Europe has a chance to strike at the Kremlin’s lifelines, if it dares to act. Around 70% of the “shadow fleet” transporting Russian oil sails through the Baltic Sea, said Ukrainian Deputy Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha at a joint press conference with Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski, UkrInform reports. 

“Let me remind you that about 70% of the shadow fleet that transports Russian oil passes through the Baltic Sea. There’s still untapped potential here, in my view, among our European partners — particularly the Baltic Sea states,” Sybiha emphasized.

 

Sanctions must target not just oil, but war criminals too

Sybiha also urged Western partners to impose targeted individual sanctions on Russian officials involved in the abduction of Ukrainian children and unlawful sentences against Ukrainian POWs.

Poland’s leadership role in the Baltic region

With Poland set to chair the Council of the Baltic Sea States, Sybiha said Warsaw has a chance to spearhead efforts to dismantle the Kremlin’s shadow oil network.

“Now is the time for active diplomacy, pressure, and accountability,” he stressed.

The informal gathering of the Ukrainian and Polish foreign ministers took place at Sikorski’s residence in Kobylniki, in Poland’s Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship. Discussions covered a wide range of topics, from international support for Ukraine to humanitarian issues and protecting Ukrainian citizens.

Europe can’t keep up with Russia in producing anti-missiles for Ukraine. Therefore, the time has come to shift from defense to counterattacks, Defense Express reports.

Europe’s defense lags behind

Russia’s military industry is currently capable of producing up to 1,020 ballistic missiles annually, including Iskander and Kinzhal types. European countries only have the capacity to intercept around 300 such missiles per year. These figures come from researcher Fabian Hoffmann, cited by the German outlet Hartpunkt. This imbalance means European industry is being outpaced by Russia, which continues to ramp up missile production. According to Ukraine’s military intelligence, Russia increased its Iskander production by 15–40% in the first half of 2025 alone. Europe is failing to match that surge with equivalent growth in its missile interception capabilities.

From defense to counterstrikes

As Defense Express explains, the traditional “anti-access/area denial” approach, which envisions saturating Ukraine with air defense systems, doesn’t work when the adversary has a numerical advantage. This method focuses on preventing missiles from entering Ukrainian airspace. In contrast, a more “offensive” strategy targets the factories, workshops, and logistics hubs where those missiles are made. It’s about eliminating the source of the threat, not just shielding against its consequences. And that, analysts argue, is exactly what Ukraine needs now. This shift in the support paradigm Europe must adopt to help Ukraine repel Russian strikes is timely and necessary.

“But ultimately it depends on what strike capabilities European partners are actually willing to supply, a particularly pressing issue amid speculation about Germany’s secret strike option, if not Taurus,” the experts write.

What Europe might provide

On 24 July, German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul said Kyiv forces would receive secret weapons to “influence” Russia’s territory. Meanwhile, the deliveries of Taurus long-range missiles were ruled out. Wadephul emphasized that European partners were working intensively on the weapons delivery for Ukraine. The issue was not about finances but about the defense industry’s production capacity. In July, Germany announced it would deliver five Patriot systems to Ukraine, which are the only systems capable of intercepting ballistic missiles. Defense Minister Boris Pistorius confirmed the agreement with his US counterpart Pete Hegseth. Berlin is also sending over 200,000 shells for its Gepard anti-drone systems and financing the production of long-range Ukrainian drones for deep strikes inside Russia.

The EU regards positively actions of the Ukrainian authorities addressing issues around the new anti-corruption law, UkrInform reports. At the same time, European Commission Spokesperson Stefan de Keersmaecker emphasizes the need for continued efforts in this direction.

Stefan de Keersmaecker says the EU welcomes the fact that Ukrainian authorities are taking measures and will cooperate to ensure the bloc’s concerns are addressed. He did not specify which concrete steps or deadlines are expected from Kyiv for a full resolution.

Editorial: Zelenskyy opens a second front—against his own people

Another European Commission Spokesperson Guillaume Mercier stresses that the further financial assistance and EU membership for Kyiv depends on its progress in transparency, judicial reform, and democratic governance.

He also says that the EU will continue to closely follow the situation, offering support to solve issues.

