In June 2025, when corruption investigators reached President Volodymyr Zelensky’s inner circle, his team responded with a systematic operation to eliminate Ukraine’s anti-corruption infrastructure.

They deployed parliamentary manipulation, information warfare through Telegram channels, and legal machinations—the full authoritarian toolkit perfected across the post-Soviet space—all to subordinate two key anti-corruption institutions to the presidentially-appointed prosecutor general through a hastily-passed law on 22 July.

The operation was sophisticated, coordinated, and executed with surgical precision. What Zelenskyy’s team didn’t anticipate was that Ukrainian society had evolved beyond their understanding.

Detailed investigations by Ukrainska Pravda and Texty.org.ua reveal how the operation unfolded—and how Ukrainian civil society and European partners forced a complete retreat that exposed post-Soviet patronage reflexes colliding with European democratic standards.

When investigators reached Zelenskyy’s actual family

By June 2025, corruption investigators had crossed a line that post-Soviet leaders consider sacred: they reached Zelenskyy’s actual inner circle.

As anti-corruption expert Olena Shcherban told the Kyiv Independent: “NABU and SAPO [Special Anti-Corrupution Prosecutor’s Office] have actually reached the immediate circle of the president’s ‘family.'” She predicted the Presidential Office would attack the institutions rather than abandon the minister.

She was right. When your survival network gets threatened, you protect the network.

The orchestrators revealed

Ukrainska Pravda’s investigation shows who planned the operation. The key figures were:

• Andriy Yermak (Head of Presidential Office);
• newly appointed Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko;
• and lawyer Dmytro Borzykh—a former military prosecutor positioned as the new behind-the-scenes fixer with histories of manipulating court systems.

Here’s what made the operation cynical: Kravchenko’s appointment coincided precisely with Deputy Prime Minister Oleksiy Chernyshov fleeing abroad to avoid corruption charges. The investigation reports that Kravchenko’s final meeting with presidential leadership occurred when Chernyshov “was already abroad and not going to return.”

One law enforcement source told Ukrainska Pravda the instruction was clear: “do everything possible to destroy the influence of NABU and SAPO.” But the plan required parliamentary votes—and that’s where the real manipulation began.

The machinery of power consolidation

The operation deployed multiple tools that aspiring authoritarians use to capture institutions:

• Parliamentary manipulation: On 22 July, deputies were told they were coming to vote on an important appeal to the US Congress about recognizing Russia as a terrorist state. Many had foreign trips canceled. Only when they arrived did faction leaders reveal the “main” vote would come after—a “marker” vote that was “principled for the president.” As one MP told Ukrainska Pravda: “People really had no idea what they would vote for. They said, ‘Why do you need the text?! Vote, it’s important.'” Parliament had roughly one hour to review amendments that fundamentally transformed corruption oversight.
• Buying loyalty through legal deals: MP Robert Horvat from the “Dovira” group had reached a plea agreement with SAPO in his land theft case. But after Kravchenko’s appointment, he refused to sign, telling prosecutors “Klymenko [head of SAPO] will soon be sacked.” Horvat voted both for the anti-corruption law and for Kravchenko’s appointment, along with nine colleagues from his group.
• Manufactured security crisis: On 21 July, SBU conducted 70 searches targeting 15 NABU employees, claiming Russian infiltration. The star villain was Ruslan Magamedrasulov, accused of selling hemp to Dagestan and contacting “FSB agents.” The timing was theatrical—exactly one day before the crucial vote. NABU noted most searches concerned traffic accidents, but Telegram channels immediately called NABU a “branch of the FSB” and photoshopped Russian flags onto its logo.
• Civil society intimidation: Parallel raids targeted anti-corruption activist Vitaliy Shabunin in the run-up to the law. The message was clear: supporting independent oversight brings consequences.
• Information warfare through Telegram: Texty.org.ua’s investigation tracked 246 coordinated posts across 24 popular channels from 5 June to 23 July, revealing a sophisticated influence operation that weaponized Ukraine’s most powerful information medium.

The comedy studio’s systematic capture

This wasn’t just about protecting two friends. After Zelenskyy’s 2019 victory, over 30 former Kvartal 95 employees moved into government positions—what Ukrainian analysts call a “comedy studio government.”

Take Chernyshov himself. In December 2024, Ukraine created the Ministry of National Unity specifically to give him a prominent role.

The new ministry’s purpose remained deliberately vague—supposedly engaging with Ukrainian diaspora abroad, but critics noted this duplicated existing Foreign Ministry functions. Even some ruling party deputies refused to endorse Chernyshov’s nomination due to “lack of clarity regarding the ministry’s purpose.”

Seven months later, after Chernyshov’s corruption charges, the ministry was quietly merged with the Ministry of Social Policy—effectively eliminating it. A ministry created for one man, disbanded when that man became a liability.

But Chernyshov wasn’t appointed for competence—he was appointed for loyalty. He belonged to Zelensky’s intimate circle, invited to birthday celebrations during wartime restrictions. When you staff government based on personal relationships rather than merit, you create a state that can’t tolerate oversight.

The cynical gamble on European integration

What makes the July operation particularly cynical is the timing. European Pravda reveals that Brussels had secretly scheduled 18 July to open Ukraine’s first EU negotiating cluster, bypassing Hungarian obstruction entirely. Zelenskyy knew about these plans—he’d been personally involved in discussions with Danish officials since late June.

But instead of supporting this diplomatic breakthrough, Ukraine systematically undermined its reform credentials. The EU response was swift: Brussels froze $5.5 billion in aid programs, including loans backed by frozen Russian assets. As one European official noted: “Ukraine has done the dirty work instead of Viktor Orbán.”

The Soviet shadow: why personal loyalty trumps law

What happened next follows patterns that Cambridge academic Alena Ledeneva spent decades documenting in post-Soviet informal networks.

During the Soviet era, personal networks weren’t just convenient—they were survival tools. Ledeneva’s research on blat (the Soviet system of personal favors) shows how people learned to rely on informal connections because formal institutions were instruments of arbitrary repression.

When the law serves power rather than justice, personal loyalty becomes rational defense.

But the cruel irony is that this survival strategy becomes democratic poison when institutions actually start working. What protected people under totalitarianism destroys accountability under democracy.

Zelensky’s response perfectly illustrates this post-Soviet reflex. Instead of accepting that even his inner circle must follow the law, his team moved to eliminate the institutions enforcing accountability.

Classic survival-society thinking: when the system threatens your people, you change the system.

The mentality that personal loyalty creates immunity from prosecution—that being part of the president’s “family” places you above the law—represents exactly the thinking that helped people survive Soviet totalitarianism.

Ukraine had seen this before. Viktor Yanukovych, the fugitive pro-Russian authoritarian president used identical methods during his presidency.

His prosecutor general Viktor Pshonka called himself “a member of President Viktor Yanukovych’s team” and led the crackdown on protesters against the torpedoing of EU integration in 2013-2014, abusing state power to keep Yanukovych in power. His office pursued the politically motivated prosecution of Yulia Tymoshenko, charging her with abuse of power for a 2009 gas contract.

Both men fled to Russia during the 2014 Euromaidan Revolution.

When civil society said no

Ukrainian democracy had evolved since Yanukovych’s time in ways that proved deeper than anyone expected. Mass demonstrations erupted within hours—the largest protests since Russia’s invasion. Instead of riot police (“cosmonauts” in Ukrainian slang), authorities deployed “police of dialogue.” The contrast with Yanukovych’s Berkut units couldn’t have been starker.

Perhaps most telling was the demographic: teenagers and young adults leading chants and organizing through social media.

Ukraine’s response followed patterns that political scientists Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel documented in their World Values Survey research: successful democratic transitions correspond with societies shifting from “survival values” (emphasizing economic security and low tolerance) to “self-expression values” (prioritizing individual freedom, tolerance, and political participation).

When Zelensky’s team tried to preserve Soviet-style “family immunity,” Ukrainians chose institutional accountability over patronage protection.

European pressure reinforced Ukrainian resistance. On 31 July, parliament voted 331-0 to restore anti-corruption agency independence.

The test and the warning

This was Ukraine’s first major test of whether it had outgrown the post-Soviet patronage trap. Zelensky’s team tried to replicate the loyalty-first system that had dominated Ukrainian politics for decades. When independent institutions threatened their inner circle, they deployed the full authoritarian toolkit.

However, Ukrainian civil society matured during three decades of independence and intensified during three years of war. When citizens recognized the Yanukovych pattern, they defended democratic accountability.

The victory comes with warnings. The machinery for institutional capture remains in place. Just weeks after the crisis, Zelenskyy appointed Yuliia Svyrydenko as Prime Minister—widely viewed as closely aligned with Yermak. As former President Petro Poroshenko noted: “Replacing Shmyhal, who was ‘Yermak in a shirt,’ with Svyrydenko, who will be ‘Yermak in a skirt,’ changes nothing.”

It is telling that in her first major western interview, which ran on the same day as the Rada gutted NABU and SAPO, Svyrydenko played down Ukrainian corruption, alleging that the problem is overstated. The pool of anonymous pro-Zelenskyy Telegram channels pushed this quote extensively while protests flooded four cities.

More substantially, her government has refused to appoint Oleksandr Tsyvinsky as head of the Bureau of Economic Security, despite his selection by an independent commission and backing from the IMF. The refusal continues the same pattern of blocking oversight appointments that triggered the July crisis.

Most concerning, the team that orchestrated this operation—Yermak, Kravchenko, and their networks—remain in position. They’ve learned from this failure and may attempt more subtle approaches next time.

A bitter irony is involved. Zelenskyy built his political career playing a fictional president fighting corrupt officials in his TV show “Servant of the People.” Six years into real power, when investigators reached his actual inner circle—not fictional corrupt officials but his birthday party guests and business partners—he chose loyalty over law. This is precisely why independent oversight exists: power corrupts even those who start as anti-corruption outsiders.

The comedy studio presidency may still view independent oversight as existential threat. But Ukrainian civil society has shown it’s stronger than the survival networks trying to capture it. That’s the foundation democracies are built on.

An earlier version of this article mistakenly said that Svyrydenko’s only comment on the crisis was the corruption in Ukraine is overstated

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy held his first phone conversation with Poland’s president-elect Karol Navrotsky on 31 July, Zelenskyy wrote on Telegram.

Navrotsky is set to take office on 6 August.

The leaders agreed to exchange visits during the call, according to the statement.

Zelenskyy congratulated Navrotsky on his 1 June election victory and expressed hope that Poland would remain a reliable partner and ally to Ukraine. The Ukrainian president briefed his Polish counterpart on the consequences of overnight shelling and the situation at the front.

“It is very important for us that Poland continues to help Ukraine. After all, we are defending not only ourselves, but all of our Europe, including Poland,” Zelenskyy emphasized during the conversation.

The two leaders reportedly discussed key events scheduled for the coming months.

“We agreed on an exchange of visits, during which we will discuss all current issues of bilateral cooperation. We will definitely determine formats of interaction that will give real results for our countries, our people,” the president wrote.

Zelenskyy thanked Navrotsky “for his readiness to work together and assurance of continued support for Ukraine,” according to the statement.

The conversation follows previous diplomatic signals between the two leaders. On 28 June, Zelenskyy said that Ukraine would continue working to strengthen relations with Poland’s new government, saying the country intended to “do everything that depends on it.”

On 1 July, Navrotsky declared “with complete confidence” that he would meet with the Ukrainian president.

The parliamentary committee on law enforcement unanimously supported President Zelenskyy’s draft law №13533 on restoring the powers of the National Anti-corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), according to MP Yaroslav Zheleznyak.

The committee approved the document without any amendments to the originally registered text, Zheleznyak said. The draft law received 19 votes in favor, with no opposition or abstentions recorded.

“Tomorrow (July 31 — ed.) this decision will be put to a vote in the Rada hall. Immediately in two readings. Everything will be fine — there are more than enough votes,” Zheleznyak said.

The move represents a reversal from events, when on the evening of 22 July Zelenskyy signed a law that limited the independence of the anti-corruption institutions NABU and SAPO.

That decision prompted thousands of people to participate in protest rallies in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities. Protesters chanted: “Veto the law,” “Return Europe,” and “Shame.”

Responding to the protests, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced plans to submit a draft law to the Verkhovna Rada that will restore independence to NABU and SAPO. Zelenskyy said that the text of the draft law “guarantees real strengthening of the law enforcement system in Ukraine, independence of anti-corruption bodies, as well as reliable protection of the law enforcement system from any Russian influence or interference.”

According to the document published on the Rada’s website, the subordination of the Specialized Anti-corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) to the Prosecutor General will be abolished. Other provisions include limiting the Prosecutor General’s influence on NABU, institutional independence of SAPO, and simplified procedures for appointing prosecutors.

On 30 July, MPs submitted two additional alternative draft laws concerning NABU and SAPO. The total number of alternative documents has now increased to six.

US President Donald Trump shortens Russian President Vladimir Putin’s deadline. Trump has given Russia a shortened timeframe of 10–12 days to agree to a ceasefire in Ukraine or face tougher sanctions, as his frustration with the Russian leader grows, according to the Financial Times. 

Speaking Monday at his Turnberry golf resort in Scotland, Trump said he would move up the 50-day deadline he had previously set for Putin to avoid so-called “secondary sanctions.”

“He kills people”

“I’m going to reduce that 50 days that I gave him to a lesser number. There’s no reason in waiting,” he added in a joint appearance with UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer.

He said he want to be generous, but just does not see any progress being made. He made clear he doesn’t believe Putin will meet the demands within the original 50-day window.

“I’m not so interested in talking [to Putin] any more. Every time I think it’s going to end, he kills people,” Trump added.

Although Trump spent the first months of his presidency blaming Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy for the war, his tone has recently shifted, especially after the US-Ukraine presidential meeting at the NATO summit just over a month ago.

