Four years ago, most of these women fighters had never fired fired a gun or held a weapon in combat. By the time they died, they were operating some of Ukraine’s most sophisticated military equipment.

All of them were killed while serving in frontline combat roles when Russia’s full-scale invasion began in February 2022. Their ages ranged from 22 to 52. Their deaths span the full spectrum of modern warfare: drone operators, combat medics, reconnaissance scouts, evacuation specialists. Some were career soldiers; others learned military skills after February 2022.

Their stories reveal how Ukraine’s war has quietly revolutionized military service. Civilians became drone pilots. University students became battlefield medics. Mothers learned reconnaissance. They died performing jobs that placed them in the most dangerous areas of combat – from evacuation routes under artillery fire to reconnaissance missions in contested territory. Their call signs and nicknames became known to their units not as curiosities, but as soldiers who had mastered their roles and died performing them.

The medic fighter who refused to leave

Two days into Russia’s invasion, Inna Derusova could have stayed home. The 52-year-old senior sergeant had just returned from vacation when the bombs started falling. Instead, she reported to her medical unit near Okhtyrka in Sumy Oblast and began treating wounded soldiers under artillery fire.

On 26 February 2022, just two days after the full-scale invasion, Russian shells hit her aid post. Derusova had already saved more than ten soldiers that day. She died treating the wounded, becoming the first woman to receive Ukraine’s highest honor – Hero of Ukraine – posthumously awarded by President Zelenskyy.

Her career began in 2015, long before anyone imagined this full-scale war. By 2022, she headed a medical unit and trained frontline medics. The invasion found her exactly where she chose to be: holding the line.

From university to the trenches

Anastasiia Marianchuk was studying Japanese at Kyiv’s Taras Shevchenko University when Russia invaded. The 22-year-old took a sabbatical in 2022 – not to flee, but to volunteer as a combat medic.

Her call sign “Troia” became known throughout the 67th Separate Mechanized Brigade’s first rifle battalion. She served around Kyiv, then moved to the Donetsk front. On 18 March 2024, she was evacuating wounded soldiers under heavy fire near Chasiv Yar, Donetsk Oblast when enemy shells hit her vehicle.

Marianchuk had planned to teach Ukrainian in Japan after the war. Instead, her classmates held an art exhibition of her drawings after her funeral. She was 22 when she died – old enough to choose the fight, young enough to dream of what could come after.

The mother who learned to fly drones

Liudmyla Shkurenko spent the early months of the war as a volunteer, like thousands of Ukrainian civilians. But the 43-year-old mother of two from Kyiv Oblast wanted to do more than pack humanitarian aid.

She learned to operate UAV systems, then formally enlisted in the Ukrainian Army in May 2024. Assigned to a mechanized battalion as a reconnaissance scout and gunner, she deployed to the Kupiansk area in Kharkiv Oblast.

On 29 May 2024, Shkurenko texted her husband before a night mission, promising to stay safe. It was the last message he received. Enemy shelling struck her unit during the operation, and she died from the wounds.

Her funeral in Ukrainka, Kyiv Oblast drew neighbors who remembered her as a devoted mother; her unit remembered her as a soldier who had mastered new skills to fight more effectively.

To win in a war of attrition, Ukraine should mobilize women, report argues

The IT recruiter turned battlefield angel

Yana “Yara” Rykhlitska worked in civilian IT recruitment before February 2022. After the invasion, the 29-year-old began volunteering with medics and refugees. By late 2022, she had formally joined the 93rd Kholodnyi Yar Mechanized Brigade and served at a first-aid post during the Battle of Bakhmut.

Her colleagues called her the “Angel of the Fighters” for her work treating the wounded. On 3 March 2023, she was evacuating injured soldiers in a clearly marked medical vehicle when Russian artillery struck near Bakhmut. The shells killed her during the evacuation.

At her funeral in Vinnytsia, her parents asked mourners to donate to military medics rather than the family – a final reflection of Rykhlitska’s priorities.

The decorated veteran

Some of these women were career soldiers. Mariia Vlasiuk had served since 2016, long before the full-scale invasion. The college-trained nurse from Rivne Oblast deployed with the 80th Separate Air Assault Brigade to multiple regions during 2022 – Kherson, Mykolaiv, Kharkiv.

