The lifting of US sanctions on the Belarusian airline Belavia could become a new channel of support for Russian aviation. This would allow not only the repair of its own fleet of Boeing and Embraer aircraft but also the partial supply of spare parts to Russia, which has been suffering from a component shortage for several years, military expert Anatolii Khrapchynskyi explains, according to Ukrainske Radio. 

At the same time, there is still no official information on the lifting of sanctions, despite reports in Belarusian media; no such decisions have been published on the US Treasury website.

US sanctions: risks for aviation safety

If restrictions were fully lifted, Belarus would be able to actively acquire spare parts for its six Boeing aircraft and supply some components to Russian carriers.

“The key issue here is not so much the legal aspect as the importance of access to spare parts,” emphasized Khrapchynskyi.

Russia and Belarus searching for donor aircraft

“At this stage, Russia and Belarus are forced to buy broken aircraft all over the world in order to use them as donors. Even in Russian legislation, they tried to include the possibility of purchasing non-original spare parts for aircraft,” the expert noted.

According to him, it is also important to understand whether the potential lifting of sanctions will affect not only Belavia but also its maintenance company, Belavia Technics, which could obtain a certificate to service aircraft.

European restrictions and possible loopholes for Russia

Despite a potential US decision, European sanctions remain in force. They prohibit Belavia from flying to Europe and from servicing Western Boeing aircraft.

“If the sanctions are lifted, where will Belavia actually be able to fly? If this is only about spare parts, won’t it simply become a gateway for the Russian fleet to acquire components? And how will the world react to this — will it turn a blind eye, or will someone monitor it?” Khrapchynskyi said.

He added that a possible partial lifting of sanctions could include restrictions: spare parts would be issued only for Belavia’s six aircraft to prevent mass deliveries to Russia.

Today, there is important news from the Sumy direction.

Ukraine advances into Kursk

Here, Ukrainian forces are advancing into the Kursk region, turning what was once a defensive stand into a renewed cross-border push. These gains now open the path to outflank and encircle Russian positions from the north to crush the already overstretched enemy lines and reshape the dynamics of the entire front.

A key factor behind this success has been the relentless Ukrainian air strike campaign against Russian reinforcements and command centers across both Sumy and Kursk. This has created openings for Ukrainian ground units to press forward. The Ukrainian Black Swan battalion recently released footage northeast of Kindrativka showing Russian aircraft attempting to bomb new Ukrainian positions, a sign of how far north the battle has shifted.

Despite Russian air activity, Ukrainian advances in this area underscore the collapse of Russia’s ability to maintain pressure in Sumy, with Ukrainian forces now fighting beyond the settlements that were once planned to serve as a foothold for Russia’s push south.

Drone warfare reshapes the battle

Complementing air strikes, Ukraine’s drone campaign is inflicting devastating damage on Russian positions at the tactical level. Heavy drone platforms like the Vampire hexacopter are proving decisive, flying long-range night missions with payloads up to 20 kilograms. These drones are not just dropping improvised explosives but carrying devastating ordnance, including anti-tank mines and a series of mortar rounds, which complicate Russian attempts to maneuver.

Most notably, Ukrainian engineers working with frontline units have introduced a new drone-dropped munition dubbed the black hole bomb. Developed by the Ukrainian Black Swan unit, the weapon has two confirmed variants. The thermobaric version unleashes a high-temperature blast wave that sucks in surrounding air, annihilating fortifications and suffocating troops caught inside trenches or buildings. The fragmentation variant detonates overhead, scattering lethal shrapnel across wide areas, ideal for clearing entrenched infantry or enemy units on the move.

Combat footage shows these black hole munitions creating huge craters and collapsing Russian firing points, their effect comparable to that of artillery shells but instead delivered with surgical precision from the sky. This innovation allows Ukrainian units to dismantle Russian defenses without waiting for conventional artillery or risking exposure of expensive fighter jets to Russian air defense systems.

Russia’s defense collapses

With Russian forces concentrated in Sumy and stretched thin after weeks of costly attacks and devastating air strikes, Ukrainian commanders have again opted for tactical maneuvers rather than frontal attrition. Instead of smashing head-on into Russia’s lines, they are methodically cutting off isolated groups, collapsing salients piece by piece, and pushing back into Kursk in the process. This strategy takes advantage of the area, where settlements are small, scattered, and dispersed, making it easier to bypass and encircle Russian detachments rather than fight through each one in sequence.

Ukrainian advances north of Kindrativka and into rural Kursk show this logic in action, turning the international border into little more than a reference line. In practice, the fighting forms a unified battle space where Ukraine’s forces cross back and forth, exploiting Russian vulnerabilities while ignoring state boundaries that no longer reflect realities on the ground.

The result is a steadily deteriorating situation for the Russian command, and what began as an attempt to push into Sumy has now backfired, with Ukraine not only halting the incursion but clawing back ground across the frontier. Russian infantry, deprived of supplies and hammered by Ukrainian air and drone strikes, cannot establish a coherent defense, and by advancing north, Ukraine is opening the possibility of flanking Russian troops still holding pockets of territory in Sumy from behind, threatening their lines of retreat and accelerating their collapse.

Overall, Ukraine’s steady progress highlights how momentum has shifted from a desperate defensive fight to prevent Russian forces from reaching Sumy city into an operation pushing enemy troops back into Kursk.

The border itself is losing meaning in the chaos of battle, and Ukraine is now able to carry the fight onto Russian soil to disrupt the enemy’s remaining footholds. With innovation in drone warfare, effective use of air power, and smart maneuvering, Ukrainian forces are not just defending but are reshaping the frontline to their advantage.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

The Russian tank factory in Omsk, in Siberia 2,300 km from Ukraine, stopped building new T-80 gas-turbine tanks back in 2001. The simpler diesel-fueled T-72 and T-90 would be Russia’s main tanks for the next quarter-century.

But then Russia widened its war on Ukraine in February 2022—and Ukrainian forces got to work wrecking the Russian tank corps and its 3,000 active tanks, including around 500 upgraded T-80BVs and T-80BVMs.

That’s essentially all the active pre-war tanks plus another 700 older T-80s that Russian forces fetched from long-term storage and refurbished in Omsk before shipping them off to the front line.

The initial order came two years ago. And now the new tanks are “in manufacture,” according to Aleksandr Potapov, CEO of Russian tank-maker Uralvagonzavod.

Explore further

Russia saved armor all year for this moment—150,000 troops close in on Pokrovsk

Be skeptical and adjust your expectations. Before halting production in 2001, the Omsk plant hadn’t manufactured a T-80 totally from scratch since 1991. Instead, it assembled “new” T-80s from a stockpile of chassis and components workers had manufactured years prior.

It’s no wonder that Potapov has been talking about building T-80s from scratch for two years: it might have taken Uralvagonzavod that long just to find new suppliers for the thousands of parts that make up a 46-ton, three-person T-80.

Maybe the Omsk factory is finally piecing together a few new T-80s using 1991-vintage hulls plus recently produced components. The new T-80s could supplement the dwindling number of refurbished T-80s rolling out of Omsk at a rate of around a dozen a month.

There were nearly 1,900 decommissioned T-80s rusting in Russia’s sprawling vehicle parks as recently as 2022. By now, perhaps a thousand of these old tanks have cycled through Omsk for rework. Hundreds of those rebuilt tanks have already been destroyed in Ukraine.

Omsk will eventually run out of old stored T-80s to fix up. At that point, whatever new T-80s it can piece together will be the only T-80s it can deliver to front-line regiments.

Tank hype

It’s worth noting that Russian officials tend to exaggerate how many tanks Uralvagonzavod can produce. It’s possible some independent analysts are guilty of the same tank inflation.

The pro-Ukraine Conflict Intelligence Team recently concluded Russian industry was making hundreds of new T-90Ms every year: enough to keep its best tank regiments fully armed for the wider war in Ukraine … or some future clash with NATO.

“According to our estimates, Uralvagonzavod produced 60 to 70 T-90M tanks in 2022,” CIT reported. “In 2023, amid efforts to mobilize the defense industry, output may have increased to 140 to 180 tanks, and by 2024, it may have surpassed 200 units annually, possibly approaching a production rate of 250 to 300 tanks per year.”

But according to one expert, CIT is wrong. Sergio Miller, an analyst and former British Army intelligence officer, believes Russia is struggling to complete even 100 T-90Ms a year—and most of those it does complete are revamped T-90As rather than all-new vehicles.

“In total, UVZ only claimed to deliver 100 tanks in 2024,” Miller told reporter David Hambling. “I have no idea where the high figures quoted by some Western reporting come from. There is no evidence this is the case.”

It gets worse for the Russians. So far this year, Miller concluded, Uralvagonzavod has completed 10 or fewer T-90s. With so few new tanks, the Kremlin would struggle to restore its depleted armored regiments.

There are reasons to trust Miller over CIT. Squeezed by sanctions, Uralvagonzavod is probably struggling to source high-tech tank parts such as optics and electronics. In that context, the lower figure for T-90 production makes sense. Likewise, Potapov’s claims about new T-80s already taking shape in Omsk may be inflated.

New production might not be able to halt the steady “de-mechanization” of the Russian armed forces that began with Russia’s first battlefield defeats in the spring of 2022. There are too few tanks left in open storage … and possibly too few tanks rolling out of Uralvagonzavod’s factories.

Explore further

How many T-90M tanks is Russia building—300 or just 10? NATO’s asking for a friend

A new Ukrainian military robot is rolling out. Oboronka news site reports that the 4-ton ground drone named “Bufalo” is diesel-powered, armored, and built for AI-assisted frontline logistics and demining.

Bufalo: Ukraine’s new diesel-driven ground drone for war

Bufalo’s key advantage is its diesel engine. Fuel tanks can be scaled by mission, giving it a range of 100–200 km without battery swaps. Developers say electric drones can’t meet today’s longer frontlines.

“Electric drones cannot cover the distance to deliver provisions and ammunition to the front,” said company head Vladyslav.

Built for real combat conditions

Bufalo’s chassis is armored with European steel. It withstands any bullet and indirect 152 mm artillery if shells land beyond 100 meters. Even if damaged, its wheels remain operational.

The drone uses Starlink with GPS or a radio link for communications. A CRPA antenna protects satellite signal from jamming. If Starlink fails or is disabled, a relay-equipped drone can take over the signal.

AI-driven navigation, but no killer robot

Bufalo uses onboard cameras to detect obstacles up to 15 meters away, suggest safe routes, and stop if needed. Navigation is assisted by AI, but decisions stay human-controlled.

“The robot can lock onto and follow a target, but it will not make decisions to destroy equipment or people. I will never allow it to make decisions in place of a human…” said Vladyslav.

From failure to battlefield resilience

The idea for Bufalo came after a drone prototype failed a demo—losing a wheel and flipping. A soldier dismissed the tech, pushing Vladyslav to start from scratch. His new team asked the General Staff for requirements and collected feedback from frontline units.

Requests included smoke grenades, armored wheels, a shielded bottom to resist mines, and Starlink integration. All were implemented.

Timeline and domestic focus

The Bufalo project launched in January 2025. From March to August, the team built and tested the demining version. That kit includes the drone, a hydraulic system, mulcher, control panel, and trailer.

What’s next for Bufalo?

Bufalo is modular and may get combat features soon. The team is exploring weapon modules and engineering tools like remote trenching scoops. An 11-channel radio jamming system has passed tests and is ready for integration.

“We’re building an infrastructurally simple drone, so one control system can be removed and another installed. We’ve made understandable communication interfaces. The EW manufacturer just needs to provide a connector—we’ll plug it in and it’ll work automatically,” said Vladyslav.

The team plans an official presentation, followed by codification and production. Initial output will be 10 drones per month, with plans to scale.

Poland has begun discussing with the allies the possibility of intercepting Russian drones and missiles while they are still over Ukrainian territory. According to Defense Express analysts, this is technically possible, but it raises a number of complex issues, including avoiding friendly fire.

The idea of intercepting Russian drones and missiles over Ukraine first emerged in 2022, in response to calls to “close the skies.”

Politically, the chances of a massive agreement among all NATO or EU members remain low. More realistic are limited missions by individual countries, such as the UK, France, and Germany.

Idea and background

Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski stated that the West should consider intercepting Russian drones and missiles in Ukraine’s airspace. He emphasized that Poland cannot make this decision alone; it must be coordinated with allies.

Analysts note that the final decision is primarily political, and the chances of alliance-wide approval are low. However, initiatives by a limited number of countries are much more likely to be implemented.

Technical possibilities

If ground-based air defense systems and placing fighters at Ukrainian airfields are excluded, the most realistic scenario is air patrols from NATO’s eastern flank bases.

