When Russian infantry seized a position east of Pokrovsk, a fortress city in eastern Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast, one of the Ukrainian army’s German-made Leopard 1A5s left its hideout to blast the Russians with a 105-millimeter shell fired at point-blank range.

Frustrated in their attempts to directly attack Pokrovsk, Russian forces are trying to flank the city—by rolling through the town of Kostyantynivka, 40 km to the northeast. 

On Wednesday, a substantial Russian force—around a dozen up-armored BMPs and other vehicles—split into two sections and rolled northeast from the village of Novoolenivka, heading for the village of Yablunivka, the next stop on the road to Kostyantynivka.

They didn’t get very far. The Ukrainian 36th Marine Brigade and 12th Azov Brigade spotted the approaching vehicles—and hit them with drones and potentially other munitions. When the smoke cleared, half or more of the vehicles were on fire.

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“No Russian tank would survive”: German Leopard 2A4 withstands 10 FPV drone strikes in Ukraine

But some Russians managed to gain a lodgement around Yablunivka on or just before Thursday. We know this because the Ukrainian 5th Heavy Mechanized Brigade spotted the Russians with a drone—and deployed a Leopard 1A5 to take them out.

The up-armored tank engaged the Russians from just meters away. “Clear work, accurate fire and cold calculation—the enemy is demoralized, the positions are burned!” the 5th Heavy Mechanized Brigade crowed.

It was a rare tank fight in a war increasingly fought by infantry and drones. And it was an even rarer close tank fight for Ukraine’s Leopard 1A5s. The tanks were built in the 1960s, upgraded in the 1980s, donated to Ukraine by a German-Dutch-Danish consortium four decades later and are now set to become the Ukrainian military’s most numerous Western-made tank.

The 40-ton, four-person Leopard 1A5 boasts a reliable 105-millimeter main gun and accurate fire controls, but its armor is thin compared to other tanks: just 70 millimeters thick at its thickest. That’s a third the protection a contemporary T-72 enjoys.

Still, “it is too early to write off this tank as scrap metal,” insisted the Ukrainian army’s 508th Separate Repair and Restoration Battalion, which retrieves, repairs and returns to the front line all manner of damaged armored vehicles. “It just so happened that it first met the opponent it was designed to fight 60 years later and it’s a completely different tank now, to be fair.”

The European consortium has pledged 170 Leopard 1A5s to Ukraine, drawing the old vehicles from surplus Belgian, Danish and German stocks and refurbishing them for onward transfer. The Ukrainian army further upgrades the tanks with add-on reactive armor and anti-drone cages.

The extra armor weighs down and slightly slows the otherwise nimble Leopard 1A5—but that’s a small price to pay. “Drones are the biggest threat to tanks nowadays so we had to take necessary steps even though the extra weight slightly impaired mobility,” the 508th SRRB noted.

Of the hundred or so Leopard 1A5s the Germans, Dutch and Danes have delivered since late 2023, the Russians have hit 18 of them, destroying 13.

Minimal losses

The 508th SRRB considers that an acceptable rate of loss—and credits the crews of the three or so army and national guard brigades that operate the tanks. “There are reasons to believe that they are being used properly,” the restoration battalion stated.

But the close fight outside Yablunivka was unusual. The Leopard 1A5 works best as a “mobile sniper tank,” the 508th SRRB asserted.

“A well-trained crew can fire 10 rounds per minute while its Russian opponents fire six to 10 rounds. Add a modern fire control system that allows accurate fire from a distance of 4 km during the day and about 3 km at night and you get a real hunter capable of taking down prey that doesn’t even know it’s being hunted.”

Given the growing threat from tiny drones that are everywhere all the time along the front line of Russia’s 40-month wider war on Ukraine, tank crews on both sides tend to hide their vehicles in dugouts or urban areas, rolling out only to fire a few rounds at distant targets.

It’s a new “era of the cautious tank,” according to David Kirichenko, an analyst with the Center for European Policy Analysis in Washington, D.C.

The Leopard 1A5 is good at this kind of combat. “After taking the shot that may disclose the tank’s position, a Leopard can quickly roll back to cover,” the 508th SRRB explained. “It is true the armor of the first Leopard is really weak, but it doesn’t matter if the enemy even has no time to see it.”

While suited to quick fire missions from concealed positions, the Leopard 1A5 isn’t necessarily appropriate for other tasks that heavier tanks might perform: direct assaults on defended positions and close combat with enemy armor, for instance.

“It is safe to say that the concept of a mobile sniper tank is quite successful and effective, although not very versatile,” the 508th SRRB concluded.

But the situation around Kostyantynivka is urgent, despite the Ukrainians’ recent successes defending the approaches to the town. 

“Ukrainian units prevented any deterioration of tactical positions” in recent days, the Ukrainian Center for Defense Strategies noted. But “the enemy continues to build up forces for further attacks.”

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Russia keeps burning through its last tanks — so why isn’t Ukraine winning?

Ukraine's Unmanned Systems Forces (USF) announced on June 20 the establishment of a new command group that will unite the branch with other top drone units in the country's military.

Drones have become one of the defining tools of the full-scale war, used extensively by both Ukraine and Russia for surveillance, long-range strikes, and tactical battlefield firepower.

The new formation will unite all military units of the USF with the Drone Line, a project launched by President Volodymyr Zelensky in February this year to coordinate and expand five of the country's strongest drone units.

The new command umbrella was created to "improve the efficiency of management, transform the Forces, and adapt to the requirements of modern warfare," according to the statement.

The units will operate within a single chain of command, with a defined structure and a common vision of unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) tactics in order to harmonize approaches, establish joint work, and use unmanned systems more effectively in combat, the USF said.

The Unmanned Systems Forces were created as a separate branch of Ukraine's military in June 2024.

At that time, Ukraine's strongest existing drone units served in other branches of the defense forces, including the Ground Forces, National Guard, and the Security Service of Ukraine.

The newly-created group will be led by Major Robert Brovdi, better known by his callsign Magyar, whom Zelensky appointed as the commander of the USF in early June.

Brovdi had previously served as commander of the eponymous Magyar's Birds Unmanned Systems Brigade, a founding member of the Drone Line initiative and one of the most consistently high-performing drone units in the Ukrainian military.

A world-first phenomenon, Ukraine's Unmanned Systems Forces works to improve the country's drone operations, creating drone-specific units, ramping up training, increasing drone production, and advancing innovation.

The USF has also carried out hundreds of operations deep within Russian territory.

Following in Ukraine's footsteps, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced the creation of his country's own individual drone branch on June 12.

Colonel Vadym Sukharevskyi, previously deputy commander-in-chief of Ukraine's Armed Forces, was named the first commander of the USF on June 10, 2024.

Brovdi replaced Sukharevskyi, who was dismissed on June 3.

According to military personnel who spoke anonymously to Ukrainian news outlet Suspilne, Sukharevskyi's relationship with Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi was tense from the beginning of the USF's formation.

Sukharevskyi's appointment was a decision by president Zelensky, not Syrskyi, sources said.

People close to both Syrskyi and Sukharevskyi also claimed the two men avoided face-to-face interactions.

Not content with waging war inside Ukraine, Russia has now taken it into the virtual world

The new game is the first to focus on Russia’s war in Ukraine, featuring real battles and characters.

The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Hodunova

Kremlin officially confirms: Russia does not want an end to the fire. Moscow refuses to agree to a full ceasefire on the front lines as it plans to continue its offensive, Dmitry Peskov, the Kremlin’s spokesperson, told Sky News.

“Now we have a strategic advantage. Why should we lose it? We are not going to lose it. We are going further. We’re advancing and we’ll continue to advance,” Peskov said. 

Moscow has already stated that it cannot agree to a truce as long as Ukraine continues to receive military aid from Western partners, rearm, and regroup its forces.

“But America is not saying that ‘we’ll quit any supplies’. Britain is not saying that as well. France is not saying that as well. This is the problem,” Peskov emphasized.

When asked whether Russia could make similar commitments to halt support from Iran, China, or North Korea, Peskov ignored the question.

The Kremlin’s position once again demonstrates that Putin is not seeking peace, but rather trying to consolidate territorial gains and maintain pressure on Ukraine and the West.

Earlier, Russia conducted its biggest attack of the full-scale war on Kyiv, launching 500 weapons simultaneously, and killing 28 civilians. Moscow began its terror campaign against the population in 2022, burning 90% of Mariupol and Bakhmut and committing atrocities during the attacks on Bucha in Kyiv Oblast.

Editor's Note: This story was updated with comments from Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha.

Russian President Vladimir Putin said "all of Ukraine" belonged to Russia in a speech on June 20 at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, amid increasingly aggressive official statements about Moscow's final territorial ambitions in Ukraine.

