Two senior Senate Republicans have unveiled legislation that would enable European allies to finance US weapons donations to Ukraine, providing the most detailed framework yet for President Trump’s proposal to shift war funding to Europe, The Wall Street Journal reported on 30 July.

The Peace Act, proposed by Sens. Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) and Jim Risch (R-Idaho), would establish a Treasury fund to accept money from allies, allowing the Defense Secretary to pay contractors to replenish US stockpiles while continuing weapons shipments to Ukraine without compromising American military readiness, according to GOP aides familiar with the proposal.

The legislation aims to generate $5 billion to $8 billion annually, with Germany and the United Kingdom identified as likely contributors, the aides said.

“This is the fastest way to arm Ukraine as well as to minimize the strategic and military threat posed by Russia to the US and NATO,” Wicker said, according to the WSJ.

The proposal comes as Trump has grown increasingly frustrated with Russian President Vladimir Putin’s rejection of US-led cease-fire efforts. After initially giving Putin a 50-day deadline for a cease-fire, Trump moved that deadline up to 10 days on 28 July, threatening Russia and its trading partners with new tariffs and secondary sanctions if Moscow refuses to negotiate.

Wicker, who chairs the Senate Armed Services Committee, and Risch, who leads the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, have discussed the legislation with the White House, which has been “largely receptive to the idea,” aides said. The plan involves passing the measure later this year as part of the annual defense policy bill.

The mechanism would complement existing European payments to US contractors for new weapon production, which can take years to complete. The Peace Act would accelerate delivery by tapping existing US inventories, according to the WSJ report.

The US has provided nearly $66 billion in security assistance to Ukraine since Russia’s 2022 invasion, but the Republican-led Congress shows little appetite for authorizing additional foreign aid packages.

Trump has approximately $3.85 billion in previously authorized drawdown authority remaining, though he has not yet used this tool to send new arms packages to Ukraine. His administration continues delivering previously approved weapons packages from the Biden era, following a brief Pentagon pause in certain munitions earlier this month.

Portugal is the most geographically distant EU country from Ukraine, yet in the past year, it has become a steady partner. On 28 May 2024, the two nations signed a bilateral Security Cooperation Agreement, outlining how Portugal would support Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression and rebuilding after the war. This pact was the 12th in a series of bilateral agreements Ukraine began concluding in early 2024.

That series grew out of the G7 Joint Declaration of Support of 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation. Some commitments come directly from Portugal, while others are delivered through EU-wide programs that Portugal supports collectively.

The agreement with Portugal is broad, extending far beyond the battlefield. It includes support for weapons and training, strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry, sanctioning Russia and using frozen Russian assets, humanitarian aid, and work to hold Moscow’s leadership accountable.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Portugal’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

Portugal’s commitments

At the time of signing, Portugal pledged at least €126 million in military aid for 2024, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s air and naval capabilities. Beyond this financial support, the agreement also envisaged:

• Participation in the EU training mission EUMAM
• Cooperation in defense industry development
• Using frozen Russian assets to help fund Ukraine’s defense
• Humanitarian support, including demining and reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure
• Joint efforts to prosecute Russia’s crimes

In essence, it laid out a ten-point roadmap that blends military, political, and humanitarian support.

A year of implementation

The first year proved that this partnership is much more than a statement. Portugal overdelivered on its military commitments while also supporting Ukraine’s defense production, reconstruction, and the pursuit of justice.

Key achievements between May 2024 and May 2025:

• €226 million in military aid, nearly double the initial pledge
• Helicopter deliveries: six Ka‑32 and eight SA‑330 Puma aircraft
• €100 million to the Czech-led initiative for artillery shells
• €52 million to the Drone Coalition to produce drones in Portugal
• Opening of a Tekever branch in Ukraine to expand drone support
• €6 billion from frozen Russian assets channeled to Ukraine through EU programs (collective funding)
• Training for tens of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers through EUMAM and the F‑16 pilot coalition
• Active support for four new EU sanction packages
• Reconstruction efforts including rebuilding schools and funding Superhero Schools
• Participation in coalitions for a special tribunal and the return of deported children

Military aid beyond expectations

Instead of the pledged €126 million, Portugal allocated €226 million to Ukraine in 2024. Early in the year, €100 million went to the Czech-led procurement of 155mm artillery shells, while €52 million funded drone production for Ukraine through the Drone Coalition.

Equipment followed as well. In September 2024, Ukraine received six Ka‑32 helicopters for transport and search-and-rescue missions. At the end of the year, eight SA‑330 Puma helicopters arrived, equipped with systems that allow them to launch Exocet anti-ship missiles.

Earlier contributions included M113 armored vehicles, three Leopard 2A6 tanks, five medical vehicles, 105mm howitzers, and ammunition. For 2025, Portugal has already pledged another €220 million.

