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Iskander Russia fired at Kyiv Oblast in July held 62 American parts. Ukraine has now named more than 100 Russian ballistics producers and wants its allies to sanction all of them

two children pulled rubble alive three did survive—one village near kryvyi rih after russian missile attack · post residential building burns strike lviv 30 2026 у львові після обстрілу горить

Ukraine has drawn up a list of those who build Russia's ballistic missiles and wants all of them sanctioned by its allies. Kyiv is asking partners to impose sanctions on more than 100 Russian ballistics producers, presidential sanctions commissioner Vladyslav Vlasiuk said at a press conference in Kyiv, according to Ukrinform.

The demand rests on physical evidence. An Iskander that Russia fired at Kyiv Oblast on 10 July held more than 140 foreign components, 62 of them American, alongside parts from Switzerland, Germany, Taiwan, China, and Japan, Vlasiuk reported in July. Most were made recently, which means the parts are still reaching Russia. Naming the factories is Ukraine's attempt to close the gap at the production end rather than chase each shipment.

The plan runs on synchronization

The commissioner laid out several parts of the plan at the press conference. The first is getting the same producers sanctioned everywhere at once, so a firm blocked in one country cannot operate through another. He said the files were handed to partners a few weeks ago, and Ukrainian specialists expect to identify every producer on allied lists by September or October.

The plan also covers what Vlasiuk called kinetic sanctions, meaning strikes on Russian defense-industry sites. He named the Kamensky Combine, which makes components for rocket fuel, as one such target.

The critical parts are still foreign

Ukraine keeps finding Western microelectronics in identified Russian ballistics, including Iskander-M missiles and those used by the S-400 system, with parts traced to the US, Japan, Germany, Taiwan, France, Britain, and Switzerland. The most sensitive elements are the Kometa satellite navigation system and autonomous inertial guidance units, which run on American, Swiss, and French microelectronics.

Ballistics is the most demanding product for quality and precision, Vlasiuk said, which is why those two systems are the chokepoint.

Ukraine wants smaller packages, sooner

The commissioner asked partners to adopt more stringent export controls, up to licensing or banning the export of sensitive components to third countries that help Russia evade sanctions. Ukraine has also compiled a list of more than 10 critical materials, including ammonium perchlorate, aluminum powder, and tungsten, as well as the numerically controlled machine tools Russia needs to build the missiles.

The EU has already begun work on a large 22nd sanctions package. Ukraine is urging it not to wait, asking instead for an interim ballistics package in September and another in October, moving in small steps as Ukraine, Britain, and Canada already do.

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Three Ukrainian units received kit that makes an uncrewed vehicle out of whatever they’re already driving

japan quietly ships military-grade off-roaders ukraine — here’s what can do · post toyota high mobility vehicle transferred loaded transport truck 14 2026 переданий японією позашляховик hmv січня року посольство

Ukraine is turning ordinary cars into robots instead of building them from scratch. Three units of the Armed Forces received the Kaban remote-control system, which converts vehicles into uncrewed ones, developer Drone Fight Group told Defender Media.

Ground robots have become a daily part of Ukraine's front. Ukrainian units ran 16,676 logistics and evacuation missions with them in June, up 122 percent since January, and the military has contracted more than 22,000 ground robots for 2026, nearly double the 2025 total. Most are purpose-built platforms. Kaban takes the opposite route, converting vehicles that a unit already has.

The developers say Kaban was passed to the 3rd Army Corps, the 429th Separate Unmanned Systems Regiment "Akhilles", and the 49th Brigade of the Armed Forces.

The system bolts on without modification

Kaban installs on a vehicle without altering its construction and works with different models, Drone Fight Group said. It lets the operator switch between remote and manual control.

The operator navigates on a digital map, plotting routes and setting markers. Manual correction is built in for GPS spoofing cases. The system predicts its trajectory and can automatically stop the vehicle if the connection is lost.

Starlink carries the control link

The main communication channel is Starlink, and the system also supports analog video transmission and radio control, according to the developers. A vehicle can be fitted with thermal cameras if needed.

Kaban provides two-way audio and remote control of lights, infrared illumination, and searchlights, and it can pull data from the vehicle's onboard computer. Among the optional add-ons, the developers list net launchers and platforms for launching drones.

Combat testing came before the handover

Kaban is developed with support from the Brave1 cluster, and the system has already passed combat trials, according to the developers. Work continues to refine it using feedback from military units.

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Russo-Ukrainian war, day 1645: Kyiv sends Azov commanders to defend fortress cities

Russo-Ukrainian war (daily review)

Exclusives

Ukraine's secret counteroffensive is more successful than we thought. The Ukrainian 3rd Army Corps has cut across a dangerous Russian salient in the east. All without telling anyone.
Frontline Rolls: Ukrainian soldiers document their lives at the front on film. The 2025 project is now a photobook and traveling exhibition after winning two international photography awards.
US C-17 spends 8½ hours in Moscow during first CIA chief visit since 2021. Washington reportedly asked Kyiv to pause strikes on Moscow and St. Petersburg while John Ratcliffe held undisclosed talks with Russian security officials.
Ukraine fires state bank chair after alleged $3.3 million bail-laundering scheme. The government and central bank also moved against Sense Bank's CEO and financial monitoring chief while reviewing the bank's entire supervisory board.

Military

"This is smart war": Ukraine is reinforcing two Donetsk groupings, as Russia pushes at fortress cities. Azov commanders will lead both. Putin has ordered his army to seize the entire territory of Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts by the end of this year.

Ukraine's new commander-in-chief has been picking technical chiefs. Adviser who knows them says he is putting most competent people. Serhii Beskrestnov says he knows most of the army's technical specialists and rates the new appointments.

A warehouse built to hold up to 54 million items burned down in Tambov Oblast, Russia. It opened only last year as the central logistics point of Russia's largest online retailer and has now been hit by drones twice.

Intelligence and technology

Russia's fleet is set to get 150 uncrewed vessels in 2026, and possibly 230. Sanctions are holding the build back. Ukraine's naval drones drove Russia's Black Sea Fleet out of its main base.

Zvook covers Ukraine's skies for under €50 million. Now, it has started testing hydrophones underwater. Zvook is currently focused on collecting data in real conditions, determining which objects can be reliably detected and classified.

Belarus built base near Ukraine. Now it's laying rail that can unload 60 wagons of military equipment. Project documents describe a freight platform with a ramp for unloading wheeled and tracked vehicles.

Biggest Magura sea drone doesn't ram ships. It carries other drones and stays out seven days. Unlike Ukraine's one-way strike boats, the V11 stays at sea a week and forward-bases other drones far offshore.

A gasoline and polystyrene mix—police call it napalm—was meant for a Ukrainian drone plant in Slovakia. Investigators say the three men charged were hired to set the fire, and about 70 employees could have been inside the hall when it went up.

Ukraine has wrecked more than 100,000 Russian vehicles by hitting the roads, and this new drone is built exactly for that job. The fixed-wing Baton is built to cut Russian supply lines, according to the association that showed it.

International

Ukraine asks US orchestra to drop Russian-born violinist, citing ties to Kremlin-backed cultural initiatives. The orchestra dropped Vadim Repin from a March 2022 program after Russia's full-scale invasion, then re-booked him for November.

Ukrainian officers march in Toronto's 105-year-old Warriors' Day Parade. The Warriors' Day Parade marked its 105th edition at the Canadian National Exhibition.

Humanitarian and social impact

Retired Valencia official came to Ukraine to repay debt from Franco's time. Russia has held him since 2022, and now his Kherson apartment has burned. Mariano García Calatayud has not been seen since Russian forces took him from his own doorstep in March 2022.

Political and legal developments

One tracked tank repairs, one marked artillery, one aimed bombs at civilians—all three got 15 years. Ukraine says two of the men came to Russian intelligence's notice through their own comments in chat groups, and the third through a relative working for Moscow's domestic security service.

Ukraine starts checks: Five days later, deputy commander was charged for $15,600 in combat pay for combat that never happened. The deputy battalion commander faces up to 12 years.

Read our earlier daily review here.

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Glide bomb then infiltrate. This is Russia’s new way of war.

Par : David Axe

Glide bombs drop away from a Russian jet.

  • In 2022, Russians fired artillery then advanced in vehicles
  • Four years later, they launch glide bombs then advance as small teams of infantry
  • Ukrainian drones stand in their way, and that's why drone operators are the main targets of Russian firepower before and during the advance

On Monday, a small team of Russian infiltrators reportedly slipped 10 km behind the line of contact between Russian and Ukrainian troops just north of Kostiantynivka in eastern Ukraine's Donetsk Oblast.