Putin's claim was based on the false narrative often pushed both by himself as leader and by Russian propaganda that Russians and Ukrainians are "one people."

The narrative has long figured prominently in Putin's rhetoric, often brought up as justification for its aggression in Ukraine.

In July 2021, just half a year before the full-scale invasion, the Russian leader stoked fears of a larger attack when he wrote and published an essay on the "historical unity of Russians and Ukrainians."

In response to the speech in St Petersburg, Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha condemned Putin’s comments as "cynical," saying it showed “complete disregard for U.S. peace efforts."

"While the United States and the rest of the world have called for an immediate end to the killing, Russia's top war criminal discusses plans to seize more Ukrainian territory and kill more Ukrainians," he wrote in a post on X.

Putin made several other statements at the forum, some contradictory, about Moscow's aims in the war going forward.

"Wherever the foot of a Russian soldier steps is Russian land," Putin said, directly implying Russia's intention to continue occupying more than just the five Ukrainian regions that Moscow has illegally laid claim to: Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts, as well as the Autonomous Republic of Crimea.

Sybiha said that "Russian soldier's foot" brings only "death, destruction, and devastation." He accused Putin of indifference toward his own troops, calling him “a mass murderer of his own people.”

"He already disposed one million Russian soldiers in a senseless bloodbath in Ukraine without achieving a single strategic goal. One million soldiers. Two million feet," the minister said.

"And, while Putin is busy sending Russian feet to invade other countries, he is bringing Russians inside the country to their knees economically."

Russia just accidentally admitted to its staggering troop losses in Ukraine

A senior Russian official on June 19 inadvertently confirmed the staggering troop losses incurred by Moscow’s forces during its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In an interview with CNN, Russian Ambassador to the U.K. Andrey Kelin was asked about Moscow’s maximalist intentions in Ukraine and its ability to recruit enough

The Kyiv IndependentChris York

As per the "peace memorandum" presented by the Russian delegation at the last round of peace talks in Istanbul on June 2, Moscow demands Kyiv recognize the oblasts as Russian and hand over all territory not yet controlled by Russian forces into occupation, including the regional capitals of Kherson and Zaporizhzhia.

Asked whether Russia aimed to seize the regional center of Sumy in Ukraine's northeast, Putin said that while such a mission has not been assigned, he wouldn't rule it out.

Russian ground attacks into Sumy Oblast have intensified along the northeastern border in the past weeks, having first crossed the border after Ukraine's withdrawal from most of its positions in Kursk Oblast in March.

Russian troops have moved 10-12 kilometers (6-8 miles) deep into the region, according to Putin.

"The city of Sumy is next, the regional center. We don't have a task to take Sumy, but I don't rule it out," Putin said.

Sybiha urged the West to ramp up military aid to Ukraine, tighten sanctions against Russia, designate Moscow a terrorist state, and "isolate it fully."

"His cynical statements serve only one purpose: to divert public attention away from the complete failure of his quarter-century rule," the minister added.

Since March, Russia has reportedly taken control of about 200 square kilometers (80 square miles) in northern Sumy Oblast, including roughly a dozen small villages, according to open-source conflict mapping projects.

As of May 31, mandatory evacuations had been ordered for 213 settlements.

In May, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered his military to create a so-called "security buffer zone" along the border with Ukraine, while Zelensky said on May 28 that Moscow had massed 50,000 troops near Sumy.

In a separate interview with Bild on June 12, Zelensky dismissed Moscow's claims of significant territorial gains as "a Russian narrative" aimed at shaping global perceptions. He stressed that Ukrainian forces have managed to hold off a renewed offensive for nearly three weeks.

When asked if Moscow requires the complete capitulation of Kyiv and the Ukrainian leadership, Putin denied this, saying that Russia instead demands the "recognition of the realities on the ground."

The statement follows a consistent line from Russian officials since the return of U.S. President Donald Trump brought new momentum to the idea of a quick negotiated peace in Ukraine.

Projecting a winning position on the battlefield and gaining confidence from Trump's frequent anti-Ukrainian rhetoric and refusal to approve further military aid to Kyiv, Moscow has stuck to maximalist demands, refusing the joint U.S.-Ukraine proposal of a 30-day unconditional ceasefire along the front line.

On June 18, in an interview to CNN, Russian ambassador to the U.K. Andrei Kelin said that while Russian forces were advancing on the battlefield and taking more Ukrainian, there was no incentive to stop, and that Kyiv must either accept Moscow's peace terms now or "surrender" after losing much more.

With no new US aid packages on the horizon, can Ukraine continue to fight Russia?

The U.S. has not announced any military aid packages for Ukraine in almost five months, pushing Kyiv to seek new alternatives. But time is running out quickly as Russian troops slowly advance on the eastern front line and gear up for a new summer offensive. “While Ukraine’s dependence on

The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Hodunova

He ate his comrade, then died. Ukraine’s military intelligence (HUR) has intercepted another disturbing Russian radio transmission, revealing shocking details of cannibalism and mental collapse within the ranks of Russia’s occupying forces.

According to HUR, a commander of the Russian 68th Motorized Rifle Division reported that a soldier with the callsign Foma, previously listed as missing in action, was murdered and eaten over a period of two weeks by his fellow serviceperson known as Brelok.

Later, Brelok himself was also found dead.

“They say he was killed in action. Well, he ate his buddy, so… just something to think about,” the commander remarked in the intercepted exchange.

Both soldiers served in the 52nd Separate Reconnaissance Battalion of Russia’s 68th Division, operating near the villages of Zapadne and Lyman Pershyi in Ukraine’s Kupiansk sector.

Ukraine’s intelligence services described the incident as more than an isolated atrocity. It’s a symbol of moral and psychological disintegration within the Russian army.

“Cannibalism is yet another sign of the deep moral and psychological collapse of Russia’s occupation forces. These troops have lost even the most basic respect for human life, including their own,” the HUR states. 

This incident, grim as it is, reflects a wider pattern of escalating chaos, trauma, and degradation in Russian units facing mounting losses, isolation, and lack of leadership on the front lines.

Mariupol residents line up with “HOMELESS BUMS” signs, begging Vladimir Putin for help on camera. Three years after Russia “liberated” their city.

The irony cuts deep. Russian propagandists claimed they brought liberation to Mariupol when they seized the southeastern Ukrainian city in May 2022 after a devastating three-month siege. More than 8,000 civilians died in the bombardment, according to Human Rights Watch, though the real figure is likely much higher.

Russia achieved its “objective” and returned what “belongs to them,” as propagandists love to emphasize. But the survivors now accuse their liberators of theft.

Russian TV cameras focus on newly erected apartment buildings, presenting an image of normalcy. Zoom out, and the broader picture reveals the burnt and bombed schools, hospitals, and homes that surround these showcase developments—a city of ruins with fresh paint on select corners.

This angle on Mariupol would not show President Putin in favorable light, the hardened leader of Russia for over 20 years, so the Russians are fed with pompous news of renovations, reconstructions and opportunities.

The residents who survived the siege tell a different story. In video after video, they hold signs reading “HOMELESS BUMS” and “RETURN OUR HOMES,” accusing Russian authorities of seizing their properties and transferring valuable land to Russian developers at prices locals cannot afford.

Property rights vanish as occupation authorities declare homes “ownerless” and transfer them to state control for resale to newly-arriving Russians. The very people Russia claimed to liberate now beg their liberators to stop stealing from them.

Russian independent news agency Astra spoke to residents who feel betrayed and abandoned by a government that ignores their complaints. These are their stories.

Russia simply ignores appeals for justice

The most recent video appeals coincided with the so-called “birthday” of the “DNR,” a Russian puppet state, on 11 May, when Mariupol residents voiced their frustration, stating they have no “festive mood” as the occupying authorities continue to seize their homes and property and focus on building mortgage housing for incoming Russians.

“To our great regret, the residents of Mariupol have found themselves in the role of the captured and enslaved,” one local woman emphasized in a video appeal.

The woman stated that the “DNR” Constitution was written with reference to the Constitution of Russia, however, it also includes a lot of regulations, decrees and other bylaws that “not only contradict both Constitutions but grossly violate them.”

“The ‘DNR’ authorities have taken away and continue to take away our apartments and houses. Almost all small businesses have been raided. Multiple appeals to law enforcement agencies have not yielded any results,” she added.

Residents of two apartment buildings on Kuprina Street addressed the Russian parliament directly, declaring: “Over the past three years, everything that has happened in Mariupol is a raider seizure of our property.”

