Pro-Ukrainian partisan movement ATESH says it sabotaged the power supply to a Russian semiconductor plant in Voronezh that produces electronic components used in Russia’s missiles and air defense systems.

Targeting such suppliers can hit Russia’s ability to sustain its missile campaign: disrupting production of critical electronic components can slow the replenishment of weapons used to strike Ukrainian cities.

In a statement published on 16 September, ATESH said one of its agents infiltrated an electrical substation near the Voronezh Semiconductor Devices Plant-Sbor­ka (VZPP-S) and destroyed the main distribution cabinet supplying the facility. The movement said the agent escaped the city after the operation.

VZPP-S is a Russian producer of semiconductor devices, integrated circuits and power modules. Ukraine’s military intelligence lists the company as part of Russia’s defense-industrial supply chain and says it has produced electronic components for Kh-101 cruise missiles, Iskander-K missiles and Pantsir-S1 air defense systems.

ATESH claimed the sabotage caused a major voltage surge and shut down production workshops. The movement said full power was not restored for several weeks, causing delays in deliveries of components for Russian weapons and, consequently, delays in missile and air defense production.

The movement’s claims have not been independently verified.

ATESH is a pro-Ukrainian partisan movement operating in Russian-occupied territories and inside Russia. It says it recruits local residents and Russian military personnel to conduct sabotage, gather intelligence and pass information to Ukraine. The movement regularly publishes claims of attacks and acts of sabotage against Russian military and defense-industrial targets, though individual operations are often difficult to independently verify.

The plant has already been targeted

The reported sabotage comes after the VZPP-S facility was struck in a Ukrainian attack in June.

Ukraine’s military intelligence says VZPP-S produces components for the Kh-101, including transistor assemblies and matrices used in the missile’s electronic systems. It also says the company supplies semiconductor components for the onboard computer of the 9M727 cruise missile used by the Iskander-K system, as well as components for the Pantsir-S1’s television channel.

The company itself describes VZPP-S as a major Russian producer of electronic components, with more than 900 products in serial production.

ATESH said it delayed publication of its claim to protect its agent.

Ukraine’s Operation Vivaldi has disrupted Russia’s plan to encircle Ukraine’s heavily fortified “Fortress Belt” in Donetsk Oblast, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) assessed, adding that Ukrainian forces have likely made additional gains beyond those publicly disclosed by Kyiv.

The assessment comes a day after Ukraine’s Third Army Corps publicly confirmed that it is conducting a counteroffensive against Russian forces north and northwest of Lyman. ISW said the Ukrainian gains have rendered Russia's plan to encircle the Fortress Belt from the north and south unfeasible.

Third Army Corps commander Brigadier General Andrii Biletskyi said on 15 September that Ukrainian forces had cleared Russian infiltrators from several settlements and liberated Serednie. The corps said its forces had cleared 75 square kilometers of Russian infiltrators and de-occupied another 10 square kilometers during the first phase of the operation.

Biletskyi said the operation, dubbed “Vivaldi,” was conducted under information silence and warned that the first phase was only one of four planned “seasons.”

Ukraine’s gains appear larger than initially disclosed

ISW assessed that Ukrainian forces have likely made additional gains beyond those announced by Biletskyi, with Russian sources beginning to acknowledge the deterioration of their position in the area.

In particular, Russian forces have been shelling Ukrainian positions in Kolodyazi, northeast of Lyman, according to geolocated footage. A prominent Russian milblogger also acknowledged that Russian forces were trying to push Ukrainian troops out of Kolodyazi – what ISW described as a “coy acknowledgement” that Ukrainian forces have likely liberated the settlement.

Russian sources have continued to report worsening conditions for Russian forces both north and south of Kolodyazi.

ISW also corroborated the Third Army Corps’ account of growing Russian logistical problems, noting that Ukrainian strikes have disrupted supplies for Russian forces in the Borova and Lyman directions. The corps said the pressure was severe enough that Russia moved some logistics and support elements across the state border into Russia’s Voronezh Oblast.

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Vivaldi disrupts Russia’s plan for the Fortress Belt

The operation’s broader significance lies in its effect on Russia’s campaign in Donetsk.

Russia has made capturing the remaining Ukrainian-held parts of Donetsk Oblast a central military objective, with its forces seeking to advance toward the heavily fortified cities of the Donetsk “Fortress Belt” from several directions.

The Russian military had also sought to create a northern route around the Fortress Belt through the Lyman area. ISW now assesses that Ukraine’s gains north of Lyman have made that plan unfeasible.