In April 2022, Ukraine awarded her the Order For Courage (3rd class) for evacuating dozens of wounded soldiers under fire. She had saved hundreds of lives by the time she deployed to Luhansk Oblast for what would be her final rotation.

On 24 May 2022, Vlasiuk was traveling to pick up injured comrades near Bilohorivka when Russian forces hit the evacuation convoy. Shrapnel from the artillery barrage killed the 27-year-old medic instantly.

The veteran medic from Transcarpathia

Nataliia “Babochka” Bokoch had worked as a paramedic and emergency medical technician for over two decades before the war. The 46-year-old mother of two from Khust in Zakarpattia Oblast even trained with the Red Cross in Britain. She was fondly known as “Babochka” (Granny) among her comrades-in-arms.

In 2023, she returned from Hungary and enlisted in the Ukrainian Army as a military medic. Regional media in Transcarpathia reported that she “tragically died on the front line” in early 2024 while serving with a medical evacuation unit, though military officials did not release specific details about her death during combat operations.

The blue-haired drone ace with the cat’s ears

Kateryna “Meow” Troian’s call sign suited her personality, but her skill made her legendary. The 32-year-old had flown over a thousand successful combat missions for Ukraine’s 82nd Separate Air Assault Brigade. But Russian forces killed her on 8 June 2025 near Pokrovsk.

Troian joined Ukraine’s Air Assault Forces in 2023, when FPV drone warfare was still evolving from hobby technology into a decisive battlefield tool. She learned to pilot first-person-view drones – small, agile aircraft that operators control through video feeds, often flying them directly into enemy targets.

Her distinctive blue hair made her stand out among the paratroopers, but her flight record made her invaluable. Over a thousand successful missions meant she had engaged Russian positions more times than most soldiers fire their rifles. Fellow drone operators considered her among the best FPV pilots in the brigade.

Troian’s service took her from Ukraine’s eastern Donetsk region to combat operations in Russia’s Kursk area. On 8 June 2025, she was conducting a mission near Pokrovsk when her unit came under heavy artillery fire. She died of her wounds at Mechnikov Hospital after her evacuation ambulance took direct hits.

What their deaths reveal

The deaths of these women fighters weren’t mere anomalies. Ukraine’s military has has integrated women into combat units, artillery, reconnaissance, and medical corps in growing numbers since February 2022. Official casualty reports list hundreds of servicemembers killed in action – a toll that includes an increasing number of women serving in frontline roles.

The war found some of them in uniform already. Others chose to join the fight, learning skills from drone piloting to battlefield medicine. All seven died doing jobs that required them to operate in the most dangerous areas of the battlefield – from evacuation routes under artillery fire to reconnaissance missions in contested territory.

Their call signs and nicknames – “Meow,” “Troia,” “Yara,” “Babochka” – became known to their units not as curiosities, but as soldiers who had mastered their roles and died performing them.

Thanks to your incredible support, we’ve raised 70% of our funding goal to launch a platform connecting Ukraine’s defense tech with the world – David vs. Goliath defense blog. It will support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and we are inviting you to join us on the journey.

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We’re one final push away from making this platform a reality.

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When Martin Sklenar served as Slovakia’s defense minister, his government did something unusual: they shut down Russian disinformation outlets spreading through Slovak society. The polls immediately shifted. Support for the Russian narrative dropped.

Then politics changed. The outlets returned. So did the pro-Russian sentiment.

It’s a real-time case study of how Russia captures Western democracies – with measurable results. Sklenar watched it happen from the inside.

Now Slovakia’s government, led by Robert Fico, pushes “peace” messaging that echoes Russian talking points. The country that once strongly supported Ukraine has flipped. And Sklenar, who served during the transition, knows exactly how Russia pulled it off.

“It’s incomprehensible that Slovaks would forget that in 1968 the Soviet Union invaded Slovakia,” he tells Euromaidan Press at the Globsec Forum in Prague. But it happened: Russia found another angle—focusing on the 1945 liberation instead of the 1968 invasion, claiming credit for the Red Army’s multinational sacrifice.

The formula works. Slovakia is proof. And Sklenar warns it’s spreading across Central Europe as populists promise to end the war quickly by giving Russia what it wants.

In our conversation, the former defense minister reveals the mechanics of Slovakia’s transformation, explains why European leaders hesitate to fully support Ukraine despite superior resources, and argues that Russia’s nuclear threats have become a paper tiger that nobody wants to test.