Sneaking into the town of Druzhkivka, 10 km north of Kostiantynivka along the H20 highway, the Russians reportedly ambushed, captured and executed a group of three or four unarmed Ukrainian drone operators.

It's possible the drone operators had just arrived in Druzhkivka when the Russians appeared. According to analyst and mapper AMK Mapping, Ukrainian drone operators pulled out of the village of Oleksijevo-Druzhkivka—which lies between Kostiantynivka and Druzhkivka—owing to the increasing threat from Russian KAB glide bombs. "It's likely that Russian forces monitored the withdrawals of Ukrainian drone operators and sent in [an infiltration group] after the new position was identified," AMK Mapping concluded.

The atrocity underscores the Russian military's new approach to ground warfare as Russia's wider war on Ukraine grinds through its 54th month. An army that once counted on its own artillery to suppress enemy artillery in order to allow mechanized forces to advance now uses precision bombs, small cruise missiles, tiny drones, and, yes, some artillery to suppress the Ukrainian drone teams that represent the main obstacle to a swift Russian advance.

Yesterday, a group of Russian DRGs was able to infiltrate from Kostyantynivka for at least 10 km behind Ukrainian lines, and kill 3-4 Ukrainian drone operators in the city of Druzhkivka. The drone operators were unarmed in their positions at the time of the ambush, not expecting… pic.twitter.com/KNxN0JelwL

— AMK Mapping 🇳🇿 (@AMK_Mapping_) August 25, 2026

And when the Russian firepower manages to suppress Ukrainian drone operators, allowing small teams of infantry to advance, the infantry's objective is often to take out the same drone operators whose suppression was a necessary pre-condition of any successful assault.

In short, the Ukrainians largely defend with drones. That means the Russians are fixated on first striking the drone teams in order to prevent them from launching their tiny lethal robots—and then, when they can, assaulting the drone teams' positions in order to capture or kill them. Or capture then kill them, as reportedly happened in Druzhkivka.

The Russians have learned the hard way that they can't advance without first finding and attacking Ukrainian drone operators. That hard experience has driven a profound transformation of the Russian way of war in just the last few years.

isw russia's long push toward sloviansk gains ground ukraine counterattacks · post kostyantynivka-druzhkivka-tactical-area-august-1-2026 news ukrainian reports
Map: ISW.

Precision suppression

As 2025 wore into 2026, Ukrainian forces finally deployed enough $500 drones to effectively halt any sustained Russian advance along the 1,200-km gray zone stretching across eastern and southern Ukraine. Between February and July, the Russians captured around 260 sq km of Ukrainian soil, according to a tally by the Black Bird Group. That's barely a fifth as much ground as they seized in the same six months in 2025.

Realizing they couldn't just fire an artillery barrage and then roll out the tanks the way they used to, the Russians have mostly parked their thousands of armored vehicles. Now they advance in small teams of lightly equipped infantry that, Russian commanders reason, stand a better chance of avoiding detecting and destruction by drones.

"Broadly speaking, current Russian military theory appears to emphasize restoring the ability to maneuver," Sidharth Kaushal and Sam Cranny-Evans wrote in a new study for the Royal United Services Institute in London. But the infantry infiltrators who do most of the maneuvering these days don't march out without support. A lot of it.

In the early months of the wider war in 2022 and 2023, the Russians counted on artillery—lots of artillery—to support the maneuver forces. But massed artillery is just as exposed to drone attack as massed tanks are, so Russian fire support has had to evolve, too.

Today, the Russians still fire artillery from fewer but more spread-out guns. But they also launch their own drones, small cruise missiles, and—perhaps most important—KAB glide bombs to force Ukrainian defenders, including drone teams, into their dugouts before the infantry dash across the gray zone. "Russian theorists appear to see the solution in highly mobile units designed to exploit lower-risk tunnels created by
precision strike," Kaushal and Cranny-Evans explained.

https://twitter.com/kriegsforscherD/status/2091923015604850800/

It's explosive choreography requiring careful communication between the infantry, the artillery, drone teams and the air force. "Sustaining momentum in the face of adversary precision strike is a considerable challenge," Kaushal and Cranny-Evans wrote. But a necessary one as the Russian military "contemplates how it can break the current positional deadlock" in Ukraine "and avoid future ones."

But when it works, it works to catastrophic effect for Ukrainian defenders. As those unfortunate, murdered drone operators found out.

The suppress-then-advance method, but with precision munitions and small teams of infiltrators, works for both sides, of course. The Ukrainians can do it, too—and they recently did in some unspecified sector of the gray zone.

A Ukrainian soldier carries an FPV drone.
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Ukraine’s secret counteroffensive takes the pressure off Sloviansk

On the same day the Russians executed those drone operators, fellow Ukrainian drone pilot Dmytro Putiata reported a small Ukrainian mechanized advance. "At one of the direction at the front line, one of the Ukrainian brigades used four [infantry fighting vehicles] during the attack," Putiata wrote. "They have managed to break through up to three km; dismounted infantry and all of the vehicles managed to retreat."

They break through with the help of friendly drones units that suppressed Russian troops along the assault route, Putiata explained. "How did they manage not to be targeted by drones? The battlefield was prepared for that."

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Ukraine’s secret counteroffensive is more successful than we thought

Par : David Axe

  • Ukraine's quiet counteroffensive north of Lyman has produced dramatic results since April
  • Now two Russian regiments are in danger of encirclement
  • Escape is still likely for the Russians, but their retreat buys time for the Ukrainian defenders of Lyman and nearby Sloviansk

Ukraine secret eastern counteroffensive seems to have been even more successful than some observers reported. It's possible that, in the sector just north of the town of Lyman in eastern Ukraine's Donetsk Oblast, the Ukrainian 3rd Army Corps is just a few kilometers short of encircling two Russian regiments.

That doesn't mean the Russian units can't escape. After all, there isn't a contiguous line of Ukrainian forces—nor a contiguous line of Russian forces for that matter—anywhere along the 1,200-km disputed gray zone that threads across eastern and southern Ukraine.

Situation near Nove as of 23 August
Situation near Nove as of 23 August. Map: Euromaidan Press

But the closing pincer around elements of the Russian 2nd and 144th Motor Rifle Divisions could strain the Russians' logistics and compel the Russians to reconsolidate in order to preserve their combat power—by retreating east. That would take a lot of pressure off Lyman and, by extension, also take a lot of pressure off Sloviansk and Kramatorsk, the last two big free cities in Donetsk.

Lyman, which lies 15 km northeast of Sloviansk—the northernmost of the free cities—is the main obstacle between at least six Russian regiments and Sloviansk. The Russians have been inching toward Sloviansk and Kramatorsk from several directions for months now, racing against the coming winter to position forces for a possible siege of the twin cities next year. Winter in Ukraine punishes any attacker by depriving them of the leafy tree canopy that can conceal infiltrating troops during warmer months.

According to the most recent map from analyst and mapper Thorkill, one of the more reliable observers of unit-level action in Ukraine, the Ukrainian 3rd Assault Brigade is just a few kilometers away from linking up with the 60th Mechanized Brigade in or around the village of Kolodyazi.

Sytuacja w rejonie Nowego (Łyman), część II.

Jednym z odcinków frontu w Donbasie, na którym wojska ukraińskie prowadzą obecnie działania zaczepne, jest rejon Kateryniwka - Nowe – Zełena Dolyna, na północ od Łymanu. Od połowy maja 2026 r. pozycje rosyjskiej 144 Dywizji Strzelców… pic.twitter.com/AIvInwHGX3

— Thorkill (@Thorkill65) August 25, 2026

Galloping advance

If true, that means the 3rd Assault Brigade and adjacent units from the 3rd Army Corps have carried out one of the more successful Ukrainian counteroffensives in memory. In April they first exploited gaps in Russian defenses north of the village of Nove. In May and June they advanced toward the village. In July they captured it.

After that, the attacking Ukrainians kept pushing south into the right flank of a 10-km-by-10-km salient that advancing Russian regiments created as they maneuvered around Lyman from the north, aiming to surround the town instead of directly assaulting it on their way toward Sloviansk.