The institute said the Ukrainian counteroffensive will delay Russia’s planned offensive toward Sloviansk, the major objective Moscow had been expected to pursue after capturing Lyman.

Russian sources acknowledge setbacks

According to ISW, a prominent Kremlin-affiliated Russian milblogger similarly acknowledged that Ukraine’s gains will delay the Russian offensive toward Sloviansk and warned that the northern flank of Russian forces operating southeast of Lyman and east of Kramatorsk is now vulnerable to Ukrainian counterattacks and interdiction.

The Russian milblogger also claimed that Russian forces had lost positions south of Lyman and were struggling to recapture positions inside the city itself.

Russian sources have blamed the setbacks on the military’s culture of producing “beautiful reports” – exaggerated accounts of battlefield advances that can distort higher-level operational planning.

Another prominent milblogger reportedly claimed that some Russian commanders were attempting to conceal losses by rapidly assembling assault groups from inadequately trained personnel to retake lost positions.

Russia still presses its offensive elsewhere

Despite the setbacks around Lyman, ISW said Russian forces continue prioritizing frontal attacks against the Fortress Belt from the south and efforts to encircle it from the southwest, rather than advancing toward the cities from the east.

The institute said Russia may still be adjusting to the loss of the Lyman salient and the initiative in the area. It also assessed that Russian forces could seek to cut Ukrainian ground lines of communication to the Fortress Belt from the west.

For Ukraine, meanwhile, the counteroffensive is also undermining Russia’s ability to present advances in Donetsk as evidence of battlefield momentum.

And the full extent of Vivaldi remains unknown.

Biletskyi said the 85 square kilometers publicly disclosed by the corps represented only the first “season” of the operation, invoking Vivaldi’s Four Seasons.

“Vivaldi, as is known, has four seasons. And this is only the first one,” Biletskyi said on 15 September.

Russian Major General Anton Grunis, the commander who told Russian President Vladimir Putin that Russian forces had fully captured Kostiantynivka despite Ukrainian troops still defending the city, has been killed in the war against Ukraine, according to Russian media reports.

Grunis was awarded the Hero of Russia title just weeks before his death, after commanding Russian forces on the Kostiantynivka front. He had reported the city’s supposed capture to Putin in July, even as Ukrainian forces continued to hold positions there.

Robert “Madyar” Brovdi, commander of Ukraine’s Unmanned Systems Forces (SBS), confirmed Grunis’s death on 16 September, saying Ukrainian forces killed the general on 12 September in occupied Donetsk Oblast.

Madyar said the operation was carried out by the “Rarog” unit of Ukraine’s 427th Separate Regiment of Unmanned Systems. 

Several Russian sources have also confirmed Grunis’s death, according to Ukrainska Pravda and RBC-Ukraine.

Madyar said Grunis is the seventh confirmed Russian commander at the brigade, division, or army level killed by Ukraine’s SBS “Birds” units.

The general who declared Kostiantynivka captured

Grunis commanded Russia’s 4th Separate Guards Motor Rifle Brigade, which has been fighting on the Kostiantynivka front, according to Ukrainska Pravda.

In July, Grunis personally reported to Putin that Russian forces had supposedly fully captured Kostiantynivka. Russia’s Chief of the General Staff Valery Gerasimov made a similar claim.

Ukraine rejected the announcement, saying its troops were still conducting defensive operations inside the city. Kostiantynivka remains contested as of 16 September.

RBC-Ukraine reported that Russian troops have entered parts of the city, but Ukrainian forces continue to hold positions in its southern, central, and northern areas. Ukraine’s General Staff reported 18 Russian attacks on the Kostiantynivka axis over the previous day.

Kostiantynivka is the southernmost major city in Ukraine’s fortified defensive belt in Donetsk Oblast, with Druzhkivka, Kramatorsk, and Sloviansk farther north. Russia has been trying to capture it since 2025.

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Killed weeks after receiving Hero of Russia title

Grunis was awarded Russia’s highest state decoration shortly before his death. On 27 August, Russian Defense Minister Andrei Belousov presented him with the Gold Star of the Hero of the Russian Federation for what Russia described as his “courage and heroism,” according to Ukrainska Pravda.

Grunis graduated from the Kazan Suvorov Military School in 1996 and fought in Chechnya and against Georgia, Ukrainska Pravda reported. He retired from active service in 2021 but returned to the Russian military after the start of the full-scale invasion.

The 4th Separate Guards Motor Rifle Brigade was formed in 2014 from Russian-backed armed formations in occupied Luhansk, including the Prizrak group, before being integrated into Russia’s regular military structure, according to Ukrainska Pravda.