Desperate for solutions, residents have organized protests, filed lawsuits, and submitted collective appeals to various Russian officials. According to Astra, 453 people signed one appeal to Alexander Bastrykin, head of Russia’s Investigative Committee. Residents went even to the extreme measures writing to Russian President, Prime Minister and Human Rights Commissioner — all to no avail.

According to Radio Liberty Ukraine, such appeals are recorded several times a month, but Russian authorities and state media consistently ignore them. When seeking assistance from Russian officials, one woman was reportedly told:

“Russian Federation laws don’t apply to you, you have DNR laws. Go to Kyiv and make your claims there. Russia doesn’t owe you anything.”

The reality of life in the puppet republic seems less idyllic than propaganda portrays. People in the freshly seized areas live in an unrecognized state, overseen and supported by Russia but not fully integrated into the country, while they remain legally part of Ukraine.

Your house survives bombing. Bureaucracy finishes the job.

The systematic appropriation of property operates through multiple interconnected legal mechanisms designed to ensure displacement appears administrative rather than punitive.

The foundation was laid immediately after occupation when, on 8 July 2022, authorities declared invalid all real estate documents issued by Ukrainian notaries and government offices between 11 May 2014 and 19 February 2022. This single decree stripped property rights from anyone who had purchased, inherited, or transferred property during Ukraine’s period of control — essentially invalidating eight years of legal ownership.

A resident from Uzbekistan told Radio Liberty Ukraine how this affected her family:

“My husband and I bought a house in 2015, and we also ended up without a house, according to their laws. Not only can we not get there with our Ukrainian passports, but because the house was purchased in 2015, this agreement is now considered invalid.”

Building on this foundation, occupation authorities compile lists of properties they designate as “ownerless” and publish them publicly.

From that moment, property owners have exactly 30 days to appear in person at the local administration, prove they are alive, and demonstrate continued ownership of their homes. Miss that window, and the property transfers permanently to municipal control through what authorities term “nationalization.”

The catch: these apartments aren’t actually ownerless. Their owners are Ukrainian citizens who fled the war or heirs of deceased Mariupol residents—people who cannot safely return.

The scale reveals the system’s true purpose. At the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, “DNR Prime Minister” Evgeny Solntsev boasted of identifying “20-30 thousand ownerless apartments and private houses” in Mariupol alone. This represents a staggering portion of the city’s housing stock, considering only about a quarter of the original 425,000 residents remains.

“Our land has somehow passed into municipal ownership,” one resident told Astra. “Our Azovstalskaya street was renamed to ‘Tulsky Avenue,’ without considering the opinion of Mariupol residents, thus leaving us without registration, as well as opening the road for themselves for mortgage construction on the site of our demolished houses!”

This manipulation serves a dual purpose: it provides legal cover for property seizures while creating additional barriers for any future attempts to reclaim homes. When the fundamental identifying information for a property changes, proving historical ownership becomes exponentially more difficult.

To keep your home, risk your life—and you have 30 days

The 30-day requirement might seem reasonable until examining the barriers preventing compliance. For displaced residents, returning to Mariupol requires an arduous journey through Moscow, where Russian security services conduct what one former resident described as “the harshest filtration”—intensive questioning combined with thorough examination of social media accounts and personal histories, with demands to obtain a Russian passport on top of it all. Any pro-Ukrainian content means jail.

Elena Popova, a former English teacher now living in Britain, explained the impossibility of her situation: “My entire social media feed is patriotic, anti-Putin, and I have no chance.”

She had tried to protect her two-room apartment in the Primorsky district by arranging an electronic power of attorney through the Russian Embassy in London, paying 220 pounds sterling ($297), but the re-registration process remains incomplete and she cannot safely return.

Even for those without obvious political content, the journey carries enormous risks and costs approximately 450 euros per person—nearly 2,000 euros for a family of four. For people who were left with nothing due to the war, such expenses are prohibitive.

The bureaucratic maze deepens with document requirements. Since 16 October 2022, Russian registration authorities stopped accepting applications from residents holding Ukrainian passports. More recently, since mid-April 2025, authorities began rejecting power of attorney arrangements, demanding only personal presence of property owners. This effectively eliminates any possibility for displaced residents to maintain their property rights through representatives.

The “ownerless” system was already comprehensive, but the self-proclaimed chairman of the pro-Russian “Donetsk People’s Republic” Denis Pushilin proposed expanding it further through Law No. 141. This legislation would allow authorities to confiscate properties from people who obtained Russian citizenship and housing documents but currently reside in any of the 47 nations on Russia’s “unfriendly” list, including Ukraine itself.

This expansion would affect an estimated 100,000 Mariupol residents currently living abroad, plus similar numbers residing in Ukrainian-controlled territories. The proposed law represents a significant escalation because it would strip property rights from people who actually complied with occupation authorities’ requirements but made the “mistake” of living in the wrong countries.

As displaced residents noted in their collective appeals to Russian authorities, “most of this housing is not ownerless. People simply cannot return to Mariupol now for objective reasons. Some due to health reasons, some due to lack of finances.” Many elderly residents “are simply unable to overcome the journey, which now, taking into account downtime and checks at borders, on average takes about 5 days in a sitting position.”

Prime real estate, perfect for seizure

The pattern of property seizures also reveals strategic geographic targeting. Authorities particularly focus on the prestigious Primorsky district, near the sea and parks, where “there were always expensive apartments.” These prime locations offer the greatest potential for profitable redevelopment, suggesting economic rather than administrative motivations behind the “ownerless” designations.

The “House with Clocks,” a Stalin-era building considered a Mariupol landmark, exemplifies the situation. Tatyana, the former head of the building’s board, shared that the structure was damaged on 16 March 2022—the same day a Russian bomb destroyed the Mariupol Drama Theater.

Despite Tatyana’s efforts to preserve the building, which she argued had minimal structural damage, it was demolished and replaced with a new seven-story complex. By early 2024, all apartments had been sold—none to original residents.

“[Local authorities] said not to panic, to wait – ‘and you will get an apartment in the same place,'” Tatyana explained to Astra. “But as a result, they tell us that since the house was demolished, we’ve lost our property rights.”

She noted with particular bitterness that the historically significant building “was built by German prisoners as a symbol of victory over fascism” and represented cultural heritage now lost. Russia meanwhile claims it fights “fascism” in Ukraine.

Similar forced demolitions occurred throughout the city, often with explicit threats. Residents of apartment building #77 on Metallurgov Avenue reported being forcibly evicted after their partially repaired building was suddenly slated for demolition in April 2023, despite earlier restoration work and promises it would be repaired.

“They didn’t show any documentation—the developer just needed the land for mortgage construction. People were thrown out,” resident Anna told Astra. She claims residents were threatened with the words: “If you don’t move out, we’ll demolish the house with you in it.”

War compensation designed to price out locals

Occupation authorities frame these seizures as necessary administrative measures, claiming they’re simply managing genuinely abandoned properties. However, the evidence suggests a deliberate strategy to permanently alter Mariupol’s demographic composition.

Russians paint a beautiful picture of offering monetary compensation for people affected by the war, however the mechanism is designed in a way to permanently price out original residents while subsidizing luxury housing for Russian buyers.

Residents whose homes were destroyed receive 45,000 rubles ($574) per square meter, with a maximum allocation of 33 square meters per person—yielding roughly 1.4 million rubles total ($17 862). This figure might sound substantial until compared to the cost of replacement housing in the same locations.

New apartments built on the sites of destroyed homes start at 5 million rubles ($63 795) for a one-room unit, while two-room apartments cost 8.5 million rubles ($108 451). The mortgage down payment alone requires 3 million rubles ($38 277)—more than double the maximum compensation any resident can receive.

Anna, who lost her three-room apartment, illustrates this cruel arithmetic. Despite having invested $30,000 in renovations before the war, because only her husband was registered at the address, the family receives compensation for one person—1.5 million rubles.

“What can we buy with that? A doghouse? In our house, a square meter costs 100-130 thousand. A two-room apartment costs 9 million rubles,” she said.

Maxim, a former worker at the Ilyich Plant, expressed similar frustration: “A one-room apartment will cost around 5 million. And they’re offering us 1.3 million. Is this compensation for my three-room apartment? This is mockery.”

The compensation gap becomes even more insurmountable when considering local earning capacity. Official salaries in Mariupol range from 20,000 to 22,000 rubles monthly—barely enough for basic survival, let alone mortgage payments on million-ruble properties. Maxim’s salary at the plant was 21,000 rubles, typical for the few jobs available to locals.

The mortgage system itself creates additional barriers, as banks require substantial monthly incomes to qualify for loans, but local salaries make such qualifications impossible. Moreover, “in Mariupol there’s hardly any work. They don’t hire locals for construction,” residents report, excluding them from employment in rebuilding their own city.