This would involve F-16s, F-35s, Rafales, and Eurofighters stationed at Polish or other border airbases, conducting patrol flights within effective range. Existing deployments show few logistical obstacles: in August, German Eurofighters were based at the 23rd Air Base near Warsaw. From there, fighters could reach Volyn Oblast in Ukraine, bordering Poland, in approximately 15 minutes without afterburners.

Key technical parameters include:

• Effective patrol range
• Flight duration
• Long-range radar detection (AWACS)
• Patrol time, up to several hours, depending on aircraft type and flight profile, determining which areas over Ukraine can be covered.

Main challenge: avoiding friendly fire

The key issue is coordination between partners and the Ukrainian side. A practical solution could be the creation of a conditional “no-fly, no-AAA” zone for Ukrainian forces, within which only allied fighters would operate.

This approach reduces the risk of friendly fire but significantly limits patrol areas. Analysts emphasize that real interception zones will be localized, mostly covering Ukraine’s border regions.

The US and EU continue to buy Russian energy and goods despite the war in Ukraine. In the fourth year of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the US and the EU continue to import oil, gas, metals, and fertilizers from Russia. The total trade volume is estimated in the billions of euros, Reuters reports. 

After sanctions were imposed as the Kremlin attacked Ukraine, EU exports to Russia fell by 61%, and imports from Russia dropped by 89% from Q1 2022 to Q2 2025. At the same time, in Q2 2025, EU exports to Russia increased slightly while imports decreased, resulting in a trade surplus of €0.8 billion.

Oil: Positive dynamic is seen, but it still brings millions to Russia

Four years ago, Russia was the largest oil supplier to the EU. The ban on maritime imports of crude oil reduced its share from 28.74% in 2021 to 2.01% in 2025. In Q2 2025, Russian oil accounted for only 2% of total EU imports.

Gas is reaching Hungary and Bulgaria 

Russia’s share of the EU’s natural gas imports fell to 12% in Q2 2025, down from 48% in 2021. Algeria is now the largest supplier (27%), while Norway increased its share by 10%. Nevertheless, Russian gas still reaches some countries, including Hungary and Bulgaria, via the Turkish Stream.

Imports of liquefied natural gas (LNG) from Russia fell to 14% in Q2 2025, down from 22% in 2021. The largest LNG supplier to the EU in 2025 was the US (54%).

Metals and fertilizers 

Russia’s share in the EU’s iron and steel imports decreased from 18% in 2021 to 6% in Q2 2025.

However, Russia remains the largest supplier of fertilizers to the EU, with its share increasing from 28% to 34% over four years.

US imports from Russia bring Moscow billions for the killing of Ukrainian women and children 

US imports from Russia totaled $2.50 billion in the first half of 2025, down from $14.14 billion four years ago. Overall, since January 2022, the US has imported $24.51 billion worth of Russian goods.

Last year, the US imported $1.27 billion in Russian fertilizers (compared to $1.14 billion in 2021), enriched uranium and plutonium worth $624 million (down from $646 million in 2021), and palladium worth $878 million (down from $1.59 billion in 2021).

I remember the shock of standing in a Lviv supermarket last summer, staring at egg prices that had tripled almost overnight. What used to cost 30 hryvnias ($0.70) for a 10-pack suddenly jumped to 60, then 85, even 90 hryvnias ($2.15).

I stopped eating eggs for a while, checking prices each time I went grocery shopping. By spring 2025, the price eventually settled around 55-75 hryvnias ($1.30-1.80) and has more or less stayed that way.

The economic cascade: from power grid to grocery aisles

Those eggs tell a bigger story about Ukraine’s economic transformation. Russian attacks on energy infrastructure decimated the power grid, creating electricity shortages that drove power costs soaring.

Higher electricity prices pushed up the cost of lighting, heating, and water, while transport costs exploded as fuel became more expensive and imports more essential. With continuous inflation pressure, chicken farms faced higher energy bills and workforce costs and had to pay more for bird feed.

This cascade effect captures something unprecedented in modern economics: Ukraine now operates under a triple burden where record-breaking military spending, household survival pressures, and long-term sustainability questions intersect in ways not seen anywhere since World War II.

As Ukraine faces a $20 billion funding shortfall and a $7 billion defense crisis, its economic model offers a real-time case study of how democratic societies reorganize themselves—from state budgets to breakfast choices—around survival demands.

The state’s burden: when taxes turn into tanks

Ukraine has achieved a dubious global record: spending 31% of its GDP on military expenses, the highest of any country worldwide. By the first quarter of 2025, Ukraine had already spent 75% of its entire state budget on defense, burning through resources at a pace that would exhaust most nations.

Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal announced Ukraine needs “at least $120 billion” for military spending in 2026, even if the war ends.

This creates an unusual fiscal reality: Ukraine’s domestic revenues fund the military while international aid covers civilian needs. The $172 million allocated to defense daily—more than half of all government spending—comes from domestic sources, but the government continues funding civilian programs through external assistance.

The parallel funding model means Ukrainian taxpayers see their contributions disappear into defense, while civilian improvements depend on donor generosity.

Even as officials warn of a 300 billion hryvnia ($7.27 billion) defense shortfall for the final months of 2025, the government still announces new spending: increased “National Cashback” funding—a program that reimburses households for part of their utility spending and also rewards purchases of Ukrainian-made products—grants for small entrepreneurs, and teacher salary bonuses.

The household burden: when grocery shopping becomes a strategy

For ordinary Ukrainians, the state’s military spending creates economic pressures that ripple through daily life. Grocery shopping now involves checking multiple stores for better prices, timing fruit and vegetable purchases around seasonal peaks, and constantly substituting proteins based on what families can afford.

This isn’t just inflation—it’s a reorganization of household economics. Food prices rose 23.9% annually through August, but the impact varies dramatically by region and income.

While someone earning Kyiv’s average salary of 40,546 hryvnias ($983) can absorb price shocks, families in central Ukraine’s Kirovohrad Oblast—where salaries average just 19,500 hryvnias ($473)—face different calculations entirely.

Many families adapt through the shadow economy—a network of unreported work representing 30% of Ukraine’s GDP. This includes everything from tutoring lessons paid in cash to small repairs that never appear on tax forms.

For many households, shadow income provides the margin between getting by and going under. The government largely tolerates this parallel economy, recognizing that families need survival strategies even as the IMF pressures Ukraine to formalize more economic activity.

Can Ukraine outlast the economics of war?

Ukraine’s economic model raises fundamental questions that extend far beyond its borders. The country cannot indefinitely spend three-quarters of its budget on defense while depending on international donors to fill civilian gaps. Yet military necessity does not allow a reduction in security spending.

This challenge confronts every democracy supporting Ukraine: how long can societies sustain unprecedented military spending while maintaining the civilian welfare that legitimizes democratic governance?

The sustainability question for Ukrainian families comes down to endurance versus adaptation. Those with education, connections, or cross-border skills may emigrate—but only women can cross borders easily, as military-age men face severe travel restrictions.

Others continue the daily calculus of survival economics: choosing between heating and food, present needs and future planning, individual comfort and collective security.

These pressures are reshaping Ukraine’s economic geography. Western regions—Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Zakarpattia—maintain relatively stable economies with strong international connections. Eastern areas near fighting zones struggle with basic economic functions. Central regions find themselves between these extremes, while Kyiv operates as an economic island with its own dynamics.

Testing the limits of democratic resilience

Unlike historical conflicts where entire populations mobilized for war production, Ukraine demonstrates how economies can simultaneously maintain civilian functions while dedicating unprecedented resources to defense.

Ukraine’s model of separate defense and civilian funding streams—necessitated by Western aid restrictions—creates structural imbalances that force impossible choices between accountability and efficiency.

The government faces parallel pressures: cracking down on the shadow economy that helps families survive versus accepting reduced tax collection during wartime. At the same time, the IMF demands higher taxes on war-weary citizens.

These tensions preview challenges that may extend far beyond Ukraine’s borders as global security environments deteriorate. If Ukraine—with massive international support and existential motivation—struggles to balance military necessity with civilian welfare, how would other democratic societies handle similar pressures?

Ukraine’s adaptation strategies continue to prove that societies can endure far more economic disruption than most economists thought possible. But whether this resilience can outlast Russian aggression depends not just on military aid or economic support but also on resolving the fundamental tension between democratic accountability and wartime efficiency—one grocery bill at a time.

Nizhyn suffers the largest Russian attack since the start of the war. Oleksandr Kodola, the mayor of the city in Chernihiv Oblast, which has a population of 73,000, reported that on 14–15 September, the city endured more than 16 hours of continuous air alerts. 

Russia launched dozens of drones against Nizhyn, striking critical infrastructure, both attack and reconnaissance. 

Double strike on an oil depot

According to the mayor, one of the drones crashed in the city center. Later, the enemy targeted a private oil depot, Suspilne reports. 

“There was a strike on a large oil depot. More than 20 units of equipment were deployed to extinguish the fire. One rescuer was poisoned, and during the repeated strike in the evening three more rescuers were injured,” Kodola said.

The attacks destroyed significant property at the facility, while the city experienced disruptions in electricity and water supply.

Infrastructure damaged

Several districts of Nizhyn were left without power, with one street completely cut off from electricity.

Chernihiv Oblast under daily fire

In general, over the past day, the Russian army carried out 42 strikes on Chernihiv Oblast, hitting 20 settlements.

Western promises to defend Ukraine in the event of a new Russian attack lack real strength. Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski said that no one is willing to wage a war against the Kremlin, which makes the guarantees unconvincing, according to Europeiska Pravda. 

Sikorski recalled that Ukraine already had guarantees under the Budapest Memorandum, but they failed. The new arrangements, in his view, are also incapable of deterring Moscow. 

“If we provide security guarantees to Ukraine, it means we may start a war against Russia. Whoever wants to fight – can start now. But I don’t see anyone willing,” said the Polish foreign minister. 

The danger of “empty promises”

The head of Poland’s Foreign Ministry stressed that worse than having no guarantees is offering ones nobody trusts. He urged to acknowledge honestly that the current talks are more about “monitoring peace and strengthening Ukraine” than about true guarantees.

Aid more important than declarations

According to Sikorski, politicians should focus on military support and financing for Ukraine in 2026–2027, rather than declarative documents that demobilize allies.

Kyiv’s position

Earlier, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy outlined three key blocks of security guarantees effective for his country: 

• Maintaining the current size of the Ukrainian army.
• Support from NATO partners at the leadership level in case of new aggression.
• Sanctions pressure on Russia and the use of frozen Russian assets for Ukraine’s recovery.

Norway has established Camp Jomsborg, one of the largest Norwegian military camps abroad, in the forests of southeastern Poland to train Ukrainian soldiers with Norwegian instructors, NRK reported on 15 September.

The camp, built from scratch starting this summer, currently houses hundreds of Norwegian military personnel and has begun receiving its first groups of Ukrainian trainees – experienced combat veterans from the front lines.

“They are at war. There are drones and artillery strikes. There is close combat and firefights daily. We try to recreate that, so we follow the principle ‘train as you fight,'” a Norwegian Defense instructor told NRK.

The training focuses on realistic combat simulations, with the first module addressing stress management in combat conditions. During one exercise observed by NRK, a camouflaged soldier crouched against a pine tree with wide-open eyes while Ukrainian soldiers around him slapped his cheeks, struggling to make contact. White smoke drifted between the trees as explosions echoed through the forest.

“We must prepare soldiers as well as possible so they survive at the front,” Ukrainian brigade instructor “Darius” told NRK.

Darius, now 23, was studying international politics in Kyiv when Russia launched its full-scale invasion three and a half years ago. He has since fought in Zaporizhzhia, Bakhmut – nicknamed “the meat grinder” before it fell in spring 2023 – and currently serves at the front in Kharkiv.

The camp is part of Operation Legio, led by Norway and including all Nordic countries, the Baltic states, and Poland. The operation encompasses both weapons deliveries and soldier training.

According to Brigadier Atle Molde, chief of Operation Legio, this marks the first time Norway has led an international operation abroad.

The exact location of Camp Jomsborg remains classified, but thousands of pine trees have been felled to make room for tents and shooting ranges. Construction equipment operates continuously between tents and containers across the sprawling site.

Ukrainian instructors help design the training programs based on current battlefield conditions. “We contribute by being a testing ground where we can test all possible weapons systems,” Darius explained about the Ukrainian battlefield.

Logistics presents one of the biggest challenges, according to Darius. Equipment and weapons must be carried on foot for many kilometers, leading Ukrainians to experiment with unmanned vehicles for supply delivery.

“Soldiers must stay at their positions for two to three months,” he said. “Getting them out is extremely dangerous. Most of our losses occur when people are traveling to or from the front line.”