Ukraine’s Third Army Corps has revealed details of an offensive operation in northern Donetsk Oblast, saying its forces cleared Russian infiltrators from several settlements and liberated the village of Serednie.

Russia has made seizing the entirety of Donetsk Oblast both a battlefield and diplomatic priority of its invasion of Ukraine, repeatedly trying to break through heavily fortified Ukrainian defensive lines while demanding that Kyiv withdraw from the remaining Ukrainian-held territory in negotiations. Despite years of fighting and sustained Russian assaults, Moscow has failed to capture the entire oblast, and Ukraine is now conducting an offensive of its own.

The operation, dubbed “Vivaldi,” was conducted under a period of information silence and involved Ukrainian drone, reconnaissance, special operations, infantry, and other units working under a unified tactical command. The corps said the first phase cleared 75 square kilometers of Russian infiltrators and liberated another 10 square kilometers of territory.

The announcement was made by Third Army Corps commander Brigadier General Andrii Biletskyi on 15 September. 

Ukraine targets Russian infiltration

According to the corps, the operation focused initially on Russian troops that had infiltrated Ukrainian positions and settlements in the area.

Ukrainian forces cleared Novoselivka, Oleksandrivka, Yarova, the outskirts of Korovyi Yar, and liberated Serednie, the corps said. It described the total area cleared or retaken as 85 square kilometers.

The operation brought together units from the 60th and 125th Mechanized Brigades, the Third Assault Brigade, the KRAKEN special unit, and other formations of the Third Army Corps, alongside attached units from the 66th Mechanized Brigade, Ukraine’s Special Operations Forces, the military intelligence unit Artan, and the State Border Guard Service.

The corps said the operation was coordinated by a joint headquarters that brought special operations and reconnaissance units under a single tactical plan specifically to counter Russian infiltrators, whom it referred to as “flagovtyky.”

Russian logistics pushed back across the border

The Ukrainian operation also targeted Russian logistics supporting the front.

The corps said its drone units cut Russian supply routes and struck fuel infrastructure and storage facilities that had been supporting Russian forces.

According to the Ukrainian military, Russian forces subsequently moved the supply of fuel and lubricants out of Ukraine and into Russia’s Voronezh Oblast after a pipeline and fuel depots were destroyed.

The corps claimed Russian forces lost around 1,500 personnel during this phase of the operation, as well as more than 12,000 drones and hundreds of armored vehicles, artillery systems, and other vehicles.

‘This is only the first season’

Biletskyi said the operation’s ultimate objective has been the subject of speculation in open sources, with some reports suggesting Ukrainian forces could be seeking to reach the Chornyi Zherebets River.

He declined to confirm that objective, instead emphasizing the name of the operation.

“Our operation is called Vivaldi. And Vivaldi, as is known, has four seasons. And this is only the first one,” Biletskyi said.

The remarks suggest Ukraine does not consider the actions revealed on 15 September to be a standalone tactical operation, although the corps did not disclose what its next phase will involve.

The Third Army Corps said further details would be released in subsequent official statements.

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Donetsk remains Russia’s main territorial objective

Donetsk Oblast is central to Russia’s territorial demands in Ukraine. Moscow claims the entire oblast as Russian territory despite not controlling all of it, and has demanded that Ukraine withdraw from the remaining Ukrainian-held territory in Donetsk as part of peace talks.

The Donbas region – consisting of Donetsk and neighboring Luhansk oblasts – has been a battleground since Russia’s 2014 invasion, and capturing the remaining Ukrainian-held territory has remained the Kremlin’s core objective throughout the full-scale invasion since 2022.

A Russian frigate fired two flares at a Danish military helicopter during a routine photographic mission in international waters off Denmark, with one flare passing close to the aircraft, Denmark’s armed forces said.

The incident comes amid a growing series of confrontational incidents involving Russia and NATO countries, as Western officials warn that Moscow is becoming increasingly willing to test the alliance’s defenses and intimidate its members.

Flare passed close to Danish helicopter

The Danish Fennec helicopter was conducting routine photographic coverage of the Russian frigate when the ship fired two flares at it, according to Denmark’s Armed Forces. The incident occurred off Gedser, at the southern tip of Denmark, on 14 September.

One of the flares passed close to the helicopter. The Danish military did not report any injuries or damage and said it had no further comment on the incident.

Flares are pyrotechnic devices normally used as attention signals at sea.

Danish Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen called the incident “completely unacceptable” and said Russia’s ambassador had been summoned for talks.

Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen called it “reckless action from Russia towards Danish military” during a routine overflight, saying Russian actions were intended to “intimidate and divide.”