Kyiv welcomes the US pressure

On Monday, Head of the Ukrainian President’s Office Andrii Yermak welcomed Trump’s decision to shorten the ceasefire deadline, thanking him for “standing firm and delivering a clear message of peace through strength”.

When Ukrainian Gen Z hit the streets to defend anti-corruption agencies, they turned protest signs into an art form. Armed with cardboard, markers, and three years of war-induced gray hair, they created what might be the most literate protest movement in recent memory.

These weren’t your typical angry slogans. Protesters quoted Taras Shevchenko alongside modern poets, mixed classical Ukrainian literature with creative profanity, and crafted messages that read like Twitter threads gone beautifully offline. “Do cattle low when NABU is whole?” riffed on 19th-century novels. “Nations don’t die of heart attacks—first their NABU and SAPO are taken away” played with national poetry. And yes, plenty of signs just said “fuck” in various creative arrangements.

Political experts later explained why the profanity worked so well: it desacralizes power and connects educated protesters with ordinary voters. Basically, when you tell authorities “you’re wrong,” you stay polite. When you say “you’ve lost your fucking minds,” you’re questioning whether they deserve power at all. Guess which one scares politicians more.

The result? President Zelenskyy backed down in 72 hours. Turns out democracy responds better to cardboard signs and literary references than most people expected.

Law 12414 would have transferred control of Ukraine’s main anti-corruption bodies—NABU and SAPO—to a presidentially-appointed prosecutor general. These agencies were created after the 2014 Revolution of Dignity as independent watchdogs. For protesters, many of whom had relatives who died creating these institutions, the law felt like betrayal from within.

After three days of protests, Zelenskyy announced he would submit new legislation preserving the agencies’ independence. Sometimes the pen—or marker—really is mightier than the sword.

“Fucked up reformers!” screamed the sign of 18-year-old Polina, the girl with the green hair. Her companion’s metaphorically shouted “CUNTS” in huge green letters. Teenage profanity filled every corner of the first large wartime protests engulfing Ukraine’s capital.

It could have been any Gen Z rebellion against the system. And in a way, it was—against a system where President Zelenskyy gutted Ukraine’s anti-corruption bodies over just 72 hours. Except it was also a protest for a system—the one Ukraine dreamed up during the Euromaidan revolution in 2014.

“I don’t give a fuck,” Polina snapped back at criticism over the protests’ expletive language. “Swearing allows you to express an opinion and is part of the freedom of speech. Get it?”

Prudes on Facebook scolded protesters like her: it was beneath Ukrainian national dignity to devolve to such unholy vocabulary.

Yet there she was, a first-year student of Ukraine’s top university, one uncle killed during the 2014 protests where Ukrainians rebelled against a pro-Russian president’s U-turn on EU integration, and another uncle killed fighting the Russian invasion, unapologetically demanding political accountability from Ukraine’s current president.

“We know our history, we know why this happened. We are fighting for our freedom from Russia. We are against Ukraine turning into Russia from the inside. So, NABU should be an independent institution,” she said, holding her expletive sign.

Polina encapsulated the main demand of the protests—that a law to bring Ukraine’s anti-graft agencies under the control of a presidentially appointed prosecutor is repealed.

Tens of thousands of people like Polina, holding a sea of cardboard signs, may have just saved Ukraine’s democracy.

The 20-somethings who organized a revolution in 24 hours

Twenty-three-year-old Zinaida Averina never expected to become the architect of Ukraine’s first wartime democratic uprising. When parliament rushed through legislation gutting anti-corruption agencies on 22 July, she created a Telegram chat for protesters that exploded to over 2,000 people within hours.

The chat became a masterclass in grassroots democracy. Participants debated protest demands, coordinated with police, organized snacks and water stations, and—uniquely for a political movement—created separate threads for memes and hookups. “What could be sexier than a clear civic position?” joked one organizer. “We need to solve the demographic crisis!”

Many signs cheekily declared “This cardboard is paid for”—a stab at conspiracy theories claiming Western funding behind the protests’ eruption.

But the most remarkable thing happened on the streets. “Two very young people, eyes shining with excitement, look at the crowd,” witnessed Anton Senenko. “Katia, this is our first Maidan!” one exclaimed, invoking Kyiv’s Independence Square, Maidan Nezalezhnosti, where all the revolutions happen.

They kissed.

Not exactly your typical protest energy. But then again, this wasn’t your typical protest.

Why swearing terrified the authorities more than anything

Critics fixated on the protesters’ colorful language, missing why it was so politically effective. Oleksandr Rachev explained the strategy behind the swearing.

“When you tell authorities ‘you’re wrong,’ you stay within a model of respect that doesn’t frighten them,” he noted. “When you say ‘you’ve lost your fucking minds,’ it means questioning their very legitimacy. And that scares them.”

The profanity served another function: mass appeal. “Swearing is considered the language of ‘ordinary people,'” Ravchev continued. “University professors and activists don’t swear—that’s why they stay in their intellectual bubble. Swearing is a bridge between creative youth protesting and ordinary voters who actually vote.”

The slogan “I need a system that works for me” would be fine for intellectuals, he argued. But “Why the fuck do I need a system that works against me?” reaches ordinary people’s minds. “Because that’s exactly how they talk.”

Behind those Facebook posts scolding protesters about “pure language,” Ravchev detected real fear: “The authorities are terrified that profane protest slogans will reach mass voters and sweep them away.”

Academic Volodymyr Kulyk found himself shouting “The Office fucked up” despite never swearing in front of his wife in 35 years. The moment surprised him—but he understood what was happening.

The youth had “finally desacralized power, which can now be addressed without picking words, at least when it deserves it,” he wrote. When even a polite academic starts cursing at the government, something fundamental has shifted.

The war’s children have gray hair

But there was a deeper reason behind the raw language. These weren’t typical teenagers. Tetiana Troshchynska noted: “My hairdresser tells me about all the gray children she gives haircuts to. 12, 13, 16 years old. Half-gray heads, gray streaks, peppered gray. I tell some, not others, because they’re sad and crying. I don’t know where they’re from, what they’ve experienced, who they’ve lost.”

The Kapranov Brothers added: “Swearing is a consequence of war, exactly like ruins, minefields and trenches. Just as we’ll have to demine forests and seas from Russian mines after the war, we’ll have to demine heads from swearing. But—after the war.”

These weren’t kids who idealized the two anti-corruption agencies, NABU (National Anti-Corruption Bureau) and SAPO (Special Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office). Most protesters readily admitted both agencies had problems—corruption scandals, slow investigations, bureaucratic failures.

“They’re trying to get rid of essentially the only anti-corruption mechanism that Ukraine has,” Marco, a 25-year-old who lived in Chicago for a decade before returning to Kyiv, explained to Euromaidan Press.

“By doing that, they’re trying to integrate it into the actual government, which makes it so the people in government who are corrupt decide whether they themselves are corrupt, right? So, it’s a little counterintuitive.”

NABU and SAPO, whatever their flaws, were the first real separation of power in Ukraine—bringing it closer to a functioning democracy and further from the likes of the autocracies in Russia and Belarus.

The twitter-space goes offline

But focusing on the swearing missed the real cultural phenomenon. Most signs weren’t profane—they were poetic.

Ukrainian cultural observer Olena Oleksandra Chervonik noted that these cardboard creations represented “real poetry, with all its nerve and broken form. Something in the tradition of Ukrainian futurists—short, with broken lines, unconventional syllable division.”

Signs mixed Latin script with Cyrillic, quoted Taras Shevchenko alongside modern poets, featured portraits of Lesya Ukrainka next to Zelensky caricatures.

“If you want to know where modern poetry is in Ukraine—here it is, on these cardboards,” one literary critic observed. “Poetry as a weapon is something very Ukrainian.”

This was Ukraine’s first Twitter-era protest movement; the cardboard sea of short, punchy statements was tweets gone offline.

Yet paradoxically, it produced some of the most sophisticated political poetry seen on Ukrainian streets:

• “Do cattle low when NABU is whole?”—parodying a 19th-century Ukrainian novel by Panás Myrnyi, which basically says that cattle (people) don’t complain when they’re well-fed;
• “Nations don’t die of heart attacks—first they lose their NABU and SAPO”—riffing on modern poetess Lina Kostenko, “Nations don’t die of heart attacks—first they lose their speech”;
• or the blunt “Why the fuck do I need a system that works against me?”

The unspoken wartime contract, broken

The protests revealed something deeper than anger over specific legislation. As wounded veteran and protester Sabir explained: “We had an unspoken social contract: we don’t criticize the authorities during war, but they don’t pull any bullshit. But they kept pulling bullshit. Now they decided they could allow themselves more. People showed they couldn’t.”

The speed of the legislation shocked even seasoned political observers. Bills typically languish in parliament for months. This one passed in hours, with Zelensky signing it the same evening as protests erupted outside his office.

“When you pass such a law in one evening, it looks very much like fear of losing power,” said IT worker Olena Danyliuk, 31. “They’re trembling at the thought they might have to give up power.”

EU officials were reportedly shocked when they learned of the legislation. Brussels had planned to secretly fast-track Ukraine’s accession talks, but the anti-corruption law threatened that timeline.

Perhaps Ukraine was following Georgia’s trajectory—offering high hopes but ultimately succumbing to pro-Russian authoritarianism?

Not so fast, said the youngsters with their “silly” signs.

When Gen Z rebellion goes right

The contrast with Western youth movements couldn’t be more vivid. While American and European teenagers often target democratic institutions themselves—demanding to tear down systems they see as irredeemably corrupt—Ukrainian Gen Z fight to preserve and strengthen democratic institutions against authoritarian capture.

This difference reveals an ironic truth: Western youth don’t know how good they have it. They’ve never lived without independent courts, free press, or anti-corruption agencies. They can afford to attack these institutions because they’ve never experienced their absence.

Ukrainian twenty-somethings have gray hair at 16 and dead relatives in their family trees. They know exactly what happens when democratic institutions disappear. They are, actually, dying for a stab at a democratic future, not the one that Russia offers—where opposition figures end up dead or imprisoned, where corruption flows unchecked because there’s no independent oversight.

As veteran protester Ivan Chyhyryn, who lost his leg rescuing a wounded comrade, told reporters: “My parents were on Maidan in 2014 when I was very young. Creating independent anti-corruption institutions was one of their goals. What my parents fought for is now being thrown away.”

His generation inherited revolution in their DNA—the Orange Revolution in 2004, the Revolution of Dignity in 2014, and now resistance to democratic backsliding in 2025. But unlike previous generations who had to build democracy from scratch, these youth were defending institutions they’d grown up with.

The cardboard revolution’s victory?

By Wednesday evening, Zelensky announced he would submit new legislation preserving anti-corruption agencies’ independence. “We heard the street,” he said—the same president who’d ignored international criticism and parliamentary opposition.

And this illustrated the main difference between Ukraine and Russia: Russian opposition complains it can’t change anything while Ukrainian teenagers flood the streets with “Fuck corruption” signs and win.

“I genuinely believe that if this happened in Russia, police would have just come in and beat everybody up,” Marco told Euromaidan Press. “In Ukraine, though, we really are freedom-loving and we will show the government that we are the ones in charge, not them.”

Even Russian independent media called these protests a “political crisis.” For Russians, street demonstrations represent a system breakdown. For Ukrainians, they represent the system working—checks and balances moving from the streets into the political fabric.

As protester Polina put it: “Only we can fight for our best future. That’s why we’re all here.”

Not bad for a generation whose main political tools are Twitter, Telegram, and magic markers.

Ukraine’s response to recent Russian attacks on civilian cities will be swift. On 26 July, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said the enemy will inevitably feel the consequences of their actions. 

Ukraine will not leave strikes unanswered, says Zelenskyy

The Ukrainian president stated that Russia will face retaliation for the killings.

“There are wounded as a result of the Russian strike. Unfortunately, there are also casualties. My condolences,” he wrote on Telegram.

He also emphasized: the response will be precise and daily.

“Russian military enterprises, Russian logistics, and Russian airports must feel that their own war has real consequences for them. The accuracy of our drones and the daily nature of Ukraine’s responses are among the arguments that will definitely bring peace closer,” Zelenskyy said.

Moscow lies, as always: they targeted people, not military targets

Russia’s Defense Ministry justified the attack by claiming it targeted Ukrainian defense enterprises. In reality, the missiles hit residential buildings and an electronics repair store.

“The objective of the strike was achieved,” it reported. 

Earlier, the Ukrainian Defense Intelligence said that a Su-27UB combat training jet caught fire overnight on 26 July in Russia. The incident happened at the Armavir airfield in Russia’s Krasnodar Krai, which lies more than 850 km from the Ukrainian border. 

Ukraine’s Intelligence: Russian jet used to train war pilots suddenly bursts into flames in Krasnodar Krai

It is intended for training pilots for the war against Ukraine, while retaining the combat capabilities of the base aircraft: speeds of up to 2,500 km/h.

Masked men appeared at anti-corruption demonstrations in Kyiv Thursday evening, carrying inflammatory signs targeting President Volodymyr Zelenskyy personally—exactly 24 hours after Ukrainian intelligence warned that Russia would deploy provocateurs to exploit the crisis.

The timing wasn’t coincidental. Defense Intelligence had warned Wednesday that “Kremlin agents are actively studying the internal situation” to weaponize protests against the law that subordinates Ukraine’s anti-corruption bodies to the Prosecutor General’s Office.

When the real protesters left, others appeared

The incident unfolded around evening as legitimate demonstrators wrapped up their third day of protests against Law No. 12414. What happened next looked like textbook destabilization.