Leaving their flank exposed, the Russians trying to encircle Lyman found themselves at risk of encirclement, instead. If the 3rd Assault Brigade or 60th Mechanized Brigade—together possessing thousands of troops, on paper—can march through Kolodyazi, they will have closed a ring of loose Ukrainian control around at least two Russian regiments, also with potentially thousands of troops.

Emphasis on loose control. Again, there aren't enough Ukrainian forces on the ground north of Lyman to prevent any "encircled" Russians from retreating back to the east. But that retreat would represent a major victory for the Ukrainian defenders north and east of Sloviansk. "The fall of this salient [north of Lyman] would significantly delay the fall of Lyman," analyst and mapper AMK Mapping predicted.

Situational update on the Lyman direction:

The Ukrainian counterattacks north of Lyman are now entering their fourth month, as they come closer and closer to cutting off the Russian salient. Two pincers have been formed, which are both dangerously close to cutting the Russians… pic.twitter.com/mu2kZ4S3Jv

— AMK Mapping 🇳🇿 (@AMK_Mapping_) August 26, 2026

No one expects the Russians to halt their offensive toward Sloviansk and Kramatorsk. But in potentially taking two steps forward and one step back in their northerly march on the free cities, the Russians sacrifice time. Time the Ukrainians can use to stiffen their defenses in Sloviansk and Kramatorsk and evacuate more of the tens of thousands of civilians who remain in the cities despite the constant danger from Russian drones and bombs.

The possible extent of the Ukrainian gains north of Lyman—a 10-km march since April—is impressive given Russia's overall advantage in manpower and firepower in the east. Equally impressive is the operational security, or OPSEC, that cloaked the offensive until now. Sure, there were a few videos of action around Nove that hinted at a major Ukrainian action.

But the units involved exercised surprising discipline, and prevented too much information from leaking. "Someone in the 3rd Corps responsible for [OPSEC] is actually trying to do their job diligently and has quite effectively cut off information," Thorkill noted. The secrecy may have facilitated the Ukrainian advance by delaying any sense of panic among the Russian commanders who are responsible for reinforcing the Lyman salient, but who also tend to ignore bad news as long as possible because they know it could reflect poorly on them.

News of the counteroffensive is now available for all to see, even if official Ukrainian sources have yet to confirm it. That may mean time is running out for the 3rd Army Corps to close its pincer before the Russians retreat or reinforce. AMK Mapping has already seen some evidence of a "partial withdrawal from the most vulnerable positions in the salient.

A 53rd Mechanized Brigade trooper.
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Can Ukrainian forces save Sloviansk and Kramatorsk?

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Russia’s fleet is set to get 150 uncrewed vessels in 2026, and possibly 230. Sanctions are holding the build back

Ukrainian kamikaze drone Magura V5. Screenshot from CNN video

Russia is trying to build the weapon Ukraine used against it. The Russian fleet is set to receive more than 150 uncrewed surface vessels in 2026, with the state order possibly rising to 230 units, Ukraine's Defense Intelligence told Oboronka.

Ukraine's naval drones drove Russia's Black Sea Fleet out of its main base. Magura strike drones operated by Defense Intelligence sank or damaged more than a dozen Russian vessels and forced the fleet to relocate from Sevastopol to Novorossiysk, roughly 300 kilometers east.

Russia is now ordering the same class of weapon in volume, three years after Ukraine first attacked Sevastopol with drone boats in October 2022.

Intelligence lists Russia's priorities

Ukraine's Defense Intelligence has identified what Russia is prioritizing in its uncrewed surface vessel program. Those are building universal drones from Russian-made components, integrating protected communications and artificial intelligence, and increasing the vessels' operating range.

Sanctions slow the build

Russian production is held back by a shortage of electronic components caused by sanctions, according to the agency. Moscow is finding it harder to import and to develop communications resistant to electronic warfare, Ukraine's Defense Intelligence said.

Limits on Starlink access may also have shaped Russia's naval drone development, the agency added. Russian forces had actively used the terminals to control uncrewed systems.

The imitation runs behind the original

Ukraine unveiled the Magura V11, the largest boat in the family, at its Independence Day drone parade on 24 August.

Rather than ramming ships like the one-way craft that cleared the Black Sea Fleet from Sevastopol, the V11 carries and launches other drones and stays at sea up to seven days.

UFORCE said the drone carries up to 2,200 kg (about 4,850 pounds) and can stay at sea for up to seven days. The company built it for reconnaissance, surveillance, support of landing operations, and resupplying fuel and equipment to other naval drones.

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Zvook covers Ukraine’s skies for under €50 million. Now, it has started testing hydrophones underwater

The Zvook underwater system. Source: The Zvook company

The Ukrainian company that taught Ukraine to hear Russian drones is now learning to listen underwater. Zvook, which develops acoustic systems for detecting drones and missiles, has begun testing hydrophones to detect vessels and other underwater objects by sound, the company said on LinkedIn.

Zvook built its name on land. Its acoustic sensors cover Ukraine at 1,000 meters and below for less than 50 million euros, a system NATO's assistant secretary-general for operations, Tom Goffus, called crazy for its cost-effectiveness. Lithuania chose the same Ukrainian acoustic technology for deployment in 2026 after Russian drones entered its airspace.

The approach stays passive

Zvook says its underwater method emits nothing, unlike traditional sonar. Active sonar sends sound into the water and listens for its return. The company's system only listens to the acoustic environment and uses the information already present in it.

That principle is familiar to the company from the air. Underwater, almost everything else changes: sound propagation, background noise, reflections, environmental conditions, and acoustic signatures create a different detection problem.

Testing comes before any product

The company says its focus now is not a finished product but real-world data. It is working out which objects can be reliably detected and classified, and where a distributed passive underwater acoustic system could have practical value.

Possible applications range from maritime security and vessel awareness to the protection of ports and critical underwater infrastructure, the company explained. Zvook added that it is seeking commercial joint testing with defense organizations, maritime operators, and infrastructure owners.

The company frames it as one method across domains

Zvook cast the shift as continuity rather than a new line of work. From listening to the sky to acoustic tracking, and now beneath the surface, the domain changes, but the principle stays the same: passive, always listening, emitting nothing, the company said.

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“This is smart war”: Ukraine is reinforcing two Donetsk groupings, as Russia pushes at fortress cities. Azov commanders will lead both

Aftermath of a Russian guided bomb attack on Sloviansk, Donetsk Oblast, Ukraine, 24 July 2026. Photo: Ukraine's State Emergency Service

President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy has announced a reinforcement of Ukrainian positions in Donetsk Oblast. This comes amid a Russian offensive against the fortress cities that have defended the region since 2014. Zelenskyy announced the decision after a meeting with Commander-in-Chief Mykhailo Drapatyi.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has ordered his army to seize the entire territory of Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts by the end of this year, Zelenskyy said earlier. This comes amid plans in Russia to mobilize 300,000 Russians in the autumn, UNIAN reports.

After speaking with the military and hearing General Staff reports, Zelenskyy said he, Drapatyi, and Defense Minister Yevhenii Khmara determined the next steps to strengthen Ukrainian positions. Two renewed groupings in Donetsk Oblast will be reinforced.

Two Azov commanders take the groupings

The groupings will be led by Hero of Ukraine Denys Prokopenko and Hero of Ukraine Andrii Biletskyi, Zelenskyy said. Prokopenko commands the 1st Azov Corps of the National Guard and led the defense of Mariupol in 2022. Biletskyi founded the Azov movement in 2014 and now commands the 3rd Army Corps.

Prepare for the worst

Robert “Madiar” Brovdi, commander of Ukraine’s Unmanned Systems Forces, has commented on the decision.

“This is Smart War. Total synchronization with the Unmanned Systems Forces grouping, the shortest possible ‘sensor-to-shooter’ chain,” he said, adding that Russian forces should prepare for the worst possible consequences.

Analysts urged the move before it came

Earlier, two experts had also called for such a decision: Oleksandr Kovalenko of Information Resistance and Yurii Butusov, a drone company commander in the National Guard’s Khartia Corps.

"The eastern flank of the Sloviansk-Kramatorsk agglomeration is taking on an increasingly threatening character," said Kovalenko, suggesting Andrii Biletskyi's 3rd Army Corps, often described as one of the most capable formations in Ukraine's forces, can be used to stop the catastrophe.

Yurii Butusov said that if Ukraine's forces retreat from Sloviansk and Kramatorsk, it could ultimately lead to the loss of the Donbas.