Russia’s ambassador to Denmark, Vladimir Barbin, disputed Copenhagen’s account, telling DR that Moscow would investigate and accusing the Danish helicopter of provocative actions near the Russian frigate.

Another incident in a growing pattern

The episode comes as Russia’s behavior toward NATO countries has become increasingly confrontational in recent months.

NATO fighters have repeatedly been scrambled over Russian military aircraft in the Baltic region, while European countries have dealt with airspace incidents, suspected Russian drones and other security threats linked to the war against Ukraine.

On 15 September, NATO aircraft also shot down a drone over Lithuania after it entered the country’s airspace from the direction of Belarus. The drone was believed to have been carrying an explosive device.

NATO spokesperson Allison Hart described the Danish incident as “another irresponsible Russian action” intended to intimidate the alliance, adding that NATO would continue defending its territory and supporting Ukraine.

The incidents are unfolding as Russia continues its full-scale war against Ukraine and expands pressure beyond the battlefield. Western officials have increasingly warned that Moscow is using military intimidation and other forms of pressure against European countries while testing how far it can push NATO without triggering a direct confrontation.

The flare incident comes amid a broader deterioration in European security, with Russian military activity increasingly creating dangerous encounters with NATO forces.

Finland will send Ukraine its 34th package of military assistance, worth around €290 million, as Ukraine continues to defend itself against Russia’s full-scale invasion.

The package comes as Ukraine faces sustained Russian attacks and prepares for another winter of war, when the demands on its military and air defenses are expected to grow further. Kyiv continues to rely on its European partners to replenish equipment and strengthen its ability to withstand Russia’s prolonged campaign.

Finland responds to Ukraine’s urgent needs

Finnish President Alexander Stubb approved the package on 15 September following a proposal from the government. It is the second-largest defense package Finland has provided to Ukraine since Russia launched its full-scale invasion.

The Finnish Ministry of Defense said the package contains military equipment that Ukraine has urgently requested.

Finland is withholding details about the contents, delivery method and schedule for operational security reasons and to ensure the equipment reaches Ukraine safely.

The latest package brings the total value of Finnish defense equipment delivered to Ukraine since the start of the full-scale invasion to approximately €3.6 billion.

Finnish Defense Minister Antti Häkkänen said Finland has based its military assistance throughout the war on Ukraine’s needs, combining equipment from Finnish military stocks with purchases from the country’s defense industry.

Ukraine faces another difficult winter

The timing of the new package is particularly important as Ukraine approaches its fifth winter since Russia launched its full-scale invasion.

Russia has repeatedly used the colder months to intensify attacks on Ukraine’s energy system and other critical infrastructure, seeking to put additional pressure on the Ukrainian population while the country continues fighting at the front.

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Ukrainian officials and European partners have warned that Russia is preparing to maintain or intensify its attacks during the coming winter. Ukraine therefore needs to enter the season with sufficient military equipment to defend its cities and infrastructure while continuing operations against Russian forces.

The winter also creates additional demands on Ukraine’s civilian and military systems. Damage to energy infrastructure can affect heating, electricity and water supplies, while continued Russian attacks require Ukraine to devote resources to protecting infrastructure and responding to strikes.

Finland also supports its own defense industry

Some of the equipment in the new package will be procured from Finnish defense companies rather than taken from existing military stocks.

Häkkänen said this allows Finland to support Ukraine while also strengthening the capacity of its domestic defense industry.

Finland said both Ukraine’s needs and the resources of the Finnish Defense Forces were taken into account when approving the package.

The new delivery underscores Finland’s continued commitment to helping Ukraine sustain its defense as Russia’s war enters another winter.

Russia again struck railway infrastructure near Ukraine’s border with Poland overnight, directly hitting another locomotive in Volyn Oblast, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said on 15 September. He appealed to Ukraine’s partners for urgent help replacing locomotives damaged or destroyed by Russian strikes.

The latest strike adds to a rapidly growing toll on Ukraine’s railway fleet. More than 500 Ukrainian locomotives have been damaged or completely destroyed since Russia launched its full-scale invasion, Sybiha said. More than half of those losses have occurred this year alone, as Russian attacks on railways have intensified and increasingly reached western Ukraine.

Ukraine’s railway system remains essential for civilian travel, evacuating people from frontline areas and transporting goods across the country. Recent attacks show that Russia is increasingly putting even these routes at risk far from the front.

Ukraine asks partners for locomotives

Sybiha said Ukraine urgently needs replacement locomotives and called on international partners to help provide equipment compatible with Ukraine’s 1,520 mm rail gauge, as well as financing to accelerate the purchase of new locomotives.