Masked individuals emerged with signs reading “Ukraine is not Kvartal! Ukrainians are not slaves!” “Killers of democracy traitors of Ukraine,” and “Heroes are dying for Ukraine and these two are destroying it!”—directly targeting Zelenskyy and his chief of staff Andriy Yermak, according to footage captured by a Euromaidan Press correspondent.

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Legitimate protesters had focused on defending institutions: “Hands off NABU and SAP!” and “The lost generation wants democracy.” These newcomers turned it into a vitriolic attack on the country’s leadership.

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The power concentration driving protest anger

Why target Zelenskyy and Yermak specifically? The anti-corruption law represents broader concerns about power centralization during wartime.

When investigators began targeting Zelenskyy’s closest associates—including Oleksiy Chernyshov, the only Cabinet minister invited to Zelenskyy’s COVID birthday party, and business partner Tymur Mindych from Kvartal 95—the response was to subordinate the investigators rather than allow the process to continue.

The law effectively places NABU and SAPO under the Prosecutor General’s control, ending a decade of institutional independence. The protesters aren’t calling for Zelenskyy’s removal—they want the law repealed while maintaining effective war leadership. Most Ukrainians still oppose holding elections while fighting Russia. Their primary concern remains winning the war.

That’s precisely what makes this moment valuable to Moscow. The Kremlin hopes to exploit these real institutional tensions to destabilize Zelenskyy’s government entirely.

Surgical timing raises questions

Witness Mladena Kachurets documented the evening’s events. The suspicious activity began about 10 minutes before an air raid alert—perfect timing for dramatic effect.

“Masked individuals gathered the remaining protesters around them and delivered some kind of recorded speech,” she wrote. Multiple distractions played out simultaneously. While media focused on MP Maryana Bezuhla giving comments, “behind her was a verbal altercation between two young men, drawing part of the attention away.”

Then came the crescendo. When the air raid alert sounded, “the masked individuals demonstratively lit flares—an impressive picture, you’ll agree.”

Classic Russian influence operation

The provocateurs’ work didn’t end with the flares. Multiple Russian media outlets, starting from TASS, quickly fabricated coverage, with headlines like “Protesters in Kyiv called Zelenskyy and Yermak ‘traitors of Ukraine'” appearing the next day.

“They unfurled posters with images of Zelenskyy and Yermak, accompanied by inscriptions: ‘Killers of democracy – traitors of Ukraine’ and ‘Dictators.’ The posters also indicated that ‘these two’ are destroying the country, and ‘Ukrainians are not slaves,’” TASS reported on the provocateurs.

They cited Strana.ua, a pro-Russian media outlet that Ukraine sanctioned in 2021, as their source without providing actual links to any such article. Strana indeed reported on the event, on their Telegram channel, using a video by UNIAN with a comment presenting this as legitimate sentiments of the protesters.

The catch is that Ukrainian media, sensing Russian hybrid warfare operations from a mile away, either did not report on the men or reported them as provocateurs. Even the opposition 5 Kanal tweeted the video with a comment “provocative action” and followed up with a comment from the organizers that dismissed the burned Yermak and Zelenskyy portraits as a “provocation.”

The UNIAN video that Strana.ua shared the video with this comment: “At a protest in Kyiv, a group of planted provocateurs are lighting flares to the sound of air raid sirens. It looks like these uninvited guests are clearly and openly staging a photo op. Makes you wonder who needs this footage besides Russian propaganda—and who’s pulling the strings?”

What unraveled in the backyard of the President’s Office in Kyiv on 24 July was a classic Russian influence operation. Its aim was to fabricate a virtual reality inside the heads of Russians to validate the propaganda narratives driving Russia’s war—that Ukrainians want this, because they don’t support Zelenskyy anyway.

The inflammatory signs calling Zelenskyy a “dictator” and “traitor” now circulate in Russian information space—manufacturing evidence that Ukraine is fragmenting internally to validate Moscow’s narrative that its invasion “liberates” Ukrainians from their government.

We’ve seen multiple examples of how these operations work in the Surkov Leaks, a collection of Vladimir Putin’s gray cardinal Vladislav Surkov, who worked to destabilize Ukraine from within after the Euromaidan revolution with hybrid warfare means. So far, it appears that the operation has influenced solely Russians, as the incendiary narrative of “down with the dictators” proved too radical for Ukrainians.

But that doesn’t mean that the Kremlin won’t keep trying and finding other ways to mess with the minds of Ukrainians—and anybody else gullible enough to fall for the Kremlin’s information warfare.

What happens next?

But here’s what actually happened to the supposed “dictator”: within three days of signing the controversial law, Zelenskyy submitted corrective legislation under intense public pressure.

“We heard the street,” he admitted, promising new legislation to restore anti-corruption agency independence. Parliament has scheduled July 31 to vote on the bill—though passage isn’t guaranteed.

Protesters haven’t declared victory yet. They’ve vowed to keep demonstrating until the corrective law actually passes and institutional independence is genuinely restored. The danger to democratic institutions was real, and vigilance remains essential.

But that’s precisely the point. The provocateur operation aimed to show Russians that Ukrainians reject their leadership and welcome “liberation.” Instead, it captured something different: a democracy under stress but still functioning. Public pressure forced a presidential retreat. Protests work. Institutions push back. Citizens stay engaged.

Ukraine’s democracy is imperfect and fragile—but it’s alive. The operation succeeded only in Russian information space, manufacturing the illusion of internal collapse for domestic consumption while the real Ukraine continued the messy, contentious work of democratic governance.

Ukraine has secured commitments for three Patriot air defense systems but requires 10 to adequately protect its airspace, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said during a meeting with journalists on 24 July

“Officially I received confirmation from Germany for two systems, Norway — one. Now we are working with Dutch partners,” Zelenskyy said, according to hromadske.

The announcement comes after German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius recently reported that Germany and the United States had agreed to transfer five additional Patriot systems to Ukraine.

According to Telegraph, Germany will provide funding for two systems under these arrangements, while Norway has promised to pay for the third. The replacement systems are expected to come through orders once promised to Switzerland.

Telegraph reported that one Patriot system and a batch of PAC-3 interceptor missiles have already arrived in Ukraine, though Ukrainian authorities have not officially confirmed this delivery.

Zelenskyy revealed Ukraine’s broader air defense requirements during the briefing.

“We are now working with partners to secure these 10. We are working on the missile issue, we have missiles. We are still fighting for a production license. It’s important that a production facility is appearing in Germany. Not yet with us, but with Europeans with whom we have good relations,” he said.

The Patriot commitments are part of expanding defense cooperation between Ukraine and its allies. Zelenskyy announced on 24 July that the United States had agreed to purchase Ukrainian-made drones, with potential contracts worth $10-30 billion under discussion.

“I really want America to help us protect our sky. This is very important,” Zelenskyy said, linking the drone deal to Ukraine’s air defense needs.

The systems are urgently needed to counter Moscow’s escalating long-range strikes. The US has already sent three systems and is involved in ongoing discussions to provide up to 17 systems in total.

Ukraine’s parliament will convene on 31 July to review President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s draft law 13533, which promises to restore independence to the country’s anti-corruption agencies, according to parliamentary speaker Ruslan Stefanchuk.

The speaker said that he would propose adopting the bill immediately as a basis and in full, while supporting its urgent signing. Beyond Zelenskyy’s anti-corruption measure, parliament will also consider other “important legislative initiatives,” Stefanchuk added.

The session will come nine days after parliament passed law №12414 on 22 July, which amended the Criminal Procedure Code to make NABU and the Specialized Anti-corruption Prosecutor’s Office dependent on decisions by the prosecutor general. Zelenskyy signed the document the same evening.

The 22 July law triggered protest actions across multiple Ukrainian cities. Amid the protests, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy met with the heads of law enforcement and anti-corruption agencies, including the Prosecutor General.

 Zelenskyy announced later he submitted the new draft law to parliament, stating it would ensure “strength for the law enforcement system” and preserve “all norms for the independence of anti-corruption institutions.”

The National Anti-corruption Bureau confirmed that Zelenskyy’s bill would restore all powers and independence guarantees for NABU and SAPO that were affected by the earlier legislation.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced on 24 July that the United States has agreed to purchase Ukrainian-made drones, with potential contracts worth $10-30 billion under discussion.

“We have an agreement with America, with President Trump, that they will buy drones from us,” Zelenskyy told journalists during a briefing. “I have set the task for Umerov, Shmyhal and Kamyshin. They will deal with this. It is very important to prepare this contract for 10-20-30 billion dollars.”

The president has tasked National Security and Defense Council Secretary Rustem Umerov, Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal, and presidential advisor on strategic issues Oleksandr Kamyshin with preparing the contracts.

Zelenskyy first disclosed American interest in Ukrainian drone technology on 16 July, when he revealed discussions with President Trump about bilateral defense procurement.

“There are many drones that only we have. We are discussing this with President Trump. I told him that I really want to buy things from you that only you have. He told me that America wants to buy Ukrainian drones,” Zelenskyy said in an interview with Newsmax correspondent Shelby Wilder in Kyiv.

The Ukrainian leader framed the potential deal as part of broader defense cooperation, emphasizing Ukraine’s need for American Patriot air defense systems.

“I really want America to help us protect our sky. This is very important,” Zelenskyy said during the 16 July interview.

Ukraine urgently needs these systems to counter Moscow’s escalating long-range strikes. The US along with Germany has agreed to deliver five Patriot systems, with Germany, Norway, and other allies financing and facilitating the deliveries. The US has already sent three systems and is involved in ongoing discussions to provide up to 17 in total.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy rejected media reports about his conversation with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen regarding a law that limits the independence of anti-corruption agencies.

“I have not spoken with Ursula von der Leyen in recent days. Everything that was written about this, everything she supposedly told me, is fake. We did not have a conversation,” Zelenskyy announced during a meeting with journalists attended by Hromadske.

On 23 July, multiple media outlets cited European Commission spokesperson Guillaume Mercier, reporting that von der Leyen expressed concern to Zelenskyy about signing legislation that restricts the independence of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO). According to the spokesperson, the European Commission was “very concerned” about the law’s adoption.

The controversy stems from Zelenskyy’s decision on the evening of 22 July to sign legislation limiting NABU and SAPO’s independence. MP Anastasiia Radina said amendments were added that “make SAPO a decorative institution and provide for complete subordination of NABU and SAPO activities to the will of the prosecutor general.”

The presidential decision triggered mass protests in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities. Demonstrators chanted “Veto the law,” “Return Europe,” and “Shame.”

In response to the backlash, Zelenskyy, together with law enforcement agencies, has already prepared and submitted a new bill on “strengthening the independence of anti-corruption agencies.”

The legislative changes followed extensive searches of NABU and SAPO employees. The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) and the Office of the Prosecutor General announced they had uncovered Russian influence on NABU. Individual Bureau employees face charges including treason, illegal trade with Russia, and corrupt actions in the interests of oligarchs.

Zelenskyy maintains that “criminal proceedings should not last for years without legal verdicts,” apparently referring to accusations of NABU’s “ineffective work.” SBU chief Vasyl Maliuk said that the anti-corruption bureau “needs to be cleansed of Russian intelligence influence.”

NABU emphasizes that even if individual employees’ guilt is proven, this does not justify eliminating the independence of anti-corruption agencies.

The NABU and SAPO developments have drawn attention from Ukraine’s international partners. Over recent days, several politicians have appealed to Zelenskyy and Ukrainian authorities with public calls or personal communications, emphasizing the need to preserve anti-corruption institutions.

While Ukraine proposes peace, Russians again terrorize cities with missiles and drones. After talks in Istanbul where Ukraine offered a complete ceasefire, occupying Russian forces immediately struck Ukrainian cities, says President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

“Yesterday at the meeting in Istanbul, the Russian side was again offered the proposal to immediately and fully cease fire. In response, Russian drones struck residential buildings and the ‘Pryvoz’ market in Oblast, apartment buildings in Cherkasy, energy infrastructure in Kharkiv region, a university gym in Zaporizhzhia, and targets in Donetsk, Sumy, and Mykolaiv regions,” Zelenskyy claims.

Pryvoz is one of the oldest and most famous markets in Odesa, a living iconic part of the city’s culture and history. Founded in 1827, it was the economic heart of the city, supplying food to Odesa and the region.

It became not only the main shopping place for locals but also a hub of Odesa’s humor. There, sellers and customers joke during bargaining, shout sayings, and win over buyers. It is believed that the unique Odesa dialect, the city’s distinctive linguistic culture, began forming there.

Volodymyr Zelenskyy emphasizes that Russia not only continues its terror but also blocks diplomatic efforts, thus deserving harsh sanctions and strikes on its logistics, military bases, and production facilities.

“We will do everything to make diplomacy work. But it is Russia that must stop this war it started,” the Ukrainian president stresses. 

Earlier, German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul said Kyiv forces would receive secret weapons to “influence” Russia’s territory. He did not mention specific names or dates for the deliveries.

As Putin vows summer escalation, Berlin says Kyiv will soon gain secret tools to “affect Russian territory”

Wadephul added that European partners worked intensively on delivering weapons to Ukraine. The issue is not about finances but about the defense industry’s production capacity.

The National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) have stated that the bill submitted by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy restores all guarantees of independence for these institutions.

“Bill No. 13533, submitted by the President of Ukraine as urgent, restores all procedural powers and guarantees of independence for NABU and SAPO,” the agencies report.

NABU and SAPO participated in drafting the text and are urging the Ukrainian Parliament to adopt the President’s initiative as soon as possible, both in the first reading and as a whole.

“This will help prevent threats to the criminal proceedings investigated by NABU and SAPO,” they emphasize. 

The work of Ukraine’s independent anti-corruption bodies is a key requirement for its path to European membership. It also affects the future of Ukraine’s aid, which mostly depends on Ukraine amid US President Donald Trump’s foreign policy. The bloc’s leaders have appealed to Kyiv with questions on the controversial law and urged transparency in reform.