Since 2022, Portugal has also joined three multinational “capability coalitions”—on armored vehicles, aviation, and naval power—each aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defenses. Unlike many partners, however, it has not joined the IT Coalition (IT, communications, cybersecurity) or the Demining Coalition, which is the largest by number of participants.

Strengthening technological capabilities

Since 2022, Ukraine has worked closely with Tekever, a Portuguese company producing AR3 and AR5 reconnaissance drones. The AR5 model can fly longer and carry up to 50 kg of payload. These drones have already caused over $4 billion in losses to Russian forces, including the destruction of two S‑400 systems.

In April 2025, Tekever announced the opening of an office in Ukraine to speed up drone servicing and operator training.

Frozen assets turned into support

Portugal also supports the EU plan to direct profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine. These ERA funds are EU-level resources, not Portugal’s national budget, but Portugal backed these measures as part of the collective effort.

The first €1.5 billion tranche arrived in mid‑2024, funding air defense, ammunition, and defense-industry investment.

By May 2025, €6 billion had been transferred through the ERA program. On 9 May 2025, in Lviv, EU leaders committed an additional €1 billion, part of a €1.9 billion package for weapons, artillery, and air defense.

In total, €35 billion is expected to be delivered during 2025 under ERA and the Ukraine Facility, with Portugal participating in these collective decisions.

Training Ukrainian forces

Portugal contributes actively to the EUMAM mission, which has trained over 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers since 2022.

The country also belongs to an 11-country coalition preparing Ukrainian pilots and crews for F‑16 fighter jets, with Norwegian instructors conducting the training on Portuguese Air Force bases.

Sanctions and political pressure

In the year following May 2024, the EU adopted four new sanctions packages, all backed by Portugal. These measures targeted Russia’s military and energy industries, over 340 shadow fleet ships, propaganda outlets, and senior officials, including those linked to the bombing of the Okhmatdyt children’s hospital in Kyiv.

They also extended restrictions to countries helping Russia evade sanctions or supplying drones and missiles, including China, North Korea, India, the UAE, Singapore, Uzbekistan, Iran, Türkiye, Kazakhstan, and Serbia.

Humanitarian and reconstruction support

Portugal has also helped Ukraine on humanitarian and reconstruction fronts.

Since 2023, it has contributed €7 million to the Grain from Ukraine Initiative to stabilize the global food supply. Economic ties have also grown through Portugal’s AICEP agency, which in 2024 ran programs to attract investment and support Ukrainian business.

In November 2024, at the third Joint Economic Cooperation Commission, both sides agreed to expand trade and involve Portuguese companies in rebuilding efforts.

Portugal is already involved in rebuilding schools in Zhytomyr, including School No. 25 destroyed in 2022, and in 2024 invested €160,000 to create Superhero Schools in Chernihiv and Cherkasy, allowing hospitalized children to continue their education.

Justice and accountability

Portugal is part of the Coalition for a Special Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression, which finalized draft statutes in May 2025 for a tribunal in The Hague. In June 2025, Ukraine and the Council of Europe signed an agreement to formally establish this Special Tribunal. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders—including Vladimir Putin—even in absentia.

Portugal also participates in the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, which in 2024 helped return almost 600 deported children. And in 2023, it contributed €75,000 to the International Criminal Court and sent an expert to help gather evidence of war crimes.

One year on, the Portugal–Ukraine security agreement has grown into a partnership that reaches well beyond geography. Portugal may be Europe’s far west, but its support—especially in military aid, training, sanctions, and justice—has brought it close as a committed ally.

Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching the David vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.

Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.

On 27 May 2024, a historic handshake in Madrid sealed a new chapter in Ukraine’s struggle for survival. That day, Ukraine and Spain signed a 10‑year bilateral security agreement, a pact that committed Spain to stand by Ukraine during its fight against Russia’s full‑scale invasion.

A year later, that signature has proved to be more than words. Spain has become one of Ukraine’s most consistent allies, delivering weapons, training thousands of soldiers, investing in rebuilding projects, and helping create legal mechanisms to hold Russia accountable.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Spain’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

A tenth agreement that mattered

This agreement was not a one‑off act. It became the tenth in a series of security agreements Ukraine began after the G7 Joint Declaration of Support in 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements in total — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation.

Yet the Spanish pact stands out because of its broad scope.

Under this agreement, Spain committed to:

• Deliver weapons and military equipment
• Train Ukrainian military personnel
• Cooperate with Ukraine’s defense industry
• Provide humanitarian support and reconstruction aid
• Join sanctions and legal actions against Russia

And in 2024 alone, Spain pledged €1 billion for military aid, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s artillery, air defenses, armored forces, and maritime security.