“Ukraine’s railway keeps the country moving,” Sybiha said, pointing to its role in civilian evacuations, essential cargo transport, and the movement of grain and other critical goods.

The appeal reflects a problem that is becoming harder to solve through repairs alone. With more than 250 locomotives reportedly damaged or destroyed in 2026, Ukraine needs to replace rolling stock while continuing to repair infrastructure under attack.

“Supporting Ukraine’s railway resilience will help avert a humanitarian crisis,” Sybiha said.

As Russia expands its attacks against transport routes deeper inside Ukraine, keeping the railway running is becoming not only a matter of logistics, but of maintaining the country’s basic civilian mobility and economic stability.

Russia is taking aim at trains and railway infrastructure

The latest strike came only days after a Russian drone hit the locomotive of a passenger train in Volyn Oblast, just two kilometers from the Polish border.

That 13 September attack was part of two consecutive days of Russian strikes on railway infrastructure across Ukraine. A drone also struck railway facilities in Lutsk, while another hit railway infrastructure in Vinnytsia Oblast.

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The attacks are part of a broader expansion of Russia’s long-range drone campaign against transport and logistics infrastructure deep inside Ukraine. Railway stations, tracks, locomotives, and other infrastructure are increasingly being exposed to Russian drone strikes even in regions far from the battlefield.

The proximity of the latest attacks to Poland is particularly notable. Russia has also struck Ukrainian border crossings with Moldova and Romania in recent weeks, while Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk warned on 10 September that Ukrainian crossings with Poland could also come under attack.

Gas stations across Kyiv Oblast will receive access to a military air-awareness system to help them respond more quickly to Russian drone attacks, Kyiv Oblast military administration head Tymur Tkachenko said on 15 September.

The move comes as Russian forces increasingly target fuel infrastructure during their attacks on Ukrainian cities. Two gas stations were hit in Kyiv on 15 September, killing one person and injuring 11, while at least three other Ukrnafta stations in the capital have been struck since 10 September.

The new system will allow designated gas-station employees to see real-time information about the movement of Russian aerial targets rather than relying only on the general air-raid alert. This should give stations more time to suspend operations, protect employees, and move customers away from danger.

Gas stations are becoming a recurring target

The attacks on Kyiv’s gas stations are part of a broader pattern. More than 300 gas stations across Ukraine have been attacked since the current wave began, according to Ukraine’s Energy Ministry, with strikes increasingly reaching deeper into the country.

In Kyiv, Russian forces have repeatedly used drones against fuel stations over the past week. The 15 September attack hit two more stations during a wider wave of around 200 drones launched against Ukraine.

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The targeting of fuel infrastructure adds another dimension to Russia’s campaign against Ukraine’s civilian supply system. Gas stations are not only businesses but critical points in the country’s transportation and fuel network, making repeated attacks capable of affecting both public safety and civilian mobility.

Tkachenko said the new air-awareness access is intended to give businesses “maximum available tools” to detect threats earlier and react in time.

He also urged drivers to follow gas-station employees’ instructions during air raids, as the facilities adapt their operations to the growing threat.

Ukraine has successfully tested another interceptor designed to counter Russia’s increasingly common jet-powered Geran attack drones, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on 15 September.

The test comes as Russia rapidly expands the use of faster jet-powered Gerans, creating a new problem for Ukraine’s air defenses: these drones give defenders less time to detect and engage them while allowing Russia to maintain large-scale attacks. A successful interceptor could give Ukraine a cheaper, scalable way to counter that threat without relying as heavily on scarce high-end air-defense missiles.

Zelenskyy said Commander-in-Chief Mykhailo Drapatyi reported the successful test, during which the new interceptor struck a Russian Geran drone.

The system still reportedly needs further work, including improvements to some aspects of its control. But the successful test marks another step in Ukraine’s effort to develop a new layer of air defenses against Russia’s faster drones.

Russia is making its drone attacks faster and larger

Russia has sharply expanded its use of jet-powered Gerans in recent months, adding a faster and more difficult-to-intercept threat to its large-scale drone campaign.

Geran is Russia’s designation for its domestically produced Shahed-derived attack drones, with newer jet-powered variants representing a major upgrade over the earlier propeller-driven models.

Zelenskyy recently said Russia launched around 2,100 drones against Ukraine last week, alongside nearly 1,700 guided aerial bombs and 78 missiles. The attacks have increasingly targeted energy facilities, railway infrastructure, businesses, and residential areas.

The newer Gerans are faster than earlier Shahed-derived drones and can reach targets deep inside Ukraine. Their speed gives Ukrainian air defenses less time to detect, track, and engage them.