Russia used Minsk process ceasefire to advance war goals

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: Throughout this forum, a ceasefire has been discussed repeatedly as the best-case scenario for Ukraine. Is that your assessment?

SKLENAR: Ceasefire is only the first step. What we need is a justified and sustainable peace in Ukraine—the only thing that Ukraine deserves and the only thing that will actually stop the war.

However, a ceasefire seems to be a tool mostly for Russia to play with the political level of engagements, delaying any chance of action while allowing more time to produce weapons, deploy soldiers, and continue atrocities.

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: In 2015, we had a ceasefire negotiated, but it allowed Russia to rearm and attack with new vengeance. What prevents a ceasefire from becoming a new Minsk agreement?

SKLENAR: The most difficult piece is making sure it’s not worth it for Russia to attack Ukraine. If we can do that, then Russia won’t start this again because it’s not worth it. You calculate the damages to your political reputation, international reputation, stability back home, economic situation, and the actual land you want to capture. Then you see if it’s worth it or not.

The main objective is to ensure that Russia doesn’t try again. This is difficult because the international political situation doesn’t seem aligned with reaching that solution. But we run the risk that if we allow Russia to seize territory, they’ll do this again when we can’t control it as well.

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: But that’s exactly what Russia gets from a ceasefire – control over Ukrainian territory.

SKLENAR: It depends. Ukraine is ready to start talking. Russia doesn’t want to start because they’d need to give away what they have now. The primary task is to continue supporting Ukraine so it can be stronger and have a stronger position as dialogue goes on, either directly with Russia or through mediators.

But even with a ceasefire, we’d need to monitor an area stretching a thousand kilometers, when the front is now 50 kilometers deep. That’s an incredible dimension. It’s so difficult to control every piece that striving for a ceasefire looks like a tactic to delay resolution.

That’s exactly what happened with Minsk. Russia uses so-called peace negotiations and ceasefires to advance war goals that include not only dominating Ukraine, but reversing all Eastern European NATO states.

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: One year ago, Zelenskyy’s peace plan was the number one idea. Now, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Sybiha talks about Trump’s plan as viable. Why has this rhetoric shifted?

SKLENAR: Trump’s arrival changed the situation. Last year, there was little optimism that negotiations could start. Now everybody talks about opportunities for negotiations. I’m disappointed personally, because we’ve given Russia another chance to play around with the West and delay the resolution of the conflict.

Ukrainian representatives are in a difficult position—they must explore anything that could stop the war and liberate Ukraine. That involves President Trump, so you must work with the US administration. The US still plays a very important role in the world. And that’s why you need to adjust to the diplomacy. And with the diplomacy comes the rhetoric that you need to keep the US engaged.

It’s not just business deals but discussions that reflect the current situation. We saw what happened when President Zelensky visited the White House, if the rhetoric isn’t right. What you say should open possibilities to work closer and find solutions. If you don’t do that, you’re not even getting to the point where you discuss outcomes.

And if you are able to do that, that gives you some possibilities. If you don’t do that, then you are not even getting to the point where you are discussing some of the outcomes.

Foreign ministers are good at this, especially when your country has been at war for [eleven years].

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: What do we consider Ukrainian victory now?

SKLENAR: For Ukrainians, it’s clear. Victory is a situation where they can rely that Russia will not do this again. That requires strong commitment from Ukrainians, Europeans, the United States, Canada, Türkiye, and others – a strong enough relationship to ensure deterrence is strong enough that Russia’s post-war calculation tells them it’s not worth trying again.

Slovakia’s flip towards Russia

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: You served in government during Slovakia’s transition from strong Ukraine support to Fico’s return with peace messaging. Why does the populist promise to end the war quickly resonate with voters who lived through the Soviet occupation?

SKLENAR: In Slovakia, the population is very polarized. We’ve been the object of strong Russian propaganda, polarizing society to where people don’t think about their experience but get influenced by disinformation campaigns targeted against them, questioning everything. This creates a complicated situation where everything and nothing seems true, which is easy to manipulate.

We’ve seen this trend for a long time. Previous governments tried to address it. When the full-scale invasion started in February 2022, there was a strong push toward limiting Russian influence in Slovak society, which unfortunately couldn’t continue due to political reasons.