The training program includes tactics, trench warfare, and extensive drone operations for both surveillance and attacks. “We need a safe place to train where Russian missiles and attack drones cannot reach us,” Darius noted.

Knowledge exchange flows both ways. Ukrainian instructors provide Norwegian personnel with insights into front-line challenges and emerging battlefield trends.

The Norwegian stress management instructor described the impact of working with Ukrainian soldiers: “You notice there’s a bit more seriousness in the room when you’re teaching soldiers who come straight from the front and have been in sharp combat actions just days before arriving here. You know that what you’re teaching has a direct impact on those guys when they return to battle.”

Camp capacity will vary depending on training type – fewer for specialized courses, more for basic military education. When completed, the facility will accommodate several hundred Ukrainian soldiers.

Recent weeks have been marked by high-level politics, including conversations between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin, and summits in China where Putin and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un were invited. European leaders have emphasized strengthening cooperation in supporting Ukraine, with European support now at record levels.

Molde acknowledged Russian interest in monitoring camp activities but dismissed immediate attack threats: “A direct attack on a NATO country where we are now is a very big red line to cross. So I don’t consider that a very big threat.”

Following NRK’s visit, several drones have entered Polish and Romanian airspace on multiple occasions. Russia was accused of deliberately sending drones into Polish airspace, which the country denied. According to the Defense Ministry, these incidents have not affected Camp Jomsborg activities.

Darius expressed concern about potential erosion of allied support, noting shortages of ammunition, equipment, and soldiers. “I hope for good news, but our mission is to do the job ourselves.”

The casualty count from a Russian airstrike on Kramatorsk in Donetsk Oblast has risen to 15 civilians, according to the Donetsk Regional Prosecutor’s Office.

Prosecutor’s office spokeswoman Anastasia Medvedevasaid that the injured have been diagnosed with “mine-explosive injuries, concussions, bruises and cut wounds of various parts of the body, fractures.” One person remains in moderate condition.

Russian occupation forces struck the central part of Kramatorsk late on the evening of 14 September using three high-explosive aerial bombs equipped with UMPK modules, according to the prosecutor’s office. Initial reports Monday morning indicated nine injured civilians.

The overnight assault extended beyond Kramatorsk. Russian forces attacked Zaporizhzhia district during the night of 15 September, causing fires in private houses, regional officials report. No casualties have been confirmed in Zaporizhzhia at this time.

The Zaporizhzhia strike formed part of a broader Russian offensive that began at 7:00 PM on September 14. Russian forces launched three S-300 surface-to-air missiles from Kursk and Belgorod oblasts, along with 84 strike drones including Shahed, Gerbera, and other types from six directions: Kursk, Bryansk, Orel, Millerovo, and Primorsko-Akhtarsk, according to Ukrainian military reports. Approximately 50 of the drones were Shaheds.

Russian military leadership denies targeting civilian infrastructure during the full-scale war, despite documented strikes on hospitals, schools, kindergartens, energy facilities, and water supply systems. Ukrainian authorities and international organizations classify these attacks as war crimes committed by the Russian Federation.

American military officers attended the Russian-Belarusian joint military exercise West-2025 in Belarus on 15 September, where they were personally met by Belarusian Defense Minister Viktor Khrenin, Reuters reported.

Khrenin called the visit of the American military a “surprise” and made an unusually open offer to the officers.

“We will show whatever is of interest for you. Whatever you want. You can go there and see, talk to people,” the minister told the American officers, according to Reuters.

The Belarusian Defense Ministry released video footage showing two uniformed US officers thanking Khrenin for the invitation and shaking his hand. The American representatives declined to speak with reporters.

According to Reuters, the presence of American officers represents the latest sign of warming relations between Washington and Minsk. The Americans were among representatives from 23 countries observing the exercises, including two other NATO member states – Türkiye and Hungary.

The West-2025 exercise began on 12 September at training grounds in both Russia and Belarus, occurring during heightened tensions with NATO. The maneuvers started two days after Poland shot down Russian drones that had crossed into its airspace.

The warming of US-Belarus relations follows recent diplomatic contacts. Trump representative John Coale visited Minsk last week for talks with Belarusian leader Alexander Lukashenko. Following those negotiations, Lukashenko agreed to release 52 prisoners from jails, including journalists and political opponents.

In exchange, the United States announced sanctions relief for Belarus’s national airline Belavia, allowing it to service and purchase components for its fleet, which includes Boeing aircraft.

According to Coale, Trump wants to reopen the US embassy in Belarus, normalize ties, and revive the economic and trade relationship. Trump has been cultivating closer ties with Lukashenko, who regularly holds talks with Putin, as part of efforts to broker an end to the war in Ukraine. Last week, Trump sent Lukashenko a hand-signed letter through Coale.

The West-2025 exercises are scheduled to run from 12-16 September 2025, in Belarus. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy had earlier warned of possible threats from Belarusian territory under cover of summer military exercises. Belarus subsequently announced it would move the main maneuvers deeper into the country to “reduce tensions.”

In June 2025 NielsenIQ’s Russian subsidiary began treating occupied Ukrainian territories as “new Russian regions” in its market surveys, prompting condemnation from Ukraine and concerns about the company’s adherence to EU and US sanctions.

No democratic country recognizes these annexations. By referring to Ukraine’s occupied regions as “new territories of Russia,” Nielsen’s Russian branch effectively legitimizes Moscow’s illegal land grab and undermines international law. Such framing not only echoes Kremlin propaganda but also contradicts the global effort to hold Russia accountable for war crimes and aggression.

Nielsen Russia’s data shows how including these areas inflated market growth figures. The company claims these territories account for 2–3% of beer sales. Growth rates jumped from 6% to 10% when including the new regions. This framing legitimizes Russia’s attempted annexations. It creates an illusion that the occupation has become normalized.

Konstantin Loktiev, executive director of Nielsen Russia, made even more cynical statements. He called residents of occupied territories a “new consumer group.” He speculated about the “economic potential” of regions that Russia’s war has devastated. He added that companies entering the market first would gain loyalty from this “new audience.”

The Ukrainian coalition B4Ukraine unites more than 90 organizations. It sharply condemned Nielsen’s move:

“Recognizing illegally occupied Ukrainian territories as ‘new Russian regions’ makes an unacceptable concession to the aggressor. Such steps legitimize Russia’s attempted annexation and undermine international efforts to stop its war,” 

NielsenIQ’s Chicago headquarters has remained silent. The company ignores repeated media inquiries. This refusal to comment deepens suspicions that Nielsen deliberately disregards sanctions.

Nielsen claims it deconsolidated Russian operations. However, company documents confirm Nielsen still owns Russian subsidiaries, including Nielsen Data Factory LLC. Official figures show Russia accounted for about 0.6% of NIQ revenues in 2024. The company insists its Russian entities operate with local management and autonomy. But financial ties remain murky.

Nielsen has faced criticism before. In March 2022, Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine Nielsen limited some operations but chose not to exit the Russian market entirely. Hundreds of other international brands made complete exits. More than two years later, questions about Nielsen’s compliance with sanctions and international norms have intensified.

B4Ukraine urges US and EU authorities to investigate Nielsen’s practices. The coalition wants officials to determine whether Nielsen breaches sanctions:

“Nielsen must face consequences for effectively siding with the Kremlin’s war criminals. This involves more than ethics it’s about international security,” 

Ukrainian defense units operating in the area of responsibility of the 1st National Guard Corps “Azov” have cleared the settlement of Pankivka and adjacent territories from Russian forces, according to the corps’ press service.

Pankivka in Donetsk Oblast is crucial because its liberation by Ukrainian forces disrupts Russian control on the Dobropillia front, strengthening Ukraine’s strategic position in the oblast.

The liberation came as a result of coordinated actions between Armed Forces of Ukraine and National Guard units on the Dobropillia direction, the press service reports on social media.

Russian command has reinforced its grouping in the sector by relocating additional reserves to the 1st NGU “Azov” Corps zone of responsibility. The reinforcements include four infantry brigades and one marine regiment, according to the Ukrainian military.

“The enemy continues to build up military groupings. In order to strengthen offensive potential, the Russian army command relocated additional reserves to the area of responsibility of the 1st NGU ‘Azov’ Corps consisting of: four infantry brigades and one marine regiment,” the corps reported.

Ukrainian forces are working to halt the Russian advance and prevent breakthrough of defensive lines. “The Defense Forces of Ukraine are making every effort to stop the enemy’s advance and prevent a breakthrough of the defense,” the press service said.

The clearing of Pankivka represents continued territorial liberation efforts by Ukrainian forces in the Dobropillia sector, where Russian forces have been attempting to advance with reinforced units.

Ukraine’s Armed Forces deploy CATA-type launcher systems from Estonian manufacturer Threod Systems to launch long-range strike drones, the company’s commercial director Ranno Paduri revealed at the DSEI exhibition held 9-12 September.

“Every time you see a long-range drone hitting a target on Russian territory, it’s quite likely that our launcher was used by Ukrainian military,” Paduri said, according to the Defense News.

Ukraine’s Defense Forces have operated CATA launchers since 2022, according to Paduri. The systems provide silent operation and maintain four-minute intervals between launches – a capability he described as crucial for conducting mass drone strikes given the dangerous nature of such operations.

Defense Express said that Threod Systems’ official website lists an even shorter interval of less than three minutes between launches.

Beyond Ukraine, Estonian company Threod Systems supplies CATA launcher systems to multiple countries across Europe, the Middle East, and Africa, according to the report.

The CATA launcher handles strike drones weighing up to 400 kilograms and traveling at speeds up to 55 meters per second. The company emphasizes the system’s operational simplicity, featuring remote control capabilities, two-operator requirements, and one-week training periods.

The launcher system includes a remote control unit that allows operators to maintain distance from the launch site. This configuration reduces personnel exposure during high-risk operations while maintaining operational effectiveness.

Defense Express previously reported that Ukraine will receive a record number of battle-tested THeMIS unmanned ground vehicles from Estonian company Milrem Robotics.

Ukraine confirmed on 14 September that its drone forces shot down a rare heavy Russian Orion UAV near the border in Kursk Oblast. The Orion is a cruise missile-capable heavy combat drone, rarely used by Moscow due to its limited availability and vulnerability to Ukrainian air defense, Militarnyi reports.

Ukrainian drone units intercept rare Orion UAV

According to the Commander of Ukraine’s Drone Systems Forces, Robert “Madyar” Brovdi, the 414th Separate Drone Systems Brigade successfully destroyed the Russian Orion drone using an interceptor UAV. This marked the first time the brigade brought down an Orion model, despite having previously intercepted nearly 1,500 enemy drones. These included various types such as Orlan, ZALA, SuperCam, Shahed, and Lancet, with larger targets like Merlin and Forpost among the most significant until now.

OSINT experts geolocated the interception site to the area around Tyotkino, in Kursk Oblast, Russia, just next to the Ukrainian border. The coordinates were confirmed as 51.2862, 34.3813. This location lies just across the border from Ukrainian territory.

A coordinated strike by multiple Ukrainian units

Before the final blow, the Orion UAV had already sustained damage from interceptor drones operated by Ukraine’s 95th Air Assault Brigade. The final strike was delivered by the Ptakhy Madyara team of the 414th brigade. 

The Russian military has rarely deployed Orion drones in combat due to both their limited numbers and high susceptibility to Ukraine’s layered air defense network, Militarnyi noted. 

Background on the Orion drone program

The Orion UAV was developed by the Kronstadt Group beginning in 2011. The first prototype was completed in 2015, with operational testing drones handed over in April 2020. Serial production began in August 2020.

According to Militarnyi, Orion can be armed with guided munitions including Kh-50 missiles, KAB-20 bombs, and other types such as UPAB-50, KAB-50, FAB-50, and the Kh-BPLA missile. It is also capable of launching the compact S8000 Banderol cruise missile.

Ukrainian military intelligence operatives have identified and struck a self-propelled fire unit from the Buk-M3 air defense system on occupied territory in Zaporizhzhia Oblast, the Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR) of Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense reported on 15 September.

The HUR press service published video footage of the strike, which targeted the air defense system near the settlement of Oleksandrivka on temporarily occupied territory in Zaporizhzhia Oblast, more than 50 kilometers from the front line.

The drone aimed at “the most valuable part of the air defense system,” according to the intelligence agency’s statement. While objective control footage cannot definitively confirm whether the complex was completely destroyed or only damaged, “even in the case of ‘only’ damage, the machine will require major repairs,” HUR reports.

This type of drone typically conducts attacks on deep rear positions, particularly targeting temporarily occupied Crimea, where they have already destroyed numerous air defense assets, radars, several aircraft and helicopters, and struck several boats and ships, according to the intelligence directorate.