Russia has also changed how it uses its drones. Rather than concentrating attacks almost exclusively overnight, Russian forces have increasingly launched waves during the day as well, keeping Ukrainian cities under repeated air-raid alerts.

The result is a growing challenge not only of interception, but of scale. Ukraine must defend a large territory against increasingly large drone barrages while preserving more sophisticated air-defense missiles for ballistic missiles and other threats.

Ukraine is building a new layer of air defense

Ukraine has already been racing to develop such systems. In late August, Defense Minister Yevhen Khmara said four potential interceptor systems capable of shooting down jet-powered Gerans had undergone field testing. Ukraine was aiming to bring them to the required level and eventually produce thousands of units.

Today’s announcement shows that effort continues to produce concrete results.

Ukraine is also expanding other parts of its counter-drone network. Zelenskyy said the country is increasing purchases of electronic warfare equipment and reorganizing mobile fire groups and air-defense positions.

The goal is to build enough layers to cope with Russia’s evolving drone campaign: electronic warfare, mobile fire teams, traditional air defenses, and increasingly specialized interceptors.

Russia is making its drones faster and launching them at greater scale. Ukraine’s response is now moving beyond adapting existing defenses toward developing weapons specifically designed to catch them.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has moved his flagship foreign policy conference from Sochi to Moscow Oblast amid growing concerns over Ukraine’s long-range drone strikes, the Financial Times reported on 15 September.

The decision is likely an indirect acknowledgment of the impact of Ukraine’s ongoing deep-strike drone campaign. Russian officials may not publicly admit that Ukrainian drones pose a serious threat, but their actions suggest otherwise: Putin has increasingly avoided areas within range of Ukrainian drones, and now a major Kremlin event is being moved out of Sochi because of security concerns.

The annual Valdai Discussion Club meeting was originally planned for Sochi, but the venue was changed after Putin’s security service insisted on the move, according to four people familiar with the decision cited by the FT. Some 120 guests had already received invitations to the Black Sea resort before being informed of the change in August.

Putin has not visited Sochi since the Valdai conference there in early October 2025. Since then, Ukraine has significantly stepped up its long-range drone campaign against Russia. The change is stark compared with 2021, when Putin visited the Black Sea resort 24 times, according to the FT.

Ukraine is targeting the defenses behind Russia’s rear

Ukraine has repeatedly demonstrated its ability to strike targets in Russia’s rear. Its drones have reached energy and logistics infrastructure thousands of kilometers from Ukraine, while Sochi and other areas of Russia’s Black Sea coast have come under repeated attack.

The latest strike came on 13–14 September, when Ukraine’s Defense Forces hit the 92N6 multifunction radar of a Russian S-400 air defense system in Sochi, according to Ukraine’s General Staff. The radar tracks aerial targets and guides the S-400’s missiles, making it a critical component of the system defending the area.

The strike followed a 4 September Ukrainian attack on Sochi that hit two fuel depots and an air defense position near the Abkhazia border. Satellite imagery later showed nine destroyed fuel storage tanks and damage at the air defense position.

Putin’s movements show the threat is changing

The relocation also fits a broader pattern in Putin’s movements. The Russian president has spent much of his time in Moscow, St Petersburg and his residence near Lake Valdai in Novgorod Oblast, while making more trips east of the Urals – areas farther from Ukraine’s long-range drone reach.

The Valdai forum will still take place from 28 September to 1 October, but now in Moscow Oblast rather than Sochi. Putin traditionally attends the final day and holds a lengthy question-and-answer session.

The Kremlin does not need to say Ukrainian drones are a serious threat. Moving Putin’s major foreign-policy forum away from Sochi says it for them.

Ukraine is expanding its military activity beyond the war’s main battlefield, with Ukrainian drone specialists helping forces fighting Russian troops in Mali and operating in other parts of Africa, according to CNN.

The deployments mark a growing effort by Kyiv to challenge Russia in regions where Moscow has expanded its own military presence. Ukrainian forces are using expertise developed during the full-scale invasion, particularly in drone warfare, to support partners operating against Russian troops.

Around 15 Ukrainian drone specialists are reportedly deployed in northern Mali, where they are supporting the Tuareg-led Azawad Liberation Front in its fight against Russian forces and Mali’s military government. Several Ukrainian specialists are also reportedly operating in Sudan and Libya, according to a Ukrainian intelligence source cited by CNN.

Ukrainian drone specialists in Mali

The Ukrainian personnel in northern Mali are not directly fighting on the front line, CNN reported. Instead, they are helping train local forces and supporting their drone operations against Russian and Malian government forces.