“It would be better if they [the Russians] finished us off completely, so we wouldn’t have to see and feel how they turned us into rightless homeless people,” one resident commented in despair.

Housing built for Russians, not locals

While local residents struggle with inadequate compensation, evidence suggests the new housing targets a very different demographic—Russians from other regions who are promised administrative jobs and move to occupied territories for benefits and social advancement.

The “Leningrad Quarter” residential complex, built on the site of demolished homes, markets itself with a website translated into English, Georgian, and Latvian—languages irrelevant to displaced Mariupol residents but useful for attracting international Russian buyers.

“Our housing is listed on many Russian websites—both in St. Petersburg and in other cities. Apparently, Russians are buying,” observed Olha, whose building was demolished for the development. Properties throughout the new Mariupol appear on real estate platforms across Russia, suggesting a coordinated effort to attract outside buyers.

The financial infrastructure supports this interpretation. Promsvyazbank, the primary lender for Mariupol reconstruction, has issued over 200 loans totaling $12.7 million for apartment purchases in the city. However, these “preferential mortgages” remain priced far above local affordability while being attractive to Russian buyers with higher incomes.

This system creates a perverse economic cycle: the more valuable the destroyed property, the greater the profit potential. Consequently, authorities have focused new development on the most desirable locations—beachfront areas, the historic city center, and neighborhoods with sea views. Original residents from these prime locations face the largest gaps between compensation and replacement costs.

One resident bitterly said the compensation “can buy perhaps only a doghouse or a place in the cemetery.”

When local residents do receive replacement housing, they’re systematically relocated away from valuable areas. Those lucky enough to obtain new apartments through waiting lists receive them “on the outskirts” rather than in their original neighborhoods. The economic mechanism thus achieves geographic segregation without explicitly discriminatory policies.

In the aforementioned House with Clocks near the beach that was demolished and replaced with a seven-story complex marketed as luxury housing, all apartments had been sold—none to former residents of the original building. The new development’s website promotes its proximity to the Drama Theater and describes the “majestic style of Stalinist architecture” while pricing units far beyond local reach.

Oksana’s tragedy compounds the housing crisis with personal loss. She lost both her husband and home during the Russian invasion, and as the property owner was her deceased husband, she still cannot obtain inheritance rights to apply for compensation. Now alone with four children, she faces eviction from a rented house that was recently sold.  The occupying authorities offered her a place in a dormitory instead.

“The dormitory offered by the administration doesn’t have conditions for three children of different genders and an infant. And renting an apartment is very expensive, I don’t have such funds!” she said.

“Mariupol has fallen into a terrible fairy tale”

The systematic displacement of Mariupol residents through property seizures represents more than wartime destruction—it constitutes a deliberate demographic transformation disguised as administrative necessity.

The process is not just about property; it is part of a broader strategy to “Russify” Mariupol and other occupied areas. This includes pressuring Ukrainians to accept Russian passports, renaming streets, building new military facilities, and replacing the local population with individuals loyal to Russia. The confiscation of property is also accompanied by widespread reports of corruption, fraud, and profiteering.

However, what happens in Mariupol matters far beyond Ukraine’s borders.

This property seizure system creates a replicable blueprint for any future territorial occupation. The mechanisms—declaring documents invalid, imposing impossible compliance requirements, targeting prime real estate, pricing out locals through inadequate compensation—can be deployed anywhere. International observers are watching whether this systematic theft faces consequences or becomes a normalized tool of territorial conquest.

The pattern also reveals how modern occupations operate through bureaucratic warfare rather than explicit ethnic cleansing. By creating administrative barriers instead of outright prohibitions, occupying forces can claim legitimacy while achieving the same demographic outcomes that would trigger international intervention if implemented through direct force.

These appeals for justice continue despite systematic official indifference. Most recently, residents of the destroyed building at 101 Nakhimov Avenue recorded yet another video appeal, accusing local authorities of arbitrariness and deliberate ignorance of their rights.

According to the former residents, there was not enough space in the new building constructed on the site of their old home for all displaced owners.

“It seems that city officials erased this house from the face of the earth along with the apartment owners,” they stated in their video.

The displaced residents claim that the decision to transfer the site to developers was made behind closed doors, without genuine consideration of property owners’ opinions, leaving them “still wandering from apartment to apartment” while officials have already reported successful “resettlement”—essentially erasing them from all programs and lists as if the problem were solved. They have filed official complaints with the prosecutor’s office and demand construction be frozen until their rights are restored.

Meanwhile, their properties enrich Russian developers and new settlers in a city that bears their name but no longer welcomes their presence.

“Mariupol has fallen into a terrible fairy tale where there are no laws, no country, only a gang of thieves that squeezes even the last ruins from the dispossessed,” commented Mariupol resident who survived the siege and remains in the city.

The world lines up for Patriot air defense systems. Euractiv reports that the demand for the systems has reached historic levels, pushing American defense giant Raytheon, the world’s second-largest arms manufacturer, to significantly increase its European production.

In recent years, orders for Patriot systems have surged as European countries strengthen their defenses and replenish platforms sent to Ukraine. In response, Raytheon is exploring deeper industrial partnerships within the EU to meet demand.

Ukraine strikes first at Russian launchers which carry 800-kg explosive missiles prepared to hit Kyiv after Operation Spiderweb

This means the producer could double its Patriot missile production by 2028 or 2030. 

Despite some European discussions around moving away from US-made defense products, the Patriot system remains unrivaled in popularity. Recent large-scale orders from countries like Germany and Switzerland are contributing to delivery queues stretching years ahead.

European customers have already placed orders for over 1,000 additional Patriot interceptor missiles. Raytheon currently operates Patriot maintenance centers in Europe and co-produces NASAMS air defense systems with Norwegian defense firm Kongsberg.

However, the production boom isn’t without obstacles. Raytheon faces challenges sourcing critical components, especially for the GEM-T variant of Patriot missiles and their warheads.

Still, the company has resumed production of Stinger anti-tank systems due to overwhelming demand, and will continue even as a new short-range missile, NGSRI, enters service.

Raytheon is also eyeing long-term business opportunities in Ukraine, where officials are seeking faster deliveries and exploring joint production ventures with the US defense company.

The key question in negotiations remains how to get systems to Ukraine as quickly as possible.

The European Union has postponed a move to lower the existing price cap on Russian oil, after concerns that the Iran-Israel conflict could lead to higher prices, Politico reported on June 20, citing unnamed diplomatic sources.

The price cap, introduced in December 2022 as a measure to limit the Kremlin's ability to finance its war against Ukraine, prohibits Western companies from shipping, insuring, or otherwise servicing Russian oil sold above $60 per barrel.

Ukraine has been calling on Western partners to lower the price cap on Russian oil from $60 to $30 per barrel. Meanwhile, two diplomats told Politico that the escalation of the conflict between Iran and Israel would make it impossible to impose new restrictions.

"The idea of lowering the price cap is probably not going to fly because of the international situation in the Middle East and the volatility," said one diplomat on the condition of anonymity.

The issue of reducing the price cap on Russian oil was discussed during the Group of Seven (G7) summit, which was held June 15-17 in Canada. However, the participants failed to reach a consensus.

"At the G7 meeting this week, it was agreed by all the countries they would prefer not to take the decision right now," the diplomat added. "The prices were quite close to the cap; but now the prices are going up and down, the situation is too volatile for the moment."

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said during the G7 summit that the existing measures on Russian oil exports "had little effect," while noting that oil prices had risen in recent days, so "the cap in place does serve its function. "

Global oil prices spiked on June 13, after Israeli strikes on Iran triggered a long-range war between the two countries that has continued for over a week.

Brent and Nymex crude prices surged more than 10% before stabilizing around 7.5% higher, with Brent at $74.50 a barrel and Nymex at $73.20 as of June 20, the BBC reported.

The spike threatens to undermine Western efforts to restrict the wartime revenue of the Russian state, which depend heavily on oil exports.

EU High Representative Kaja Kallas previously urged the European Union to pursue lowering the oil price cap on Russian oil, even without U.S. support, warning that Middle East tensions could otherwise drive prices up and boost Russia's revenues.

After 3 years of full-scale war in Ukraine, Europe finally lays out road map to detox from Russian oil and gas

After three years of limited measures and political hangovers, the European Union has laid out a legal roadmap to finally end its long-standing addiction to Russian oil and gas. Under a new legislative proposal announced in Strasbourg on June 17, Brussels aims to cut off all remaining imports of Russian

The Kyiv IndependentAlex Cadier

Thousands of Russian suicide drones advance. Russian Shahed drone attacks have intensified in recent weeks, with Moscow increasing both the volume and changing tactics of its aerial assaults, making Ukraine’s defense more challenging, reports Defense Express.