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Ukraine’s new commander-in-chief has been picking technical chiefs. Adviser who knows them says he is putting most competent people

Presidential adviser on defense technology development Serhii "Flash" Beskrestnov at the test range of new electronic warfare means against jet-powered Shaheds. Source: Serhii "Flash" Beskrestnov

Serhii "Flash" Beskrestnov, advisor to the president on the development of defense technologies, has highly praised the recent personnel changes in the new Ukrainian commander-in-chief's staff. He says that Mykhailo Drapatyi is appointing the most competent people available to the Armed Forces' technical directions, adding that "after many years of war, he knows most of the army's technical specialists."

The endorsement comes from Beskrestnov, an adviser to former Ukrainian Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov, considered the most effective in Ukraine's history. After the dismissal, he became a non-staff adviser to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

The technology war moves weekly

Beskrestnov rates the new appointees on temperament as much as expertise.

"The main thing is that these new heads are energetic, modern, and good communicators," he wrote.

In a war of technologies, everything changes literally every week, and "we have to react to all the enemy's challenges just as fast. Analyze, forecast, respond, and act a step ahead of the enemy," he added.

Drapatyi arrived in the same reshuffle

Zelenskyy named Drapatyi commander-in-chief on 21 July, replacing Oleksandr Syrskyi, and said in the same address that he had offered Fedorov a leadership position bringing together Ukraine's technological capabilities.

Fedorov's removal drew street protests across Ukraine. Drapatyi commands the General Staff rather than the ministry, so the appointments Beskrestnov praises sit outside the structure he left behind.

Change will be slow, he expects

"I believe big positive changes are ahead of us, but this will not happen fast, because a great deal has to change," Beskrestnov said.

He did not name any of the new appointees or their posts.

Earlier, Beskrestnov disclosed Russia's new tactics in its drones. According to him, while Ukraine's cheap interceptor drones have been knocking Russia's nightly attackers out of the sky, Russia has now bolted a jammer onto some of its own drones to blind them.

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Belarus built base near Ukraine. Now it’s laying rail that can unload 60 wagons of military equipment

Parliament-building-Minsk-Belarus

Belarus is building railway infrastructure capable of receiving military trains near the village of Yakimauka in Homiel Oblast, according to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Project documentation obtained by the Belarusian Association of Railway Workers confirms that separate railway infrastructure is being designed for a facility officially called "Construction of a training ground in Homiel Oblast," with the Military Design Institute named as the client.

Minsk backed Russia's aggression against Ukraine and opened its military infrastructure and airspace to the Russian army for the war and for strikes on Ukrainian cities. The first ballistic missiles in 2022 to Kyiv Oblast were launched from the territory of Belarus, killing dozens of civilians.

The site under construction lies about 40 kilometers from the Ukrainian border, and Belarus's three existing air assault brigades sit in Vitsebsk, Brest, and Maryina Horka, none of them on the southern frontier.

The documents specify 60 wagons

The project includes a separate access track designed for up to 60 wagons and a freight platform with a ramp for unloading wheeled and tracked equipment, according to the documentation. The exact location of the new training ground is not yet known.

A new base against "threats from Ukraine"

Large-scale construction of a military base has been underway near Homiel since late 2023, and the 37th Separate Air Assault Brigade of Belarus's Special Operations Forces is likely to be deployed there. Part of the new military town was finished in June 2026, and rail construction continues.

Belarus has formed one battalion of the brigade and plans a second this year, along with combat support, artillery, air defense, and reconnaissance units, Special Operations Forces commander Colonel Aliaksandr Iliukevich said, according to Dzerkalo Tyzhnia.

The government of Alexander Lukashenka established this brigade to “strengthen the southern sector,” ostensibly to counter threats from Ukraine. The eastern part of the new facility is designated on Belarusian state cadastral maps as a “military camp,” while the western section is marked as a “training and tactical field.”

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What Spain’s response to Ukraine reveals about Its approach to immigration

What Spain’s response to Ukraine reveals about Its approach to immigration

Spain’s response to people displaced by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has offered a revealing look at how the country approaches immigration more broadly. Ukrainians received access to residence, employment, healthcare and education under temporary protection, while everyday integration still depends heavily on navigating Spain’s administrative system. For foreigners establishing economic, professional or personal ties with the country, that often includes obtaining a Spanish NIE number, one of the key identifiers used when dealing with public authorities and private institutions.

More than four years after the full-scale invasion began, Spain is now home to a substantial Ukrainian population. By June 2026, more than 353,000 Ukrainian nationals held valid residence or stay documentation in the country, according to Spain’s Ministry of Inclusion, Social Security and Migration. Temporary protection remains valid until March 4, 2027. 

But Ukraine is only one part of a much larger immigration story.

Ukraine tested Spain’s capacity to turn emergency protection into integration

The European Union activated temporary protection for people fleeing Ukraine in 2022, creating an exceptional framework that allowed displaced Ukrainians to establish themselves quickly across member states.

In Spain, temporary protection grants both residence and work authorization. Beneficiaries can work as employees or self-employed workers, access healthcare and use the reception system, while minors are entitled to education under the same conditions as children from the host country. The framework can currently be requested until March 4, 2027. 

These measures were designed as an emergency response, but four years is long enough for temporary arrangements to become ordinary life.

People find jobs. Children enter schools. Families build social networks. Businesses hire workers who originally arrived under an emergency mechanism. Housing contracts, bank relationships and interactions with public institutions gradually replace the initial questions of immediate safety and shelter.

That process offers a useful perspective on Spanish immigration policy because integration is ultimately measured less by what happens at the border than by what becomes possible afterward.

Spain’s approach to immigration extends well beyond Ukrainians

Spain’s willingness to bring foreign residents into formal administrative status did not end with the Ukrainian response.

In 2026, the country carried out an extraordinary regularization process for foreigners already living in Spain under qualifying circumstances. Between April 16 and June 30, authorities received 1,174,978 applications.

Nearly 80% were applications based on exceptional circumstances linked to established ties in Spain, while the remainder came from applicants for international protection. About 87% of applicants were of working age, and 59.4% were younger than 34. 

The nationalities involved also show how much broader this phenomenon is than any single humanitarian crisis.

Colombians represented 25.9% of applications, followed by Moroccans, Venezuelans, Peruvians and Hondurans. Two-thirds of applicants came from Central or South America. 

That matters because it places Spain’s treatment of Ukrainians within a wider policy environment.

The mechanisms are different. Temporary protection for Ukrainians and extraordinary regularization for other migrants should not be treated as equivalent immigration routes. But both demonstrate a willingness to create pathways through which foreigners already connected to Spain can move into recognized legal and administrative structures.

Openness does not mean the bureaucracy is simple

This is where Spain can appear contradictory from the outside.

The country can adopt relatively integration-oriented immigration policies while still requiring foreigners to navigate a highly procedural administrative system.

Residence status is only one part of that system.

Foreign residents, investors, property owners, entrepreneurs and others with interests in Spain frequently encounter identification requirements, appointments, registrations, tax procedures and digital interactions with government agencies.

The NIE, or Número de Identidad de Extranjero, is one of the most visible examples. It identifies foreigners who have economic, professional or social interests connected to Spain and appears in a wide range of administrative and private transactions.

But obtaining an identification number does not itself grant residency, just as holding residence status does not eliminate all the other administrative requirements that come with establishing a life or economic connection in the country.

This distinction can be especially important for people looking at Spain from abroad.

Someone can have a reason to interact with Spanish authorities without necessarily immigrating permanently. An investor may need Spanish identification. A property buyer may encounter local administrative requirements. An entrepreneur can develop business interests in Spain while remaining resident elsewhere.

The relevant bureaucracy depends on what the person is actually trying to do.

Spain is also increasingly digital; but that creates another layer to navigate

One notable feature of Spain’s administration is how much of it now takes place electronically.

The scale of the 2026 regularization illustrated this clearly: 83.2% of applications were submitted digitally. Among online applications, professionals handled a large share, while some applicants submitted their own cases using digital certificates.

Spain’s digital certificate system allows individuals to identify themselves securely online, sign official documents and interact with government bodies without completing every procedure in person.

For someone familiar with the system, this can make administration considerably easier.

For someone approaching Spanish bureaucracy for the first time, however, digitization does not necessarily make the process intuitive. It can simply move unfamiliar forms, identification requirements and institutional terminology onto a screen.

That gap has created demand for services focused specifically on administrative navigation.