The latest strike follows a 10 September operation when HUR special forces used a drone to hit a Russian multifunctional Project MPSV07 vessel.

“At the moment of the attack, the enemy ship was conducting radio-electronic reconnaissance and patrolling the approaches to Novorossiysk Bay, where the Russians base the remnants of their Black Sea Fleet,” the intelligence agency reported.

Exclusive

Ukraine celebrates Tank Troops Day! Here are eight stories of Ukrainian tankers you won’t see in movies. From T-64s holding off entire Russian columns to crews rising from near-death like a Phoenix, Ukrainian tank operators have turned armored steel into instruments of courage and survival.

Sabotage on the rails? 15 fuel cars off track, train driver dead near St Petersburg—Rosgvardia blown up by rail bomb in Oryol Oblast (video). Russian authorities confirm a fatal explosion hit Rosgvardiya forces one day before twin train incidents in Leningrad Oblast.

Military

Single act of sabotage 500 kilometers inside Russia rippled into ammunition shortages at front. Partisans disrupted the North Caucasus rail lifeline, leaving artillery units waiting for munitions that never came.

Underground inferno in Kharkiv Oblast — anti-mines turn Russian shelters into death traps. Beneath shattered streets and layers of concrete, Russian troops hoped to hide in tunnels and basements.

Ukraine hits Forbes-ranked Russian chemical giant 1,600-km away. It produces explosives for military. The Metafrax Chemicals facility produces urea, a key component for ammonium-nitrate explosives used in artillery shells and mines.

Ukraine intelligence confirms attack on Russian railway supplying military forces [updated]. Explosive devices discovered during a routine track inspection detonated in Russia’s Oryol Oblast and killed three National Guard officers.

Ukraine’s drones hit deep—St Petersburg’s main fuel plant engulfed in flames (video)

. Satellite data and geolocated videos confirmed a major fire erupted inside the Kirishi refinery.

Ukrainian navy hits Russian Black Sea fleet communications hub in occupied Crimea. Ukrainian Naval Forces targeted the 184th Research Experimental Base that “provided command and control for Black Sea Fleet units,” according to official military sources.

Frontline report: Ukrainian forces spring trap on Russian breakthrough near Pokrovsk. Systematic clearing operations conclude months-long Russian offensive with Ukraine controlling key supply routes to Kramatorsk.

Intelligence and technology

Russia wants back its S-400s from Turkiye, which it used not only for air defense in Ukraine’s war. Battlefield losses and Ukrainian drone strikes have left Moscow scrambling.

Russian developers on edge as war funds take precedence, intelligence says

. Falling sales and mounting debts push developers deeper into crisis, while buyers struggle to secure loans.

International

Russian drones crash into Poland — but real target is Western support for Kyiv. Fear and propaganda hit harder than drones as the Kremlin tests NATO’s willingness to defend Kyiv.

Russia might sent 20-ton message to Poland during Zapad-2025 drills. The armored vehicle appeared on the streets of Grodno, just miles from Poland, in what analysts call a show of force wrapped in outdated steel.

Trump’s Poland drones response alarms NATO allies. They question US defense commitments —Reuters. Multiple diplomatic sources across Europe described reactions ranging from dismay to confusion following Trump’s suggestion that the Russian drone incursion into Poland “could have been a mistake.”

Read our earlier daily review here.

Russian forces conducted an underground infiltration mission through a gas pipeline near Kupiansk, marking the third documented use of this tactic during the war, according to a Ukrainian military intelligence (GUR)-affiliated source.

The operation began when Russian forces “entered a gas pipeline from a wooded area near Lyman Pershyi (northeast of Kupiansk), traveled through the pipe for an estimated four days with electric scooters and modified wheeled stretchers, and exited the pipe near Radkivka (immediately north of Kupiansk),” the Ukrainian source reported on 12 September, according to the ISW.

After emerging from the pipeline, Russian forces advanced toward Kupiansk and the nearby railway line, according to the intelligence source. The Ukrainian General Staff confirmed the mission occurred but stated that Russian forces “are accumulating on the northern outskirts of Kupiansk but have not entered Kupiansk itself.”

Ukrainian forces have since responded to neutralize the infiltration route. “Ukrainian forces have since struck and damaged the pipeline and Russian forces are no longer able to advance through the pipeline,” stated the commander of a Ukrainian drone regiment operating in the Kupiansk direction.

Russian military bloggers suggested uncertainty about the mission’s timing, with some claiming “Russian forces may have advanced through the gas pipeline in early September 2025, indicating that the footage may be up to a week and a half old.”

Kupiansk Military Administration Head Andriy Besedin clarified the current situation on September 13, stating that “Russian forces do not currently hold positions in Kupiansk but fighting is ongoing near the outskirts of the city.”

Pattern of tactical innovation spreads across front lines

This marks the third documented use of pipeline infiltration tactics by Russian forces. Previous operations occurred in Avdiivka, Donetsk Oblast in January 2024 and in Sudzha, Kursk Oblast in March 2025, with elements of the Russian 60th Veterany Separate Assault Brigade participating in both earlier missions.

The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported that the spread of this tactic indicates improved knowledge transfer within Russian military command. ISW has not observed reports of the 60th Veterany Brigade operating in the Kupiansk direction, “indicating that the Russian military command is disseminating the brigade’s knowledge and success in such missions to other units and formations.”

ISW previously noted in January 2025 that “the Russian military command appeared to be at least attempting to improve its ability to disseminate lessons learned, given that Russian forces are exhibiting similar operational patterns across the front line.”

The tactic may also reflect individual unit adaptation to Ukrainian drone capabilities, as pipelines “provide Russian forces with natural cover and concealment that can enable forward movement,” according to ISW analysis.

International condemnation grows over Polish airspace violation

The international community has intensified criticism of Russia’s recent drone incursion into Poland. Polish Deputy Foreign Minister Marcin Bosacki presented a joint statement at the United Nations on 12 September, in which nearly 50 countries condemned Russia’s violation of Polish airspace on 9-10 September with 19 drones.

“Russia purposely violated Poland’s territorial integrity and trespassed against NATO and the EU,” Bosacki stated at the UN.

Ukrainian Permanent Representative to the UN Andriy Melnyk characterized the incident as deliberate provocation, stating that Ukraine shares Poland’s view that “the Russian drone incursion was not a technical error, but rather a deliberate act aimed at escalating tensions and testing the international community’s response to ongoing Russian aggression.”

US Acting Permanent Representative Dorothy Shea reinforced NATO commitments, reiterating that the United States remains committed to defending “every inch of NATO.” Shea linked the airspace violation to broader Russian escalation, noting that “Russia has intensified its air campaign against Ukraine following the US-Russia Alaska Summit on August 15” and that such actions demonstrate “immense disrespect for good faith US efforts” to usher in peace.

Russian and Belarusian denials contradicted by evidence

Russian and Belarusian officials have attempted to deflect responsibility for the airspace violation. Russian UN Representative Vasily Nebenzya claimed Poland “hastened to place the blame on Russia without presenting any evidence linking Russia to the incident.”

Nebenzya argued the drones could not be Russian because “the range of the drones found in Poland does not exceed 700 kilometers.” The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs claimed Russia “refuted the speculations… about plans to attack one of the NATO countries.”

Belarusian UN representative Artem Tozik dismissed Poland’s accusations as “baseless” and claimed Belarus “was the first to inform Poland about the approach of drones that ‘went off course’ during the overnight Russian strikes against Ukraine.”

However, physical evidence undermines these denials. Sky News published images of Russian Gerbera drones that landed in Poland, while Bosacki shared images showing Cyrillic letters on the drones at the UN Security Council meeting.

Ukrainian outlet Militarnyi’s analysis of Sky News images revealed the drone was equipped with “an Iranian-made Tallysman satellite navigation four-channel controlled reception pattern antenna (CRPA).” These devices “filter out false signal sources from electronic warfare systems in order to make the drone more resistant to EW,” making it “unlikely that these Russian drones flew off course due to EW jamming.”

The scale of the September 9-10 incursion involving at least 19 drones “is roughly three times the number of projectiles that have breached Polish airspace during the entirety of Russia’s full-scale invasion.” ISW assessment indicates it is “extremely unlikely that such a concentrated number of drones could have violated Polish airspace accidentally or due to technical or operator error.”

Additional evidence includes fuel tanks that extended drone range “as far as 900 kilometers,” contradicting Nebenzya’s range-based denial, according to ISW analysis.

Access to Starlink simultaneously disappeared along the entire frontline at 7:28 AM, according to Robert Brodsky, commander of Ukraine’s Unmanned Systems Forces. The outage affected not only Ukrainian troops but also users worldwide, with global reports recording up to 45,000 incidents.

Starlink has become an essential part of Ukraine’s defense, ranging from drone operations to the coordination of combat actions. Any disruption to its functionality carries strategic consequences that extend far beyond Ukraine.

By 8:02 AM, the system began to recover gradually, though Ukrainian forces confirmed that the outage seriously complicated frontline operations. As of 10:00 AM, partial stability was restored, but SpaceX has not provided an official explanation.

Starlink is used on the frontline not only for communication but also for critical military operations. Ukrainian forces rely on it to operate drones, coordinate artillery strikes, and maintain situational awareness. Due to the stable satellite connection, units remain online even when mobile infrastructure is destroyed by Russian strikes. This makes Starlink a key factor in Ukraine’s ability to resist the Russian army.

This marks the second major Starlink outage in the past two months. On July 24, 2025, the system also went down worldwide; at the time, SpaceX confirmed technical issues and launched an internal investigation. The recurrence of such incidents raises concerns, as Starlink is not just an internet service but a critical tool for Ukraine’s defense.

Poland’s foreign minister Radoslaw Sikorski has characterized Russia’s drone incursion into Polish airspace as a calculated test by the Kremlin to measure NATO’s response through incremental escalations without triggering full-scale war.

Radosław Sikorski confirmed that while the drones entering Poland carried no explosives, they were capable of bearing ammunition. “Interestingly, they were all duds, which suggests to me that Russia tried to test us without starting a war,” Sikorski told the Guardian in Kyiv.

The incursion occurred during Russia’s massive 10 September assault on Ukraine, when Moscow launched over 400 drones and more than 40 cruise and ballistic missiles. Nineteen Russian drones crossed into Polish territory, flying directly from Belarus rather than straying from Ukraine operations.

Poland scrambled F-35s and F-16s in response, marking the first time Polish forces deployed airborne weapons against unmanned vehicles. Despite aircraft deployment, Polish forces intercepted only three or four of the 19 drones, with some traveling hundreds of miles into Polish territory.

Sikorski dismissed suggestions that Polish air defenses were unprepared for the incursion. “The drones didn’t reach their targets and there was minor damage to property, nobody was hurt. If it happened in Ukraine, by Ukrainian definitions, that would be regarded as a 100% success,” he said.

The incident triggered NATO’s Article 4, requiring member states to consult when any ally faces threats to territorial integrity. However, NATO decided not to treat the deliberate drone incursion as an attack. The alliance announced Friday it would deploy more jets to the eastern flank to protect against future drone attacks.

Romania became the second NATO member to report a Russian drone incursion within days, scrambling two F-16 fighter jets Saturday to monitor the situation. The country’s defense ministry condemned Russia’s actions, with EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas describing them as unacceptable.

Romania summoned Moscow’s ambassador Vladimir Lipaev to protest what it called an “unacceptable and irresponsible act, which constitutes a violation of sovereignty.” The foreign ministry stated that “such recurring incidents contribute to the escalation and amplification of threats to regional security.”

Germany’s foreign minister Johann Wadephul called the Romanian incident “yet another unacceptable violation of the sovereignty of a close partner in the EU and Nato.”

Sikorski said Poland’s response would have been “much tougher” if the attack had caused injuries or deaths, though he declined to elaborate on future scenarios.

The Polish foreign minister rejected suggestions by Donald Trump that the incursion “could have been a mistake,” citing the scale of the operation.

“You can believe that one or two veer off target, but 19 mistakes in one night, over seven hours, sorry, I don’t believe it,” he said.

Prime Minister Donald Tusk said the incursion brought Poland closer to military war “than at any time since the second world war.”

Polish anti-drone teams will receive training from Ukrainian operators to defend against future attacks, Sikorski announced. 

Training will occur at a NATO center in Poland rather than Ukraine for safety reasons. “This is something that the public and the governments in the west need urgently to integrate in their thinking … that it is the Ukrainians who will be training us how to stand up to Russia, not the other way around,” Sikorski added.

At a Kyiv conference, Trump’s Ukraine envoy Keith Kellogg said the US president was becoming “exasperated” with Putin but cautioned European leaders not to push Trump too hard. “One thing I would advise anyone who is working with President Trump – do not put him in a position where he thinks he’s being used, that is probably the worst place you can be with him,” Kellogg said.