After Zelenskyy decided to respond to the mass rallies and work on the law restoring the activities of NABU and SAPO, the EU viewed such actions positively.

Western trust under threat as Zelenskyy nears signing controversial law that crashes Ukraine’s anti-corruption system

At the same time, European Commission Spokesperson Stefan de Keersmaecker emphasized the need for continued efforts in this direction.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the law anyway.

Even as thousands of Ukrainians demonstrated in Kyiv, Lviv, and Dnipro—the first major protests against his government since Russia’s invasion—even as the European Union demanded explanations and G7 ambassadors expressed “serious concerns,” Ukraine’s president destroyed his country’s independent anti-corruption infrastructure with a single signature.

The reason was simple—and it reveals everything wrong with how Ukraine still operates.

Corruption investigators were closing in on Zelenskyy’s inner circle. Two men from his closest orbit faced charges: Oleksiy Chernyshov, the only Cabinet minister invited to Zelenskyy’s COVID birthday party, and Tymur Mindich, his business partner from the Kvartal 95 comedy studio.

Rather than let them face justice, Zelenskyy chose to eliminate the investigators— NABU and SAPO.

This matters because when anti-corruption agencies finally reached the president’s actual family—not just random officials, but his birthday party guests and business partners—Ukraine witnessed its first real test of whether it had outgrown the post-Soviet patronage trap.

The answer came swift and brutal: personal loyalty won, institutional accountability lost.

The family under investigation

Chernyshov wasn’t just any minister. During Ukraine’s strict COVID-19 lockdown in 2021, when gatherings were banned, Zelenskyy invited only a handful of intimates to celebrate his birthday. Chernyshov was the sole government official present. Ukrainska Pravda reported this marked him as part of Zelenskyy’s inner circle, someone beyond typical political appointees.

The relationship runs deeper than professional. Sources indicate close family friendships between the Zelenskyy and Chernyshov families, with connections predating the full-scale invasion. Despite lacking infrastructure experience, Chernyshov has held four high-level positions across six years.

When no suitable position existed, parliament created an entirely new Ministry of National Unity specifically for him.

In June, NABU charged Chernyshov with organizing a massive land scheme, allegedly manipulating state transfers to benefit developers in exchange for apartments worth $346,000 at artificially low prices — costing the state over $24 million.

Tymur Mindich represents Zelenskyy’s pre-political past as co-owner of Kvartal 95, the entertainment company that launched his career. ZN.ua describes him as “one of the main consultants to the head of the President’s Office Andriy Yermak” and a “long-time business partner of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.”

Investigators were preparing charges against Mindich himself, according to sources who told Ukrainska Pravda. When the heat intensified, MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak reported that Mindich fled Ukraine and “will likely not return in the near future.”

Here’s what makes this different from typical Ukrainian corruption scandals: these weren’t random officials caught stealing. These were Zelenskyy’s actual inner circle — the people who got him to power and stayed there with him.

The parliamentary blitzkrieg

When corruption charges reached these core members of Zelenskyy’s circle, the response was swift and systematic. The destruction happened through brazen procedural violations that would have embarrassed even Viktor Yanukovych.

On 21 July, Security Service forces conducted 70 simultaneous raids on anti-corruption officials, claiming to expose “Russian moles” in NABU.

The numbers exposed the theater immediately: 70 searches produced five charges, three involving old traffic accidents from 2021-2023. “Mathematics is an exact science,” observed Andriy Borovyk, director of Transparency International Ukraine: if there was a real reason for them, they should have produced more substantial evidence.

Twenty-four hours later came what MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak called a “blitzkrieg” against anti-corruption institutions. They disguised the attack as humanitarian legislation. MP Maksym Buzhanskyi introduced a bill about missing persons procedures.

MPs had roughly an hour to review amendments that fundamentally transformed Ukraine’s corruption oversight. The atmosphere was celebratory. “After the vote, I heard a phrase from one of them,” Zhelezniak recalled. “It was Maksym Buzhanskyi… This phrase was: ‘This football I like.'”

Parliament voted 263-13 to subordinate NADB and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office to a presidential appointee.

The message was clear: investigate mid-level officials all you want, but the president’s “family” remains off-limits.

The comedy studio government

But this wasn’t just about protecting two friends. The appointments reveal how Zelenskyy systematically recreated the exact loyalty-based system he campaigned against—just with different people.

After Zelenskyy’s presidential victory in 2019, over 30 former Kvartal 95 employees and their associates moved into government positions. Ukrainian analysts call it a “comedy studio government.”

Radio Svoboda documented the network: Serhiy Shefir, Zelenskyy’s co-owner of Kvartal 95, became First Assistant to the President. Andriy Yermak, a film producer who met Zelenskyy in 2011, rose to Head of the Presidential Office — what The Washington Post describes as “arguably the most powerful chief of staff in Ukraine’s history.”

The most catastrophic appointment was Ivan Bakanov, Zelenskyy’s childhood friend from Kryvyi Rih and Kvartal 95’s former lawyer. Despite having zero intelligence experience, Zelenskyy made him head of the Security Service (SBU) in August 2019.

Under Bakanov’s watch, the SBU appointed Oleksandr Kulinich to a critical southern defense position despite Kulinich being legally barred from state service — the man graduated from Moscow’s FSB academy in 1994. When Russia invaded on 24 February 2022, this intelligence breach proved fatal. Russian forces advanced 150 kilometers in march formation, bypassing Ukrainian positions. Kherson fell in exactly seven days.

The Washington Post reported that 651 criminal proceedings were registered regarding treason and collaboration by law enforcement officials, with over 60 from the prosecutor’s office and the SBU working against Ukraine in occupied territories.

This is why loyalty-based governance can’t coexist with institutional accountability. When you staff government based on personal relationships rather than merit, you create a state that can’t tolerate oversight — because accountability exposes the incompetence and corruption that loyalty-first appointments inevitably produce.

What Ukraine lost

NABU and SAPO were created after the 2014 Euromaidan Revolution as Ukraine’s first real separation of powers. Their independence was a requirement for EU membership negotiations, visa-free travel to Europe, and billions in international aid.

Under the new law, the prosecutor general can transfer any NABU investigation to other agencies, issue binding instructions to detectives, close cases at defense request, and delegate SAP’s powers to other prosecutors.

“If the anti-corruption structure is embedded in a politicized law enforcement system, it won’t work,” MP Yaroslav Yurchyshyn explained. “It won’t present suspicions to ministers, advisors, or deputy heads of the President’s Office, or deputies.”

The strategic miscalculation

The destruction provides perfect ammunition for those questioning Ukraine aid. European reactions came swiftly. European Commissioner Marta Kos called the law “a serious step back,” warning that “independent bodies like NABU and SAPO are essential for Ukraine’s EU path.”

European Pravda reported that Brussels had secretly scheduled 18 July to open Ukraine’s first EU negotiating cluster, but abandoned the plan after Ukraine’s anti-corruption crackdown.

The timing wasn’t coincidental. American rule-of-law programs had withdrawn from Ukraine in February and March 2025, and European officials were on summer vacation. Ukrainian authorities misread signals from the Trump administration as permission to attack democratic institutions.

Putin originally justified his invasion partly by claiming Ukraine was establishing anti-corruption institutions with foreign experts. As Kaleniuk pointed out, “Ukrainian MPs are now making Putin’s argument for him.”

MP Zhelezniak recalled Putin’s February 2022 speech: “So he named one of the reasons why he’s starting war—the presence of independent anti-corruption bodies. And we liquidated them today.”

When Ukrainians said no

But Ukrainian society had other ideas. Mass protests erupted across Ukraine on 22 July — the first major demonstrations against Zelenskyy’s government since Russia’s invasion. The Washington Post reported thousands flooded central Kyiv and massed in cities across the war-torn country, by far the largest demonstrations since Russia’s 2022 invasion.

Protesters chanted “Get your hands off NABU and SAP” and “Veto the law,” while drivers honked in support. Even facing this unprecedented resistance, Zelenskyy signed the law anyway.

The next morning, he scrambled to gather law enforcement and anti-corruption agency heads for emergency meetings. On 23 July, he promised to introduce new legislation preserving anti-corruption independence. Parliament’s summer recess was canceled for an emergency session.

Meanwhile, 48 MPs began preparing a Constitutional Court challenge.

Protests against law to gut anti-corruption agencies are starting in Ukraine. Here is Lviv

Today, the parliament voted for law #12414 to bring the National Anti-Corruption Bureau and Specialized Anti-Corruption Office under control of politically-appointed General Prosecutor,… pic.twitter.com/9H6PeDH07K

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 22, 2025

The maturity test

This was Ukraine’s first major test of whether it had outgrown the post-Soviet patronage trap that destroyed every previous government. The entertainment industry veterans who took power in 2019 tried to replicate the same loyalty-first system that had dominated Ukrainian politics for decades. When independent institutions threatened their inner circle, they attempted to destroy those institutions.

But Ukrainian civil society had matured during three decades of independence and intensified during three years of war. The massive protests forced Zelenskyy into damage control, demonstrating that Ukraine’s democratic evolution had outpaced its leaders’ authoritarian instincts.

Society won the test. Zelenskyy lost it spectacularly. The protests suggest that Ukrainian democracy—tested by war, corruption, and institutional capture — proved more resilient than the patronage networks trying to control it.

The president who campaigned against the system of untouchables had created his own version. When Ukrainians recognized the pattern, they took to the streets to defend the institutions he had promised to protect. In that response lies hope that Ukraine’s democratic future remains stronger than its authoritarian past.

During the latest prisoner swap with Russia, Ukraine brought back the last defender of Zmiinyi or Zmiinyi (Snake) Island. Vitalii Hyrenko returned home after spending more than three years in Russian captivity, the Facebook community of the Defenders of Zmiinyi Island reports. 

“The long-awaited exchange, three years and five months in captivity, for our last defender of Zmiinyi Island has taken place! Border guard of the island of Achilles, Vitalii Hyrenko, is home!!! Free, unbroken in spirit and body, Vitalii is finally back on his native soil,” the post reads.

In a February update, the community shared that Hyrenko’s small son, Dmytro, only knew his father from photos.

“When Vitalii was taken captive, his wife Aliona was seven months pregnant,” it wrote.

The Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War also confirmed that Hyrenko, a soldier of the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, had been released from captivity.

Following negotiations in Istanbul, the ninth round of prisoner exchanges with the Russian side took place on 24 July.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced that severely wounded and critically ill defenders had returned home. According to him, more than 1,000 Ukrainian soldiers have been freed from Russian captivity across all phases of this exchange.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed a law Tuesday dismantling Ukraine’s anti-corruption agencies.

The timing was disastrous: Brussels had secretly scheduled 18 July to open Ukraine’s first EU negotiating cluster, bypassing Hungary entirely, but abandoned the plan after Ukraine’s anti-corruption crackdown, according to European Pravda sources within EU institutions.

Zelenskyy knew about the plan. He’d been personally involved in discussions with Danish officials and EU leadership since late June, European Pravda reported, citing unnamed European officials. But instead of supporting this diplomatic breakthrough, Ukraine systematically undermined its reform credentials by rejecting the Bureau of Economic Security selection results, conducting searches of activist Vitalii Shabunin’s home, and finally signing the law gutting NABU and SAPO independence.

Brussels was ready to break its own rules for Ukraine

The Danish EU presidency and European Commission had crafted something unprecedented: legal measures to sideline Hungarian PM Viktor Orbán, who had systematically blocked Ukraine’s accession, completely.

Bloomberg reported in May that member states pushed the Commission to explore options for opening Ukraine’s first negotiating chapter despite Hungarian objections.

The breakthrough insight: while unanimity is required to start and complete EU accession negotiations, sources told Bloomberg it’s not a legal requirement for opening individual clusters. The Commission informed member states that it intended to send the European Council a first report on starting cluster discussions with Ukraine and Moldova.

After years of Hungarian obstruction, 26 member states were willing to risk institutional precedent.

The “parallel negotiations” mechanism

The mechanism was elegant: conduct “parallel negotiations” where 26 EU states would negotiate with Ukraine while Moldova received formal recognition. When Moldova opened negotiating clusters, the 26 states would issue statements confirming Ukraine had completed the same work and that only Hungary’s veto prevented legal advancement.

• Inter-Governmental Conferences: The Danish presidency was prepared to convene working bodies pivotal to enlargement that don’t require Hungarian consent
• Political weight: Though legally non-binding for Ukraine, these would carry enormous political significance
• Synchronized progress: Ukraine’s advancement would be coordinated with Moldova’s formal recognition

The Danish presidency, which described enlargement as a “geopolitical necessity,” had exhausted diplomatic options with Hungary.

Hungary systematic obstruction

Orbán had forced Brussels into this position through relentless obstruction. After blocking progress during Hungary’s 2024 EU presidency, he staged a “national consultation” where 95% of 2.3 million participants opposed Ukraine membership—though an opposition poll found 58% Hungarian support for Ukraine’s EU bid.

Zelenskyy met with Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen during the NATO summit in The Hague. He flew to Denmark on 3 July for private negotiations. Final details were hammered out in Rome on 10 July. Everything was set for the 18 July ceremony in Brussels.

European officials were prepared to risk institutional precedent. Ukraine chose that exact moment to implode its reform credentials.

How Ukraine sabotaged itself

The self-sabotage unfolded in a devastating sequence:

• 9 July: The Ukrainian government rejected the winner of a transparent, EU-supported competition to head the Bureau of Economic Security. The government simply overturned the selection results with no explanation.
• 11 July: Law enforcement raided anti-corruption activist Vitalii Shabunin’s home without a court warrant. They also searched the mother of fallen Hero of Ukraine pilot Andrii “Juice” Pilshchykov simply because Shabunin had briefly stayed there.
• 14 July: Deputy Prime Minister Olha Stefanishyna announced her resignation as Ukraine’s chief EU negotiator—replacing a negotiator at such a sensitive moment gave Brussels another reason to pause.