Gestoraz is a Spanish administrative-services platform that helps foreign individuals, international investors and businesses manage bureaucracy in Spain, with services including NIE and NIF applications and digital certificates. Its model is particularly relevant to people who need to establish an administrative or economic connection with Spain, including those completing Spanish procedures from abroad rather than relocating permanently.

Gestoraz is also an authorized verification point for digital certificate applications and offers an online process that does not require applicants to be physically present in Spain. 

This is an important distinction when assessing Spain as an international destination. The country’s immigration environment is not only about who can move there. It is also about how foreigners interact with the state once some form of connection has been established.

The Ukrainian experience shows what integration looks like after arrival

Spain’s Ukrainian population makes that distinction particularly visible.

By June 2026, Ukrainian nationals with valid residence or stay documentation exceeded 353,000. Women accounted for 58% of the population, and the Ministry noted that a Ukrainian community had already been established in Spain before the full-scale invasion.

Temporary protection gave newly displaced Ukrainians an immediate legal framework.

What followed was a much more ordinary process: employment, schooling, documentation, housing and long-term decisions about whether Spain would remain temporary or gradually become home.

The same distinction applies, in a very different context, to other foreigners considering Spain.

A country may be attractive because of employment, investment opportunities, climate, culture or family connections. But the lived experience of entering a country depends partly on whether its institutions create realistic ways for newcomers to become administratively integrated.

Spain’s recent record suggests that policymakers increasingly see migration not only as a question of entry but also as one of participation in the labour market and formal society.

The 2026 regularization provides one unusually large example. By June 30, the government reported nearly 160,000 additional Social Security contributors linked to the process, with hospitality, retail, administrative services and construction among the sectors recording the largest numbers of new registrations. 

What Spain’s response tells people looking at the country from abroad

None of this means that moving to Spain is straightforward, that every foreigner qualifies for residence or that Spanish immigration policy is uniformly permissive.

It does suggest something more specific.

Spain has repeatedly used administrative mechanisms to integrate large foreign populations into legal residence, employment and public systems. Its response to Ukrainians made that particularly visible because it happened rapidly and at significant scale. The 2026 regularization showed that the broader policy direction was not confined to Ukrainians.

For people elsewhere considering Spain as somewhere to live, work, invest or build a longer-term economic connection, that distinction may matter.

Spain can be institutionally receptive while remaining bureaucratically demanding.

The Ukrainian experience demonstrates the first half of that equation particularly clearly. The paperwork encountered by anyone who subsequently tries to establish an ordinary life, investment or business connection with the country demonstrates the second.

Understanding both offers a more useful picture of Spain than either describing it as simply “open” to immigration or reducing the experience to its administrative hurdles.

The country’s recent record suggests that access and bureaucracy are not opposites in the Spanish system.

Very often, they arrive together.



  •  

Ukraine asks US orchestra to drop Russian-born violinist, citing ties to Kremlin-backed cultural initiatives

vadim repin

The Embassy of Ukraine in the USA asked the Annapolis Symphony Orchestra (ASO) on 25 August to cancel Russian-born violinist Vadim Repin's participation in its Forces of Nature concerts on 6–7 November at Maryland Hall, citing his involvement in Russian state-sponsored and state-linked cultural initiatives.

Since 2022, Ukrainian diplomats have turned individual concert bookings into an object of foreign policy, arguing that a performer carrying Russian state honors and state money brings the state onto the stage with him. Western institutions have answered case by case rather than by policy, so every booking is renegotiated from scratch, and what one venue cancels, another can quietly restore.

The embassy said Repin performed with the State Kremlin Orchestra on 21 February 2024 at a concert the Kremlin Foundation staged for Defender of the Fatherland Day, a Russian military holiday, framed as a tribute to Russia's "great defenders." It said his Vadim Repin Foundation for the Development of the Arts has received substantial funding since the start of the full-scale invasion from Russia's Presidential Fund for Cultural Initiatives, a state-established institution supporting Russia's cultural policy.

The embassy's request comes four years after the Annapolis Symphony dropped Repin from a March 2022 program and staged a tribute to Ukraine in his place—a decision the orchestra said at the time reflected both the war and respect for Repin's apolitical stance and the safety of him and his family.

no stage for russia
A graphic from the Ukrainian embassy's appeal to the Annapolis Symphony Orchestra. Image: Embassy of Ukraine in the USA / Facebook

The orchestra has not addressed the reversal directly, but the program notes for the concert argue that Shostakovich wrote the concerto for Ukrainian-born David Oistrakh under Stalinist repression and that it "calls on listeners to reject the politics of revenge and hate while embracing the healing cycle of forgiveness." The embassy is asking ASO to reaffirm what it describes as the solidarity with Ukraine shown in 2022.

"We hope the Annapolis Symphony Orchestra will give these concerns careful consideration and reaffirm the solidarity with Ukraine it demonstrated in 2022, when it withdrew Mr. Repin from its program and replaced his performance with a musical tribute to Ukraine," the embassy said.

In March 2022, days after Russia's full-scale invasion began, ASO replaced Repin's planned appearance. The orchestra's then-executive director, Edgar Herrera, told WTOP that the decision was not only a response to the war but also "out of respect to Repin's apolitical stance and concerns for the safety of himself and his family."

The embassy noted that Germany's Mannheim Philharmonic, the Hungarian National Philharmonic, and Florida's Palm Beach Symphony have all reconsidered working with Repin this year, and that Palm Beach canceled his performance in March. Mannheim dropped a February concert after a request from Ukraine's embassy in Berlin, and the Hungarian orchestra replaced him at its Budapest season opening in June. A Change.org petition launched in June by Ukrainian Cultural Front DC had already called on ASO to cancel the November concerts.

Neither ASO nor Repin has commented publicly on the embassy's request.

  •  

A warehouse built to hold up to 54 million items burned down in Tambov Oblast, Russia

warehouse built hold 54 million items fire tambov oblast russia · post burned-out buildings wildberries logistics center kotovsk 26 2026 exilenova+ ukraine news ukrainian reports

Ukrainian drones struck the Wildberries logistics hub in the Russian town of Kotovsk for the second time in six weeks, Ukrainian monitoring channel Exilenova+ reported. A fire took hold across most of the 108,000-square-meter complex, and by late morning, the regional governor said the warehouse was destroyed. Wildberries, Russia's biggest online store, had restarted the site after a July strike. The facility is located in Tambov Oblast, about 420 km from the war zone in Ukraine.

Since mid-July, Kyiv's long-range drones have been burning through the depots of Wildberries and Ozon, Russia's two biggest online stores, alongside the refineries and fuel depots that remain on the target list. Marketplace hubs are wide, flat, and largely uncovered by air defense, and the space takes months to replace, so the campaign now reaches the part of the Russian economy that touches every household.

The second fire at the same hub

Exilenova+ reported the strike at 01:24, saying Ukraine's Defense Forces had hit the site again and that a fire was burning. Later, the channel continued to share photos and videos from Kotovsk. The Russian news Telegram channel Astra reported that local residents described the warehouse as attacked and alight. Witnesses counted at least 10 explosions in 40 minutes. Wildberries said a drone attack damaged its logistics facility in the oblast and started a fire, and that the site had stopped accepting new deliveries.

warehouse built hold 54 million items fire tambov oblast russia · post smoke rising wildberries logistics center after drone strike kotovsk 26 2026 supernova+ ukraine news ukrainian reports
Smoke rising from the Wildberries logistics center after the drone strike in Kotovsk, Tambov Oblast, Russia, 26 August 2026. Photo: Supernova+

What the governor said, and what changed by morning

Tambov Oblast governor Yevgeny Pervyshov confirmed the attack and put the burning area at more than 100,000 square meters. He claimed air defenses and mobile fire groups of a regional volunteer reserve unit destroyed 16 drones. He initially reported one Wildberries employee hurt, with concussion from a blast wave, and said a downed Ukrainian drone set a house on fire in a dacha settlement.

warehouse built hold 54 million items fire tambov oblast russia · post helicopter carrying water bucket above burning wildberries logistics center kotovsk 26 2026 exilenova+ ukraine news ukrainian reports
A helicopter carrying a water bucket above the burning Wildberries logistics center in Kotovsk, Tambov Oblast, Russia, 26 August 2026. Photo: Exilenova+

By 11:17, Pervyshov's account had changed. Fire had destroyed the warehouse completely, and two people were injured, he said. Three strike drones had reached the building, the official stated. He closed by again urging men in the oblast to join the defense of its skies. Earlier, Kotovsk's mayor asked residents not to leave their homes for two days, citing the risk of carbon monoxide poisoning from the burning warehouse.