Weapons that protect lives

The first visible results came from the skies. In the spring of 2024, Spain sent batches of MIM‑104 Patriot missiles, strengthening Ukraine’s air defenses. Then in November, a full HAWK air defense battery – six launchers – arrived in Ukraine, designed to shoot down Russian missiles and drones.

On land, Spain has been no less active. Nineteen Leopard 2A4 tanks, once left unused in Zaragoza, were overhauled at the Santa Bárbara Sistemas plant. Ten of them were delivered to Ukraine in July 2024, with the rest planned for September.

Since the beginning of the full‑scale war, Spain has repaired and modernized 29 Leopard tanks for Ukraine and provided M113 armored personnel carriers. Between May 2024 and May 2025, Spain also delivered 155‑mm artillery shells, counter‑drone systems, surveillance optics, and modern combat turrets, giving Ukraine more tools to defend itself.

Building a defense industry together

Spain’s assistance has not stopped with shipments. It is also helping Ukraine develop the capacity to produce and modernize its own weapons.

The Leopard tanks overhauled in 2024 are one example. At the same time, Ukrainian armored vehicles – including the Kozak‑5 – were equipped with Guardian combat modules from Spanish company Escribano Mechanical & Engineering.

In May 2025, Ukroboronprom signed a memorandum with Escribano to jointly develop weapons and localize Spanish module production inside Ukraine. Another partnership followed: Ukrainian company Praktyka signed an agreement with Spain’s Tecnove to begin licensed production of Dzura and Kozak armored vehicles in Spain, opening access to the European market.

Financial backing through frozen Russian assets

Support has also come through the European Union, where Spain, together with other EU members, takes part in the collective effort to redirect profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine.

• July 2024: the EU transferred the first tranche of €1.5 billion
• By May 2025: four tranches in total, amounting to €6 billion
• May 9, 2025: the EU announced another €1 billion, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry

Passing on knowledge: Training Ukrainian soldiers

Weapons and funding are critical, but training saves lives. Spain is part of the EU’s EUMAM mission, which has already trained more than 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers. About 7,000 of them have trained in Spain.

There, soldiers learn to operate Patriot and HAWK air defense systems, maintain artillery, and master combined‑arms tactics. Most of these programs are run at the Toledo Training Coordination Centre (TTCC).

Beyond air defense, Spain has also been training Ukrainian troops on the very equipment it has supplied since the start of the full‑scale war — from OTO Melara Mod 56 towed howitzers and Aspide air defense systems to M113 armored personnel carriers and Leopard 2A tanks.

In March 2025, Ukraine and Spain signed a new agreement to expand training, ensuring more soldiers will benefit from Spanish expertise.

Support beyond the battlefield

While the frontlines define much of this partnership, Spain has been active on other fronts too:

• Sanctions and cyber defense: Spain supports EU sanction packages that have targeted Russia’s military industries, energy companies, and individuals involved in war crimes. It also joined the IT Coalition in September 2024, which raised €482 million to strengthen Ukraine’s secure communications and cyber defenses.
• Humanitarian demining: In 2024, the demining coalition – with Spain among its members – allocated over €50 million for clearing mines. Ukraine received hundreds of specialized vehicles and equipment, and over 4,000 engineers completed NATO‑standard training. Spain added €3 million to these efforts, bringing its total to €4.5 million, and co‑funded a UNDP project using trained dogs for mine detection.
• Restoring energy: Spain delivered 17 large generators, invested €4.5 million in the Ukraine Energy Support Fund, and financed a new solar power plant in Chornobyl in April 2025.
• Humanitarian and reconstruction aid: Spain provided $3 million for the HEAL Ukraine healthcare project, welcomed over 150 wounded Ukrainians for medical care, and supported the creation of a rehabilitation center in Barcelona. Since 2022, Spain has delivered more than €100 million in humanitarian aid and €400 million for reconstruction.

Seeking justice

Spain has also joined two major international coalitions. The first led to the June 2025 signing of an agreement between Ukraine and the Council of Europe to establish a Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders, including Vladimir Putin, even in absentia.

The second coalition focuses on the return of deported Ukrainian children; in 2024, nearly 600 children were brought home through these joint efforts.

One year in review

From Patriot missiles to solar power, from tanks to hospitals, Spain’s support has been comprehensive and steady.

One year after that handshake in Madrid, Spain has gone far beyond promises. Its help now shows in the skies above Ukraine, on the ground in training centers, in rebuilt power plants, and in the return of Ukrainian children.

It is a partnership built on solidarity – a partnership that continues to shape Ukraine’s resilience and its hope for victory and peace.

Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching the David vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.

Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.

The Netherlands has pledged a new round of Patriot air defense for Ukraine amid intensified Russian missile and drone attacks. Dutch Defense Minister Ruben Brekelmans made the announcement on 21 July during a digital meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group. Meanwhile, Germany has not received confirmation from the US about when it will deliver the Patriot systems Berlin needs to proceed with its own transfer to Ukraine.