Sikorski expressed hope Trump would receive the Nobel peace prize if he achieved “a fair peace” involving “Ukraine within defensible borders and a Ukraine that is integrating with the west.”

Twenty-six countries pledged at a Paris meeting to contribute to a postwar security mission for Ukraine, with some offering ground troops. European countries have discussed providing Ukraine “article 5-like” guarantees after a peace settlement to prevent future Russian attacks.

However, Sikorski warned against unrealistic security guarantees.

“Security guarantees are meant to deter a potential adversary … So what we are saying is that if there is some kind of peace, the next time Russia tries anything against Ukraine, we might go to war with Russia. Now I find that not very credible. Because if you want to go war with Russia, you can do it today and I see no volunteers. And there is nothing more dangerous in international relations than giving a guarantee that is not credible,” he said.

Russian forces attacked Zaporizhzhia district overnight against 15 September, causing fires in private houses, according to regional officials. No casualties have been reported at this time.

The assault began around 2:28 am when explosions were heard in Zaporizhzhia city. “Preliminarily, no casualties,” Zaporizhzhia Oblast Governor Ivan Fedorov said.

Russian troops struck the district three times, Fedorov confirmed at 4:07 am.

The strikes damaged infrastructure across multiple communities. Power supply was cut in one of the communities, while private houses caught fire in Zaporizhzhia district proper.

Russian forces also targeted the suburbs of Zaporizhzhia, damaging a house in a garden cooperative area. The attack left no injuries or fatalities, according to the regional administration.

Separately, Russian troops conducted at least four strikes against Kushugum community. The attacks damaged roofs, walls, and shattered windows in the settlement, as shown by the regional military administration.

The Zaporizhzhia attack was part of a broader Russian offensive overnight. From 7:00 PM on 14 September, Russian forces launched three S-300 surface-to-air missiles from Kursk and Belgorod oblasts and 84 strike drones including Shahed, Gerbera, and other types from six directions: Kursk, Bryansk, Orel, Millerovo, and Primorsko-Akhtarsk. Approximately 50 of the drones were Shaheds, according to Ukrainian military reports.

The overnight assault follows a pattern of Russian attacks on civilian infrastructure on 14 September. Russian forces struck an agricultural enterprise in Boromlyanska community of Okhtyrka district in Sumy region, injuring 12 people involved in harvest collection. The attack used two missiles and damaged approximately 30 units of agricultural equipment, according to Sumy region prosecutor’s office.

Eleven men were hospitalized from the Sumy attack, with one in serious condition, confirmed Oleh Hryhorov, oblast governor.

Russian military leadership denies targeting civilian infrastructure during the full-scale war, despite documented strikes on hospitals, schools, kindergartens, energy facilities, and water supply systems. Ukrainian authorities and international organizations classify these attacks as war crimes committed by the Russian Federation.

Polish President Karol Nawrocki signed a classified resolution this week allowing NATO forces to operate on Polish soil, according to Poland’s National Security Bureau.

The move comes as part of the alliance’s new “Eastern Sentinel” initiative that began on 12 September to strengthen Europe’s eastern flank.

NATO troops will now reinforce Polish defenses under the program, though the presidential resolution remains classified, the Poland’s National Security Bureau reports.

Secretary General Mark Rutte said military operations would begin “in the coming days” with forces from Denmark, France, Britain, Germany and other allies. Ground troops will deploy across eight countries, with room to expand if needed.

The catalyst?

Russia’s massive assault on Ukraine on 10 September that violated Polish airspace. Moscow launched over 400 drones and more than 40 cruise and ballistic missiles that night, killing one person and injuring several others in Ukraine.

However, 19 Russian drones also crossed into Polish territory—not the usual strays from Ukraine, but aircraft flying directly from Belarus. 

Poland scrambled advanced fighters, including F-35s and F-16s, marking the first time Polish forces used airborne weapons against the unmanned vehicles. Even with sophisticated aircraft deployed, Polish forces couldn’t intercept all targets.

The incursions triggered NATO’s Article 4, requiring member states to consult when any ally faces threats to territorial integrity or security. However, NATO decided not to treat this deliberate drone incursion as an attack.

The Eastern Sentinel rollout suggests the alliance views recent escalations as more than isolated incidents requiring a measured but substantial response along NATO’s eastern frontier.

Trump’s limited response to Russian drones entering Polish airspace this week has worried European allies who doubt whether he’s serious about NATO defense duties, Reuters reported.

Poland fights a pro-Kremlin disinformation wave, PAP reports. Pro-Russian sentiments are rising in Poland, and the responsibility of politicians is to stop them, Prime Minister Donald Tusk said after Russian drone attacks on the country.

A wave created by the Kremlin

“A wave of pro-Russian sentiment and anti-Ukrainian feeling is rising, created by the Kremlin using real fears and emotions,” Tusk wrote on X on Sunday, 14 September.

He emphasized that the task of politicians is to stop this wave before it affects society.

As expected, the attack caused strong fear and insecurity among Polish citizens. The country hosts points through which foreign weapons are delivered to Ukraine, heightening concerns.

These sentiments are actively supported by some Polish right-wing politicians and media, which build campaigns on anti-criminal emotions while ignoring the significant contributions of Ukrainians to Poland’s economy and society.

The Kremlin deliberately spreads disinformation and provokes confrontation between Poland and Ukraine to weaken Western support for Ukraine.

Ukrainians’ contribution to Poland

In 2024, the Ukrainians in Poland contributed about 2.7% of the country’s GDP, over 99 billion zlotys, which is nearly $20 billion . They established more than 77,700 private enterprises between 2022–2024, accounting for about 12% of all new businesses in the country during that period.

Poland is fully aware of the attack

Earlier, Tusk assured that Polish services and the military know who is responsible for the drone attack.

“We will not be sensitive to manipulation and disinformation from Russia. Poland is confident about the sources, launch location, and intent of this action,” the Polish prime minister added.

Call for caution

The head of government urged Poles to rely only on verified information from official sources, including the military, services, and state media, to avoid panic and fake news.

Moscow bares its teeth on the NATO border, Defense Express reports. In the Belarusian city of Grodno, near the Gozhsky training ground, a new Russian BTR-22 armored personnel carrier was spotted. It is involved in the joint Russia-Belarus exercises Zapad-2025. 

Deliberate “leak” of photos

According to the experts, the vehicle’s geolocation on Kirova Street was identified by the Telegram channel Military Journal. They suggest the BTR-22 photo may have been deliberately released by Russia, signaling strength to Poland, alongside related events:

• incursions of Russian Gerbera drones into Polish airspace;
• deployment of two Iskander missile launchers in Kaliningrad Oblast. 

“Budget Boomerang”

The BTR-22 was first unveiled at the Army-2023 forum. Its unofficial nickname is “Budget Boomerang”, as it is a simplified modification of the BTR-82A. Even Russian sources admitted the vehicle lags 20 years behind modern standards, making it essentially a failed attempt to “reimagine” the old BTR-87 design.

Belarusian contrast

Experts note that in 2025, Belarus finally adopted its own Volat V-2 APC after a 15-year delay. The Russian BTR-22’s appearance in Belarus is seen more as a political propaganda signal than a real enhancement of allied combat capabilities.

President Donald Trump’s restrained reaction to Russian drones violating Polish airspace this week has triggered anxiety among European allies who question his commitment to NATO defense obligations, according to Reuters.

The incident occurred on 10 September when 19 Russian drones, many flying from Belarus, crossed into Poland during attacks on Ukraine, prompting NATO members to fire on Russian targets for the first time since the full-scale war began.

Poland, using Polish F-16s, Dutch F-35s, and Italian AWACS, shot down at least four drones that had entered its airspace.

Czech Prime Minister Petr Fiala characterized the incident as Putin’s regime “systematically probing how far it can go,” though Russia and Belarus denied responsibility for the airspace violations.

Trump’s response

Trump’s initial reaction came through a cryptic post on his Truth Social platform: “What’s with Russia violating Poland’s airspace with drones? Here we go!”

When pressed by reporters the following day about the Russian drone incursion, Trump suggested “it could have been a mistake.”

However, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk rejected this notion, flatly contradicting the assessment that drones could have entered Poland in error.

Poland activated Article 4 of NATO’s treaty following the incident, under which alliance members can demand consultations when a member’s territorial integrity or security is threatened.

Explore further

Ukraine offers joint air defense plan after Russian drones test NATO’s limits through Poland

European diplomatic concerns

Multiple European diplomatic sources described reactions ranging from dismay to confusion. A senior German official told Reuters that while the US participated in drone discussions with NATO allies, America appeared “hesitant” and the drone attack revealed significant gaps in NATO’s preparedness.

The official stated: “With this US administration, we can’t rely on anything. But we have to pretend that we could.”

An Eastern European diplomat characterized Washington’s response as problematic, telling Reuters:

“No one in NATO has been particularly reassured by the US at this point. Washington’s silence has been almost deafening.”

An Italian official indicated that alliance members formed a mostly negative impression of the US response while avoiding open criticism.

Contrast with previous crisis management

The response differed markedly from previous US handling of threats against NATO allies. When reports suggested a Russian missile struck a Polish village in November 2022, then-President Joe Biden quickly convened emergency meetings with world leaders and shifted into crisis management mode. That incident was later determined to involve a misfired Ukrainian air defense missile.

Ivo Daalder, US ambassador to NATO from 2009 to 2013 and now a senior fellow at Harvard’s Belfer Center, told Reuters:

“This episode underscores that Trump, in contrast to every president since Roosevelt, does not see Europe’s security is fundamental to American security.”

Trump’s pattern of sanctions threats

Trump has repeatedly set deadlines for Moscow to agree ceasefires with Ukraine or face new sanctions, only to withdraw from these positions.

He told Fox News Friday that his patience with Putin was “running out fast,” though he stopped short of threatening new sanctions over the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Instead, Trump welcomed Putin at a peace summit in Alaska in mid-August but failed to secure major concessions.

Explore further

Sweden delivers air defense systems and fighter jets to Poland after Russian drones breach NATO airspace

Official NATO response

NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte announced plans to strengthen the alliance’s eastern flank defense, stating that Trump had made “absolutely clear that we all stand together on this.”

Explore further

Zelenskyy warns no one is safe in Europe, as Poland invokes NATO’s Article 4 after Russian UAVs breach airspace

US military role in the attack

US warplanes played no role in shooting down the drones that violated Polish airspace, which US officials attributed to Dutch military responsibility for Polish air space under NATO’s air policing mission at the time.

A White House official told Reuters that the president “wants this war, which was brought on by Joe Biden’s incompetence, to end as quickly as possible” and that Russia and Ukraine should halt the conflict while Europe should “do its part by putting economic pressure on countries that finance the war.”

Ukrainian special operations disrupt Russian supply lines right on their own routes. Partisans from the Atesh movement have successfully carried out a sabotage operation on the railway in the Adyge-Khabl District of the Karachay-Cherkess Republic, which is about 520-530 kilometers from Ukraine. 

As a result, a relay cabinet was set on fire between the Sadovy and Erken-Shakhar stations, near the Sadovoe settlement.

Halting ammunition supplies

This railway branch transports ammunition and military equipment from North Caucasus industrial centers to the Rostov Oblast and from there to the front in Ukraine. The sabotage disrupted train traffic, delaying the delivery of MLRS munitions, tube artillery, repaired equipment, and rotating personnel.

Chain reaction on the front

Every strike creates a domino effect: troops in occupied territories receive fewer shells, replenishments and repairs are delayed, and Ukrainian units gain a tactical advantage on the battlefield.

Russia asks Turkiye to return S-400 systems amid battlefield losses and effective Ukrainian drone strikes, Nefes reports. 

Moscow seeks to replenish its air defense stock

According to media reports, Russia approached Turkiye with a proposal to return two S-400 systems, purchased by Ankara in 2017 for $2.5 billion and delivered in 2019.

The reason — a shortage of equipment in Russian stockpiles after battlefield losses, where Ukrainian forces actively destroy Russian air defense systems, including S-400s.

Turkiye is considering the proposal

Turkish outlet Nefes reports that Ankara views the proposal “positively”, but has not officially confirmed readiness to finalize a deal. The S-400 systems are not integrated with NATO, their missiles are already halfway through their service life, and the equipment requires maintenance, creating additional costs for Turkiye.

Impact on international deliveries and allies

Due to the S-400 shortage, Russia is postponing delivery of similar systems to India until 2026–2027. Demand for such systems from third countries is rising, strengthening the Kremlin’s urgency to get the S-400s back from Turkiye as soon as possible.

Russian developers on the brink of collapse: 1 in 5 companies already in the critical zone as the government directs all the support to the war against Ukraine, Ukraine’s Foreign Intelligence Service has reported. 