Russia's Defense Ministry separately claimed it destroyed 426 drones overnight across the country.

Last night, Ukrainian drones struck another warehouse in Russia

The Wildberries hub in Kotovsk, Tambov Oblast, caught fire and the company announced a "temporary" suspension of its operations.

📹Exilenova+ pic.twitter.com/qH0Qi3f6YV

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 26, 2026

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Ukrainian forces hit 16 targets in Russia over the past day, naming oil facilities — "the Russian oil wallet that finances the war" — along with airfields, a missile unit, a military plant, and Russian logistics. War has to return to where it came from, he said.

Almost no storage left in central Russia

The Kotovsk hub opened in 2025 as one of Wildberries' key logistics sites for central Russia, built to hold up to 54 million items at full capacity. Drones first hit it overnight on 18 July, when seven warehouse staff died and, by the governor's count, 25 more were hurt. The company suspended operations then, too.

By the end of July, the retailer had already lost more than a million square meters of warehouse space, Exile+ calculated, which leaves it physically almost no free capacity in the center of the country.

From one marketplace to the next

Ukrainian drones destroyed eight Wildberries warehouses in July alone, roughly 860,000 square meters or about 15.4% of the company's storage. The campaign widened to Ozon, Russia's second-largest online store, with its biggest Russian complex hit in Orenburg on 23 August, and three southern hubs struck the next night.

  •  

Frontline Rolls: Ukrainian soldiers document their lives at the front on film

Ukrainian servicemembers pose with film cameras used to document their lives at the front. 2025. Collage: Serhii Melnitchenko

Frontline Rolls, a documentary photography project by Ukrainian photographer Serhii Melnychenko, began in February 2025, when Serhii started sending disposable film cameras to soldiers serving in different areas of the front line. He asked them to document their daily lives, routines, and work.

The project has since been published as a standalone photobook and adapted into an exhibition, with photographs, handwritten letters, and artifacts returned by the participants. In 2026, it won the PhMuseum 2026 Photography Grant Main Prize.

The Ukraine War Archive calls Russia’s war against Ukraine the most documented war in history. Frontline Rolls records it from the soldiers’ own perspective through their photographs, letters, and chosen objects.

How Frontline Rolls began

Serhii spent nearly all of 2024 working on Along the Dnipro. Since he did not have time to travel to soldiers’ positions but wanted to document their experiences, he began looking for alternative ways. He asked himself one question:

“Do I really have to be there in person to document this?” Serhii writes in the foreword to the book, the project’s print format.

The book Frontline rolls: Photos, Letters & Artifacts from Ukrainian Soldiers. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko.
The book Frontline Rolls: Photos, Letters & Artifacts from Ukrainian Soldiers. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko

The answer was for the soldiers themselves to document their lives for a period of time. Serhii reached out to Fotovramci, which agreed to provide him with disposable film cameras free of charge.

The bags contain film cameras along with the exposed film. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko.
The bags contain film cameras along with the exposed film. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko

The photographs that came back document the soldiers’ daily lives and the spaces in which they served.

Ukrainian service members inside a dugout, 2025. Photo: project participant Andrii “Dronchik”
Ukrainian service members inside a dugout, 2025. Photo: project participant Andrii “Dronchik”

Project participants also shared their stories in the book:

“I joined because I have to protect my family from the orcs. Before the full‐scale invasion I was an artist–designer, worked in advertising. Now a tank commander and reconnaissance pilot on a Mavic. In my free time I decorate shell‐casings and send them to volunteers for help,” says Oleksii, a soldier and participant in the project who goes by the call sign “Lapa.”

A Ukrainian serviceman works on equipment inside a military vehicle, 2025. Photo: project participant Oleksii “Lapa”
A Ukrainian serviceman works on equipment inside a military vehicle, 2025. Photo: project participant Oleksii “Lapa”
A cat sits inside a Ukrainian military dugout, 2025. Photo: project participant Oleksii “Lapa”
A cat sits inside a Ukrainian military dugout, 2025. Photo: project participant Oleksii “Lapa”

“For almost 3½ years I have remained in my soul a civilian. This system is very alien to me. In it I suffer a lot, in particular due to the huge restrictions on freedom. But I am here so that my country remains free. And for my values and convictions I have already paid a considerable price. If I had the option to choose another path—I would still choose this one,” says Oleksii “Photographer,” a soldier and project participant.

Ukrainian service members travel in a vehicle fitted with military communications or electronic equipment, 2025. Photo: project participant Oleksii “Photographer”
Ukrainian service members travel in a vehicle fitted with military communications or electronic equipment, 2025. Photo: project participant Oleksii “Photographer”

“I don’t have a callsign, because everyone knows me as Holikov. In the military since November 2023. From the very start of the full‑scale invasion I volunteered, but with each trip to the front I felt that I was doing not enough and decided to join the ranks of the 109th Separate Brigade of Territorial Defence,” says Viktor Holikov.

Mourners attend the funeral of a fallen Ukrainian service member, surrounded by Ukrainian flags and wreaths, 2025. Photo: project participant Viktor Holikov
Mourners attend the funeral of a fallen Ukrainian service member, surrounded by Ukrainian flags and wreaths, 2025. Photo: project participant Viktor Holikov
Burned-out vehicles stand beside a damaged building after an attack, 2025. Photo: project participant Viktor Holikov
Burned-out vehicles stand beside a damaged building after an attack, 2025. Photo: project participant Viktor Holikov

“In the army I... feel calmer. I have finally found a certain peace of mind during the full‐scale invasion, despite the difficulties. Partly I still feel that I’m doing not enough, but now it doesn’t haunt me like it used to,” says Kseniia, a servicewoman who goes by the call sign “Jane.”

A Ukrainian servicewoman poses among tall grass and flowers near a frontline position, 2025. Photo: project participant Kseniia “Jane”
A Ukrainian servicewoman poses among tall grass and flowers near a frontline position, 2025. Photo: project participant Kseniia “Jane”

“The army for me is, first of all, what is called brotherhood. It is hard to describe—you can only understand it by being inside,” says Danylo “Doc.”

Ukrainian service members rest in a wooded area near the front, 2025. Photo: project participant Danylo “Doc”
Ukrainian service members rest in a wooded area near the front, 2025. Photo: project participant Danylo “Doc”
Small blue figurines are attached to a Ukrainian service member’s body armor, 2025. Photo: project participant Danylo “Doc”
Small blue figurines are attached to a Ukrainian service member’s body armor, 2025. Photo: project participant Danylo “Doc”

The artifacts tell their own stories

Participants returned handwritten letters and personal objects with the exposed film. Serhii describes the resulting collection as a record of “personal experiences, struggles, and memories.”

“I collected artifacts that will remain part of our nation’s history after victory, reminding us of these challenging times,” Serhii says in the book.

Decorated spent shell casings provided by project participant Oleksii “Lapa,” 2025. Photo: Serhii Melnitchenko
Decorated spent shell casings provided by project participant Oleksii “Lapa,” 2025. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko
A handwritten letter from Ukrainian service member “Dronchik,” describing life at the front and thanking supporters for their help, 2025. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko
A handwritten letter from Ukrainian service member “Dronchik,” describing life at the front and thanking supporters for their help, 2025. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko

FPV drone — a drone remotely controlled by an operator using a live video feed, 2025. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko

An FPV drone—a drone remotely controlled by an operator using a live video feed, 2025. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko
A handwritten remembrance by Roman 'Fjord' says Andrii 'Kratos' was killed after his position came under a gas attack, 2025. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko
A handwritten remembrance by Roman 'Fjord' says Andrii 'Kratos' was killed after his position came under a gas attack, 2025. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko
A rosary with a crucifix belonging to Andrii “VirtuoZ,” 2025. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko
A rosary with a crucifix belonging to Andrii “VirtuoZ,” 2025. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko

Frontline Rolls travels beyond Ukraine

In 2026, Serhii also received the PhEST International Award in Italy, ex aequo with photographer Victorine Alisse.

The photographs were also presented in Copenhagen as part of The War They Live, an exhibition curated by The Kyiv Independent photo editor Irynka Hromotska together with Serhii. The project was also shown at the Athens Photo Festival in 2026. According to Serhii, the exhibition is also scheduled to open at Fotografiska Stockholm in October 2026.