“We need to be sure that Ukraine has all necessary tools to fight corruption and that their independence is ensured,” Mercier claims.

Meanwhile, the EU says it does not link this issue to the stability of military support for Ukraine.

Before the legislative push, starting 21 July, the SBU security service and Prosecutor General’s Office carried out approximately 80 searches targeting 19 NABU staff across multiple oblasts. Employees were accused of state treason, illicit trade with Russia, and acting on behalf of oligarchs.

A birthday guest got indicted—so Ukraine dismantled a decade of reform

The State Bureau of Investigations simultaneously reopened dormant car crash cases involving NABU staff.

In addition, some sources speculated that the campaign may have been aimed at blocking an imminent indictment against Tymur Mindich, co-owner of Zelenskyy’s former media company Kvartal 95.

Ukraine is preparing for a new phase of the war. German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul says Kyiv forces will receive secret weapons to “influence” Russia’s territory, Zeit reports.

Wadephul emphasizes that European partners are now working intensively on the weapons delivery for Ukraine. He explains that the issue is not about finances but about the defense industry’s production capacity. 

“Ukraine has the right to defend itself against attacks. It will also have the ability to affect Russian territory, but we will not reveal to Putin what weapon systems we are supplying to Ukraine,” Wadephul states.

He has not mentioned specific names or dates for the deliveries. Separately, Wadephul says he had stopped looking for logic in the Russian terror against Ukrainian civilians.

“He will stop only when he realizes his plan isn’t working,” the German minister concludes.

In July, Germany announced it would supply five Patriot systems, which are to be delivered to Ukraine “soon.” Defense Minister Boris Pistorius confirmed he had reached an agreement with US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth on the delivery. The Patriots are the only systems Ukraine has that can intercept Russian ballistic missiles.

Berlin also announced plans to supply over 200,000 shells for Gepard systems capable of shooting down Russian drones, and to fund the purchase of Ukrainian long-range drones to strike targets deep in the Russian rear.

Russia did not launch a single missile on Kyiv during US Presidential Envoy Keith Kellogg’s visit. Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha says this is a direct signal that only Washington can compel Moscow to pursue peace, UkrInform reports.

“While he was in Kyiv, no attacks by the Russian aggressor were recorded. This is further evidence of whom Putin truly fears. Putin fears only Trump,” Sybiha stresses.

According to him, during his intensive visit, Kellogg had the opportunity to receive information “firsthand.” This, the minister notes, is crucial in countering the Russian narrative: “Russia will not win, and Ukraine will not lose. It is important to operate from this very paradigm.”

In addition, the talks included discussions on arms procurement, particularly air defense systems. Sybiha states that Kellogg was provided with specific figures on the required number of air defense systems, long-range weapons, and other front-line priorities.

“Following this, we expect the appropriate contact and communication between Presidents Zelenskyy and Trump for the further implementation of the agreements reached,” the minister adds.

During the meeting, Ukrainian high-ranking defense officials explicitly warned Kellogg that Russia was preparing for a large-scale war, not only in Ukraine, but also against the North Atlantic Alliance.

The Swiss Ministry of Defense reports that the US is delaying deliveries of Patriot air defense systems ordered by Switzerland due to priority support for Ukraine in its war against Russia.

In 2022, Switzerland ordered five Patriot systems, which were planned for delivery between 2026 and 2028. However, on 16 July 2025, the US officially announced a revision of delivery priorities due to the urgent need to replenish armaments for countries supplying weapons to Ukraine.

According to Defense Express, the contract included the delivery of 17 launchers and a stock of 70 GEM-T surface-to-air missiles, five AN/MPQ-65 radars, six MIDS-LVT data distribution systems, and five AN/MSQ-132 command posts.

Additionally, in November 2022, the US State Department approved the supply of 72 PAC-3 MSE missiles and related equipment to Switzerland worth $700 million.

Switzerland will receive the systems from later production batches, resulting in delivery delays. Meanwhile, Germany has increased its aid to Ukraine by transferring an additional two Patriot systems.

The delay currently has no specific timeline, and it is unclear whether it will affect deliveries of the PAC-3 MSE guided missiles, which the US promised to provide Ukraine earlier than Switzerland last year.