Around 20% of developers in Russia are facing bankruptcy due to falling sales and high mortgage rates.

The most vulnerable are mass housing companies, which rely heavily on mortgage demand. Over 19% of developers are officially delaying project completions, and delays exceeding six months push them into the “problematic” category.

Impact of the economy and the war

The sector suffers from low demand, limited government support, and resource diversion to the war in Ukraine. This results in declining sales, rising debt burdens, and construction freezes.

Investments in real estate in the first half of 2025 fell by 44%. Banks reject half of mortgage applications, while effective interest rates reach at least 25% per year, even for reliable borrowers.

Corporate sector and potential solutions

In the corporate segment, the share of troubled loans rose to 10.4% ($111.9 billion), with $8.6 billion added in three months. The real estate sector saw the greatest deterioration. Russian authorities are already considering moratoriums on developer bankruptcies, external restructuring, and the creation of temporary state funds to complete problematic projects.

Ukrainian forces destroy occupiers in their underground lairs. The 34th Separate Motorized Infantry Battalion “Wolfhounds” has demonstrated how the Ukrainian Armed Forces throw anti-tank mines into basements and underground tunnels where Russian occupiers are hiding.

Anti-tank mines directly into shelters

The conditions faced by Ukrainian infantry in Vovchansk go beyond human endurance. Enemy positions are just meters away, above ground, no buildings remain intact, and beneath the layers of concrete and asphalt, the occupiers’ fortifications and tunnels lie hidden.

“To flush out the enemy or destroy fortifications, we have to manually throw explosives into their lairs,” say the soldiers.

Underground networks do not save the enemy

Russian forces use basements, sewer pipes, and reinforced tunnels to move personnel. The same tactics were used by the occupiers in Sudzha, Kursk Oblast.

The operation involved underground pipes of the Urengoy–Pomary–Uzhhorod gas pipeline, which Russia used to supply gas to Europe via Ukraine until 1 January 2025. Each pipeline section had a diameter of 1.4 meters. 

Hollywood couldn’t stage this: one Ukrainian T-64 plowing through three Russian T-72s and surviving. From Soviet tanks turned against their former masters to American Abrams and German Leopards, Ukraine’s armored forces have rewritten battlefield rules. These are the stories of skilled operators like “Adam” and “Song” who break encirclements, save thousands of comrades, and turn desperate defenses into victories.

1. “Adam”: the tank operator whose T-64 withstood three Russian T-72s

A Ukrainian T-64 against three Russian T-72s — and victory stayed with the Ukrainians. This was the battle of Yevhen Mezhevikyn, call sign “Adam”, in the fall of 2014 during the defense of Donetsk Airport, Army Inform reports. His tank didn’t just stop the enemy advance — it pushed through fire to reach the terminals, where the Ukrainian “cyborgs” held out for months without water or heat.

At that time, the Ukrainian army was only beginning to recover after the collapse of the 1990s and early 2000s: outdated equipment, minimal supplies, and almost no combat experience.

But due to operators like “Adam”, the army held the airport and endured.

Mezhevikyn not only destroyed enemy vehicles, but they also trained fellow operators on the frontline, repaired damaged tanks, and led the riskiest breakthroughs.

When Russia launched a full-scale invasion in 2022, “Adam” formed a tactical group. With volunteers and repaired tanks, they immediately went into battle near Kyiv and then fought near Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, and Bakhmut. For this path, from “cyborg” to commander of a legendary group, Mezhevikyn became the first tank operator awarded the Order of the “Golden Star” Hero of Ukraine. Mezhevikyn now serves on the General Staff.

2. “Captured tank against a column”: one operator against a Russian column

A single Ukrainian tank faced an entire Russian column. In August 2014, during the battle for Ilovaisk, Colonel Yevhen Sydorenko took a captured T-72B into combat and stopped the enemy advance. Cases like this are rare in military history, mostly seen in World War II.

Ukrainian forces were outmatched: surrounded by regular Russian troops, with minimal equipment and ammunition, against full battalion groups. Despite the odds, they fought on and prepared for a breakout.

On 29 August, after repelling an attack, the column moved to break out of encirclement. Sydorenko’s tank led the movement, covering retreating comrades.

For this action, Yevhen Sydorenko was awarded Hero of Ukraine. Their feat became a symbol of self-sacrifice, showing how one tank can change the course of a battle.

3. “Song”: three tanks breaking encirclement, thousands saved

In the early days of the full-scale invasion, 23-year-old platoon commander Yevhen Palchenko, call sign “Song”, defended his brigade’s escape from encirclement near Kherson, risking their life.

Breaking through the Russian ring, their three tanks held positions near the Antonivsky Bridge, allowing comrades to escape. About 2,000 Ukrainian soldiers and their equipment were saved. On 2 March 2022, Lieutenant Yevhen Palchenko was awarded Hero of Ukraine for this heroic action. Their story shows how the courage of a single tank operator can save an entire brigade.

4. “Company under fire”: one tank against two dozen enemy vehicles, and it survived

One tank against two dozen enemy vehicles, and the crew survived. Captain Serhii Ponomarenko’s company was thrown into combat just hours after arriving near Barvinkove on 12 March 2022. Since then, the 3rd Separate Tank Brigade of the Ukrainian Ground Forces has been continuously defending Kharkiv Oblast.

During an assault on Topolske near Izium, six Ukrainian tanks engaged more than twenty Russian vehicles. Due to skill and training, nine enemy tanks were destroyed. One Ukrainian T-72 took multiple hits, and Ponomarenko risked their tank to save the operators, as per Facty. 

“The T-64 has an excellent fire control system, with a ballistic calculator measuring wind and direction and automatically adjusting. The sight has a zoom for precision. The T-64 works like a sniper rifle of a large caliber. The T-72’s sight is poor,” Ponomarenko explains.

However, the T-72 engine starts more easily in the cold, but the T-64’s acceleration is comparable despite needing preheating. The T-72 may be faster, but the T-64 holds its own in maneuvering.

The operators supported their commander, suppressed enemy positions, and recovered the damaged tank under fire. On 2 April 2022, Serhii Ponomarenko was awarded Hero of Ukraine with the Order of the “Golden Star”.

5. “Phoenix on the battlefield”: T-64 crew rises twice from the dead

A mine exploded, but the operators kept fighting, destroying an enemy mortar team. Sergeant Vitaly Shevchenko, gunner Andrii Mukhin, and mechanic-gunner Maksym Kravchuk survived two near-fatal attacks near Sloviansk — first from a mine, then from an anti-tank guided missile. Twice, like a mythical Phoenix, they rose from the flames to continue the fight, according to Uriadovyi Kurier.

From the first day of the war, this crew has been on the frontline, performing missions in the toughest zones. Their tank became a guardian for infantry, its gun a deadly weapon against enemies. During one attack, additional fuel tanks exploded, yet the operators advanced, breached a concrete barrier, and destroyed enemy mortar positions. The commander personally extinguished flames, protecting the crew. After minor repairs, the tank returned to combat.

6. “Ramming for comrades”: a young tank operator against a T-72

One tank against a T-72 to save comrades. On 12 August 2014, tank operator Artem Abramovich, 24, rammed a Russian T-72 near Stepanivka, covering the retreat of Ukrainian soldiers. The enemy tank was destroyed, but Artem died in battle. Their heroism became a symbol of self-sacrifice. Posthumously, on 13 August 2015, they were awarded the Order of Bohdan Khmelnytsky III class.

7. American hardware in Ukrainian hands

BMP Bradleys, in coordination with Abrams tanks, became a formidable battlefield force.

During operations near Novoivanivka in the Kursk Oblast, operators of the 47th Mechanized Brigade showcased extraordinary skill.

They rotated personnel, provided fire support, and destroyed enemy forces hiding in buildings. Every shot and maneuver was precise, and every decision was life-or-death.

“American hardware is decisive on the battlefield, but without skilled operators, it’s nothing,” the brigade noted.

The operation decimated Russian forces, halted the invasion of Sumy Oblast, and showed that Ukrainian forces could take the fight into enemy territory.

8. “He lost a leg but saved the tank”

The driver of a Leopard from the 33rd Brigade saved lives despite losing a leg in combat. Known as “Hor,” a former bartender, his comrade recounts the moment as a defining act of courage. Mobilized in March 2022, they began on a T-72, fought in counteroffensives, and then retrained on the Leopard.

Near Mala Tokmachka, Russian helicopters fired missiles. Their mechanic lost a leg. Despite this, they drove the tank out of combat, saving the entire crew. Later, near Kurakhove, their crew fired 49 rounds, destroying two tanks, two BMPs, one BTR, and three Russian positions.

Ukrainian forces hit a chemical facility deep in Russia’s Perm Oblast that produces components for military explosives, demonstrating Kyiv’s expanding reach into Russian industrial targets.

Drones struck the Metafrax Chemicals plant in Gubakha on 13 September, according to regional governor Dmitry Manohin, who reported no casualties and said the facility continued normal operations.

Russian news channel Astra later identified the specific target: a newly built urea production workshop that opened just last year.

The facility represents a significant strategic target due to its dual-use chemical production capabilities. According to defense publication Militarnyi, the plant produces urea, a key component in ammonium-nitrate mixtures that can serve as explosive filling for both civilian and military applications, including artillery shells and mines. 

While Metafrax Chemicals avoids public ties to Russia’s defense sector, its parent company Roskhim supplies chemical products directly to military industries.

Metafrax ranks among Russia’s largest methanol producers and landed the 200th spot in Forbes’ 2021 ranking of the country’s biggest private companies.

Local residents posted footage showing building damage and smoke rising from the facility, located approximately 1,600 km (994 miles) from the Ukrainian border, while Ukraine’s intelligence later confirmed their responsibility for the strike.

Russia’s Defense Ministry claimed its air defenses shot down 80 drones overnight, though that number couldn’t be verified.

Ukrainian railway attacks inside Russia

Intelligence services simultaneously struck railway lines that Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate and Special Operations Forces have now openly claimed responsibility for.

The rail operations hit Oryol and Leningrad oblasts on 13-14 September, an intelligence source told RBC-Ukraine.

“These railway branches are critically important logistical links in supplying occupying forces in the Kharkiv and Sumy directions,” the source explained.

The goal: create major supply headaches that would “substantially affect their ability to carry out active operations.”

In Oryol Oblast, explosive devices killed three Russian National Guard personnel during track inspections, governor Andrey Klychkov reported.

Leningrad Oblast saw a locomotive derail with 15 cisterns attached. Governor Alexander Drozdenko called them empty, but Ukrainian sources claimed they carried fuel. A separate derailment killed a train engineer. Russian investigators suspect sabotage in both cases.

Two separate train derailments hit Russia’s Leningrad Oblast on 14 September—one involving 15 fuel tanker cars, the other killing a train driver. Just a day earlier, three Rosgvardiya personnel were killed by an explosive device planted on railway tracks in Oryol Oblast. Russian authorities are investigating all incidents as possible sabotage.

15 tankers derail in Luzhsky district

According to Russian Governor of Leningrad Oblast Alexandr Drozdenko, a locomotive pulling 15 empty tank cars derailed in Luzhsky district at the Stroganovo-Mshinskaya rail section. No casualties were reported. Drozdenko stated that two emergency recovery trains were dispatched from St. Petersburg to the site of the incident.

As a result of the derailment, train movement was blocked in two directions. Ten suburban electric trains were delayed or canceled.

Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ reported on the derailment, and another channel, Supernova+, claimed sabotage affected two separate railway segments in Leningrad Oblast—specifically in Luzhsky and Gatchina districts.

Train driver dies in second derailment near Semrino

Russian news Telegram channel Astra reported another derailment in the same oblast near the station of Semrino, located in Gatchina district. In this incident, a lone locomotive left the tracks. The train driver was trapped inside the cabin and later died in the ambulance, Astra wrote.

Governor Drozdenko confirmed that sappers were deployed to the scene. He also noted that investigators were examining the version of sabotage.

Explore further

Ukraine’s drones hit deep—St Petersburg’s main fuel plant engulfed in flames (video)

Three Rosgvardiya members killed in Oryol Oblast rail explosion

On 13 September, an explosive device detonated on the Maloarkhangelsk–Glazunovka rail segment in Oryol Oblast, killing two Rosgvardia national guard members and injuring another. One day later, the injured officer died, bringing the total death toll to three.

Governor of Oryol Oblast Andrei Klychkov initially confirmed the deaths of two personnel, and a day later, he announced the third fatality. Acting Governor of Kursk Oblast Aleksandr Khinshtein later clarified that all three victims were Rosgvardiya officers.