Denmark quietly abandoned the 18 July proposal. European Pravda sources reported EU officials asking: “WTF? What is going on?”

Brussels draws the line

EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos warned Deputy Prime Minister Taras Kachka that the anti-corruption law would have “serious consequences for the entire negotiation process.” Some member states now believe “it would have been better not to rush into opening the first cluster.”

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen called Zelenskyy directly to express “strong concerns.” Brussels views this as democratic backsliding comparable to Georgia’s retreat.

Economic consequences mounting

The OECD warned that undermining anti-corruption agencies will hurt:

• Defense investments in Ukraine
• Reconstruction funding from international partners
• Future borrowing capacity as creditors reassess risk

But European officials doubt the Presidential Office takes these warnings seriously—they are accustomed to Brussels making threats without decisive action.

Putin wins without trying

Anti-corruption architect Daria Kaleniuk pointed out the bitter irony: Zelenskyy “just gave Putin his best argument.”

Putin’s original justification for war was that Ukraine was “losing sovereignty to foreign partners, establishing anti-corruption institutions with foreign experts.” Ukrainian MPs are now making Putin’s argument for him.

Ukraine will fall behind Moldova in EU accession talks. The “decoupling” Brussels tried to avoid becomes inevitable—not because of Hungarian obstruction, but because of Ukraine own choices. As one European official noted: “Ukraine has done the dirty work instead of Viktor Orbán.”

What the law actually does

The legislation Zelenskyy signed grants the Prosecutor General sweeping authority to:

• Reassign NABU investigations to other agencies
• Issue binding instructions to anti-corruption bodies
• Unilaterally close high-level corruption cases
• Control SAPO operations through mandatory coordination

Transparency International Ukraine called it the dismantling of “prosecutorial independence.”

NABU and SAPO were established in 2015 under Western pressure following the Euromaidan Revolution. Independent anti-corruption institutions were central to EU integration and remain a key condition for visa-free travel, which stays secure despite current developments.

The timing was particularly damaging. Just as European officials prepared to risk institutional precedent for Ukraine’s benefit, Kyiv chose to demolish its reform credentials.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced plans to submit a draft law to the Verkhovna Rada that will restore independence to the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), according to his evening video address on 23 July.

The announcement comes one day after parliament passed law #12414 on 22 July, which eliminated the independence of these anti-corruption institutions.

The Rada supported the legislation with 263 votes, and Speaker Ruslan Stefanchuk signed it the same day, despite calls from NABU chief Semen Kryvonos urging the president not to sign it. Zelenskyy ultimately signed the controversial law the same day as well.

“I held many meetings with government officials, as well as officials from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Security Service of Ukraine, National Anti-Corruption Bureau, State Bureau of Investigation, Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office, National Agency for Corruption Prevention and the Office of the Prosecutor General,” Zelenskyy said in his address.

Zelenskyy revealed that institutional leaders will jointly propose an action plan with concrete steps to strengthen the rule of law in Ukraine.

“Of course, everyone heard what people are saying these days – on social networks, to each other, on the streets. This is all not in vain. We analyzed all concerns, all aspects of what should be changed and what needs to be activated,” the president said.

The promised legislation will serve as “a response that will ensure strength to the law enforcement system,” according to Zelenskyy.

“There will be no Russian influence or interference in the activities of law enforcement agencies. And very importantly: all norms for the independence of anti-corruption institutions will be there,” the president said.

Zelenskyy expects concrete proposals from heads of law enforcement and anti-corruption agencies. He described the upcoming initiative as a presidential draft law that will be implemented “within our state transformation strategy.” The controversial law’s passage sparked protests in major Ukrainian cities.

Against the backdrop of these events, rallies against the adoption of the scandalous law were held in major Ukrainian cities. On 23 July, protests have been announced in at least 17 Ukrainian cities.

In Kyiv, there are at least 2 times more people today as on the first day, 22 July, when Zelenskyy signed the law. Participants of the protest in Kyiv chant “Power to the people!” and “Hands off NABU and SAPO.”

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has contacted Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to express “strong concerns” about a newly signed law that restricts the independence of Ukraine’s National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAP).

According to RBK-Ukraine and Liga.net, Commission spokesperson Guillaume Mercier told reporters in Brussels that the EU executive is very concerned about the adoption of law №12414, which could significantly weaken the competencies and powers of Ukraine’s anti-corruption bodies.

The spokesperson emphasized that NABU and SAP are considered cornerstones of the rule of law in Ukraine. He added that these institutions are crucial for implementing reforms in the country and must remain independent.

Mercier reminded that respect for the rule of law and the fight against corruption are key elements of the European Union, and Ukraine, as a candidate state for membership, must fully comply with these standards.

“There can be no compromise here,” the Commission spokesperson stressed.

Background

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the controversial law on the evening of 22 July, which limits the independence of NABU and SAP.

The National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) is a Ukrainian law enforcement agency established in 2014 to investigate and expose corruption, particularly among high-ranking officials, and prepare cases for prosecution. It works to prevent, detect, and terminate corruption within its jurisdiction, aiming to clean the government and foster a successful society.

The Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) is an independent branch within Ukraine’s Prosecutor General’s Office. It oversees and supports corruption investigations started by the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and leads prosecution of high-level corruption offenses, especially involving senior officials.

According to MP Anastasia Radina, amendments were added that “make SAP a decorative institution and provide for complete subordination of NABU and SAP activities to the will of the Prosecutor General.”

Protests against the law’s signing took place in several cities, including Kyiv, Lviv, Odesa, Dnipro, Lutsk, Poltava, and Ternopil. Participants called for the law to be vetoed.

Prior to the law’s adoption, massive searches were conducted at NABU and SAP offices. The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) and the Prosecutor General’s Office announced the exposure of Russian influence on NABU. Individual Bureau employees are accused of state treason, illegal trade with Russia, and corruption in the interests of oligarchs. However, NABU stated that these investigative actions were carried out without court warrants.

Ukrainian deputies prepare a counterstrike against a new controversial law in the Constitutional Court. After President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the controversial law narrowing the powers of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAP), MPs from the Holos parliamentary faction announced the start of collecting signatures for an appeal to the court.

“In fact, the only thing that can be done now to fix the situation is to strike down this law in the Constitutional Court,” says MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak, emphasizing that the parliamentary procedure was violated during the consideration of the bill.

He believes the initiative is entirely realistic: “We will need 45 signatures from deputies… but I think we can still find that many in the Ukrainian Parliament.”

Protesters have already taken to the streets in Kyiv, Lviv, Dnipro, and other cities. They are demanding the repeal of the law, which they believe will bring the country to the era of former President Victor Yanukovych, when the government controlled investigations, the prosecutor’s office, and the courts.

The morning after signing the law, Zelenskyy gathered the heads of all key law enforcement and anti-corruption agencies, including NABU Director Semen Kryvonos, SAP Head Oleksandr Klymenko, SBU Chief Vasyl Maliuk, and Prosecutor Kravchenko.

The president stated that “criminal proceedings must not last for years without verdicts” and said that “we all hear what society is saying.” According to him, a joint plan to protect public interests must be ready within two weeks, followed by an in-depth working meeting with all sides the week after. 

A law curbing anti-graft watchdogs has officially taken effect in Ukraine, triggering public protest and sharp criticism from legal observers and European officials. Submitted by the ruling Servant of the People party, which holds a majority in the Verkhovna Rada, the bill was passed on 22 July and signed into law by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy that same evening — a rare instance of rapid enactment.

Key anti-graft watchdogs stripped of independence

Law No. 12414 was officially published on 23 July in the Rada’s Holos Ukrainy newspaper, granting it full legal force. As a result, the prosecutor general now has the authority to reassign investigations from the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) to other law enforcement bodies, issue binding written instructions to NABU detectives, serve as the effective head of the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), and unilaterally close top-level corruption cases.

In addition, SAPO’s procedural autonomy is severely curtailed. The law removes the agency’s ability to determine NABU’s jurisdiction in exceptional cases, strips its head of the right to resolve jurisdictional disputes, and prevents SAPO leadership from altering appellate or cassation complaints submitted by its prosecutors. Transparency International Ukraine stated that the law is an attack on anti-graft safeguards and warned it dismantles the foundations of prosecutorial independence. 

EU sounds alarm

The law was authored and pushed forward by MP Maksym Buzhanskyi, a member of Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party. It introduces sweeping amendments to Ukraine’s Criminal Code and bypassed standard parliamentary procedures. Critics argue it violated Article 116 of the Verkhovna Rada’s regulations by radically altering the subject of the original legislation.

European Commission spokesperson Guillaume Mercier stated that the EU is concerned about Ukraine’s recent actions regarding NABU and SAPO.

EU Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos said she was “seriously concerned” over the Rada vote.

“The dismantling of key safeguards protecting NABU’s independence is a serious step back. Independent bodies, like NABU [and] SAPO, are essential for [Ukraine’s] EU path. Rule of Law remains in the very center of EU accession negotiations,” she wrote on X.

Newly appointed Deputy Prime Minister for European Integration of Ukraine, Taras Kachka, assured Kos that the Ukrainian government remains committed to its anti-corruption obligations.

Cities erupt in protest after Rada passes the law

The law’s passage sparked mass protests in Kyiv and multiple other Ukrainian cities including Lviv, Dnipro, Odesa, and Ivano-Frankivsk late on 22 July. Demonstrators accused Zelenskyy and parliament of dismantling Ukraine’s most trusted anti-corruption structures. 

Zelenskyy offers no explanation beyond ‘Russian influence’

Despite public backlash and mounting criticism, Zelenskyy signed the bill into law, giving only a vague and unsupported rationale. In a video address on 22 July, he said that “anti-corruption infrastructure will work, but must be cleared of Russian influence.” He added that justice must become “more visible” and said cases involving fugitive officials should finally be pursued. However, he gave no details on how curbing anti-graft watchdogs would aid in countering Russian infiltration.

Intelligence raids, spy accusations, and political timing

Before the legislative push, starting 21 July, the SBU security service and Prosecutor General’s Office carried out approximately 80 searches targeting 19 NABU staff across multiple oblasts. Employees were accused of state treason, illicit trade with Russia, and acting on behalf of oligarchs. The State Bureau of Investigations simultaneously reopened dormant car crash cases involving NABU staff.

SAPO expressed concern that the SBU and prosecutor’s office had accessed covert investigative data, risking the exposure of classified operations. They warned that SBU actions could disrupt ongoing probes by revealing details of undercover measures.

Why watchdog independence mattered

NABU and SAPO were formed in 2015 after the 2014 Revolution of Dignity to combat entrenched elite corruption. NABU was empowered to investigate top-tier officials including the president (if no longer in office), ministers, MPs, judges, and high-ranking bureaucrats. SAPO was designed to prosecute those cases autonomously, free from political oversight. The agencies’ independence was a central requirement for Ukraine’s EU integration.

Tatarigami, a prominent Ukrainian analyst, wrote that the law creates mechanisms to derail or redirect any investigation that threatens presidential allies — not only under Zelenskyy but under any future president. He warned that the logic of citing “Russian influence” as a justification is flawed, since agencies like the SBU have themselves been infiltrated by Russian agents in the past.

Update: OECD warns Ukraine risks losing defense investment

According to European Pravda, the OECD has warned Kyiv that the law undermining NABU and SAPO could jeopardize both Ukraine’s OECD accession and its appeal to international investors.

In a letter dated 22 July, Julia Fromholz, head of the OECD Anti-Corruption Division, told the president’s office that law No. 12414 weakens anti-corruption safeguards and risks breaching Ukraine’s obligations under OECD standards.

New draft law aims to cancel restrictions on NABU and SAPO

A new bill has been prepared in the Verkhovna Rada to cancel the restrictions on NABU and SAPO introduced by the controversial law No. 12414 adopted on 22 July. The initial law limits the powers of Ukraine’s anti-corruption bodies under the pretext of regulating wartime investigations into missing persons.

The timing was surgical. As security services arrested their own officials for taking $300,000 bribes from draft dodgers, Ukraine’s parliament voted to gut the very agencies designed to catch such corruption.

On 22 July 2025, lawmakers passed Bill No. 12414 by 263 votes, effectively ending a decade of post-Euromaidan anti-corruption reforms. The legislation transfers control of corruption investigations from independent agencies—NABU and SAPO—to the politically appointed Prosecutor General.

The vote came one day after authorities conducted over 70 searches against NABU employees, citing alleged Russian intelligence links that critics say provided convenient cover for the institutional demolition.

This matters because Ukraine built these institutions specifically to investigate officials close to the presidency—the very people now beyond reach. NABU had been investigating Deputy Prime Minister Oleksiy Chernyshov in land schemes, defense sector corruption, and cases involving Zelenskyy associates. With the Prosecutor General—who reports directly to presidential chief of staff Andriy Yermak—now controlling all corruption cases, those investigations effectively end.

Political control over anti-corruption institutions

Euromaidan Press: Ukraine’s Parliament just passed a law putting all corruption investigations under one politically appointed prosecutor. Ukrainian activists like you are calling this a return to Yanukovych times. What does that comparison mean?

Daria Kaleniuk: It means that Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko will control all investigations against top officials in the country. He will have access to all cases of the independent agencies NABU and SAPO.

During the Yanukovych period, he had a prosecutor general named Viktor Pshonka who safeguarded businesses and monopolies for Yanukovych and his associates. There was the so-called “family”—close family and friends of Yanukovych who controlled the most lucrative businesses in the country. No one could investigate them because the prosecutor general made sure they were untouchable.

We are coming back to the  era of untouchables in Ukraine.