Russian strikes are now more concentrated, with Shahed drones flying at higher altitudes, beyond the reach of conventional small arms fire. Additionally, Russia has ramped up production of Shahed drones to about 2,700 units per month. Decoy drones have become almost indistinguishable from combat ones.

Ukrainian air-defense drones have already proven effective against Russian unmanned aerial vehicles, which conduct reconnaissance. Ukraine can produce these drones en masse—they are significantly cheaper than Shaheds, which cost around $193,000 each, though more expensive than typical FPV drones.

Analysts emphasize that air-defense drones require upgrades to better counter Shaheds: installing night-vision cameras and new control systems to reduce operator skill dependence.

Improving targeting systems is critical, potentially using radio-command guidance, semi-active lasers, acoustic sensors, or visual detection.

Challenges remain around activation time, flight duration, speed, altitude, and weather conditions, as Shaheds can attack even in rain, snow, or fog.

A key advancement is shifting to a remote, rather than contact-based, target destruction system.

As a result, upgraded Shahed interceptors will be more complex and costly than FPV drones but remain far more affordable than traditional surface-to-air missiles.

Read also: 

• Three Ukrainian companies make top 100 list of unmanned systems innovators
• How to annihilate 500 drones in one night when gunpowder runs low — Ukraine finds revolutionary way

Ukrainian companies are among the world’s top 100 in drone development. Analysts from The Defense Post have published a list of the top 100 global companies specializing in drone development for air, land, and sea applications.

Ukrainian companies TAF Drones, Ukrspecsystems, and Airlogix made the list, highlighting Ukraine’s innovation, influence, and leadership in the global defense industry.

The Defense Post described this list as a distinctive recognition based on an independent evaluation of unmanned systems manufacturers, taking into account revenue, research and development investments, growth dynamics, and technological prospects.

Importantly, the ranking excludes companies with more than 50% state ownership, as well as those connected to the Russian government or subject to sanctions, Militarnyi reports.

Among the leaders is the Turkish company Aselsan, owned by the Turkish Armed Forces fund but operating with high independence in drone development and international trade.

Ukrainian company TAF Drones ranked 22nd. It specializes in FPV drones, reconnaissance UAVs, and electronic warfare systems. In 2024, it planned to produce 350,000 drones.

Ukrspecsystems, a manufacturer of military drones and electronics, took the 65th position.

Airlogix ranked 84th with its unmanned aviation system, HOR, designed for reconnaissance and artillery spotting. The UAV flies for 2–2.5 hours, has a range of 150 km, and supports communication at distances of 30–40 km.

President Volodymyr Zelensky signed a decree on June 20, imposing sanctions on 56 individuals and 55 Russian, Chinese, and Belarusian companies involved in the production of Russian drones and sanctions circumvention.

Ukraine introduced new restrictions as Russia has escalated drone attacks against Ukrainian cities over the past weeks, launching record 400-500 unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) per night.

Individuals and legal entities subject to Ukrainian sanctions cannot do business and trade in Ukraine, cannot withdraw their capital from the country. In the meantime, their assets are blocked, as well as their access to public and defense procurement, and entry into the territory of Ukraine, among other restrictions.

The new package of sanctions targets individuals and entities involved in the development and production of Russian drones such as Geran, Orlan-10, SuperCam, and first-person-view (FPV) drones, according to a decree published on the Presidential Office's website.

The Belarusian Precision Electromechanics Plant and six Chinese enterprises located in Hong Kong and in the provinces of Shandong and Shenzhen are among the sanctioned entities.

The sanctions list includes equipment suppliers to Alabuga Machinery, a Russian manufacturer of machine tools and gears, and individuals who import components for the sanctioned Kronshtadt JSC, a drone producer that developed Banderol UAVs with jet engines.

Russia has repeatedly targeted Ukrainian cities with waves of attack drones, often striking energy infrastructure and residential buildings overnight. Ukraine's defense forces use a mix of electronic warfare, air defense systems, and drone-on-drone interception to repel the assaults.

Drones have become one of the defining tools of the full-scale war, used extensively by both Ukraine and Russia for surveillance, long-range strikes, and tactical battlefield advantage.

On 18 June, the Argentine government publicly accused five Russian nationals residing in the country of being involved in a covert influence operation directed by Moscow. Officials claim the group was part of a broader strategy orchestrated by the Kremlin to sway public opinion abroad, La Nación reported.

Suspicious activities traced to Russian citizens linked to Moscow

Argentina’s Presidential spokesperson Manuel Adorni announced that the Secretariat of State Intelligence (SIDE) had uncovered a group of Russian citizens living in Argentina suspected of conducting activities in support of Russia’s geopolitical interests. He stated that their work involved close coordination with Argentine collaborators.

According to the report, these individuals belonged to an entity known as La Compañía, which he described as connected to the Russian government. He associated this group with Lakhta – the infamous Russian “troll factory,” a previously known operation reportedly led by the late oligarch Yevgeny Prigozhin, who died in August 2023 after his failed mutiny against the Russian government.

Disinformation campaigns targeting Argentine public discourse

Adorni elaborated that the goal of La Compañía was to “form a group of people loyal to Russian interests” to implement disinformation and influence operations aimed at the Argentine state. The activities included producing and spreading online content, influencing local NGOs, conducting focus groups with Argentine citizens, and collecting political information deemed useful to Russia.

He named Lev Konstantinovich (Konstantinovich is a patronymic and hardly ever a last name. Other sources mention his surname as Andriashvili. – Ed.), a Russian citizen living in Argentina, as the individual in charge of financing the project and fostering ties with local collaborators. His wife, Irina Iakovenko, was also mentioned as part of the network.

Adorni did not clarify whether the identified individuals had been arrested or remained in Argentina at the time of the announcement.

A major scandal is unfolding within the Ukrainian government. Under normal circumstances, it might be framed as a political crisis — but amid martial law and suspended elections, politics in Ukraine has largely ground to a halt. What remains is power without electoral accountability.

At the center of the growing controversy is Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for National Unity Oleksiy Chernyshov, who has been abroad for over a week and has yet to return. His absence coincides with a widening criminal investigation that has already ensnared several of his former subordinates.

Journalist raises alarm over Chernyshov’s disappearance

Mykhailo Tkach, an investigative journalist with Ukrainska Pravda, was the first to draw public attention to Chernyshov’s absence. His reporting has tracked a network of arrests involving individuals who previously worked under Chernyshov — first in government, then at Naftogaz, Ukraine’s powerful state-owned oil and gas company.

“NABU and SAPO have detained two of Chernyshov’s close associates — Maksym Horbatiuk and Vasyl Volodin. Both worked with him in the Ministry and later at Naftogaz. Horbatiuk was detained at the border as he attempted to go on vacation. Chernyshov remains abroad, reportedly on an official trip,” Tkach reported.

What are NABU and SAPO?

The investigation is being led by two key Ukrainian anti-corruption bodies:

• NABU (National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine) is an independent law enforcement agency responsible for investigating high-level corruption among state officials and public institutions.
• SAPO (Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office) works alongside NABU, overseeing legal procedures and prosecutions related to their investigations.

Together, these agencies form the backbone of Ukraine’s efforts to combat elite corruption — a mission made even more urgent during wartime, when oversight is weakened.

What is Naftogaz?

Naftogaz of Ukraine is the country’s largest and most strategically important state-owned enterprise. It manages the production, transport, and distribution of oil and natural gas, and plays a central role in Ukraine’s economy and national security — especially amid wartime infrastructure attacks and energy shortages.

Chernyshov was appointed CEO of Naftogaz in November 2022, and later took on an additional cabinet role in government.

A new ministry with familiar faces

In December 2024, Ukraine created the Ministry of National Unity by reorganizing the Ministry for Reintegration of Temporarily Occupied Territories. Chernyshov was appointed to lead it while retaining his position at Naftogaz.

Although rebranded, the ministry retained much of its original staff and leadership — including individuals now under investigation.

The Ministry’s formal mandate includes overseeing the rights and support of over 700,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) and 7 million Ukrainian refugees. In practice, however, its activities remain vague and poorly documented.

“Some MPs now joke that Chernyshov has become an IDP himself — one of the very people his ministry is supposed to help. Others note that the man tasked with encouraging Ukrainians to return appears reluctant to return himself,” Tkach observed.

High-level arrests and a multi-million dollar construction scheme

On 13 June, NABU and SAPO revealed a large-scale corruption scheme in the construction sector, allegedly involving officials closely associated with Chernyshov.

The charges include:

• Abuse of official position
• Receiving and facilitating large-scale bribes
• Deliberate undervaluation of state-owned assets during wartime.