European Union foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said that Washington should “share the burden” of arms deliveries to Ukraine rather than expecting European allies to fund American weapons purchases.

“We welcome President Trump’s announcement to send more weapons to Ukraine, although we would like to see US to share the burden. America and Europe are working together,” Kallas said after a Brussels meeting of EU foreign ministers on 15 July.

NATO maintains that Europe now contributes the majority of weapons flowing to Ukraine, countering Trump’s characterization of burden distribution. 

According to Kallas, “If you promise to provide weapons but say someone else will pay for them, then you’re not actually providing them.”

Trump also offered to supply Ukraine with long-range Tomahawk missiles as part of a broader $10 billion NATO-backed military aid package.

However, Ukrainian military intelligence noted that Ukraine lacks the necessary launch platforms such as strategic bombers or combat ships to effectively deploy these missiles. 

Previously, Trump had emphasized supplying only defensive weapons and was cautious about escalating the conflict with Russia. However, growing frustration with Russian President Putin’s rejection of peace efforts and intensifying Russian attacks on civilians appears to have changed his stance.

 

Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski stated that it should not be Europe, but Russia itself, using its frozen assets, that pays for American weapons for Ukraine. He made this comment in response to the new US and NATO initiative to rearm Kyiv, PAP reports.

“I asked my fellow foreign ministers: Who should pay for American equipment? Should it be European taxpayers, or, in my opinion, should the aggressor pay for it using its frozen funds?” Sikorski said following a meeting of EU foreign ministers. 

He voiced support for Trump’s new plan with a 50-day deadline: if Russia does not end the war within this period, the US will impose tough sanctions on Moscow and its partners.

“We hope that this 50-day window before potential US sanctions is a time to increase pressure on the Russian Federation so that it finally comes to its senses,” the Polish foreign minister emphasized.

Sikorski also noted his approval of Washington’s new stance on the war, adding that he is pleased the US president has now reached the same conclusions that EU countries had drawn earlier.

Earlier, Kaja Kallas, EU foreign policy chief, said that the timeline of a 50-day ultimatum to Putin for Ukraine peace talks is too long, as civilians die daily.

Also, Trump did not clarify what would happen if Russia refuses to agree to a peace deal with Ukraine. Meanwhile, the deadline coincides with the timeframe reportedly shared by Putin during a recent conversation, in which he stated that Moscow plans to escalate military operations in eastern Ukraine. This effectively gives Putin 1,5 months to continue killing Ukrainian civilians.

Kyrylo Budanov, the head of Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence, passed alarming information to US Presidential Special Representative Keith Kellogg during their meeting in Kyiv. Russia is preparing for a major war, not only against Ukraine but also against NATO. 

The meeting was also attended by the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Oleksandr Syrskyi, the Chief of the General Staff, Andrii Hnatov, and other intelligence officials. The American side was briefed on an updated assessment of the operational situation and the Kremlin’s plans for 2036.

“The Kremlin’s imperial ambitions are not limited to Ukraine. They encompass all of Europe. However, with US support, we are capable of stopping Russia and nullifying its military potential,” Budanov emphasized.

The head of the intelligence agency thanked the US for its assistance and stressed, “Russia respects only strength,” and that only through strong resistance can Ukraine achieve a true and lasting peace.

Earlier, US President Donald Trump, frustrated by fruitless “pleasant talks” with Russian leader Vladimir Putin on the war in Ukraine, issued an ultimatum to Moscow. He said that if the Kremlin doesn’t reach a peace agreement within 50 days, the White House will impose 100% tariffs on Russia. This effectively gives Putin 1,5 months to continue killing Ukrainian civilians. Trump also did not clarify what would happen if Moscow refuses to sign any deal with Kyiv. 

Later, former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev openly mocked Trump’s statements, saying the Kremlin is indifferent to Washington’s new threats.

Euromaidan Press: Hello, Peter. Can you tell what the film is about shortly?

Peter Duke:  The film basically tells the story of what we do with the convoy effort, and some of the people—just a few of the people—that are participating, and of course, some of the heroes that we go and help there in Ukraine.