Explosive devices detonated on railway tracks in Russia’s Oryol Oblast close to Ukraine’s border during a routine inspection, killing three officers and disrupting rail traffic.

The incident may be connected to Ukrainian sabotage operations targeting Russian railway infrastructure, though authorities have not confirmed the source of the explosives.

[Update] Ukrainian intelligence sources confirmed the railway attack was carried out by fighters from Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate and Special Operations Forces, according to hromadske news agency citing informed sources.

The targeted railway branches serve as critical logistical links for supplying Russian occupation forces on the Kharkiv and Sumy directions, the source stated.

On the evening of 13 September, Russian Railways workers discovered unknown mines on the Maloarkhangelsk — Glazunovka railway section, after which an engineering unit of the Russian National Guard special forces was called to the scene.

Three Russian National Guard officers died in the blast, with the death toll rising after an officer initially reported as critically wounded succumbed to his injuries.

Oryol Oblast Governor Andrei Klychkov said the blast occurred during inspection of the railway line.

“During the inspection of railway tracks, explosive devices were discovered, one of which exploded,” Klychkov stated.

The explosion caused significant disruption to rail traffic. Neighbouring Kursk Oblast Governor Alexander Khinshtein reported that 10 trains were delayed as of 8:40 p.m., affecting 457 passengers bound for Kursk.

Railway officials have restored traffic flow using alternative routing systems, though the investigation into the explosive devices continues.

The incident follows a pattern of infrastructure incidents in western Russian regions. On 1 June, two bridge collapses occurred overnight in Bryansk and Kursk oblasts.

In Bryansk, a highway bridge collapsed onto a passenger train near Vygonichi, killing seven people and injuring 66 others. A freight truck was crossing the bridge at the time of collapse.

In Kursk’s Zheleznogorsky district, a railway bridge collapsed as a freight train was crossing, causing the locomotive to catch fire and fall onto a highway below, injuring one crew member. Russian authorities initially attributed both June incidents to Ukrainian sabotage but later removed those claims.

A major fire broke out at the Kirishinefteorgsintez (KINEF) refinery near St Petersburg overnight on 14 September after Ukrainian drones struck the facility. Telegram channels shared videos showing a drone strike and flames at the site.

Ukrainian drones strike fuel-producing giant near St Petersburg

The refinery, located in the city of Kirishi in Leningrad Oblast, roughly 100 km southeast of St Petersburg and 800 km north of Ukraine’s border, is among Russia’s top 10 oil-processing facilities.

According to Ukrainian Telegram channels Exilenova+ and Supernova+, drones struck the plant, triggering a fire. Satellite data from NASA’s FIRMS wildfire monitoring platform confirmed a high-temperature anomaly over the facility starting at 3:56 on 14 September, Militarnyi noted.

Second strike on the same facility in six months

This is not the first time the KINEF refinery has come under attack. Ukrainian drones targeted the same facility on 8 March 2025, damaging a fuel storage tank. At the time, governor Drozdenko also blamed the damage from a direct drone hit on “debris”: “During the fall of debris, the external structure of one of the reservoirs was damaged,” he wrote back then.

Meanwhile, Astra also relayed a statement from the Russian Ministry of Defense claiming Russian air defense forces had intercepted 80 Ukrainian drones overnight across several oblasts. According to the ministry, this included 2 drones over Leningrad Oblast, where Kirishi is located, along with other interceptions over Bryansk, occupied Crimea, Smolensk, Kaluga, Novgorod, Oryol, Ryazan, and Rostov oblasts, and the Azov Sea area.

Ukrainian Naval Forces conducted a strike against a Russian Black Sea Fleet communication facility in occupied Crimea during the early hours of 11 September, according to an official Navy statement.

The operation targeted the 184th Research Experimental Base in Sevastopol, which housed a communication node responsible for coordinating Black Sea Fleet operations, the Navy reported. The facility served as a command and control center for Russian naval units operating in the region.

The military statement confirmed the strike occurred “on the night of September 11th” but did not disclose specific details about the extent of damage caused by the attack.

The targeted installation is situated in Kozacha Bay, according to the monitoring group “Crimean Wind,” which tracks military activities in the peninsula. 

In April 2022, Ukraine sank Russia’s flagship missile cruiser Moskva using Neptune anti-ship missiles and recently, drone strikes disabled a Russian MPSV07 vessel near Novorossiysk, damaging electronic reconnaissance capabilities.

Exclusives

Ukraine rolled back Crimea’s air defenses—then hit a ship in home waters. The Black Sea has become Ukraine’s hunting ground.

Russia’s war games on NATO’s doorstep: “unstoppable” missile, nukes—and SIM-card drones. This year’s Zapad drills feature the testing of the new Oreshnik missile, nuclear decision-making scenarios, and evidence of Russian drones using Polish and Lithuanian SIM cards to probe NATO’s defenses.

IMF finds Ukraine needs $20bn more than estimated as US support dwindles. Ukraine’s funding needs through 2027 may be $20 billion higher than Kyiv estimates.

Latest News

Sat Sep 13 2025

“Ukraine controls the front,” but the situation is not that simple – Zelenskyy. Zelenskyy said that Russia’s main advantage is manpower, and insists that Russia is not making major gains in eastern Ukraine despite heavy assaults and large troop deployments.

“I don’t see anyone wanting to fight Russia” – Polish FM casts doubt on Western “security guarantees” for Ukraine. Sikorski warned Saturday that proposed security guarantees for Ukraine are unlikely to deter Russian aggression, suggesting the term “guarantees” itself may be misleading, and calling for a focus on military and financial support instead.

“A deliberate expansion of the war by Russia”: Romania scrambles jets after Russian drone enters NATO airspace for the 2nd time this week. Russian drones have entered NATO airspace for the second time this month, following a wave of incursions into Poland on 10 September that prompted heightened defenses along NATO’s eastern borders.

Poland scrambles jets and closes Lublin airport in reaction to new Russian drone threat. Poland has heightened defenses along its eastern border following a wave of Russian drones that entered its airspace on 10 September.

Trump doubts his ability to influence Putin, so he shifts responsibility onto Europe

. “Major sanctions” on Russia will come only if other NATO nations do the same and Europe stops purchasing Russian oil, Trump said.

Drone strike reported at Russian oil refinery 1400 km from Ukraine. Eyewitness videos posted online show flames and a drone over Ufa, but officials have not confirmed any strike on the Novo-Ufa refinery.

Ukrainian drones shutdown of Russia’s key Baltic oil terminal for first time. Ukrainian Security Service drones struck Russia’s Primorsk oil port on 12 Sept, damaging two shadow fleet tankers and forcing the first-ever suspension of operations at the Baltic Sea terminal that exports $100 million worth of oil products daily.

Poland announces the start of NATO’s Eastern Sentry mission. French military transport aircraft have begun delivering armaments for Rafale fighters to Poland as NATO’s “Eastern Sentry” mission becomes operational

Estonia сloses eastern border airspace after drone attacks hit St. Petersburg. Finland, Latvia and Estonia have now all restricted civilian flights near their Russian borders as Ukrainian drone operations targeting facilities in St. Petersburg and Leningrad region

From Catherine II to Putin: How a Swedish flag became symbol of resistance in occupied Ukraine. A Swedish flag gifted by King Carl XVI Gustaf to a Ukrainian village in 2008 survived 8.5 months hidden from Russian occupation forces

EU’s Kallas: “Territorial concessions to Russia would bring more war, not less”

. The EU’s top diplomat Kaja Kallas identified a deliberate Russian pattern of demanding non-existent rights, issuing threats, then mobilizing Western voices to offer Moscow exactly what it never possessed

Russia launches military satellite and student-built spacecraft from Arctic base. The Soyuz-2.1b rocket lifted off from Plesetsk Cosmodrome carrying the Mozhaets-6 satellite to test astronavigation systems alongside an undisclosed military spacecraft.

Russian Forces use gas pipeline network for third infiltration operation into Kupiansk – Deep State. Russian infiltrators are using electric scooters and wheeled stretchers to navigate underground pipeline systems to prevent significant casualties

Prince Harry receives Ukrainian borsch during Kyiv visit, honoring Princess Diana’s favorite dish. Prince Harry’s 12 Sept visit to support wounded Ukrainian veterans included an unexpected culinary connection to his late mother, as local chef Yevhen Klopotenko served dishes based on Princess Diana’s documented preference for Ukrainian borsch.

Polish parliament adopts new law on aid to Ukrainians after Nawrocki’s veto. President Karol Nawrotcki’s August veto prompted Parliament to pass alternative legislation requiring Ukrainian refugees to earn at least 50% of minimum wage or attend school for 800+ family benefits

NATO’s Eastern Guardian Operation won’t cover Ukrainian airspace, Commander confirms. NATO launched Operation Eastern Guardian in direct response to Russian drone breaches of Polish territory on 10 Sept., but ruled out extending the air defense operation over Ukraine

Zelenskyy: Ukraine offers to intercept Russian targets together with NATO. President Zelenskyy called for accelerated security guarantee negotiations with NATO allies, proposing joint air defense operations

Read our previous daily report here.

Today the biggest news comes from the Pokrovsk direction.

Here, Ukrainian forces are closing the gap around the remaining Russian forces in their Dobropillia salient. As Ukrainians finish off pockets of Russian resistance, the Russians’ only hope is to surrender to the advancing Ukrainian army or be annihilated completely.

After conducting a successful penetration from the high ground in the west, Ukrainians are now launching their attacks from the north as well, well, completing the pincer around the Russian Dobropillia salient.

Ukrainians are using highly trained infantry squads to move in, engaging with Russian forces along the way.

Superior supply lines give Ukraine tactical edge

The main advantage of the Ukrainians here is their far superior ground lines of communication, enjoying a direct supply line from Kramatorsk and Ruzhivka, functioning as central operating hubs for Ukrainian forces in northern Donetsk.

Additionally, if we take a look at the topographic map, we can see that as the Ukrainian supply lines approach the front, they cross through several settlements in the valley between two hills.

This blocks signals for Russian drones, who mainly rely on FPV-type kamikaze drones, in stead of munitions dropped from drones.

Russian fiber optics also still only makes up approximately 20% of FPVs used by the Russians, so the valley Ukrainians move through is largely protected against most Russian strikes.

The buildings in the settlements and tree lines running along them offer additional concealment factors to Ukrainian infantry units passing through.

Heavy drones dominate battlefield from above

The last major Ukrainian advantage is their extensive utilization of heavy drones like the Heavy Vampire and Baba Yaga variants.

Because these drones drop heavy explosives or a series of smaller mortar rounds from a height, they are able to fly and hover above the valley, unaffected by the weaker signal strength that Russians suffer from lower to the ground.

Coordinated assault eliminates Russian positions

Geolocated footage shows how Ukrainian infantry squads move south through the settlements under the watchful eye and in constant communication with Mavic reconnaissance drones that detect any Russian presence.

The Ukrainian squad initially engaged the position with grenade launchers using high explosive rounds.

However the rounds were not penetrating into the basement, where some of the Russians were hiding, so to save manpower, ammunition and time, a Vampire hexacopter drone was called in.

The drone then dropped four mortar rounds directly on the basement, wiping out the structure and scoring several direct hits into the underground structure itself.

Russian infantry attempting to flank Ukrainian attacks from the high ground to the east are also promptly intercepted by Ukrainian FPV drones patrolling the area, as signal strengths are much less disrupted on the high ground and the slopes that the Russians must move across first.

Systematic advance tightens the noose

In this manner, Ukrainians are systematically moving south. south, having already consolidated full control of Volodymyrivka and expanding the grey zone to fully encompass the Russian salient.

As you remember from a previous report, Ukrainians avoided finishing off the two Russian encirclements further north to lure more Russian forces in to attempt to rescue them, while keeping them away from important positions.

However, with the trap now sprung, there is little reason to keep these pockets alive and the final clearing operations have begun.

Final clearing operations eliminate remaining pockets

Ukrainian soldiers on the ground report that the western pocket has been cleared completely, as their attention is now moving to the one to the east.

Every Russian is first offered surrender and to be taken as a prisoner of war, however if they hold out and refuse they are promptly dispatched, as Ukrainian forces are much needed elsewhere, and maintaining a tight perimeter costs a lot of resources.

Overall, Ukrainians are closing the gates and finishing off any Russian soldiers who remain. remain, as Ukrainian soldiers on the ground are already reporting that the Prisoner of War Exchange Fund is rapidly being replenished.

In the grey zone, Russian units moving through are now eliminated by drones, as Ukrainian infantry is making their way forward, leaving the fields covered in Russian bodies.

Russian command faces reckoning

The Russian Dobropillia breakthrough event is coming to a close, as many Russian generals will soon start shifting the blame to one another, as a hammer of consequences is sure to soon come from the direction of Moscow.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on Saturday that while Ukraine maintains control of the battlefield, the situation remains highly complex due to the scale of Russian forces and rapid shifts in drone and electronic warfare technology.