The cooperation centers on the Tuareg-led Azawad Liberation Front, which has been fighting Mali's military government and Russian forces operating alongside it.

Ukraine's involvement with the Tuareg rebels dates back to at least 2024. After a July 2024 ambush near Tinzaouaten killed dozens of Wagner and Malian troops, Ukrainian military intelligence spokesperson Andriy Yusov said the rebels had received “necessary information.” Kyiv later denied that it had provided substantial assistance.

The relationship has since developed further. CNN reported that Ukrainian specialists assisted the rebels during fighting earlier this year, when Tuareg and al-Qaeda-linked militants attacked Russian forces and forced them to withdraw from the area around Kidal.

The cooperation does not reflect a broader political or ideological alignment between Kyiv and the Tuareg. Ukrainian personnel told CNN that the two sides are working together because they face a common enemy: Russian forces.

“Culture and religion are different, but when you are being attacked by the same idiots, ideological differences fade into the background,” a Ukrainian Defense Intelligence source told CNN.

The source said that operations against Russian forces abroad can also serve Kyiv’s war effort at home by putting additional pressure on Moscow.

“It puts pressure on them. This whole story has both psychological and real results,” he said.

The Ukrainian presence in Mali also appears to have a training role extending beyond the Tuareg. A Ukrainian Defense Intelligence source familiar with the operations told CNN that troops from Chad, Niger and Burkina Faso had previously traveled to Mali to receive drone training from Ukrainian soldiers.

Challenging Russia's African foothold

Russia has significantly expanded its military presence in Africa since the withdrawal of French and other Western forces from the Sahel.

The Africa Corps, which grew out of Wagner after the death of Wagner chief Yevgeny Prigozhin, has become an important instrument of Moscow's influence in the region. Russian forces provide military support to authoritarian governments including Mali's while helping protect regimes that have pushed out Western forces.

For Ukraine, supporting forces fighting Russia in Africa provides another way to put pressure on Moscow outside Ukraine.

A Ukrainian intelligence source told CNN that overseas deployments also allow Kyiv to use the military expertise it has accumulated during the war as a tool of foreign policy and build security relationships with other countries.

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Ukraine's military footprint extends further

Mali and Sudan are part of a wider Ukrainian effort to deploy military expertise abroad.

Ukraine has also developed a military presence in Libya. An RFI investigation published in March reported that more than 200 Ukrainian officers and technical specialists were based at three locations in western Libya with the approval of the Tripoli-based government.

CNN has now confirmed, citing Ukrainian sources, that Ukrainian naval-drone specialists have used a military base in Misrata to launch attacks against Russian shadow-fleet vessels while training Libyan forces.

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Ukrainian teams have also traveled to several Middle Eastern countries to train local forces in countering Shahed-type drone attacks from Iran, which intensified its drone campaign after the start of the US-Iran war earlier this year. Such deployments build on Ukraine's extensive experience defending against Russia's large-scale drone campaigns.

The activities point to a broader shift in how Ukraine is using its wartime capabilities. Drone warfare developed to defend Ukrainian territory is increasingly being used to build partnerships, support forces fighting Russia and pursue Russian military and economic interests far beyond the front line.

For Moscow, that creates a new challenge as it tries to expand its own military footprint abroad.

Russia struck a passenger train just two kilometers from Ukraine’s border with Poland on 13 September, as Moscow continued a second day of attacks on Ukraine’s railway network and expanded strikes against transport and logistics infrastructure far from the front line.

Russia is increasingly using its expanding drone fleet to reach transport, logistics, industrial and civilian infrastructure deep inside Ukraine. Western regions, long considered safer because of their distance from the front, are now seeing strikes on railways and border crossings, making even civilian travel and routes out of the country increasingly dangerous.

The latest attack took place in Ukraine’s north-western Volyn Oblast, near the Yahodyn border crossing with Poland. According to Ukraine’s state railway operator Ukrzaliznytsia, a Russian drone struck the locomotive of a passenger train.

A monitoring team detected the threat in advance and warned the train crew, preventing casualties. The railway operator said trains to Warsaw and back were already running again after the strike, although with significant delays.

A gas station was also struck in a Russian drone strike near the Yahodyn crossing, causing a large fire, according to UNN, adding to the danger around a key transport route between Ukraine and Poland.

Poland also issued an air-raid alert for areas near the Ukrainian border, including Włodawa, Łęczyński and Świdnik counties and the cities of Chełm and Krasnystaw.

The attacks came alongside Russian strikes on railway infrastructure in several other parts of Ukraine.