What the government did was shut down some online outlets spreading disinformation. When that happened, we saw an immediate decrease in support for the Russian narrative. When there was no more political will to continue this, we saw an uptick again.

There’s a clear relationship between what’s coming into the country and population opinions. It’s not that Slovaks think one way or another—it’s still a polarized society with very small changes in support that, in the grand scheme, meant the government changed completely.

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: So, Russian propaganda is the reason for these changes that led to support for Fico?

SKLENAR: It’s a chicken and egg situation, but Prime Minister Fico is a very good politician who feels very well what the population can support. He can identify how to angle discussions to resonate with small, marginal groups. The main groups remain the same, but it depends on how much of the marginal groups you engage for election mobilization.

It’s incomprehensible that Slovaks would forget that in 1968, the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact invaded Slovakia because it had a different opinion about how to run things. That’s a big national trauma the country still feels.

But now there’s another angle being used – not mentioning the 1968 invasion, but focusing on the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945 by the Red Army, which the Russian Federation now claims all responsibility for, even though it was Ukrainians and other nationalities who served in the Red Army and helped liberate Slovakia.

That’s overlooked, and it comes back to misinterpreted history during socialist times. After the Slovak national uprising against the fascist regime in 1944-45, before the war’s end, when the Communist Party took over in 1948, they reconstructed historical facts and connotations in favor of the socialist regime.

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Social media becomes a battlefield

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: What actions in Slovakia were useful to limit the spread of disinformation?

SKLENAR: Taking down outlets that spread disinformation was most effective, but there’s only so much a country can do. Most people now consume news and opinions they want to believe on social media.

The straightforward way to handle this is through dialogue with social media platforms and media generally, ensuring the professionalism we expect. We grew up when news were produced by professional journalists who studied how to make news objective and provide a picture for people to form their own opinions.

Now this has gone away. People don’t distinguish between professional journalists and people sharing opinions on social media. That should change through media literacy, education, and analytical thinking required to understand what’s being pushed at you and that you’re being targeted.

If propaganda is part of war—as General Gerasimov told us in 2007 when he proposed what we call the hybrid warfare doctrine, saying that whether it’s peacetime or crisis, Russia will always conduct information operations to advance its objectives—then this has been going on forever.

This is a general talking about military operations in the information space all the time. Social media becomes a battlefield, but people don’t perceive it that way.

If people want to join the military, they think about risks and rewards—I earn money and have a stable job, but if situations deteriorate, I might end up fighting for my country. You make an informed decision.

Сreating a social media profile, you don’t think you’re joining a battlefield. Yet every time you log in, you become a soldier. You could choose to be on the good side or bad side, or stay indifferent and be the target in the middle.

People should understand: if you’re here, this is an information space where the battlefield reaches. Make your own assessment of how you want to deal with it.

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: What’s the number one reason preventing the West from ensuring Ukraine’s victory?

SKLENAR: The false perception of peace in Europe. Sometimes we say Ukraine is far from Paris, Madrid, or Rome, so it’s not as urgent as in Baltic countries or Poland, which border Russia and know what might happen.

But populations in these countries feel very secure and normal. Even here in Prague—it’s beautiful—there are no signs Russia is at war with Europe.

And Russians are telling us they are [at war]. They assign us objectives that we’re an enemy country. They push propaganda. They make their influence. They send their shadow fleet across the Baltic Sea, seeing whether something bad happens, they might use as a pretext for escalation.

They’re attacking us in this way. In one panel, we discussed how Russia attacks NATO members in this hybrid, below-the-threshold way. But people don’t feel like it. If it’s below the threshold, people think it’ll be fine—maybe a little discomfort, and there should be people watching to know if it gets worse. But right now it’s fine and we live as we used to.

In Europe, this means social benefits and money spent having a great time. With that comes a lack of interest and support for difficult political decisions about supporting Ukraine to the necessary level. Politicians who push too hard without popular support lose elections.

We risk getting more representatives like in Slovakia’s case, who come into important positions doing even less. That’s difficult for Ukraine when there’s no end to the war in sight and negotiations haven’t even started.

It’s this perception of peace in Europe despite us being in deep trouble.

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Explaining the level of support that Ukraine needs is difficult

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: Romanian former NATO spokeswoman Lungescu just said there’s been no Russian attack on NATO members– despite Russian drones regularly falling on Romanian soil—and no war in Europe, despite Ukraine being at war. Who can make the difficult decisions, if politicians are bound by the population’s will, and populists exploit this?