Kyiv land deals and massive state losses

Prosecutors allege that:

• A developer, in coordination with ministry insiders, illegally acquired land in Kyiv for a residential development.
• Senior officials ensured the land was transferred to a state enterprise under their influence.
• That enterprise signed investment contracts with a pre-approved construction company.
• The value of the land and existing buildings was intentionally underestimated by nearly five times, dramatically reducing the share of housing the state would receive.

As a result, the state stood to lose over ₴1 billion — equivalent to approximately $25 million— in public assets.

“To reward their role in the scheme, top officials and their associates allegedly received significant discounts on apartments in newly built complexes,” prosecutors stated.

Officials travel freely, while ordinary men are barred

The scandal has reignited public anger over Ukraine’s wartime travel restrictions. Ukrainian men aged 18 to 60 are banned from leaving the country under martial law, except in rare cases. In contrast, high-ranking officials — even those under investigation — can travel freely, often citing “official duties.”

The Ministry of National Unity told Suspilne that Chernyshov is on a planned EU business trip, and that it is proceeding “in normal working mode.” His meetings, they said, are being documented on his official social media pages.

Timed departures raise suspicions

Soon after Chernyshov left Ukraine, Maksym Horbatiuk, a longtime associate, tried to cross into Poland and was detained. He had previously served as an unpaid adviser in Chernyshov’s ministry and later became a commercial director at a Naftogaz subsidiary.

Another former aide, Vasyl Volodin, was also arrested. He had served as State Secretary during Chernyshov’s ministry tenure and was later appointed to the Naftogaz board.

Authorities reportedly acted quickly out of concern the men would flee or destroy evidence. Their arrests appear to have been both urgent and strategic.

“The timing suggests law enforcement acted quickly, once Chernyshov was out of the country. From abroad, he is reportedly watching anti-corruption court hearings about his former subordinates — and likely hearing a lot about himself,” Tkach wrote.

Key questions remain unanswered

Was Chernyshov tipped off before his departure?
Was Horbatiuk fleeing or simply vacationing?
Would Volodin have escaped if not detained?

These questions remain unanswered — but the timing, proximity of roles, and overlapping appointments suggest a tightly knit circle of influence that is now unraveling under pressure.

Update

On 21 June, Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal told parliament that he had authorized Chernyshov’s foreign trip through the end of the week (June 16–22). The statement came during a government Q&A session in the Verkhovna Rada.

A Russian soldier deployed in Ukraine may have been involved in an act of cannibalism, audio intercepted by Ukraine's military intelligence agency (HUR) and released on June 20 suggests.

In the recording posted by HUR on Telegram, a Russian commander is heard telling a subordinate that one soldier, referred to by the call sign "Brelok," killed and consumed his fellow service member "Foma" over a two-week period.

Ukraine's military intelligence described the alleged incident as further evidence of what it called the "moral and psychological collapse" of Russian forces.

"Nobody ran away. 'Brelok' took him out and then ate him for two f*cking weeks," a speaker identified by HUR as a commander of a reconnaissance unit from Russia's 68th Motorized Rifle Division can be heard saying in the intercept.

According to HUR, both soldiers served in the 52nd Separate Reconnaissance Battalion, which is reportedly operating near the villages of Zapadne and Lyman Pershyi in the Kupiansk direction of Kharkiv Oblast.

The intercepted speaker adds that "Brelok" was later found dead himself.

"They say he was a 200 (military slang for a killed soldier), f*ck. Well, he ate his comrade, so that's something to think about," the voice says.

The Kyiv Independent cannot independently verify the authenticity of the leaked recording or confirm the events described in it. No visual or documentary evidence has been presented to support the claims, which are based solely on the intercepted audio provided by HUR.

But Russia's recruitment system for the war in Ukraine has heavily relied on the country's prisons as a source of manpower, leading to its ranks being filled by all manner of criminals, even cannibals.

Moscow has been recruiting convicts for its war since the summer of 2022, first under the auspices of the Wagner Group and later under the Russian Defense Ministry.

Initially, prisoners, even those convicted of violent crimes, were promised a pardon after completing a six-month military contract. Since January 2024, Russian army recruits drawn from prisons no longer receive pardons but are released on parole, and are expected to fight until the war is over.

In May 2024, the Moscow Times reported that Russian cannibal Dmitry Malyshev, who was sentenced to 25 years in prison for murder and several other serious crimes, joined one of Russia’s Storm V penal military units.

Malyshev was reportedly recruited to the army together with serial killer Aleksandr Maslennikov, sentenced to 23 years in prison for the "double murder and dismemberment of women."

Previously, Ukraine said there were cases of mistreatment and breakdown of discipline within Russia's own ranks. A group of Russian soldiers fighting near Kursk Oblast surrendered to Ukrainian paratroopers in May, saying abuse within their own units was "worse than captivity," according to a video posted by Ukraine's Airborne Assault Forces.

The soldiers said they had been subjected to inhumane treatment, psychological pressure, and threats while still inside Russian territory.

Reporting by investigative outlets, the Insider and Foreign Policy, has documented systemic abuse of Russian troops throughout the full-scale invasion.

These include so-called "punishment squads," beatings, confinement pits, and hazing that borrows heavily from Soviet-era gulag practices.

‘Unwanted by their homeland’ — Ukraine confirms Russia returned bodies of its soldiers disguised as Ukrainian

“This is yet another proof of how Russia treats its people with contempt,” Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko said.

The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy

A dramatic UN vote back on 24 February exposed a widening rift between the United States and Europe over Russia’s war in Ukraine, with US President Donald Trump aligning with Moscow and leaving key allies blindsided, according to Le Monde columnist Sylvie Kauffmann. 

A decade of hesitation: From Crimea to full-scale war

According to the Le Monde article, the fracture did not begin with Trump. In 2014, during Russia’s seizure of Crimea, then-President Barack Obama reportedly sent a message to Kyiv discouraging resistance, offering no military support. Ukrainian soldiers surrendered without a fight. In 2023, Obama defended his actions, arguing that Crimea’s Russian-speaking majority made a different response impractical. 

In 2022, President Joe Biden attempted to prevent a full-scale invasion, sending warnings to both European allies and Ukraine. Vice President Kamala Harris privately warned Zelenskyy at the Munich Security Conference on 19 February. According to Bob Woodward’s 2024 book War, Zelenskyy responded with frustration: “If I acknowledge it… will you impose sanctions?” Harris said punishment would come only after the crime.

Trump’s return and the clash at the UN

With Trump back in office in January 2025, the United States took a starkly different stance. On 21 February, US chargé d’affaires Dorothy Shea informed French and British ambassadors that the US was asking Ukraine to withdraw its draft UN resolution condemning Russian aggression. Instead, the US proposed its own resolution focused on “peace rather than war.” Shea confirmed that this had been discussed with Russia in advance.

Biden, Obama, Trump: Different presidents, same Russian reset trap

The reaction from European diplomats was one of betrayal. In crisis talks, they rallied to defend Ukraine’s draft and split responsibilities: Britain would lead at the Security Council, France at the General Assembly. The French introduced amendments emphasizing territorial integrity—rejected by the US—but Ukraine’s version passed, while the US abstained on its own resolution. 

At the Security Council, the US voted alongside Russia and China. The five European members abstained. 

Zelenskyy ambushed in Washington

On 28 February, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy faced a confrontational meeting with Trump and Vice President JD Vance. According to European sources cited by Le Monde, the exchange was heated, with Trump accusing Ukraine of starting the war and calling Zelenskyy a dictator. Days earlier, Macron and Starmer had met Trump with the aim of calming tensions.

Biden’s regrets and limits

Despite his support for military aid to Ukraine post-2022, Biden was reportedly frustrated with the Obama administration’s failures. “They f**cked up in 2014,” he told a friend, as cited in Woodward’s book. Yet even Biden was constrained.

According to an official cited by Le Monde, Biden’s fear of nuclear escalation led advisors to avoid presenting options that might provoke Russia. This hesitation disheartened Ukrainian officials and alienated committed Europeans. 

Biden calls Trump’s Ukraine policy modern-day appeasement of Russia

The transatlantic “divorce” finalized

Le Monde says that the 24 February 2025 UN vote “sealed the divorce” of the US and Europe. From Obama’s caution, to Biden’s hesitations, to Trump’s overt realignment with Russia, Ukraine has been left to Europe. The US no longer sees Ukraine as vital, while Europe faces an existential threat. A new era in Western diplomacy has begun—and it may be one without America.

Russian drone attacks against Ukraine might decrease due to Iranian Shahed production capabilities being targeted in Israeli strikes, Estonian military intelligence commander Ants Kiviselg said on June 20, according to the ERR broadcaster.