Update: Diplomatic train may have been Russian drone’s target

Update 19:00: Ukrzaliznytsia later said a diplomatic train carrying security advisers from several EU member states and former European leaders, including former UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson, had been at Yahodyn shortly before the strike. Another train at the station during the attack carried former CIA Director David Petraeus.

Ukrzaliznytsia said the Russian drone may have been targeting the diplomatic train, which departed earlier than scheduled as railway staff adjusted train movements in real time because of the ongoing threat of Russian strikes. The operator said it continues to change routes and schedules as tracks are damaged or blocked by attacks.

Russia targets railways across Ukraine

Ukrzaliznytsia said this was the second consecutive day of Russian attacks on the railway network.

On 12 September, Russian drones struck railway facilities in Lutsk, Volyn Oblast, including a passenger train, as well as Fastiv, Kyiv Oblast. Passengers were evacuated after the threat was detected.

Ukrzaliznytsia said its monitoring center and railway personnel remain on heightened alert as Russia continues targeting the network. Evacuations and diversions have caused delays on several routes, including services toward Dnipro, Zaporizhzhia and Kryvyi Rih.

Russia also attacked a railway infrastructure site in Vinnytsia Oblast on 13 September, according to Ukraine’s State Emergency Service. 

Russia’s drone campaign is expanding

Russian attacks are increasingly reaching critical infrastructure and civilian areas across Ukraine. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said Russia struck energy facilities, railway sites, businesses and residential buildings during the latest wave of attacks, including missile and drone strikes on Odesa.

Zelenskyy said Russia had launched around 2,100 drones against Ukraine in the past week, alongside nearly 1,700 guided aerial bombs and 78 missiles.

He said Russia is using jet-powered Geran drones to “destroy the economy and destroy people’s lives.”

Russia has sharply increased its use of upgraded Geran attack drones in recent months, which are faster than earlier versions and can cover the long distances needed to strike targets deep inside Ukraine. Their growing speed and scale are putting additional pressure on Ukraine’s air-defense system, which has to detect and intercept large numbers of drones across the country.

“Russia’s terrorism is a common threat for many,” Zelenskyy said, arguing that the threat must be defeated in Ukraine rather than allowed to spread further into Europe.

Border crossings increasingly targeted

The strike near Yahodyn comes after Russia began targeting Ukrainian border crossings farther from the front line.

Since late August, Russian forces have struck at least five Ukrainian crossings with Moldova and NATO member Romania. The crossings handle civilian traffic, trade and logistics that are increasingly important to Ukraine as the war continues.

On 9 September, Russian drones struck the Starokozache crossing with Moldova, killing two civilians and injuring three others. One Russian drone entered Moldovan airspace and flew toward Romania, prompting NATO aircraft conducting air-policing duties to scramble.

Russia also struck the Orlivka ferry crossing on the Romanian border twice in early September.

The attacks prompted growing concern in Poland. On 10 September, Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk said Poland expected Russia could target Ukrainian border crossings with Poland as Moscow expands its strikes against transport and logistics routes.

Tusk said Poland had received intelligence indicating that similar attacks could occur against crossings involving other countries. He also warned that Poland and Europe needed to prepare for different scenarios along Europe’s eastern flank.

The strike near Yahodyn came only three days after that warning.

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Poland expects Russia to target border crossings as attacks on Ukraine escalate – Russia has already hit crossings with Moldova and Romania

“Russia is trying to expand the geography of its terror”

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said Russia was deliberately expanding the geography of its attacks.

“Moscow tries to expand the geography of its terror,” Sybiha said, arguing that Russia is trying to turn the entire territory of Ukraine into a battlefield as it fails to achieve its objectives on the front.

He said Moscow was targeting “civilians, trains, and the infrastructure that keeps the country moving.”

Sybiha called for stronger air defenses, interceptors and counter-drone capabilities, as well as measures targeting Russia’s drone production and supply chains.

In a separate statement after the Yahodyn attack, Sybiha said Russia’s strikes near the Polish border were “not just a continuation of its attacks on our state borders.”

“This is Putin’s terror ‘knocking’ directly on the doors of the EU and NATO. Russian barbarians are at your gate, dear partners,” he said, urging European countries to respond with stronger sanctions.

Attacks moving closer to NATO

Estonian Foreign Minister Margus Tsahkna said members of his ministry had been stuck at the same Ukrainian-Polish border crossing only hours before the latest images emerged because of the Russian drone threat.

“Russia’s attacks are becoming more intense and moving ever closer to NATO and the EU,” Tsahkna said.