SKLENAR: These decisions are still being taken. Many governments decide despite a lack of support – I don’t think any country has ever had resolute support for donating military equipment to Ukraine. That would be hard to imagine in any context.

But to ensure Ukraine negotiates from strength requires much more support. The level of increase necessary is difficult to explain to populations.

Politicians don’t need to make all decisions at once, but they must explain and raise awareness about what’s at stake. It’s not only Ukraine—it’s ordinary citizens’ way of life at stake.

We hear Russia could be ready to test NATO and the EU in two to five years. Two years could happen at any time. Whenever there’s an opportunity, Russia might use it. Just recently, we heard news about Israel attacking Iran. Just like that, it could be news about Russia challenging NATO and EU unity in the Baltics, Romania, or anywhere else.

Discussion about West’s use of nuclear weapons needed

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: Russian nuclear weapons appear to be Russia’s strongest deterrent because Western nations submit to Russia’s red lines. But Ukraine violates these red lines daily. Do you see this changing? Do you see this dynamic changing, or are we stuck with nuclear paralysis indefinitely?

SKLENAR: That’s the most difficult discussion to have because the weapons are so horrifying that even the slightest possibility of them being used is seen as most extreme; you don’t want to play with that situation at all.

We haven’t chosen this situation. This is Putin deciding to put everybody in an uncomfortable situation and do this as long as necessary to break their will and do as he feels like doing.

Despite expectations that Russia might use weapons or signal their use, we’ve seen both horizontal and vertical escalation from Russia’s side, then balancing from the Western side.

“If you deliver F-16s to Ukraine, you will see a response from Russia, and we will not shy away from using nuclear weapons to protect our territory.” Yet the F-16s are in Ukraine; they’re flying, nothing has happened.

“Ukraine cannot target targets in Russia. Otherwise, it will mean use of nuclear weapons.” This has not happened. So Russian rhetoric is… I don’t want to say inconsistent, and don’t want to say they don’t really mean it. This is exactly the situation where you cannot take it out of the equation.

But just as drones represent the change in how modern warfare is fought, we see discussions about the role of modern technology versus traditional military equipment. I think we’ll need a discussion about what role nuclear weapons can actually achieve in a conflict like this very soon—what it means and why we have nuclear weapons if in situations where they should be used, they’re not even being signaled to be used.

West does not benefit from war against Ukraine

EUROMAIDAN PRESS: Cynical voices say the West benefits from this war – Russia is using Soviet-era stock artillery to kill Ukrainians instead of attacking NATO countries. Is the West buying time with Ukrainian blood?

SKLENAR: No. The West is not benefiting. Ukraine has chosen to be part of the West. Now we know we didn’t do enough before the invasion to bring Ukraine into NATO. If we were in a similar situation now, we’d ensure Ukraine is protected by Article 5.

When this is over—not if but when—Ukraine will become part of the West. So the West is losing. Every citizen in Ukraine killed is a loss for the West.

The West recognizes that Ukraine is fighting a war for the whole Western community against Russia. If Ukraine were a NATO member, this would be much simpler. That’s what’s so attractive about being a NATO or EU member—you have basic arrangements with countries you can rely on. Ukraine is in a challenging situation because we weren’t quick enough or we didn’t believe Russia would actually do this.

We put them in this unfortunate situation. But with the support, we’re trying to help.

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Thanks to your incredible support, we’ve raised 70% of our funding goal to launch a platform connecting Ukraine’s defense tech with the world – David vs. Goliath defense blog. It will support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and we are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support.

We’re one final push away from making this platform a reality.

Join us in building this platform on Patreon

Unexpected results from a social survey have stunned observers. According to research by the SCIO agency in cooperation with the portal Rozhovory so Šimonom, 14% of Slovaks surveyed openly want to join Russia, and another 18% consider this possibility.

The idea is most supported by students and the unemployed, which, according to SCIO analyst Martin Klu, rather reflects economic instability and disappointment with the country’s Western course than genuine loyalty to the Kremlin.

Attitudes toward military neutrality

Respondents were also separately asked about military neutrality. Here, 32.5% opposed neutrality if it led to a decline in living standards. Meanwhile, 15% support neutrality under any circumstances.