The comments come as Russian drone strikes across Ukraine have been breaking records in recent weeks, with nearly 500 drones and missiles launched overnight on June 9.

"While it can be assessed that Russia has been able to largely localize and transfer the production of Shahed and Geran-type drones to Russia, it can be assumed that some critical nodes for drone production continue to come from Iran," Kiviselg said.

Israel initiated a series of air strikes against Iranian military and nuclear facilities on June 13, with Tehran responding with waves of drone and missile attacks, further escalating tensions in the Middle East.

Iran has been a key ally to Moscow and provided the country with ballistic missiles and thousands of Shahed "kamikaze" drones for its war against Ukraine. Russia has also launched production of its own Shahed equivalents called Geran.

While Israeli strikes targeted and destroyed a Geran-type drone factory in Isfahan, Ukrainian forces have been attacking the Russian plant in Alabuga in Tatarstan, the Estonian intelligence chief noted.

"So there is a possibility that in the near future we may see a certain decline in the use of drones," Kiviselg said. Estonian intelligence is nevertheless convinced that Moscow is planning steps to not only maintain, but also "increase" its drone production.

Russia has been regularly deploying Shahed-type drones for nighttime attacks on Ukrainian cities and infrastructure, overwhelming Ukrainian air defenses with massive swarms.

Ukraine's intelligence has warned that the Russian defense industry seeks to ramp up the production of the strike drones, aiming to deliver 500 unmanned aircraft per month for Russia's war effort.

In turn, the Ukrainian side has also increasingly invested in its drone capabilities, and more than doubled its production of long-range drones in 2024 compared to the previous year.

Russia just accidentally admitted to its staggering troop losses in Ukraine

A senior Russian official on June 19 inadvertently confirmed the staggering troop losses incurred by Moscow’s forces during its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In an interview with CNN, Russian Ambassador to the U.K. Andrey Kelin was asked about Moscow’s maximalist intentions in Ukraine and its ability to recruit enough

The Kyiv IndependentChris York

Editor's note: The story is being updated.

Ukraine has brought home another group of prisoners of war released from Russian captivity, President Volodymyr Zelensky said on June 20, following another prisoner exchange a day earlier.

"Most of the warriors returning today from Russian captivity had been held for over two years. And now, at last, they are home," Zelensky said on X, without revealing how many captives were exchanged.

Russia's Defense Ministry also said that a group of Russian soldiers had been released by the Ukrainian side, without specifying the number of personnel involved.

This week's exchanges follow four similar swaps carried out last week in accordance with Ukraine-Russia agreements reached at peace talks in Istanbul on June 2.

The latest swap was another in a series focusing on seriously ill and wounded prisoners, Ukraine's Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of the Prisoners of War (POW) said.

"These are defenders of Mariupol, Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, Kherson, Kharkiv, and Chernihiv regions. Warriors of the Armed Forces, the National Guard, and the Border Guard Service," Zelensky said.

The released POWs included privates and non-commissioned officers, some of whom were captured after the siege of Mariupol in 2022, according to the Coordination Headquarters. The oldest one is 60 years old, said Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets.

While no political breakthrough was achieved at the Istanbul negotiations, both sides agreed to a phased exchange of prisoners and the repatriation of fallen soldiers' bodies. As part of that agreement, Russia pledged to return the bodies of up to 6,000 Ukrainian service members and citizens.

Moscow has handed over 6,057 bodies to Ukraine in several stages over the past few days, though Kyiv later said that these remains also included fallen Russian soldiers.

The June 2 agreements came after the largest known POW swap in late May, when 1,000 prisoners were exchanged on each side.

Ukraine repeatedly called for a prisoner exchange in an all-for-all format, but Russia continues to reject the offer.

‘Unwanted by their homeland’ — Ukraine confirms Russia returned bodies of its soldiers disguised as Ukrainian

“This is yet another proof of how Russia treats its people with contempt,” Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko said.

The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy

Russian President Vladimir Putin continues to pursue a long-term strategy of grinding attritional warfare in Ukraine, according to a 19 June assessment by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW). Speaking at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF), Putin reiterated claims of Russian advances along the entire frontline and warned of worsening terms if Ukraine rejects Russian “peace” proposals. “The West has failed to convince Russian President Vladimir Putin to reevaluate his theory of victory in Ukraine in the past year,” ISW says.

During a session with foreign journalists at SPIEF on 19 June, Putin stated that Russian troops have a “strategic advantage” and are “still advancing” daily, even if progress is slower on some days. He contrasted the current situation with the March 2022 Istanbul peace talks, arguing that Russia’s demands have since grown stronger. Putin warned that Ukraine’s refusal to negotiate on Russia’s terms could lead to more severe consequences.

ISW: Putin’s economic forum now a tool to spread wartime optimism

He claimed that Russia remains prepared to achieve its objectives through military force if diplomacy fails.

ISW highlights strategic assumptions and risks

ISW assessed that Putin’s strategy hinges on the belief that Ukrainian forces will fail to regain lost ground and that Russian manpower and materiel advantages will outlast Ukraine’s resources and Western support. However, ISW notes that Russia is incurring disproportionately high losses for marginal gains, calling such a strategy unsustainable in the medium to long term.

Economic challenges and defense industry limitations are likely to impede Moscow’s ability to continue the war indefinitely. While higher oil revenues from rising prices — partly due to Israeli strikes against Iran — may help fund the war, this benefit is conditional on global oil trends and potential sanctions.

Putin adapts reflexive control campaign

ISW observed that Putin used the SPIEF platform to escalate Russia’s reflexive control campaign aimed at deterring Western military aid and NATO rearmament. He argued that NATO poses no real threat to Russia and claimed that Russia is capable of managing all potential dangers. Nevertheless, he warned that Germany’s potential delivery of Taurus missiles to Ukraine would damage bilateral ties — a marked shift from earlier Kremlin assertions that Western weapons would have no battlefield impact.

Putin also claimed that the idea of Russia planning to attack NATO were “nonsense,” despite recent Russian threats targeting the Baltic States and Finland.

Threats to supply adversaries and shift narrative

At SPIEF, Putin warned that Russia might begin supplying long-range weapons to unspecified Western enemies if Ukraine uses Western-supplied arms to strike Russian territory — a direct threat not present in his latest 2025 comments but previously made in June 2024. ISW notes that this reflects the Kremlin’s evolving messaging, adapted for different audiences.

Putin again attacks Zelenskyy’s legitimacy

Putin declared on 19 June that he would not sign any peace agreement with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, repeating the false claim that Zelenskyy’s term has expired without legal basis for extension. He stated that Russia will only sign agreements with “legitimate” authorities, and further alleged that if the president is illegitimate, then so is the entire Ukrainian government. These claims contradict Ukrainian law, which allows for martial law to delay elections while national security is threatened.

Kremlin doubles down on old narratives

According to ISW, Putin used his appearance with Western journalists to recycle standard Kremlin narratives — including blaming the West for starting the war and violating the Minsk agreements. Kremlin spokesman Peskov said on 18 June that Putin sought to “accurately” present Russia’s viewpoint to international audiences. ISW assessed that this outreach aims to influence ongoing Western debates on future military aid to Ukraine.

Today, there are interesting updates from the Middle East. Here, in a war Tehran once promised would reshape the region, the only thing reshaped is Iran’s own military, flattened, blinded, and humiliated in a matter of days.

Israeli F-35s own the skies above Tehran

In the opening hours of the Israeli operation against Iran, it became immediately clear that Iran’s air defense network was utterly insufficient to repel an attack from a modern and well-prepared adversary.

Iran’s regime claimed to have downed four such jets, yet the evidence provided was quickly debunked as embarrassingly obvious Photoshop manipulations. In reality, Israeli aircraft rapidly dominated western Iranian airspace, freely operating even over Tehran itself, an unprecedented humiliation.

The Iranian Air Force was also quickly neutralized with Israeli planes striking Iranian jets directly on their runways and systematically targeting radar installations, leaving Iran’s air force unable to respond or put up resistance against Israeli airpower.

Scorched before fired

Following this crippling operation, Iran attempted to retaliate with ballistic missiles.

However, even this modest success was short-lived. On the second day of the operation, Israeli aircraft rapidly identified and destroyed approximately one-third of Iran’s missile launchers, dramatically reducing the volume of subsequent missile attacks.

Iran’s missile arsenal is buried in two days

Further worsening Iran’s trouble, Israel took swift and decisive action to neutralize Iran’s vaunted underground missile stockpiles.

Consequently, despite the vast stores of missiles presumably remaining intact underground, Iran now lacks timely access to these weapons, rendering them irrelevant to the current conflict.

Iran’s drones meet the Iron Dome wall

Iran’s widely touted Shahed drones, famous for their use by Russia against Ukraine, proved astonishingly ineffective against Israeli defenses.