I first joined the convoy in February of 2023. That was my first time. As an American, I was one of the first two that had gone on convoy. So it was a very new thing to myself. I didn’t know what to expect, but the connections that I made there and the people that I met were just heroes through and through. I was so impressed with the abilities of the people who both were organizing the convoy and participating in it, and the ones who were helping get that supply of vehicles and supplies to the troops there in Kyiv.

This has been going on since March of 2022. In April 2025, we’re delivering our 40th convoy to Kyiv. That’s almost 670 trucks full of supplies that we brought.

Euromaidan Press: So it’s not only trucks that you deliver, it’s also some other aid for Ukrainian soldiers. What is it usually?

Peter Duke: The trucks themselves are pretty standardized. They are second-hand but very mechanically sound trucks, and they’re all like a civilian pickup truck—they’re a four-door, four-by-four, diesel pickup truck. Then it’s been outfitted with a night vision camera, a drone jammer, and other things. Some of them are specialized as medevac vehicles as well.

These vehicles go there and they come with a set of street tires that we drive them there on, but also a set of mud tires for each truck because that can be very important in the off-road conditions. But then we fill the trucks up with any other things we’ve got, and that may be everything from medical kits to sleeping bags. We provide a lot of drones—we fundraise and send a lot of FPV and Mavics, things like that. Also, if there’s something special that a unit’s requested, we’ll do our best to fill that request as well.

And then many of the drivers just bring along their own sort of care package. Whether it’s chocolates from Belgium or supplies—I’ve brought a bunch of stuff from the US. Some people will get other donations of everything from trench candles to tourniquets and provide those just to let the troops know that we’re looking out for them. We’re doing everything we can on the home side to provide them with the tools and kit that they need.

Euromaidan Press: And how is it all funded?

Peter Duke: We’ll get the stuff however we can get it. But yeah, we’re a fully volunteer and donation-funded group. We fundraise, we make the social media appeals. I know everyone is very exhausted from giving, frankly. I mean, like this war—people were generous in 2022, they did what they could to give to support the Ukrainians. And then it went into 2023, and some donors got tired or their resources became short through 2024. Here we are in 2025.

Some people will get other donations of everything from trench candles to tourniquets and provide those just to let the troops know that we’re looking out for them.

That’s both been a marathon of endurance for the donors, but also it’s enabled us to build a pipeline of experience. A track record, so people know, “Hey, these guys are delivering the vehicles. They’re continuing to deliver the supplies. They’ve got proof they’ve been doing it successfully.” And this all continues to build confidence in the donors that their money is going to a good cause. So we’ve been lucky enough to be able to keep up the pace. And yeah, there is definitely fatigue among people who read the news.

Euromaidan Press: Do you also feel this fatigue personally? How do you cope with it? Why should people still care and help Ukraine?

Peter Duke: Yeah, we all get tired. I get tired. We’ve got a busy life. We have families. We have jobs. We have stuff to do. But I remember that every one of these Ukrainians that’s out there sacrificing and fighting and defending is doing it for us. Make no mistake—if Russia is allowed to take Ukraine, they are not going to be satisfied. That will not be the end of it. So this effort is for all of us. All of us in the Western democracies that hope for peace and security need Ukraine to succeed.

And the effort also affects people in the East. Because if this is allowed to continue unopposed, people in Taiwan will pay the price. Maybe Korea’s neighbors to the South will pay the price. Because if it’s not stopped, if people like Putin are not put in their place and stopped, this kind of authoritarianism and this kind of evil will spread.

There have been times of peace in the world and there have been times of turmoil, and we should never take those times of peace for granted. So that thought keeps pushing me forward.

But on a more personal level, whenever I am tired, whenever I get exhausted, whenever I get a little bit overwhelmed, I just think of the people in Kyiv who have to go to sleep and hope that the buzzing sound of a drone doesn’t get louder and louder until it bursts into their apartment wall, or that when they wake up, maybe the power is on. The sacrifices that they continue to make day in and day out pick me up and push me forward.

If people like Putin are not put in their place and stopped, this kind of authoritarianism and this kind of evil will spread.