The Frontline rolls exhibition, featuring photographs, letters, and personal artifacts from Ukrainian soldiers. Ukraine House in Denmark, Copenhagen, 2026. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko
The Frontline rolls exhibition, featuring photographs, letters, and personal artifacts from Ukrainian soldiers. Ukraine House in Denmark, Copenhagen, 2026. Photo: Serhii Melnychenko

“I sincerely hope that when the war ends, every participant in this project will be alive. Because each of them has become much more to me than just a contributor—they’ve become true friends,” Serhii concludes the foreword to the book.

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US C-17 spends 8½ hours in Moscow during first CIA chief visit since 2021

cia director john ratcliffe

CIA Director John Ratcliffe visited Moscow on 25 August, becoming the first known serving CIA chief to travel to the Russian capital since November 2021, The Washington Post reported.

The CIA and White House did not publicly explain the mission.

The Kremlin said the unannounced trip involved “contacts between security services” but did not identify whom Ratcliffe met or what they discussed. Dmitry Peskov told Interfax that Ratcliffe did not meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The CIA and White House did not publicly explain the mission.

Expert raises possibility of a warning mission

Washington also asked Ukraine not to attack Moscow or St. Petersburg during the visit, Ukrainian sources told Suspilne. Kyiv was told that a senior US delegation was traveling to Russia, although officials were not initially told that Ratcliffe would be part of it.

“It is difficult to speculate because there is essentially no information,” Tartu researcher Vladimir Sazonov, an associate professor who studies Russian state ideology and information warfare, told Euromaidan Press.

Ratcliffe may have carried a warning, as William Burns did in 2021, Sazonov said. It could have concerned a possible new Russian mobilization after September’s State Duma elections or Moscow’s escalating hybrid operations against NATO.

Stalled Ukraine diplomacy and Russia’s relationship with Iran were other possible subjects. None has been confirmed.

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The last CIA visit came before Russia invaded

A US Air Force C-17 flew from Joint Base Andrews outside Washington to Riga, and then Moscow, according to flight data analyzed by The Washington Post. The aircraft remained at Vnukovo Airport for about eight and a half hours before returning to Latvia. The newspaper also verified footage of a diplomatic motorcade traveling through central Moscow.

cia director william burns
The career diplomat and former ambassador to Russia, the CIA Director, William Burns/ Source: Getty Images

Ratcliffe’s visit was the first by a CIA director since Burns traveled to Moscow in November 2021 with evidence that Russia was preparing a major attack on Ukraine.

During that visit, Burns spoke with Putin by telephone from the Kremlin because the Russian president was in Sochi. Russia launched its full-scale invasion less than four months later.

Sazonov also raised the possibility that Ratcliffe discussed Americans detained in Russia. The CIA participated in previous negotiations that freed journalists Evan Gershkovich and Alsu Kurmasheva, and former US Marine Paul Whelan, RFE/RL documented CIA involvement.

“If we do not know the answers, all we can do is ask the relevant questions,” Sazonov added.

  •  

Biggest Magura sea drone doesn’t ram ships. It carries other drones and stays out seven days

MV11 from the MAGURA family

Ukraine has unveiled the largest robot boat in its Magura sea-drone family, and this one is built to carry and launch other drones instead of ramming enemy ships, the company UFORCE told Militarnyi. UFORCE showed the new V11 during Ukraine's Independence Day drone parade, signaling a move from single-use attack craft toward a floating base at sea.

Ukraine has fought its Black Sea war with throwaway robot boats—cheap, one-way, built to hit a ship and go down with it. Shifting toward reusable platforms that keep other machines running far from any coast marks a different bet.

A floating base, not a battering ram

The V11 is the biggest drone in its class. Earlier, Magura boats were made to hit warships. This one is a transport platform that carries other unmanned systems and gear. Its main feature is the ability to launch a larger number of unmanned systems straight from its deck, turning one boat into a mobile base for them. The company refers to the drone as both the V11 and the MV11.

australia spending billions drones — ukraine says can make money count new ukrainian maritime magura v7 (left) older v5 2025 militarnyi has offered share its combat-tested drone technology battlefield expertise
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What the V11 can do

UFORCE says the drone carries up to 2,200 kg (about 4,850 pounds) and can stay at sea for up to seven days. The company built it for reconnaissance, surveillance, support of landing operations, and resupplying fuel and equipment to other naval drones.

"It is a platform that provides multi-domain capability: one carrier that carries and launches other unmanned systems far from shore for operations across all domains," said Oleh Rogynskyy, CEO of UFORCE.

He said the investment the company attracts works for Ukraine's Defense Forces.

From strikes to a US production line

UFORCE's design and engineering office in Portugal developed the V11, drawing on international investment and aiming at the needs of Ukraine's Defense Forces. Its work there was first reported in September 2025.

meet magura w6 ukraine's latest threat russian warships drone funded pumb bank being presented hur 2025 5398010383781982294 ukrainian military intelligence has received new-generation maritime part its continued efforts challenge naval
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Meet the Magura W6: Ukraine’s latest threat to Russian warships

In July, the company and the US firm ReconCraft signed a memorandum for the licensed production of Magura naval drones in the US. Ukraine's Magura boats have forced Russia's Black Sea Fleet back to safer ports, and some versions have even shot down Russian fighter jets.

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A gasoline and polystyrene mix—police call it napalm—was meant for a Ukrainian drone plant in Slovakia

gasoline polystyrene—the mix police call napalm—was meant ukrainian drone plant slovakia · post man detained suspicion preparing arson attack items seized site eastern 2026 slovak ukraine news reports

Slovak police foiled a planned arson attack on a drone factory in the country's east, the force said on 25 August. Investigators charged three foreigners with preparing the attack on commission and seized incendiary material and equipment at the scene. The plant belongs to the Ukrainian drone maker Skyeton, Militarnyi reported.

Russia's war has an arm inside Europe that usually works without missiles against Ukraine supporters — agents and recruited locals, carrying out arsons, parcel fires, flying an explosive drone at a Ukrainian cargo plane in Germany, plotting against arms-industry figures — and the point of hiring strangers to light fires is that a burned production hall costs Moscow nothing it can be held to account for.

Had the attack in Slovakia gone ahead, it risked a large fire, danger to life and health, and damage on a large scale, police stated. About 70 employees could have been in the building at the time, by preliminary estimates. Property inside the production hall is worth tens of millions of euros, according to the findings so far.

Officers seized a larger quantity of incendiary mixture, along with tools, mobile phones, an action camera, and a hand-made plan. The police Criminalistics and Expertise Institute gave a preliminary finding that the substance was a mixture of gasoline and polystyrene, commonly called napalm. Slovakia's anti-crime unit ÚBOK, part of the Police Presidium, identified the people preparing the attack and stopped it. Nobody was hurt and no property was damaged, police said.

gasoline polystyrene—the mix police call napalm—was meant ukrainian drone plant slovakia · post items seized during operation one detained men eastern 2026 ukraine news reports
Items seized during the operation, and one of the detained men, eastern Slovakia, August 2026. Photo: Police of the Slovak Republic

The charges, and where the three were detained

An ÚBOK investigator charged the three foreigners with preparing a particularly serious crime of general endangerment, committed as co-perpetrators on order. Officers detained two of them in Slovakia, and the investigator moved to have both taken into custody. German authorities detained the third on a European arrest warrant. The investigation continues, and the legal classification of the men's actions may still change.

fifty grams hexogen ten days late what germany missed after attack ukraine's plane · post german police vehicles officers apron beneath wing ukrainian cargo aircraft leipzig/halle airport 2026 leipzig halle
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The plant, and a company Russia has already hit

Slovakia, a NATO and EU member, borders Ukraine on its eastern edge. Skyeton builds the Raybird, a fixed-wing reconnaissance drone that has served with Ukraine's Armed Forces since 2018 and stays airborne for up to 28 hoursThe company began production in Slovakia in 2024, and more than €10 million in foreign investment went into the plant, one of several sites Ukrainian firms opened abroad to cut the risk of Russian attacks.

That risk is not theoretical. Russia destroyed Skyeton's Kyiv office in May, and the company said it had already spread production capacity across Ukraine and abroad in anticipation.

A Skyeton representative told Militarnyi:

"The recent attempt on our production in Slovakia is another sign that Ukrainian arms makers are already a bone in their throat, which means we are on the right path." 

Russian sabotage defense factories
2024

WSJ: Russian sabotage groups suspected for arson attack on plant producing air defense systems for Ukraine

Arson against Ukraine's defense partners in Europe

Companies working for Ukraine have been hit across several countries this year and earlier. 