Socio-economic distribution of views

The least support for the ideas of “neutrality” and “Russian integration” is observed among people with higher education, urban residents, and citizens with above-average incomes. Analysts believe this is linked to the economic stability and better prospects of these groups.

The EU has agreed on a new Russia sanctions package, with ambassadors reaching consensus on the bloc’s 18th sanctions round targeting key sectors of the Russian economy, Suspilne reports. Malta and Slovakia reportedly lifted their vetoes after receiving critical assurances, clearing the way for formal adoption at the EU Council’s meeting later today, 18 July.

Malta and Slovakia lift vetoes, clearing way for approval

According to Suspilne, Malta withdrew its objection after receiving written guarantees from the European Commission. The country wanted confirmation that the proposed oil price cap would not strengthen Russia’s shadow fleet, a concern tied to Malta’s large shipping sector.

Pro-Russian Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico announced earlier on Facebook that Slovakia had also dropped its veto. His government received EU guarantees related to gas prices and supply stability. Fico, however, underlined that Slovakia would never support ending Russian gas imports after 1 January 2028.

Both countries had previously blocked consensus on the package, which was introduced by the European Commission in June. 

Package includes pipeline bans and price cap changes

The new Russia sanctions package will include a formal ban on the Nord Stream 1 and 2 pipelines. EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas said the bloc will also reduce the oil price cap as part of efforts to cut the Kremlin’s war revenues.

Kallas called the deal “one of the strongest” sanctions packages yet, noting it is designed to shrink Russia’s ability to finance its war in Ukraine. She also confirmed that the EU will continue to increase the costs of aggression for Moscow.

Germany and Sweden requested that the package be placed on the Council’s agenda under “Other business.” Once the General Affairs Council formally approves it, the sanctions will become legally binding.

Shadow fleet, banks, and drone tech also targeted

The package includes sanctions on 105 ships from Russia’s shadow fleet and on the entities enabling their operations. A registry of ship flags will be introduced to identify and track these vessels, which are used to obscure the origin of Russian oil.

In addition, 22 Russian banks will face new financial restrictions aimed at cutting their access to international funding. Brussels will also ban the export of European technologies used in Russian drone production.

Kallas confirmed that Chinese banks helping Russia evade restrictions are among the foreign entities targeted. The EU plans to limit their ability to support Russian financial transactions that bypass sanctions.

Rosneft refinery in India and indoctrination networks included

For the first time, the EU will sanction a foreign-based refinery—India’s largest Rosneft facility—due to its role in processing and moving Russian oil. The package also targets individuals and organizations involved in indoctrinating Ukrainian children in Russian-occupied territories.

Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys welcomed the agreement, stating that the combination of shipping, energy, and financial measures would ensure Russia remains on track to lose access to “blood money.” He also urged the US Senate to pass its own Russia sanctions legislation to align with EU efforts.

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha on June 30 rebuked Slovakia's foreign minister after he suggested the international community might "perhaps even forgive" Russia's actions and reengage in dialogue with Moscow to end the war in Ukraine.

"Russia's sense of impunity is the root cause of its crimes," Sybiha wrote in a post on X. "It's naive to expect a criminal to stop if their crime is forgiven instead of punished. Russia will hit your other cheek as well. And those who have lost no one in this war have no right to make such statements."

Sybiha's remarks came in response to comments made by Slovak Foreign Minister Juraj Blanar during a domestic media interview on June 29. Blanar argued the war in Ukraine could not be resolved militarily and called for a return to diplomacy, suggesting Russia could be forgiven.

"Let us return to respect for international law and seek ways to communicate with the Russian Federation," he said. "And perhaps even forgive everything that has happened."

Slovakia recently requested a delay in adopting the European Union's 18th sanctions package against Russia, citing the need for further clarification on how it would impact member states, particularly in light of the EU's RePowerEU initiative to end dependence on Russian fossil fuels by 2030.

Fico's administration has distanced itself from the pro-Ukraine consensus within the EU and NATO. Since taking office in 2023, he has halted Slovak military aid to Ukraine and pursued diplomatic engagement with Russia. Earlier this year, Fico attended Russia's Victory Day Parade in Moscow and met with President Vladimir Putin — a gesture most Western leaders avoided.

Fico has dismissed the idea of meeting with President Volodymyr Zelensky, telling Slovak broadcaster STVR that Zelensky "hates me" and that such a meeting "has no significance."