So anything I can do here in the peace of my country—and all the Europeans who likewise are pushing forward this effort from the peace of their country—should prize that peace and know that this freedom is not free. It comes at a price that the Ukrainians are paying every day.

Euromaidan Press: I read some of your statements about the film and you mentioned that you see parallels between Ukraine’s resistance now and America’s founding in 1776. Can you elaborate more on this connection?

Peter Duke: Oh, man. Yeah, that one is so clear and so obvious to me.

Thinking back to the founding of our own nation in 1776, we wanted to break free from a colonial power that was so powerful that we were not able to break free from it initially. We wanted to break from that power that had been dictating terms to us and sapping our resources for the gain of that empire. And of course, those parallels are very clear with what has been happening with Russia and Ukraine.

Russia for a long time interfered in Ukraine’s affairs. You can go back centuries and Ukraine was, unfortunately, the collision place of Russia and the Western world. Russia finally had that connection broken in the Maidan revolution, and again Ukraine tried to reinstate their own vision of how they wanted to lead their life. And Russia keeps pressing—they just cannot take the hint that this nation wants to be free and lead a future of self-determination.

This is like an ex-boyfriend or ex-husband that just can’t let go of that woman and keeps saying, “No, you belong to me. I’m going to dictate to you. You belong to me.” This is disgusting. These people in Ukraine should not have to put up with Russia constantly pressing on their affairs and trying to make them a part of a Russian empire that they don’t want to be part of.

But it’s a question of who’s going to arise at this time to support Ukraine in this battle, to finally put Russia back behind its border and have the peace that Ukraine deserves.

So in 1776, the Americans had had enough of the British empire dictating terms to us here. And we moved for our independence. And thankfully, at that time, we had the support of France, which enabled us to eventually have that victory. It wasn’t easy, and a lot of life was lost. In 1812, the British returned to try and have a round two of that, and we eventually were able to push this colonial power away. We eventually were able to succeed in that contest and we had our independence.

But it’s a question of who’s going to arise at this time to support Ukraine in this battle, to finally put Russia back behind its border and have the peace that Ukraine deserves. And I think it’s patriots from all over the world that understand that this freedom comes at a cost and they’re going to support Ukraine in this.

Euromaidan Press: In the film, you also show a lot of destruction that Russia brought to Ukraine and you visit memorials in Irpin and Bucha. These are places where Russian soldiers committed war crimes—they killed and tortured civilians. You also said that the film changed you and your perspective on the war. How did it change you and what was your perspective earlier?

Peter Duke: Well, reading about war and seeing the effects of war are two different things. You can look at all the books and you can look at all the newscasts, and the human mind has just a weird way of compartmentalizing things. I’ve seen videos, I’ve seen newscasts, I know the bombs are dropping, I know things are getting blown up and I know there are people dying. But being there and seeing the charred shells of these buildings, and seeing the destruction—the broken machines and the broken men walking around missing limbs and so on—that makes it real.

You have to see these things for your own eyes. I’m sure that when you get closer to this, the human empathy comes forward and pushes past the propaganda and whatever disassociation was happening in your head before, and it becomes black and white.

And that’s why I want to bring viewers a little bit closer to that by seeing it through our eyes, through eyes of average Americans, people who have gone there and seen it so they understand what is really going on. 

And that’s why the convoy is important in one regard—because of the hundreds and hundreds of drivers who have participated in this, they all leave changed. Having been there with their own eyes, having visited some of the places that you mentioned and having seen both the tragedies of war and the warmth and the welcomeness and the gratitude of the Ukrainians we meet, they go back home with that in their heads and their hearts, and they know that supporting Ukraine is the right thing for them, for the Ukrainians, and for the world.

Euromaidan Press: What impact do you think your film can have on viewers?

Peter Duke: You want to affect people and make their hearts and their minds understand what’s happening and make it real for them. So I think a movie is a good medium to do that. It should be more relatable. So hopefully we achieve that goal.

I really think that being there is the best way. And of course, that opportunity is limited because not everyone can take so much time out of their life to go there in person and do it. But hopefully this vehicle will show that many people, regular people like myself, have made that choice, have gone there and have seen this. And I hope that they will take away what their eyes and their ears are telling them—that real people can make a difference in the history that we are writing together.