If you are loyal to Zelenskyy, you will be untouchable and have access to lucrative contracts, especially in the defense sector where most Ukrainian taxpayer money is spent. You can steal, commit fraud, produce bad equipment, not deliver on time – and there will be no justice.

This is the  Yanukovych moment for Zelenskyy. 

This is what Ukraine is fighting against

What does this mean for Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations?

Zelenskyy and Yermak want to silence us. They will try to develop criminal charges like state treason. Basically, you are a state traitor in Ukraine when you’re saying the truth.

This is not what the Ukrainian people are fighting against Russian aggression for. This is actually what we are fighting against, because Russia wants to suppress freedom of speech, independent thinking, and criticism of authorities.

Democracy is very deep in the veins of the Ukrainian people. All those fallen heroes were fighting for a completely different Ukraine than Zelenskyy is now trying to build – where there is freedom, dignity, and justice with the rule of law.

When Zelenskyy silences independent media and watchdog organizations, he is crossing many red lines inside Ukrainian society, which could lead to a very dangerous explosion. To prevent this,  Zelenskyy must stop this law.

If he signed it, he has to withdraw his signature.

All those who invented this attack on anti-corruption bodies are either intentionally or unintentionally helping the Kremlin win this war from inside Ukraine.

Start of their end

You’ve been doing this work since 2012 through three different presidents. What’s the common pattern when leaders try to capture such institutions? How does this moment feel different?

It is the start of their end. Agony.

It’s complicated in Zelenskyy’s case because we’re simultaneously fighting a large-scale war. If there were no war, Zelenskyy and his parliament would not be in power.

Unfortunately, for Zelenskyy and Yermak, the only strategy they’re thinking about is maintaining power. This causes them to roll back reforms and dismantle democracy because they understand they cannot win democratic elections.

It smells like they feel elections are coming. All these crackdowns are related to the fear of not being in power longer.

How to stay in power? Get rid of watchdog organizations naming names and saying the truth. Get rid of independent media – sanction media owners to shut down outlets like Ukrainska Pravda, Novaya Vremya. Intimidate individual activists and journalists. Then destroy possible political opponents.

There is a lot of trust in Ukraine’s armed forces. Therefore, the State Bureau of Investigations will attack military commanders who have the trust of the Ukrainian people.

In Shabunin’s case, Zelenskyy and Yermak showed they can use this instrument to destroy any person serving in the military.

Zelenskyy becomes villain against whom he campaigned in 2019

It’s ironic that Zelenskyy campaigned as the anti-corruption outsider in 2019. Now he’s dismantling the very institutions built to fulfill these promises. Why this turn? Why now? Doesn’t he understand this is suicidal?

I think he needs to thank Mr. Andriy Yermak, who controls 90% of information flow to Zelensky, shapes his mind, and helps him appoint very loyal managers.

Yermak appointed Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko, basically suggested him as a very good prospective Pshonka for Zelensky.

Zelenskyy might not understand or is too busy and tired. But he’s not coping with his role as leader, which should reflect the mood of the Ukrainian people.

If he entrusted so much power to Yermak and Oleg Tatarov – guys against democracy, against fundamental freedoms, against checks and balances – it reflects his view of society.

He campaigned in “Servant of the People” against untouchables. He created untouchables inside his circle. So he became the [anti-]hero against whom he was campaigning.

Could you give us more context about what NABU and SAPO have accomplished that is now at risk?

They have charged hundreds of people in high-level positions, tackling critical cases in different sectors.

Just this year, there were charges in defense sector food procurement, against key state officials in land schemes, and charges against Oleksiy Chernyshov, the former deputy prime minister and close friend of Zelenskyy.

NABU also looked deeply into defense contracts. Zelenskyy didn’t like this, which triggered his reaction and had horrible results for these institutions, the country, and Zelenskyy himself.

We’ve been using these cases since 2022 as powerful arguments to advocate for more weapons, more support for Ukraine, fast-track European integration, the Danish model.

These are the narratives the Kremlin tried to spread through propaganda – that Ukraine is absolutely corrupt, that Zelenskyy is autocratic, oppresses opposition, and silences critics.

Two months ago, I was defending Zelenskyy against this. When Trump was saying Zelenskyy is a dictator, I wrote pieces and did interviews saying there is a system of checks and balances in Ukraine, these anti-corruption institutions are working.

Now I can’t say anything. Yermak, Zelenskyy, and the MPs voting for this law have created beautiful arguments for the Kremlin to make Ukraine a country not worth supporting.

I hope international partners will keep supporting Ukraine with military assistance – it’s critical for our armed forces dying defending Ukraine. But clearly, Russia will use this to discredit support.

Is NABU infested with Russian spies?

The government says this is about national security after finding Russian spies in NABU. You’re saying it’s about protecting corrupt officials. How do we know who’s right?

It’s very simple. The Security Service, Prosecutor General’s Office, and State Bureau of Investigations conducted simultaneously 80 searches against more than 15 NABU detectives and their family members without court warrants, claiming it was a special operation to unveil Russian spies.

So far, we have only two cases in which a suspicion was announced. All the other cases are not related to cooperating with Russia—car accidents from years ago, other crazy cases.

Even the security-related charges aren’t extraordinary cases with clearly significant security damage. One NABU worker allegedly sold cannabis to Dagestan through relatives with Russian citizenship. Another allegedly provided information to a former security service officer during the Yanukovych period.

Simultaneously, the security service is verifying how SAPO handles state secrecy and getting access to all pending investigations—whistleblowers, agents cooperating with NABU, and all operative information.

They already accessed files and saw where NABU was looking. Coincidentally, the next day, Zelenskyy passed a law empowering the prosecutor general with all rights to control when NABU moves and breathes.

He’s directly receiving orders from Yermak, executing Zelenskyy’s will. Zelenskyy is pissed off that NABU and SAPO are investigating his close associates like Chernyshov.

Perfect moment

The timing seems strategic – wartime, no elections, weakened opposition. Was this the perfect moment?

It is the perfect moment because our European partners are on vacation drinking prosecco and enjoying the summer seaside. I’m joking obviously, but that’s important – how to mobilize proper reaction from European partners.

Protests against law to gut anti-corruption agencies are starting in Ukraine. Here is Lviv

Today, the parliament voted for law #12414 to bring the National Anti-Corruption Bureau and Specialized Anti-Corruption Office under control of politically-appointed General Prosecutor,… pic.twitter.com/9H6PeDH07K

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 22, 2025

Overall, this attack is strategically important for the Kremlin and plays into their hands. If they’re trying to accuse us of state treason, they should look at themselves – how they’re creating reasons and grounds for the Kremlin to attack Ukraine internationally.

What concretely happens now? If there’s a billion-dollar corruption case tomorrow, who investigates it?

The Prosecutor General controls that case. NABU can investigate, but there will be just the name NABU. The substance of having a truly independent agency with SAPO supervision will be over.

It means one person, Kravchenko, goes to another person, Yermak, and they agree: “Should we investigate this billion-dollar case? Probably not, but we’ll ask this defense producer for 10% bribe. Let’s introduce our affiliated companies as co-owners, and then we won’t investigate anything. Everybody’s happy.”

We are building new oligarchs in Ukraine. This is the thinking happening inside the president’s office among those designing this scheme.

10 years of Ukraine’s progress annulled

What does this mean for Ukraine’s European integration prospects?

It puts us back 10 years. I have déjà vu of November 2013, when Yanukovych refused to sign the EU association agreement and told the Ukrainian people, “I don’t care what you think.”

The establishment of these institutions was written in all documents related to EU accession, IMF loans, and visa liberalization. If you dismantle these agencies, you can’t remove them from these documents. These are Ukraine’s obligations, which are now nullified. All progress will be nullified.

How to repair that overnight when the destruction is already done? It’s impossible.

Parliament members voting for this trash were so happy, congratulating themselves. Folks like Maksym Buzhanskyi from Servant of the People were celebrating with Yuliia Tymoshenko, who spreads the same messages Putin spread in early February 2022 before invading Ukraine.

Putin said Ukraine is losing sovereignty to foreign partners, establishing anti-corruption institutions with foreign experts. For that, Ukraine needs to be liberated. This is how Putin started the large-scale war.

Now our MPs are saying the same thing Putin was saying. Are they nuts? They should quit and work in Russia.

International partners stay mum as red lines crossed

What has the international response been? Is it what you expected?

Very slow. This escalation could have been prevented if before the Ukraine Reform Conference, when the Cabinet violated the law and didn’t appoint a BEB director, URC leaders clearly told Zelenskyy it’s unacceptable.

At the end, as there was no reaction, came these searches of Shabunin without court warrants, absurd accusations.

Did we see the international partner’s reaction? No, everybody was waiting. “Let’s see how it develops.” 

Red lines were crossed. Yermak and Zelenskyy tested them, to no reaction.

“Everybody doesn’t care about corruption and the rule of law anymore. We’re the bosses in our home. We decide what we do. We don’t care about your reforms.”

This approach was bred by self-censorship of our international partners.

Daria, thank you very much. Let’s hope President Zelenskyy will roll back this law.

On 22 July, the Ukrainian Parliament passed bill No. 12414, which effectively destroys the independence of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO), says the Independent Anti-Corruption Commission (NAKO). 

The NAKO emphasizes that this decision will severely undermine trust in Ukraine on the international stage. The development of anti-corruption institutions, supported by civil society and international partners since 2015, was a key condition for Ukraine’s progress towards the EU and NATO.

The liquidation of NABU’s and SAPO’s independence threatens further international aid.

The law was adopted amid high-profile searches at NABU, where security forces uncovered an FSB agent working inside the bureau who passed information to Russia.

“Yesterday we saw SBU searches that showed NABU is not perfect, and that is true, but today these searches have been used by the authorities to dismantle an independent anti-corruption investigation,” says NAKO senior researcher Tetiana Nikolaienko.

Now the Prosecutor General becomes the de facto head of SAPO prosecutors, gains full access to NABU cases, has the right to transfer them to other bodies, decides jurisdiction disputes, and signs indictments against high-ranking officials. This destroys the possibility of conducting impartial investigations according to the law.

Meanwhile, the Anti-Corruption Action Center stresses that President Zelenskyy’s signature under this law will return the country to the times of former pro-Russian President Victor Yanukovych.

“Under these conditions, NABU, SAPO, and the High Anti-Corruption Court lose all meaning as Zelenskyy-installed Prosecutor General will stop investigations against all the president’s friends,” adds NAKO.

Accordingly, there is no point in electronic asset declarations, punishment for illegal enrichment, special confiscation, or other anti-corruption reforms.

The Civil Anti-Corruption Council under the Ministry of Defense says Ukraine’s anti-corruption system has lost its independence within several minutes. The organization is urging President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to veto a bill No. 12414, passed by Ukrainian lawmakers, which curtails the freedom of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO)

While the bill was introduced as addressing the investigation of wartime disappearances, last-minute amendments radically altered its essence. Both the relevant committee and the parliamentary chamber approved the changes at record speed.

“This law strips SAPO of its independence,” states the Civil Anti-Corruption Council under the Ministry of Defense.

From now on, the Prosecutor General will have direct control over prosecutors in the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office, can reassign their powers, seize NABU cases, and issue directives.

This opens the door to manual control, political interference, impunity for loyal officials, and the destruction of independent investigations into high-level corruption.

“We are fighting for justice. But this law is about abuse of power and shielding installed persons,” the Council emphasizes.

 

The West has reacted swiftly to the law. The European Commission has voiced concern, stressing that EU financial support depends on progress in democratic governance. G7 ambassadors have said they plan to raise the issue with Ukrainian officials.

Guillaume Mercier, the spokesperson for the European Commission for Enlargement, has claimed that the EU is providing Ukraine with significant financial assistance “subject to progress in transparency, judicial reform, and democratic governance.”

“These bodies are crucial to Ukraine’s reform agenda and must act independently to fight corruption and maintain public trust,” he says.

NABU was established in 2015 under pressure from Western partners and civil society.

French companies will begin manufacturing drones in Ukraine, marking a deepening of direct defense-industry cooperation between the two nations. French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot announced the decision on 21 July during a two-day visit to Kyiv, Euroactiv reports. 

Paris brings military manufacturing into Ukraine

President Zelenskyy confirmed that French companies will begin manufacturing drones inside Ukraine.

“We are ready to expand joint defense production,” he posted on X, adding: “There is a decision by French companies to begin manufacturing drones in Ukraine – and this is highly valuable.”

France’s Foreign Minister Barrot echoed the statement in a separate post:

“French drones will be built on Ukrainian soil.” He described the move as a sign of “sovereignty and strategic trust.”

France and Ukraine expand defense partnership scope

In addition to drone manufacturing, Zelenskyy stated that the meeting covered broader military cooperation. That included improving Ukraine’s air defense capabilities, continued troop training, and recent outcomes from Ramstein-format meetings.

 

On 21 July, French Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs Jean-Noël Barrot came to Kyiv for a two-day visit. After arriving, he immediately headed to the sites hit during the massive overnight attack on the Lukianivka district.

“Shelters themselves are no longer entirely safe, as the metro station next to me, which serves as a shelter for Kyiv residents, became a target of the attack. It happened at the same time President Zelenskyy, on Saturday morning, declared Ukraine’s readiness to enter new negotiations with Russia,” he emphasized. 

In Kyiv, Foreign Minister Barrot is set to meet with Zelenskyy, new Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko, and his counterpart Andrii Sybiha, UkrInform reports. 

During the visit, he will also take part in Ukraine’s Ambassadors Conference and visit the Chornobyl Nuclear Power Plant. The facility is still undergoing the restoration of the site after the Russian occupation in 2022 and a Shahed strike, which damaged the protection shield over the plant itself. 

“Our embassy staff, like all Kyiv residents, were forced to seek shelter from 3 AM to 5 AM,” the minister said.