Ukraine has consistently emphasized that peace can only come through justice and accountability for Russian war crimes and aggression, a position echoed by many Western governments.

More empty threats from Washington, more deadly bombs from Russia

The ongoing and escalating slaughter of Ukrainian civilians depends on two preconditions: Moscow’s determination to erase Ukraine, and the tacit permission it receives from America and Europe. On Monday, a Russian missile tore through a residential building in Kyiv, leaving at least six civilians dead and over a dozen

The Kyiv IndependentAndrew Chakhoyan

Slovakia’s Foreign Minister Juraj Blanar has suggested that the international community may need to "perhaps" forgive Russia’s actions and resume dialogue with Moscow as a means to end the war in Ukraine.

His remarks came after Slovakia requested that the adoption of the 18th package of EU sanctions against Russia be postponed until a decision is made on the consequences for the member states from RePowerEU, the European Commission's initiative to end dependence on Russian fossil fuels by 2030 in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

Blanar, speaking to domestic media, said the ongoing war cannot be resolved on the battlefield and stressed the importance of diplomacy and international law. "Let us return to respect for international law and seek ways to communicate with the Russian Federation," he said on June 29. "And perhaps even forgive everything that has happened."

The comments mark another example of how Slovakia’s current leadership is diverging from the broader pro-Ukraine stance of the EU and NATO.

Under Prime Minister Robert Fico, Bratislava has adopted a more conciliatory tone toward Moscow, including continuing diplomatic engagement while most Western nations cut ties following Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022.

Earlier this year, Fico attended Russia’s Victory Day Parade in Moscow, where he met with President Vladimir Putin. However, he dismissed the idea of engaging with President Volodymyr Zelensky.

"I see no reason to meet with the Ukrainian president," Fico said in a recent interview with Slovak broadcaster STVR. "My meeting with President Zelensky has no significance because he hates me," he added.  Zelensky has not yet responded to Fico's claims.

While Fico halted Slovak military support for Ukraine upon taking office in 2023, he has paradoxically voiced support for Ukraine’s European Union membership. "Ukraine's EU membership brings more advantages than disadvantages for Slovakia," the prime minister said.

Ukrainian drone strike on Crimea air base destroys 3 Russian helicopters, SBU claims

The attack destroyed Mi-8, Mi-26 and Mi-28 attack helicopters, and a Pantsyr-S1 self-propelled anti-aircraft missile and gun system, the Security Service of Ukraine told the Kyiv Independent.

The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Denisova

Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico said on June 28 that he does not intend to meet directly with President Volodymyr Zelensky, claiming that the Ukrainian president "hates" him, as relations between the two countries continue to sour.

Fico's comments come just one day after Slovakia joined Hungary in blocking an 18th package of sanctions against Russia, an unnamed EU official told the Kyiv Independent. Unlike Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who has consistently opposed sanctions against Russia, Slovakia has not previously attempted to block EU sanctions.

"I see no reason to meet with the Ukrainian president," Fico told Slovak broadcaster STVR, stressing he has better relations with Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal. "My meeting with President Zelensky has no significance because he hates me," he added.

Fico's comments on a potential meeting refer to talks on improving bilateral relations between the two countries, including in areas of Ukraine's EU accession as well as additional sanctions on Russia.

"I’m the Prime Minister of the Slovak Republic, and my task is to do everything to ensure that gas prices in Slovakia do not rise because of Ukraine," Fico told STVR, in reference to concerns over Slovakia's reliance on Russian gas and energy exports that were allegedly not addressed in the 18th sanctions package.

Slovakia has requested that the adoption of the 18th package of EU sanctions against Russia be postponed until a decision is made on the consequences for the member states from RePowerEU, the European Commission's initiative to end dependence on Russian fossil fuels by 2030 in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

EU foreign policy decisions, including sanctions, require unanimous approval by all member states. A Slovak veto could continue to force concessions or delay enforcement in future rounds.

Despite the criticism, Fico added that "Ukraine's EU membership brings more advantages than disadvantages for Slovakia," but stressed that other officials, including Slovakian President Peter Pellegrini would handle discussions with top Ukrainian leadership.

Since taking office in 2023, Fico has also reversed Slovakia's previous pro-Ukraine policy, ending military aid to Kyiv and questioning the value of EU sanctions on Russia.