In March, suspects who claimed a pro-Palestinian motive set fire to the Pardubice production of Archer, a Ukrainian maker of thermal imaging sights, destroying nearly all of the company's capacity in Czechia.

Estonia opened a Russian-link investigation this month into a suspected arson at a military robot maker supplying Ukraine, and Lithuania charged six people in January over an attempt to burn a factory that supplied radio-wave scanners. 

A powerful explosion of undetermined cause hit EMCO, one of Bulgaria's largest private arms makers, which produces artillery ammunition for Ukraine, on 10 August.

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One tracked tank repairs, one marked artillery, one aimed bombs at civilians—all three got 15 years

SBU officers in camouflage and tactical gear, seen from behind during an operation.

A Ukrainian court sentenced three Russian agents to 15 years each for guiding Russian strikes on Donetsk Oblast, the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) said on 26 August. Each had been recruited to mark Ukrainian military sites or civilian targets in the east, and counterintelligence exposed them between spring 2025 and March this year. The court found all three guilty of treason committed under martial law. The SBU did not name the court or say which specific strikes the men enabled.

Russia has spent this war turning Ukrainian civilians into spotters for its bombs — reaching them through Telegram job and drug channels, forged official summonses, relatives in occupied areas, and promises of easy money — and the SBU has opened more than 3,800 treason investigations since 2022 as of February 2026, so any single verdict stands for a caseload far larger than what reaches the news.

The informer inside the armor repair base

One of the convicted men worked at a Defense Forces repair base, and the SBU detained him in the Kramatorsk sector in April 2025. Russian services noticed him through his brother, who lives in Russia and works for the Federal Security Service (FSB), the investigation established. Recruitment through relatives in Russia or the occupied territories is a method Ukrainian counterintelligence has documented before, including inside a marine brigade on the active front.

During his own shifts at the defense enterprise, he recorded the geolocations of repair shops used to restore heavy armored vehicles for Ukraine's Armed Forces. He tried to pass the photographs and building coordinates to his Russian handler through an anonymous chat in a messenger.

sbu arrests suspected russian spies foils sabotage plots lyman chernihiv kirovohrad vinnytsia detainment saboteurs security service says arrested agent aiding airstrikes 2 ukraine's reported multiple agents involved espionage across several
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SBU arrests suspected Russian spies, foils sabotage plots in Lyman, Chernihiv, Kirovohrad, Vinnytsia

The Dobropillia man who aimed 1.5-ton bombs near Pokrovsk

The second man was an unemployed resident of Dobropillia and an agent of Russian military intelligence, which noticed him through anti-Ukrainian comments in Telegram channel chats, the SBU said. The agency's counterintelligence detained him near Pokrovsk in March this year. Investigators established that he directed 1.5-ton guided aerial bombs at fortified areas and at artillery positions that keep Russian assault groups under fire control on the Pokrovsk axis. Russian forces have leaned more heavily on heavy glide bombs across this stretch of front this year, hitting fortifications and reducing towns to rubble their infantry then uses as cover.

The Kostiantynivka resident who marked his own city

The third man, recruited by the FSB, lived in Kostiantynivka, and SBU military counterintelligence exposed him in August 2025, according to the report. He approached Russian services through pro-Kremlin Telegram channels and offered them his help.

He directed Russian guided aerial bombs and small first-person-view drones at the civilian infrastructure of the front-line city, according to the case materials. He also tracked the positions of Ukrainian drone units carrying out combat tasks on the Kramatorsk axis. Russian strikes on that axis have repeatedly hit residential blocks, with prosecutors opening war-crimes investigations.

Ukrainian courts have handed down the same 15-year term in comparable cases, including for a locomotive depot engineer who mapped Ukrainian positions around Lyman.
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Retired Valencia official came to Ukraine to repay debt from Franco’s time. Russia has held him since 2022, and now his Kherson apartment has burned

Screenshot from a video provided by Tetiana Marina, his civilian wife. Source: ZMINA

Fire has destroyed the Kherson apartment of Mariano García Calatayud, the Spanish volunteer, who was abducted by Russian forces during the occupation of the city in 2022. His partner, Tetiana Marina, told ZMINA she received two videos from neighbors that morning, the first showing her apartment alight and the second showing the fire spreading through the building.

Calatayud is one case in a system of civilian captivity that Russia does not acknowledge. Ukraine's ombudsman estimates Russia holds up to 20,000 Ukrainian civilians, with confirmed identities for only a fraction. Russia has never charged Calatayud with a crime, never allowed him a lawyer or contact with his family, and for more than three and a half years has declined to confirm it holds him at all.

The building stands at the start of Yevropeiska Street, formerly Suvorova, roughly 500 to 700 meters from the Dnipro, Marina said. Police have recorded the damage. She does not know what caused the fire and suspects a Russian drone.

The videos showed the fire spreading

"In the first, I saw clearly that only my apartment was engulfed. In the second, I saw that all the apartments in the video had burned," Marina said.

She is still trying to reach a neighbor, Iryna, who had been sleeping in a bomb shelter because of the shelling.

  • "I still do not know what happened, but everything burned. It does look like a drone," she said.
A moral debt brought him to Ukraine

Calatayud ran the road construction department at Valencia city hall before retiring. He moved to Ukraine in 2014, collected humanitarian aid from several countries and delivered it to Marinka and Krasnohorivka in Donetsk Oblast, and worked with orphanages.

Marina explained his reason to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Under Franco, many children of repressed Spaniards were sent to Ukraine, to Odesa. His mother's family was among the repressed.

"That is why he went to Ukraine in 2014, to, as he put it, repay a debt to Ukraine," she said.

When Russian forces took Kherson, he stayed. He could have left for Spain, but did not.

Russia stopped acknowledging him

On 19 March 2022, Calatayud attended a pro-Ukrainian rally. Two men in balaclavas seized him at his own entrance, handcuffed him, put him in a dark blue minibus, and drove him to the occupation administration, Marina said.

He was held in Simferopol pre-trial detention center No. 2. According to other civilian hostages, he was beaten and subjected to electric shocks while in detention. They also described inhumane conditions and a lack of proper medical care. He suffered a heart attack in custody.

In December 2023, Russia reported Calatayud's transfer to Kherson Oblast, the Media Initiative for Human Rights reported. Spain proposed exchanging him for a Russian prisoner of war, and Russia refused. The Red Cross is searching for him in penal colonies, including in Siberia.

Russian military bloggers listed him in a database of foreign fighters, claiming he had joined Kherson's territorial defense. He never carried a weapon in the city, his wife said.

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Ukraine has wrecked more than 100,000 Russian vehicles by hitting the roads, and this new drone is built exactly for that job

The new fixed-wing Baton. Source: The Technological Forces of Ukraine

The Technological Forces of Ukraine have presented a strike drone built to cut Russian logistics. The new fixed-wing Baton is designed to hit firing positions, supply routes, and other targets at tactical depth, out to 90 kilometers, according to the association's announcement.

Everything Russian troops eat, fire, and drive reaches them by road and train. Ukraine has pushed cumulative Russian motor-transport losses past 100,000 vehicles by working that ground, destroying 483 in a single day on 29 May, the highest daily figure since February 2022. Baton is built for that band.

The numbers come from the association

Baton carries three kilograms over a stated range of up to 90 kilometers, stays airborne for 50 minutes, and cruises at 105 kilometers per hour, with a maximum of 140 kilometers per hour, according to the announcement. Its working altitude ranges from 150 to 500 meters, with a ceiling of 1,500 meters.

Eight airframes fit in one pickup, launch comes from a catapult under ground-station control, and preparation takes about 15 minutes, the association said.

Autonomy takes over at two kilometers

The drone locks onto a target and flies to it automatically from up to 2 kilometers away and at altitudes up to 500 meters, the association said. That final stretch is where Russian jamming would otherwise break the link.

Depending on the version, it carries analog or digital video, communicates over LTE or Starlink, and navigates a route autonomously with real-time positioning, according to the announcement.

Two figures do not sit together

Fifty minutes at the stated cruising speed covers roughly 87 kilometers. The 90-kilometer range is therefore a one-way distance at near-full endurance rather than an operating radius.

Earlier, a Ukrainian drone maker pitched a weapon that functions like a mortar, rather than a drone. F-Drones unveiled the F5, a compact five-inch strike FPV built for assault units working treelines, built-up areas, and position support at short range.

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