He noted that the wave of attacks struck not only civilian infrastructure but also kindergartens, supermarkets, and residential buildings. Two people were killed in an attack, and a dozen civilians were hospitalized. 

“That’s why the package of mass sanctions adopted at the European level last Thursday is crucial to increase pressure on Vladimir Putin, to raise the cost of this outrageous war, and to compel him to cease fire and engage in talks that will lead to a just and lasting peace,” Barrot stated.

On 18 July, the EU agreed on a new Russia sanctions package, with ambassadors reaching consensus on the bloc’s 18th sanctions round. The round targets key sectors of the Russian economy, including Slovakia and Malta. The restrictions hit energy, the main source of Moscow’s revenues. 

For their love for Ukraine, Tigran and Mykyta paid the highest price, their lives. President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy has signed a decree awarding the Order of Freedom to 16-year-olds Tigran Ohannisian and Mykyta Khanganov, Ukrainian teenagers killed by Russian soldiers in occupied Berdiansk.

After the full-scale invasion and occupation of the city, the boys stayed home. They were friends, and both openly supported the Ukrainian cause.

Ohannisian was repeatedly persecuted by the occupying authorities: he was abducted from his home, tortured, abused, subjected to electric shocks, and mock executions. He was arrested, beaten, and forced into silence.

Khanganov was targeted for arrest as early as October 2022. The occupiers interrogated him and his father, fabricated a case accusing him of “railway sabotage,” and searched their home. He was charged with a crime punishable by up to 20 years in prison in Russia.

In 2023, both boys were accused of “preparing sabotage.” Tigran was interrogated and tortured for five days as the occupiers tried to force a confession.

The European Parliament passed a resolution demanding the release of Tigran and Mykyta, but the occupiers ignored the calls of the international community. On 24 June 2023, Russian forces executed the boys.

Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets reported that Russia still refuses to return their bodies to the parents or to Ukraine. Available information suggests the occupiers buried the teenagers in secret, without notifying the families.

On 17 July 2025, Ukraine received a new government—the first full reshuffle since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. The transition brought in a new prime minister, merged key ministries, and rebalanced power at the top of Ukraine’s wartime state. It was quiet but decisive—though not without raising eyebrows at home and abroad.

At the center of the overhaul is Yulia Svyrydenko, 39, who replaced Denys Shmyhal as prime minister. Shmyhal—who had held the post for a record five years—was appointed Minister of Defense, replacing Rustem Umerov, who in turn became Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council.

With the Cabinet now reduced to just 16 ministers, and several ministries merged or dissolved, it is one of the most compact governments in Ukraine’s modern history. The restructuring reflects not only a push for efficiency, but also a response to internal pressures and external scrutiny during wartime governance.

Under martial law, with no elections

The reshuffle was controversial not only because of its scope, but because of its legal context. Under Ukraine’s law on martial law, dismissing or appointing the Cabinet is explicitly prohibited, and elections are suspended indefinitely. The move was, at best, a legal gray zone.

It also raised concerns beyond legality. The opposition pointed to consolidation of power in the hands of the President’s Office. One well-known political joke was revived to express that fear: “It’s like rearranging the beds in a brothel—nothing really changes.” The point wasn’t just that the personnel might be the same—it was that the same people behind the scenes remain in control, with limited checks from outside the executive.

So why now? With no elections and wartime restrictions in place, the question of timing loomed large—and demanded an answer.

Delayed, not sudden

Political analyst Volodymyr Fesenko believes the change had been planned much earlier. “I think this is the implementation of a previously delayed decision. The reshuffle was already agreed in June, but it was delayed because the president had a full international schedule.”

Zelenskyy is known for periodic Cabinet changes.

“Last year, he didn’t replace the prime minister but changed half the government,” Fesenko told Euromaidan Press. “This time, the head of government was changed too. He rotates people when he feels something isn’t working.”

Another factor may have been Svyrydenko’s recent diplomatic success. According to Fesenko, she played a key role in managing sensitive economic negotiations with US counterparts related to the so-called “mineral deal”, helping to neutralize difficult political conditions. “That strengthened her standing,” he said.

However, Fesenko cautions against reading too much into a single cause. “There is no one particular reason for this reshuffle,” he said. “It is a combination of delayed plans, administrative adjustments, and political opportunity.”

Elections off the table

According to Ihor Chalenko, another political analyst, the government shakeup reflects growing consensus within the presidential camp that elections are not likely to happen any time soon. With martial law in place and war still ongoing, political updates must come from within the system.

“This is a reset without elections,” Chalenko told Euromaidan Press. “It signals change, rebalances power, and rebrands the government—without a vote.”

The timing allowed for a “reset” without major political risk—and provided a moment to address festering problems that had not been resolved by the existing team. The restructuring also comes amid increasing concern that Ukraine must refocus its executive branch to better coordinate diplomacy, economic recovery, and military production.

A calculated balancing act

Much attention has focused on whether the change represents a power play by Andriy Yermak, head of the President’s Office, over David Arakhamia, the leader of the governing Servant of the People faction. Svyrydenko is widely seen as a close ally of Yermak; Shmyhal had been backed by Arakhamia.

But according to both Fesenko and Chalenko, the final result reflects power balancing, not a power grab.

Fesenko acknowledged that tensions between Arakhamia and the president had been real, particularly about six months ago, when Arakhamia traveled to the US and presented himself as a potential point of contact with the Trump camp. “He told people he was arranging meetings, even with Giuliani. That really irritated the president. Since then, he’s stepped back.”

Chalenko emphasizes that the government as reshaped remains a coalition of internal power centers. “Take Mykhailo Fedorov,” he said. “He’s now First Deputy Prime Minister. And he’s had friction with Yermak. If this reshuffle was purely about consolidation, that wouldn’t have happened.”

The civilian part of the government—especially economic and social portfolios—is now clearly under the coordination of the President’s Office. But the military sector, particularly defense procurement and arms production, includes other political influences and interest groups that remain outside Yermak’s full control. According to Chalenko, this division is what keeps the new government politically “balanced,” despite external perceptions of top-down centralization.

Scandals as opportunity

While the reshuffle wasn’t caused by scandal, recent events made it easier to justify.

In June, Oleksiy Chernyshov, then Deputy Prime Minister — Minister for National Unity, was accused of abuse of office and receiving unlawful benefits on an especially large scale. He was released on ₴120 million (about $3 mln) bail. As Fesenko notes, this allowed for a smooth exit. “He’s gone, and so is his ministry. The moment was convenient.”

More serious were the problems inside the Ministry of Defense under Rustem Umerov. In late 2024, it emerged that mortar shells manufactured in Ukraine were defective. A public battle followed between Umerov and Maryna Bezrukova, head of the Defense Procurement Agency, raising questions of internal sabotage and political interference. NATO and G7 partners were said to be deeply concerned.

Fesenko called the situation “ministerial chaos.” He added: “Key professionals were sidelined. There was no clear strategy. Shmyhal was never a big political figure, but he was a very effective coordinator inside the government. Now he’s tasked with bringing that skill to the defense sector.”

Chalenko agrees, though from a different angle. He sees the appointment as “a mark of personal recognition from Zelenskyy himself,” noting that Shmyhal had preserved balance in the Cabinet throughout his unusually long term as prime minister. “That continuity is now being transferred to the defense sector—along with added responsibility.”

War economy, shrinking budget

The reshuffle also served as a vehicle for long-delayed administrative reform. Plans to merge ministries and reduce overhead had existed since 2023. Now, with fewer ministers and larger portfolios, implementation became politically possible.

The Ministry of Economy now includes portfolios previously managed by the agriculture and environment ministries, forming what some analysts describe as a “superministry” at the heart of civilian administration.

But perhaps most pressing: Ukraine’s economy is under enormous strain. With American budget support drying up, and European aid increasingly tied to complex conditions, the country faces rising deficits and mounting fiscal pressure. Stabilization is now a core priority.

In this environment, Svyrydenko is expected to focus on economic management. She is considered a trusted figure among Ukraine’s Western partners, particularly in financial and trade negotiations. But she will also need to confront deepening structural problems: declining industrial output, sluggish recovery in private investment, and ballooning social spending.

Fesenko said: “She knows what parts of the system can be influenced—and what parts are off-limits. That gives her some room in the economic sphere, where Yermak is less hands-on.”

A reset in wartime

Ultimately, the reshuffle represents a wartime recalibration. It allowed the president to respond to internal disorder, public fatigue, and Western concern—without elections, and without open crisis.

It is not a dramatic political transformation. But it resets the executive without destabilizing the system. As Chalenko put it, “the government remains balanced—and therefore, it can be called Zelenskyy’s government.”

Whether that’s enough will depend not only on Svyrydenko’s performance, but on how long the war—and martial law—lasts.

In effect, this reshuffle functioned as a reset without elections—a shift in power that maintains political control while responding to pressure for change.

The US plans to invest in the production of Ukrainian drones. New Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko has announced that Ukraine intends to sign a drone agreement with American partners, Reuters reports.

“We plan to sign a ‘drone deal’ with the United States. We are discussing investments in the expansion of production of Ukrainian drones by the US,” says Svyrydenko.

The official has clarified that the deal involves the purchase of a large batch of Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicles.

Svyrydenko added that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and US President Donald Trump made the political decision on the agreement earlier, and officials are now discussing its details.

Earlier, Euromaidan Press reported that both leaders were considering what’s being called a “mega deal.” Under the proposed agreement, Kyiv would sell its combat-hardened drone systems to Washington. In return, it would sell Ukraine a significant array of American weapons.

Zelenskyy emphasized that Ukraine is ready to share its knowledge gained from over three years of fighting against Russia’s full-scale invasion.

Ukrainian pilots to gain greater chances in the sky due to Paris’s support. After an hour-long meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron on 18 July, Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed that France is ready to continue training Mirage fighter jet pilots on its own territory.

“I want to specifically highlight our agreement on Mirage pilot training: France is ready to accept additional pilots for training on additional aircraft,” said Zelenskyy.

Among other key issues was the strengthening of Ukraine’s air defense system. The two leaders discussed the supply of missiles for modern SAMP/T systems and the launch of a joint project to fund interceptor drones. Zelenskyy noted that relevant decisions will be prepared at the level of both countries’ defense ministries.

The Ukrainian president also thanked France for its active role in promoting the EU’s 18th package of sanctions and confirmed that Kyiv and Washington are working together so that “Russia feels truly global pressure.”

The EU agreed on a new package after the bloc’s ambassadors reached consensus on restrictions targeting key sectors of the Russian economy. Malta and Slovakia reportedly lifted their vetoes after receiving critical assurances. 

The new Russia sanctions package will include a formal ban on the Nord Stream 1 and 2 pipelines. EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas said the bloc would also reduce the oil price cap as part of efforts to cut the Kremlin’s war revenues.

A drone deal between Trump and Ukraine could bring Kyiv’s battlefield-proven UAVs into American hands, and more US-made weapons to Ukraine. The New York Post reports that President Trump and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy are considering what’s being called a “mega deal.” 

Kyiv offers frontline drone experience for US weapons

In an exclusive interview with the New York Post, Zelenskyy revealed that his latest discussions with Trump centered around an exchange of drone technology and weaponry. Under the proposed agreement, Ukraine would sell its combat-hardened drone systems to the United States. In return, Washington would sell Ukraine a significant array of American weapons.

“This is really a mega deal, a win-win, as they say,” Zelenskyy told the NYP. “The people of America need this technology, and you need to have it in your arsenal.”

Zelenskyy emphasized that Ukraine is ready to share its knowledge gained from over three years of fighting against Russia’s full-scale invasion. According to him, this experience could help both the US and European partners adapt to modern warfare. Zelenskyy said that parallel talks were also ongoing with Denmark, Norway, and Germany.

Ukraine’s drones reshape modern warfare

The possible drone deal between Trump and Ukraine builds on Ukraine’s rapid evolution into a drone warfare powerhouse. Ukraine was the first to start using FPV drones as precision weapons against Russian equipment and personnel. Additionally, Ukraine also developed the long-range naval kamikaze drones, which sank multiple Russian navy’s ships. Kyiv’s long-range aerial drones reach as far as 1,300 km into Russia. In May, a Ukrainian marine drone destroyed a Russian Su-30 fighter jet over the Black Sea, using onboard air-to-air missiles.

One of the most dramatic operations, dubbed “Operation Spider Web,” saw 117 Ukrainian drones launched simultaneously deep inside Russia. They took out dozens of Russian irreplaceable strategic bombers at four separate bases.

US drone tech lags behind, experts warn

While Ukraine surges ahead, US defense officials and military experts have warned that the US is falling behind in drone warfare. The New York Post notes that American troops lack the experience to effectively operate UAVs or defend against them. Trent Emeneker, a project manager at the Defense Innovation Unit, told the New York Times, 

“We all know the same thing. We aren’t giving the American war fighter what they need to survive warfare today.”

US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has recently issued a new order to “cut red tape” on domestic drone production.

Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy told ministers to boost local arms from 40% to 50% within six months as part of a wartime strategy to strengthen Ukraine’s military self-reliance. He outlined the directive during a major speech before parliament, following the formal approval of a reshuffled Cabinet of Ministers on 17 July.

Zelenskyy tasks new cabinet with weapons overhaul

Addressing lawmakers and the new Cabinet, Zelenskyy noted:

“We are transforming the management of the defense sector and weapons production in such a way that, in six months, the share of specifically Ukrainian-made weapons available to our soldiers will significantly increase. Currently, about 40% of all weapons in the hands of our soldiers are made in Ukraine. In six months, it must be no less than 50%,” Zelenskyy said. 

He emphasized that boosting domestic arms production was essential in a global environment where attention to Russia-Ukraine’s war is being diluted by other crises.