Zelensky has not responded to Fico's claims.

EU fails to adopt new Russia sanctions due to Hungarian, Slovak opposition, source says

Unlike Ukraine-skeptic Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, Slovakia has not previously attempted to block EU sanctions.

The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Hodunova

Editor's note: The story was updated with Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico's statement voiced during the EU summit.

EU ambassadors have failed to approve the 18th package of sanctions against Russia due to opposition from Hungary and Slovakia, an unnamed EU official told the Kyiv Independent on June 27.

After the 17th package of sanctions against Russia took effect on May 20, Ukraine's allies announced the following day that another round of restrictions was already in the works. Meanwhile, officials in Hungary and Slovakia protested against the approval of new restrictions against Russia.

Unlike Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who has consistently opposed sanctions against Russia, Slovakia has not previously attempted to block EU sanctions.

"No agreement was reached. Ambassadors will return to this issue after two reservations are removed," the source told Suspilne in a reference to the position of Slovakia and Hungary.

Slovakia has requested that the adoption of the 18th package of EU sanctions against Russia be postponed until a decision is made on the consequences for the member states from RePowerEU, the European Commission's initiative to end dependence on Russian fossil fuels by 2030 in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico voiced this proposal during the EU summit, the Slovak Foreign Ministry told Suspilne.

The ambassadors also agreed to extend sectoral sanctions against Russia for six months. These sanctions encompass a broad array of economic areas, including restrictions on trade, finance, technology and dual-use goods, industry, transport, and luxury goods.

In June, the European Commission presented the 18th package of sanctions, which includes new restrictions against the Russian energy and banking sectors and transactions related to the Nord Stream gas pipeline project.

Ukraine's European allies are tightening sanctions against Russia as Moscow refuses to accept a ceasefire. Despite Russia's refusal, no new U.S. sanctions have been imposed so far.

Warfare in Ukraine has changed… again

The Kyiv Independent’s Francis Farrell explains a new modification of the standard first-person view (FPV) drone that already once transformed the way war is fought. Fiber optic cable now used to connect drone operators to FPVs ensures a perfect image and control experience all the way to the target — and cannot be spotted by enemy drone detectors.

The Kyiv IndependentFrancis Farrell

The Slovak police sought to detain ex-Defense Minister Jaroslav Nad over alleged misconduct during the donation of ammunition to Ukraine in 2022, the Slovak newspaper Dennik N reported on June 18, citing two undisclosed sources.

According to his social media, Nad is currently vacationing in Canada. The Slovak police reportedly also seek to detain a former Defense Ministry official and have detained an ex-head of the Konstrukta Defense state company in a move denounced by Nad's opposition Democrats party as politically motivated.

The police operation reportedly concerns 120 mm rounds that Slovakia donated to Ukraine at the onset of Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022. The Slovak Defense Ministry allegedly initially sold the obsolete ammunition to a private company, only to later purchase it through Konstrukta Defense for a higher price for swift deliveries to the war-torn nation.

Nad was the defense minister between 2020 and 2023, during which time Slovakia decisively supported Ukraine against Russian aggression and provided substantial military aid.

Bratislava's foreign policy radically shifted after the election victory of left-nationalist Robert Fico in September 2023, who halted military aid from Slovak military stocks, adopted more hostile rhetoric toward Kyiv, and sought close energy ties with Russia.

Nad dismissed the allegations as a "theater," portraying it as the government's attempt to distract the public from internal problems.

"Today's theater didn't shock or upset me in the slightest," Nad said on Facebook.

"I'll keep reminding myself of how proud I am of the support we gave to Ukraine. I'd make the same decision again — without hesitation."

Fico has long criticized Western military aid to Ukraine and the defense assistance provided to Kyiv under the previous Slovak government. In a separate case last year, Slovak Defense Minister Robert Kalinak denounced last year a decision to send MiG-29 jets to Ukraine as "treason."

Tired of military aid delays, Ukraine has designed its own ballistic missile — and it’s already in mass-production

Ukraine announced on June 13 that its short-range Sapsan ballistic missile would go into mass production, a major development in Kyiv’s ongoing efforts to domestically produce the weapons it needs to fight Russia’s full-scale invasion. As Ukraine faces growing challenges in securing weapons from Western partners, and Russia continues launching

The Kyiv IndependentYuliia Taradiuk