Kyiv's Left Bank, and the Brovary and Boryspil raions — before switching to the other bank to hunt for targets. As the cold season approaches, he expects Russia to intensify strikes on the energy infrastructure it has so far spared.

Belgium's foreign minister said the kingdom's opposition to using Russia's frozen assets for Ukraine has not changed, Reuters reported. A push by four member states to revive the plan "generated little enthusiasm or appetite" among European Union foreign ministers, he said. Belgium points instead to part of an already-agreed European loan arriving sooner.

Nothing has changed, Belgium's foreign minister told the room

Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot spoke after an informal meeting of EU foreign ministers in Ireland on 2 September. Four countries had put the frozen-assets question back on the agenda, and his colleagues showed little interest in taking it up, he said. Belgium's own position has not moved in a year, he added. Anything that amounts to confiscating the money would carry very significant risks for his country, he said.

The country's Defense Minister Theo Francken told Flemish broadcaster VRT in remarks published on 30 August that the door is closed and the question is not open for discussion. He also said the Baltic States should be more careful about returning to it, and recalled how much support Belgium gives Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, The Moscow Times reported.

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