Ministers told to audit defense deals

Zelenskyy also instructed the reshuffled cabinet to carry out a full audit of all existing defense-related agreements and commitments. These include international partnerships, production deals, memorandums, and resilience programs.

The president stressed that these agreements must be implemented “100% in the interests of Ukraine.” 

New prime minister confirmed

During the 17 July parliamentary session, lawmakers approved Zelenskyy’s nominee for prime minister, Yuliia Svyrydenko. Before the reshuffle, she served as Ukraine’s First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economic Development and Trade.

Most ministers either retained their roles or were reassigned to new posts. The president called for immediate implementation of the new government program and said results must be delivered “daily.”

 

President Donald Trump asked Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy why Ukraine hadn’t struck Moscow and suggested the country should increase pressure on Vladimir Putin by targeting both the Russian capital and St. Petersburg, the Washington Post reported on 15 July.

The exchange occurred during a conversation last week between the two leaders, according to a source cited by the newspaper. When Trump questioned why Ukraine hadn’t hit Moscow, Zelenskyy responded: “We can if you give us the weapons.”

“Trump said Ukraine needed to put more pressure on Putin, not just Moscow but St. Petersburg, too,” the Washington Post reported, citing a source familiar with the discussion.

The revelation comes as Trump announced a new military assistance package for Ukraine totaling $10 billion, which includes Patriot missiles, air defense weapons, and artillery. NATO countries will purchase these weapons from the United States and transfer them to Ukraine.

The military assistance reportedly may also include authorization for Ukraine to use its 18 long-range ATACMS missiles at their full 300-kilometer range, allowing strikes on military bases, airfields, and supply depots deep inside Russia that are currently out of reach.

Trump also considered sending Tomahawk cruise missiles to Ukraine – the same weapons used against Iranian targets last month. “If fired from Ukraine, these could hit Moscow and St. Petersburg, and they were included in discussion as late as Friday,” the Washington Post reported. However, the Tomahawks are not included in the current delivery list, though they could be deployed later if Trump seeks additional leverage.

These decisions mark a significant policy shift from his previous stance of providing only defensive equipment.

The announcement came after US President Trump expressed his disappointment with Russian President Vladimir Putin over Putin’s unwillingness to move towards a ceasefire and Russia’s escalating attacks on Kyiv and other cities. Putin reportedly said Trump during their phone call on 3 July that Moscow plans to escalate military operations in eastern Ukraine within the next 60 days, “securing the full administrative borders of occupied Ukrainian oblasts.”

“Trump is really pissed at Putin. His announcement tomorrow is going to be very aggressive,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) told Axios.

Trump also threatened to impose “severe tariffs” against Russia if it doesn’t make peace within 50 days. During Oval Office meeting on 14 July with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, Trump described Putin as “a tough guy” and said he was “angry” at the Russian leader for not being “nice.”

When asked how far he would be willing to escalate if Putin decides to increase pressure, Trump declined to answer directly.

“Don’t ask me a question like that, ‘How far?'” Trump responded. “I just want to get the war settled.”

The military assistance package will help Ukraine to defend its citizen and infrustructure from Russian attacks that included more than 700 missile and drone strikes on some days last week.

Vitalii Shabunin, Ukraine’s top anti-corruption activist and head of Ukraine’s Anti-Corruption Action Center, has been charged in a controversial criminal case. The State Bureau of Investigation has accused him of evasion of military service and misuse of a vehicle intended for the military, sparking a public outcry and allegations of political persecution, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty writes. 

According to investigators, Shabunin allegedly “systematically evaded” military service during martial law and illegally used a vehicle imported as humanitarian aid for the Armed Forces, including for personal travel in Kyiv. They claim the vehicle was never officially registered for military use.

He has been charged under two articles of the Ukrainian Criminal Code:

• Part 4, Article 409 — evasion of military service under martial law
• Part 2, Article 190 — large-scale fraud

The maximum penalty is up to 10 years in prison. 

Shabunin’s response

The activist has denied all allegations and called the case politically motivated. He published a photo of his military ID issued on 25 February 2022, the day after Russia’s full-scale invasion began.

He says he served on the front lines with Ukraine’s Armed Forces from the first days of the war, first near Kyiv, then in eastern Ukraine. After combat duty, he joined the Ministry of Defense to work on logistics reform and digital projects, including the Delta situational awareness system, according to the BBC.

In February 2025, he was transferred to a border guard unit in Kharkiv Oblast, a move he links to retaliation for his outspoken criticism of the government.

Civil society reacts: “An attack on free speech and democracy”

More than 50 non-governmental organizations, human rights groups, and civic organizations have appealed to President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko, and the State Bureau of Investigation’s Head, Oleksii Sukhachov, demanding that the investigation be dropped.

In their joint statement, they warned that the case is either a sign of gross incompetence or deliberate pressure on a government critic. Shabunin continued his anti-corruption work while in uniform, publicly opposing the sabotage of reforms and poor governance and defending the independence of Ukraine’s anti-graft institutions, Deutsche Welle reports.

Olena Shcherban, deputy director of Ukraine’s Anti-Corruption Action Center, has called the case an attempt to destroy an organization that has fought for transparency for years. It could also be a broader crackdown on independent activists, a dangerous precedent for democracy under martial law.

Ukraine is strengthening its alliance with the US amid escalating Russian attacks. On 14 July, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy met with Keith Kellogg, US presidential envoy, to discuss concrete steps toward peace, with a focus on enhancing air defense, expanding joint weapons production, and increasing sanctions pressure on Russia.

“We are grateful to the US president for all his messages and truly firm decisions to resume support. We’ve made some very positive decisions for both our countries,” Zelenskyy said.

The talks came against the backdrop of intensified Russian assaults, over 330 missiles, 5,000 drones, and 5,000 aerial bombs launched in June alone, making air defense a top priority during the meeting.

Key topics included:

• Strengthening Ukraine’s air defense systems
• Joint drone production
• Direct US purchases of Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicles
• Joint weapons procurement with European partners

Zelensky also emphasized the importance of new US sanctions legislation, particularly the bipartisan bill by Senators Lindsey Graham and Richard Blumenthal, which has already gained support from more than 80 senators.

He thanked Keith Kellogg for his visit, US President Donald Trump, and the American people for their continued support.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has proposed First Deputy Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko to head Ukraine’s government and substantially overhaul its operations, the president announced on 14 July.

“We are beginning the transformation of the executive power system in Ukraine. I have proposed Yulia Svyrydenko to head Ukraine’s government and substantially renew its work. I expect the presentation of the new government’s action program in the near future,” Zelenskyy said.

The presidential announcement followed Svyrydenko’s report on implementing agreements with European and American partners regarding Ukraine support, reached during the reconstruction conference in Rome.

“We must implement everything that can support the sustainability of our state and society as quickly as possible. We discussed specific measures that can strengthen Ukraine’s economic potential, expand support programs for Ukrainians and scale up domestic weapons production,” the president noted.

The government changes began with rumors about replacing Ukraine’s ambassador to the United States, Oksana Makarova. On 10 July, Zelenskyy first commented on changing Ukraine’s US ambassador, confirming Oksana Markarova’s replacement while expressing his desire for her to continue working in Ukraine.

The president previously indicated that Defense Minister Rustem Umerov could become the new US ambassador. Current Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal’s candidacy may be nominated for defense minister to replace Umerov.

Besides Shmyhal, officials considered Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko and Deputy Prime Minister for Digital Transformation Mykhailo Fedorov for the defense ministry position. According to sources, the new government appointment may occur at the parliamentary session on 17 July.

The president also announced plans to transfer the Ministry of Strategic Industries to the Defense Ministry structure. On 13 July, a meeting took place between the president and prime minister. Following the meeting, Zelenskyy announced executive power transformation to free up resources.

Ukraine is preparing to defend against Russia’s 1000 daily drones by mass-producing interceptor drones. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy says the technology is already proven—and now Kyiv is calling on international partners to help scale it up.

Russia plans mass drone attacks to destabilize Ukraine

During a press conference in Rome on 10 July, President Zelenskyy confirmed that Russia plans to launch 700 to 1,000 drones per day in an effort to pressure Ukrainian cities and exhaust the country’s defenses.

“They want to destabilize our society through long-lasting air raids,” Zelenskyy warned.

The President added that Ukraine “will respond,” stating:

“We will shoot down everything.”

Ukraine already has the tech—but needs the money

Zelenskyy announced that Ukraine’s scientists and engineers have developed effective interceptor drones capable of countering the Iranian-designed Shahed drones commonly used by Russia.

“We have found a solution as a country,” Zelenskyy said. “Scientists and engineers have found a solution. This is the key. We need finances. And we will raise it.”

The President emphasized that with adequate funding, Ukraine could mass-produce these drones and deploy them across the front.

Interceptors show better results than “Shahed cowboys”

Recently, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Oleksandr Syrskyi, reported that the new interceptor drones already demonstrate a 70% success rate—nearly double the effectiveness of mobile fire teams.

However, Syrskyi noted that the interceptors still lack radar systems, and consistency is not yet guaranteed. Ukraine’s Unmanned Systems Forces stated the drones show good results, but “it is too early to talk about consistency.”

Unmanned Systems Commander Robert “Magyar” Brovdi recently cautioned about Russia’s 1000 daily drones in the near future: he said, Moscow may soon be capable of deploying more than 1,000 Shaheds per day. 

 

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy met in Rome with Keith Kellogg, the special envoy on Ukraine for US President Donald Trump. The meeting took place during the Ukraine Recovery Conference, where Kellogg led the American delegation.

Diplomatic progress remains stalled, even as Russia intensifies its assault. On 9 July, Moscow launched its largest combined missile and drone attack of the war, firing more than 740 projectiles at Ukrainian infrastructure. The barrage underscores Russia’s hardened stance and raises fears that the conflict could drag on for years.

“I thanked him for participating in the Conference, where General Kellogg is heading the US team,” Zelenskyy posted on X. “We discussed arms supplies and the strengthening of Ukraine’s air defense. Amid intensified Russian attacks, this remains a top priority.”

Zelenskyy also noted discussions on procuring US weapons, joint defense production, and expanding military manufacturing inside Ukraine.

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Sanctions on Russian oil under review

Zelenskyy said the meeting also covered efforts to ramp up sanctions on Russia—particularly in the energy sector.

“We understand the need to tighten restrictions on Russian energy, especially through secondary sanctions targeting buyers of Russian oil,” he said.

He expressed support for a bipartisan bill introduced in the US Congress by Senators Lindsey Graham and Richard Blumenthal aimed at limiting Russia’s oil revenues.

“This would undoubtedly force Russia to take peace more seriously,” Zelenskyy added.

I had a substantive conversation with US Special Presidential Envoy for Ukraine Keith Kellogg @generalkellogg. I thanked him for participating in the Ukraine Recovery Conference, where the General leads the US delegation.

We discussed weapons supplies and strengthening air… pic.twitter.com/nIHPaPktrA

— Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) July 9, 2025

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Trump: Patriots “very expensive,” Ukraine made a request

President Trump commented on reports that his administration is considering sending additional Patriot missile systems to Ukraine. Speaking to reporters after a Wall Street Journal article broke the news, Trump acknowledged Ukraine’s request.

“They’ve requested them. They’re very rare, you know, because a lot of systems have already been sent [to Ukraine],” Trump said. “We’ll have to see—they’re very expensive.”

When asked whether he had looked into the reported pause in US arms shipments, Trump replied, “I haven’t really thought about that. Right now we’re looking at Ukraine and ammunition. But I haven’t gone deep into it.”

He added, “If such a decision was made inside my administration, I would know. Most likely, I would have been the one to give that order—but I haven’t done that yet.”

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Trump confirms new military aid as frustration with Putin grows

Despite the lack of clarity on earlier decisions, Trump confirmed on Tuesday that he had approved a new shipment of arms to Ukraine. The move comes amid his increasing criticism of Russian President Vladimir Putin and the continuation of Russian strikes.

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Reports: Pentagon paused some aid without White House approval

On 1 July, the US paused shipments of specific munitions to Ukraine, including Patriot missiles. CNN reported that Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth made the decision without consulting the White House.

Later, both the Pentagon and State Department clarified that weapons deliveries had not been fully suspended.

Pope Leo XIV has formally offered to host peace talks between Ukraine and Russia at the Vatican, renewing the Holy See’s role as a potential mediator in the ongoing war. The offer was extended during his meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on Wednesday at Castel Gandolfo, the Pope’s summer residence.

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Peace talks remain stalled as Russia escalates attacks

Diplomatic efforts remain frozen, even as Russia intensifies its military offensive. On 9 July, Moscow launched the largest drone and missile barrage of the war, deploying over 740 drones and missiles targeting Ukrainian infrastructure. The escalation underscores Russia’s resistance to peace negotiations and fuels growing concerns that the war could stretch on for years.

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Vatican reaffirms commitment to peace

The Vatican confirmed the Pope’s willingness to bring together representatives from both nations, stressing the need for an “urgent search for just and lasting peace” and the essential role of direct dialogue in resolving the war.

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Russia rejects vatican as venue

Despite the renewed offer, Russia had already signaled its opposition to holding peace talks at the Vatican when the idea was first floated earlier. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov questioned the appropriateness of a Catholic setting for negotiations between predominantly Orthodox nations, calling it “somewhat inelegant.”

This refusal comes in spite of the Vatican’s neutral stance and long-standing reputation as a credible venue for international diplomacy.

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New pope continues Vatican’s diplomatic legacy

Pope Leo XIV, elected in May after the death of Pope Francis, has continued the Vatican’s call for peace without directly condemning Russia. This measured approach mirrors that of his predecessor and appears aimed at keeping communication channels open with both sides.

President Zelenskyy, among the first global leaders to meet the new Pope, welcomed the Vatican’s ongoing efforts to facilitate a peaceful resolution to the conflict.