Israel’s dense and layered air defense network, featuring the Iron Dome supplemented by advanced missile defenses, fighter cover, and helicopter support, intercepted these drones with ease.

Moreover, American and Jordanian support further bolstered Israeli defenses. Israeli electronic warfare experts had previously studied Shahed drones extensively, even deploying to Ukraine for hands-on experience in 2023. As a result, Iranian drone assaults were swiftly neutralized long before even reaching Israel.

20 Iranian generals gone before sunrise

The Israeli operation also delivered a devastating blow to Iranian military leadership: over 20 high-ranking commanders, including senior officers of the Iranian armed forces and the elite Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps, were killed within the first hours.

Israel then meticulously targeted and eliminated their replacements as soon as they were appointed, paralyzing Iran’s ability to respond effectively.

Iran’s regime teeters between collapse and surrender

Facing catastrophic losses and a rapidly deteriorating strategic position, Iran’s regime quickly spiraled into panic mode.

Tehran’s statements that they are ready to stop the attacks after Israel stops indicate not just willingness but a call to resume negotiations, proposing a mutual ceasefire.

Tehran’s leaders recognize that while escalating further might inflict limited additional damage upon Israel, it would also prompt devastating counterstrikes capable of collapsing their regime.

Tehran fights to avoid its fall

Yet, the regime must also demonstrate some military resolve domestically, or risk losing its internal legitimacy entirely, a scenario equally threatening to its grip on power.

The US initially signaled openness to renewed diplomacy, but President Trump subsequently hardened his stance, explicitly rejecting any further negotiations with Iran.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that Russia’s alignment with Iran, including its public defense of Tehran’s government and nuclear ambitions, highlights the urgent need for tougher global sanctions against Moscow.

Zelenskyy links Russia-Iran ties to global inaction

In his evening video address on 19 June, Zelenskyy described the aftermath of a recent Russian deadly missile strike that destroyed a residential apartment block’s section in Kyiv.

“The missile went through every floor, all the way down to the basement,” he said, adding that 23 civilians were killed and rescue operations lasted nearly 40 hours.

In total, Russia’s 17 June air attack, referred to by Zelenskyy, killed 30 people died and injured 172 across Ukraine.

“Deliberate terror”

Zelenskyy emphasized that the strike had no military objective and called it “deliberate terror.” He linked this kind of violence to previous Russia’s aggression in places like Chechnya and Syria.

“The same thing Russia’s army under Putin has done everywhere, from Chechnya to Syria. This is the only thing Putin and his Russia truly know how to do well – kill and destroy,” he said.

The Ukrainian President denounced not just the attack, but what he described as Moscow’s growing alignment with aggressive regimes like Iran and North Korea.

Russia’s alliances with Iran and North Korea draw fire

Zelenskyy accused Moscow of trying to “save Iran’s nuclear program,” claiming there could be “no other possible explanation” for recent Russian actions and statements. He argued that when one of Russia’s partners loses the ability to “export war,” Moscow suffers and intervenes. He condemned this behavior as “cynicism at its worst” and warned that “aggressive regimes must not be allowed to unite and become partners.”

He cited the use of Iranian-designed Shahed drones and North Korean missiles as evidence of Russia’s reliance on authoritarian allies.

“It is a clear sign that global solidarity and global pressure are not strong enough,” Zelenskyy said.

Call for stronger international response

The Ukrainian leader called for significantly tougher sanctions on Moscow and increased cooperation, particularly in technology, among countries “defending life.”

He referred to recent agreements at the G7 summit in Canada and upcoming discussions within the “Coalition of the Willing” as avenues to deepen such collaboration.

Russian authorities are considering a request from the New People's Party to offer political asylum to U.S. tech billionaire Elon Musk, claimed the party's lawmaker, Vladislav Davankov, to the Russian media on June 20.

Davankov, deputy speaker of the State Duma, told reporters at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum that his party had formally petitioned the Russian Foreign Ministry to provide Musk with asylum. The request is expected to be reviewed within a month, he reportedly said.

"I think Elon Musk has made mistakes, but those mistakes should be forgiven," Davankov said. "If things don't work out for him, we are always ready to welcome him — from a technological and visionary point of view, he's very impressive."

The claim could not be independently verified, and there has been no official confirmation from the Russian Foreign Ministry or Musk. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov declined to comment, telling reporters, "Let's wait for a statement from the Foreign Ministry or from Musk himself before we say anything."

The alleged request follows a public conflict that erupted between Musk and U.S. President Donald Trump earlier this month. The billionaire later expressed regret over a series of critical posts aimed at Trump, calling a proposed government spending bill "disgusting" and warning of economic consequences.

Trump hit back during a meeting with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz on June 5, saying on Truth Social that Musk had "just gone crazy."

In response, Musk claimed on social media that Trump owed him his electoral victory, suggesting his influence prevented Democrats from retaining the House.

Earlier this month, Dmitry Novikov, deputy chair of the State Duma Committee on International Affairs, told state-run news agency TASS that Russia would be ready to provide Musk with political asylum if needed.

"I think Musk is playing a completely different game, that he won't need political asylum, although if he did, Russia could certainly provide it," Novikov said on June 6.

The feud has attracted attention in Russia, where Musk is increasingly viewed as a sympathetic figure. Dmitry Medvedev, deputy chairman of Russia's Security Council, joked on X that Moscow could broker peace between "D and E," referring to Donald and Elon, in exchange for Starlink shares. "Don't fight, guys," Medvedev wrote.

Musk led a federal commission on government efficiency until May 30 and has been a key figure in dismantling U.S. foreign aid institutions, including USAID, which has delivered billions in aid to Ukraine.

Though he initially supported Ukraine by providing Starlink satellite systems to aid its defense, Musk eventually adopted Russian talking points, claiming President Volodymyr Zelensky lacks popular support and accusing Kyiv of running a "never-ending draft meat grinder."

He has also spoken out against U.S. military aid to Ukraine, a stance that aligns closely with Kremlin messaging aimed at discouraging Western support for Kyiv.

Russia’s war-fueled economy is running on empty, Central Bank chief warns

“We grew for two years at a fairly high pace because free resources were activated,” Russia’s Central Bank Governor Elvira Nabiullina said.

The Kyiv IndependentAnna Fratsyvir

Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Chernyshov's official trip abroad has been approved until the end of the week, Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal said on June 20 amid media speculations connecting Chernyshov's absence to an ongoing corruption investigation.

Shmyhal made the comment in response to opposition lawmaker Iryna Herashchenko in parliament.

Suspicions about Chernyshov, who heads the new National Unity Ministry focused on relations with refugees and the Ukrainian diaspora, arose earlier this week when the deputy prime minister did not attend a Kyiv forum he himself organized in person but joined online from abroad.

The deputy prime minister's unexpected work trip to Vienna, announced on June 16, came three days after law enforcement agencies unveiled a corruption scheme involving two officials from the now-dissolved Communities and Territories Development Ministry, which was headed by Chernyshov.

According to Ukrainska Pravda, Chernyshov and two of his associates came under investigation last year over suspicions that they received kickbacks from Serhii Kopystira, the head of the KSM Group, for illicitly transferring a plot of land for real estate development between 2021 and 2022.

Four sources in anti-corruption agencies told Ukrainska Pravda that despite the investigation, no police searches were conducted at the time, as they were blocked by the head of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, Semen Kryvonos, who has a long-standing relationship with Chernyshov.

After the dissolution of the Communities and Territories Development Ministry at the end of 2022, Chernyshov was appointed the head of the state-owned energy company Naftogaz. In 2024, the official was tasked with leading the new National Unity Ministry — a position that often involved travel abroad — while also being named deputy prime minister.

The other two people connected to the case — Maksym Horbatiuk and Vasyl Volodin — were reportedly detained last week as the investigation began moving forward.

Chernyshov traveled to Prague on June 10 and 11 for a business trip, and then to Vienna a week later. The subsequent court hearings with the two detainees detailed Chernyshov's role in the corruption scheme, according to Ukrainska Pravda.

The news outlet stressed that there is currently no evidence that Chernyshov's current stay abroad is connected to the investigation. The National Unity Ministry said that foreign trips are a regular part of Chernyshov's work.

The Kyiv Independent could not verify all the claims and has reached out to Chernyshov's team for comment.

Trump’s peace push falters in both Ukraine and the Middle East — for similar reasons

U.S. President Donald Trump addressed a wide range of subjects during his inauguration speech. When speaking about international relations, he was adamant — “Our power will stop all wars and bring a new spirit of unity,” he said, talking about Russia’s war against Ukraine and the fighting in the Middle

The Kyiv IndependentOleg Sukhov