Euromaidan Press: So people who are who will watch this interview or will watch your film “No Sleep Till Kyiv,” how can they get involved in helping Ukraine? Is it through donations or is it even possible to join this convoy?

Peter Duke: Yes and yes. But the most important thing is that they know in their hearts that this is the right thing to do, because I believe when someone sees this and it comes to them, they’re like, “Wow, I can’t imagine supporting the other side in this—Russia. Certainly the things they are saying that I’ve read on social media or whatever don’t look at all like the situation on the ground. It would be crazy not to support the Ukrainians.”

You want to affect people and make their hearts and their minds understand what’s happening and make it real for them. So I think a movie is a good medium to do that.

And despite some of the things you read on social media that may be negative or misinformation, much of that comes from paid bot accounts that are set up by the Russians and their allies. In the real world, something like 70% of Americans support maintaining aid for Ukraine, sending more aid. And they know black from white. They know this is the right thing to do. So I just want to help reaffirm that inner empathy and let people see for themselves what’s going on so that they know this is the right thing.

Euromaidan Press: Have you ever met Americans who are not supportive of Ukraine?

Peter Duke: Of course. I talk to some people. And usually, this is the thing—when you’re having a face-to-face conversation, it’s different. Social media is terrible in that regard because someone will just shoot some rude thing off into the internet and turn around and never think twice about it. And that rude thing can be read by tens of thousands or millions of people and it can affect them. But personal conversations, face-to-face, are much more diplomatic.

Usually what happens is they’ll say something like, “Well, I don’t speak Ukrainian,” and I’m like, “That’s no trouble. English will get you further and it’s appreciated there, but it’s okay. You can speak the tongue you’re comfortable with. That’s the same in Ukraine.”

Or they’ll say something ridiculous like, “Well, Zelenskyy is stealing all the money.” I’m like, “Well, have you seen Putin’s palaces? I mean, do you see how this guy gets around with his entourage? Do you see the huge yachts that his oligarch friends have?” I mean, all the evidence points to them doing what they are accusing others of doing. Meanwhile, Zelenskyy is there doing his work in Kyiv and trying his best to keep his country together. Please, folks, let’s look at some facts here.

And so if I’m calm and have a few sentences with a person and I share these viewpoints, usually the reasoning comes through, and then it’s easy to make them an ally. I don’t meet too many people that are strongly pro-Russia, anti-Ukraine here in the US. And that’s why I think it’s important to share the story with the movie because so many people are either lightly in favor of Ukraine or they’re just kind of on the fence. And it doesn’t take much to make them a believer. So by sharing the message of the movie, that usually is enough to make their mind up.

Euromaidan Press: You delivered aid to Ukraine with volunteers from Estonia, some from Ukraine, some Americans also. Did you feel fully united with them in your vision and values? Or were there some differences in your perception of war and support for Ukraine? What did this international experience teach you as an American?

So it’s always interesting to speak to my Ukrainian friends and get their viewpoints. It definitely expands the mind some.

Peter Duke: It’s important to think about how Americans view the world. And I’m not really sure how to define this well, but it’s different than Europeans. Americans, we’ve normally been much more isolated. It’s normal for a European to speak several languages and have traveled through several countries just by nature of the geography. But here in America, English is all we need. And we just know our own country and the way we think and the way we’ve been told the world works.

So it’s always interesting to speak to my Ukrainian friends and get their viewpoints. It definitely expands the mind some. And also being on the convoy, being together with this common purpose, there’s a sense of camaraderie between the men and women on the convoy, what we are doing. The way we’re feeling together, the experience that we share—it’s very heartwarming. And we all leave changed for the better.

Euromaidan Press: So the movie is called “No Sleep Till Kyiv.” And you mentioned that the road from the capital of Estonia, Tallinn, to the capital of Ukraine, Kyiv, took you over 30 hours. So did you really have no sleep for this long time? Why did you decide to do it?

Peter Duke: Yeah, so we were trying to think of a name and we were like, “We should call the movie ‘The Convoy.'” I don’t know, it’s sort of a generic name.