“As for the battlefield, the situation is not simple. It is complicated by the number of enemy forces, the number of drones, and changing technologies: today one type of drone is in use – one electronic warfare (EW) system works; tomorrow drones change, engines change – and other EW systems operate. What’s most important to understand is this: we are controlling the front,” Zelenskyy said on Telegram. 

He dismissed claims of major Russian advances in eastern Ukraine, calling such narratives disinformation. “Russians are far better at disinformation than they are on the battlefield,” he said.

“They have more troops than Ukrainians – that is their advantage. Their strongest grouping is in the east, but they are in very difficult conditions,” he continued, adding that predictions of Russia occupying the entire east in a matter of months were “lies,” arguing that such an outcome would take years, if at all.

Zelenskyy also urged closer coordination between Western and Ukrainian intelligence, calling for daily consultations “directly from the battlefield” to counter Russian narratives.

The fighting in Ukraine’s eastern regions has intensified in recent months, with Russia massing around 150,000 troops near Pokrovsk and cutting key supply routes amid heavy bombardment. Ukrainian forces, however, have carried out counterattacks, including the liberation of Novomykhailivka and strikes on Russian command centers, even as Russian assaults and civilian casualties continue to mount.

Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski questioned the effectiveness of discussion about security guarantees for Ukraine, suggesting the term itself may be misleading, according to European Pravda.

In recent months, Ukraine’s western partners have been discussing “security guarantees” aimed at preventing further Russian aggression in the event of a ceasefire. 

Proposed measures include formal security treaties, peacekeeping forces, military support, and economic sanctions. However, the effectiveness of these guarantees remains unproven, as they largely depend on Russia agreeing to a ceasefire in the first place.

Speaking at the annual Yalta European Strategy meeting in Kyiv, Sikorski said that Ukraine already had “guarantees”, even if they were called differently, in the 1994 Budapest Memorandum. 

The Budapest Memorandum was an agreement signed by Ukraine, Russia, the United States, and the United Kingdom that was intended to safeguard Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty in exchange for Kyiv giving up its nuclear arsenal. The memorandum ultimately failed when Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014.

Sikorski argued that any new, more concrete guarantees would likely fail to deter Russian aggression.

“The purpose of security guarantees is to deter Russia from renewed aggression. In essence, if we give security guarantees to Ukraine, we are saying we could go to war against Russia,” Sikorski said. 

“I don’t think that’s convincing. Who wants to fight Russia? I don’t see many volunteers. In international relations, nothing is worse than offering guarantees that are not trusted.”

Sikorski called for a shift in focus away from guarantees, urging instead for monitoring of peace and strengthening Ukraine’s capabilities. 

He emphasized prioritizing military and financial support, warning that prolonged discussions on guarantees could distract policymakers from urgent funding needs for 2026 and 2027.

Romanian authorities issued an alert on Saturday for the northern area of Tulcea County after a Russian drone was detected in the country’s airspace, Romanian media outlet Digi24.ro reports. Citizens were warned of potential falling objects and urged to take protective measures.

The incident follows a pattern of Russian drones violating NATO airspace in recent days. On 10 September, a wave of Russian drones entered Poland, causing alarm among NATO members. 

The Romanian Ministry of National Defence said two F-16 fighter jets from Fetesti Air Base took off at 18:05 to monitor the airspace near the border with Ukraine, following Russian airstrikes on Ukrainian infrastructure along the nearby Danube river. 

The jets detected the drone near Chilia Veche, tracking it for roughly 50 minutes as it operated about 10 kilometers inside Romanian territory before disappearing from radar. 

The drone did not fly over populated areas and posed no imminent threat to civilians. 

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed the incident, noting that Russian drones were active throughout the day in various regions of Ukraine. 

“The Russian military clearly knows the targets of their drones and how long they can stay in the air. Flight routes are always carefully calculated,” Zelenskyy said. 

“This cannot be accidental, a mistake, or the result of rogue actions by lower-level commanders. This is a deliberate expansion of the war by Russia.”

Zelenskyy called for sanctions, trade tariffs, and a coordinated system of collective defense. He said Ukraine has urged its partners to establish such protections proactively, warning against waiting for further drone or missile attacks before taking action.

The Tulcea Emergency Situations Inspectorate emphasized that Romania’s territory is not the direct target of Russian attacks and that the air alert, lasting roughly 90 minutes, was precautionary. 

Poland also responded to a separate threat on Saturday, mobilizing military aircraft after Russian drones were reported in Ukrainian regions bordering the country.

Polish authorities scrambled fighter jets and suspended operations at Lublin Airport on Saturday after reports of Russian drones in Ukrainian regions near the Polish border.

The incident comes after a wave of Russian drones entered Poland on 10 September, prompting NATO to review its eastern defenses. 

“Due to the threat of drone strikes in Ukrainian regions bordering Poland, military aircraft have been deployed in our airspace,” the Operational Command of the Polish Armed Forces said on Facebook. 

“Polish and allied aircraft are operating in our airspace, while ground-based air defense and radar reconnaissance systems have been placed on the highest state of readiness,” the statement continued.

The Operational Command said that the measures are preventive, aimed at ensuring the safety of Polish airspace and protecting citizens near areas under threat. 

US President Donald Trump wrote on Truth Social on 13 September that the United States would impose “major sanctions” on Russia only if NATO nations agreed to do the same and stopped purchasing Russian oil.

These remarks come after Axios reported that, despite his public promises to end the war in Ukraine, Trump is having doubts about his ability to influence Putin. A source told Axios that Trump has “misjudged Putin’s desire for peace.”

Trump has repeatedly threatened harsher US sanctions on Russia if no ceasefire is reached with Ukraine. He has set several deadlines this year, all of which have been missed, yet no new sanctions have been imposed by the administration.

In the post, Trump appeared to shift responsibility for US sanctions onto NATO and European allies.

He argued that European reliance on Russian oil weakens NATO’s bargaining power and called for additional tariffs on China, which he said holds significant influence over Moscow.

“I am ready to do major Sanctions on Russia when all NATO Nations have agreed, and started, to do the same thing, and when all NATO Nations STOP BUYING OIL FROM RUSSIA,” Trump wrote.

Hungary and Slovakia continue to buy Russian oil, despite criticism from US, European, and Ukrainian officials.

Trump also said that NATO should also place 50% to 100% tariffs on China, claiming that this will help end the war in Ukraine. 

He added that “This is not TRUMP’S WAR, it is Biden’s and Zelenskyy’s WAR. I am only here to help stop it, and save thousands of Russian and Ukrainian lives.”

Russia has dramatically scaled up attacks on civilian areas since Trump took office in January. 

Footage circulating on Russian social media on Saturday suggests that Ukrainian long-range drones have struck the Novo-Ufa oil refinery in the Russian city of Ufa, Bashkortostan, nearly 1400 kilometers from the Ukrainian border.

The strike on Novo-Ufa marks one of the deepest drone attacks inside Russian territory since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine began.

According to local Telegram channels, an explosion was recorded at the refinery at around 13:30, allegedly caused by drone impact.

Eyewitness footage appeared to show flames at the site as well as a drone flying over one of Ufa’s neighborhoods.

By evening, the Head of the Republic of Bashkortostan, Radiy Khabirov, confirmed that the Novo-Ufa refinery had been attacked by long-range drones.

Khabirov said security forces shot down a drone that crashed on the refinery grounds, sparking a fire and minor damage but no casualties. Another drone was later downed nearby, with the scale of its impact still under review.

Earlier in the day, Russian media, citing the aviation agency Rosaviatsia, reported that temporary flight restrictions were introduced at Ufa Airport at about 14:20. The reason was not officially disclosed.

The Novo-Ufa refinery, operated by Russian oil company Bashneft, is one of three major oil processing facilities in Ufa. Together, they form a refining hub with an output exceeding 20 million tons annually. Novo-Ufa alone is estimated to have a capacity of 7.5 million tons of crude oil per year.

This is not the first reported drone strike at the complex. In March, Ukrainian drones allegedly struck the nearby Orgsintez plant, part of the same refining cluster, sparking explosions and a large-scale fire.

As of now, Ukrainian authorities have issued no official statement confirming an attack on the Novo-Ufa refinery. 

Estonia has imposed temporary flight restrictions along its entire eastern border following increased military activity in Russia’s Leningrad region, according to ERR.

The restrictions, which affect flights up to 6,000 meters altitude, will operate nightly from 8 PM to 7 AM for the coming weeks. The measure responds to heightened activity from Russian forces and Ukrainian drones operating in the border area.

“We are only restricting part of aviation activity. In simple terms, this means that those who contact us and justify their actions, like the Police and Border Guard Department last night when they searched for a missing person using a drone, can continue working,” explained Estonian Air Force Commander Riivo Valge.

The flight ban aims to reduce the number of objects air surveillance operators must track.

“If an incident occurs, it will be easier to remove civilian aircraft from the zone or land them,” Valge added.

Estonia’s Defense Forces will conduct detailed air surveillance, training exercises, and flexible airspace protection in the region over the coming weeks. The restrictions followed the closure of St. Petersburg’s airspace due to drone attacks on 11 September.

“We received information that Petersburg’s airspace was closed due to an attack. We carefully observed Russian aircraft and helicopters near our borders and strengthened our surveillance capabilities. This happened last night,” Valge said.

The measures initially affected the Helsinki-Tartu airline route. Air Traffic Control Service representative Mihkel Haug noted that information arrived unexpectedly and rapidly Wednesday.

“Our goal is passenger and pilot safety. Therefore, the initial measures were strict. Today we reviewed the restricted zone, discussed with the Air Force the part of the zone needed by Finnair for Tartu flights at certain hours, and made it free,” Haug said.

Finnair confirmed it can operate under the modified conditions after the Air Force officially changed the restricted zone boundaries.

Estonia’s Defense Forces maintain their threat assessment remains unchanged, with no direct or immediate military threat to the country. However, the region has experienced increased air incidents caused by Russia’s military actions against Ukraine.

Finland and Latvia have introduced similar flight restriction zones in their border areas.

On 25 August, a farmer in Estonia’s Tartu County discovered fragments of a strike drone with an explosion crater at the site. Security Police assessed the drone crashed in Estonia early Sunday morning and may have been Ukrainian.

The drone attacks targeted objects in St. Petersburg and the oil terminal at Ust-Luga port near Estonia’s border. Multiple Russian airports introduced restrictions and airlines modified their schedules in response to the incidents.

Military officials say it remains too early to determine how long the flight restrictions will remain in place.

Ukraine’s new Ambassador to Sweden, Svitlana Zalishchuk, presented King Carl XVI Gustaf with a photograph showing residents of the now-occupied village of Zmiivka holding a Swedish flag that the monarch himself had gifted during his 2008 visit to Kherson Oblast.

Zalishchuk shared the story on Facebook following her credentials presentation ceremony with the Swedish king. She reminded him of his 2008 visit to Kherson Oblast, when he traveled to the village then known as Staroshvedske, now called Zmiivka.

The village has unique historical significance. In the late 18th century, Russian Empress Catherine II relocated Swedes from present-day Estonia to the Kherson Oblast. “They essentially became internally displaced persons of imperial times. But despite several centuries spent away from their homeland, they preserved their identity: traditions, language, church rituals,” Zalishchuk explained. “I knew that the King cares deeply about this village.”

To gather current information about Zmiivka, one of the embassy’s diplomats contacted Oleksandr Alchiev, head of the Beryslav Civil-Military Administration. Alchiev reported that despite Russian shelling and damage to the school, church, and other buildings, residents managed to save the Swedish flag that the king had personally brought to the village community in 2008.

According to Zalishchuk’s account, the flag had hung in the village council building from the time of the royal visit until Russia’s full-scale invasion. When Russians occupied the village in 2022, they attempted to confiscate the flag “because Sweden is an ‘unfriendly’ country.”

“But then village head Mykola Kuryvchak, by hook or by crook, saved the flag and hid it for 8.5 months. The flag survived. Although it was damaged because it was stored in a house that was hit. And after the village’s liberation, it was taken to a safe place,” the ambassador recounted.

Zalishchuk showed the Swedish monarch a special photograph taken by Zmiivka residents featuring the preserved flag.

“To show that Russians may succeed in destroying our buildings. But they cannot reach some important things,” she said, adding: “You can imagine how touched he was.”

The residents of Zmiivka, who are now internally displaced due to ongoing shelling, quickly organized to create the commemorative photograph for the king. The ambassador noted the historical parallel, describing current villagers as displaced persons from “the same empire” that originally relocated their Swedish ancestors centuries earlier.