So as the movie production was happening, we would sit around and talk. And I was talking with a buddy of mine, and we’re like, “Man, what should we call it? We need a better name.” And there’s a song from a group called the Beastie Boys—it’s like a hip hop group. They were popular in the 80s and 90s, early 2000s. And it was called “No Sleep Till Brooklyn.” And so that name is kind of imprinted in the memory of many people of my generation and the generation after me—”No Sleep Till Brooklyn.”

So that catchphrase, probably somewhere in our subconscious, came up. And my buddy is like, “Let’s call it ‘No Sleep Till Kyiv.'” And I was like, “Actually, it’s got a ring to it,” because that’s kind of what we do.

I mean, although no one is stopping and rolling out their bed and taking an actual rest on the convoy, we do take our turns sitting in the passenger seat and kind of dozing for a short spell. But I’ll tell you, basically, for 30-something hours, we get no good sleep. So there’s that part of it—the endurance of the drive, the marathon to Kyiv. And the fact that it has a ring to it. So “No Sleep Till Kyiv” is the name. And for us, there’s going to be no rest until there’s peace for Ukraine. So that’s the name and that’s how it is.

No sleep til Kyiv is available to watch here since 15 July.

Skyeton, the Ukrainian developer of the well-known long-range Raybird unmanned aerial vehicles, which have logged over 350,000 hours of combat flights, has become a target of technological espionage by unscrupulous European companies, The Telegraph reports. 

Roman Kniazhenko, the company’s CEO, reveals this. According to him, Western manufacturers visit “as guests” with alleged proposals for cooperation, but instead they are trying to steal production secrets. 

“Then they do beautiful pitch books, beautiful presentations about how they’re operating in Ukraine. But actually they’ve done just a couple of flights in Lviv [the western city more than 1,000km from the front line],” he says. 

Sometimes, Kniazhenko continues, he sees in their presentations, “literally my own words, without any change.”

He also emphasizes that while Ukrainian drones withstand real combat conditions, taking off even from puddles, European governments are spending billions on products that merely simulate combat effectiveness. 

“The big problem, after that, is that billions of dollars go to the companies that still don’t have any idea what they’re doing,” says Kniazhenko. 

Meanwhile, the Skyeton team, currently 500 people strong, works 24/7 developing drones for the toughest frontline conditions.

One example of its effectiveness was an operation in the Black Sea: Ukrainian special forces went missing at night, and a Raybird, with its lights on, was able to locate them in the dark waters.

“From one side, everything looks perfect for us. But it was like hell, a night of hell. When you are destroying something you feel good for a couple seconds. But when you know that you saved someone. Like, it’s a totally different feeling,” explains Kniazhenko. 

He also urges the West to fund the production of Ukrainian drones on its territory instead of starting a startup from scratch. Every country has the technologies it is good at, he stresses, adding that for Ukraine, it is clear that it is drones. 

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German Chancellor Friedrich Merz declared that diplomatic solutions to the Russo-Ukrainian war have reached their limits, while committing to maintain Berlin’s assistance to Ukraine, according to Tagesschau and ZDF heute.

Merz promised continued German support “even against the resistance of the political left and the Russia-friendly right here in the house.”

The Chancellor justified the stance by arguing that traditional diplomatic channels no longer offer viable solutions.

“Diplomatic resources have been exhausted,” he told lawmakers, framing the situation as one where “a criminal regime uses military force to openly challenge the right to exist of an entire country and seeks to destroy the political freedom of the entire European continent.”

On defense spending, Merz framed Germany’s military investment as essential European leadership. “We’re taking on the leadership responsibility that Europe expects from us,” he said. The constitutional amendment enabling increased defense spending wasn’t just about Germany—without it, “NATO would probably have fallen apart in the 70th year of our membership.”

The Chancellor’s remarks come as Germany prepares substantial military assistance for 2025. In June, Defense Minister Boris Pistorius announced plans for Berlin to provide €9 billion ($10 billion) in military aid to Ukraine next year, with portions allocated specifically for long-range weapons production financing.

However, contradictions have emerged in Germany’s weapons policy. While Pistorius rejected any current consideration of transferring long-range TAURUS cruise missiles to Ukraine, Chancellor Merz had described such weapons deliveries as possible just one month earlier.