Netherlands announces new Patriot air defense support

Dutch Defense Minister Ruben Brekelmans posted on X on 21 July that the Netherlands will “substantially contribute” to the delivery of US Patriot air defense systems for Ukraine. He added that the Netherlands will also send more of its own equipment, including F-16 munitions, counter-drone systems, and radars. The Dutch Defense Ministry confirmed the same day in an official statement that the country aims to support the American initiative to bolster Ukrainian air defense.

“The Russian goal is simple: to bring steadfast Ukrainians to their knees. We must not let this happen,” he said. He stressed that sustained and large-scale support is necessary to pressure Russia toward negotiations, adding, “Only by persistently and massively supporting Ukraine and increasing the pressure on Russia can we push it to the negotiating table.”

The new commitment, being finalized in close coordination with the US, NATO, and other partners, will include additional air defense assets.

US has not confirmed Patriot replacement delivery to Germany

As the Netherlands moves forward, Germany’s planned Patriot transfer to Ukraine remains frozen due to US inaction.

Ukrinform reported on 21 July that German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said Berlin has yet to receive confirmation from the US on when it will provide replacement Patriot systems. Without that timeline, Germany cannot move ahead with its contribution.

“There is a general promise from the American government to provide us, Germany and the European Union, with Patriots so we can transfer the designated systems to Ukraine. But that replacement has not actually been secured yet,” Merz stated during a joint press conference with Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre in Berlin, according to Ukrinform.

Merz confirmed that negotiations between Berlin and Washington are ongoing.

A major shift in battlefield momentum is the only lever that could move the Kremlin, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) assesses. The think tank’s report on 21 July says only severe Russian military setbacks, enabled by Western-supplied weaponry, could push Russian President Vladimir Putin toward serious negotiations.

Putin won’t talk peace without battlefield collapse

British Defense Secretary John Healey, speaking at the Ukraine Defense Contact Group meeting on 21 July, announced a “50-day drive” to accelerate arms deliveries to Ukraine. He stressed the urgency of the effort, pointing to US President Donald Trump’s threat to impose “severe” 100% secondary tariffs on Russia’s trade partners if a peace deal isn’t reached within 50 days from 14 July.

ISW reaffirmed that “ISW has consistently assessed that only significant Russian battlefield setbacks, enabled by timely and sufficient Western military assistance to Ukrainian forces, will force Putin to reconsider Russia’s ability to militarily defeat Ukraine and bring him to the negotiating table.”

However, such setbacks “will not happen in a matter of weeks and will likely require several months or campaign seasons” — but only if Western governments provide Ukrainian forces with timely and adequate support for large-scale operations.

Ukraine expands defense production to meet the moment

Ukraine aims to scale up weapons production and can absorb $6 billion in investment, officials said, emphasizing the need to boost output of FPV and interceptor drones.

Procurement chief Zhumadilov said contracts were signed with Ukrainian and US firms to build counter-Shahed drone systems. Ukraine can produce up to 10 million FPV drones annually, though next year’s procurement may not exceed 4.5 million due to funding limits.

New round of negotiations still clouded by Kremlin stalling

Ukraine has proposed a third round of peace talks in Istanbul, with discussions possibly starting as soon as 22 July. Russia confirmed the offer through TASS, suggesting 24 or 25 July as possible dates.

Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov claimed Moscow was on board but would send the same mid-level delegation as before. ISW said this reflects a lack of seriousness, noting previous talks led only to POW exchange after Russia refused to outline its terms.

According to ISW, Moscow’s intent remains to stall for time, keep fighting, and pressure Ukraine and the West. There’s no indication Putin’s objectives have shifted.

German Major General Christian Freuding urged Ukraine to develop more efficient air defense systems, warning that Russia aims to launch 2,000 drones simultaneously in future attacks.

So far, the largest single drone assault by Russia on Ukraine since the start of the full-scale invasion involved 728 Shahed-type and decoy drones, alongside 13 missiles, and occurred on 9 July.

Speaking on the Bundeswehr program “Nachgefragt,” General Freuding highlighted the economic disparity in current defense methods. The former chief military coordinator of German aid to Ukraine noted that using Patriot missiles costing over 5 million euros to intercept Shahed drones worth 30,000 to 50,000 euros represents an unsustainable approach.

“We must consider intelligent countermeasures,” Freuding stated, advocating for defensive systems priced between 2,000 and 4,000 euros per unit.

The general also suggested preemptive strikes targeting Russian aircraft, airfields, and military-industrial facilities as an alternative strategy. Ukraine has already demonstrated this approach works.

In response, Ukraine is rapidly accelerating the development and deployment of low-cost interceptor drones to counter increasingly frequent Russian drone attacks, especially the Iranian-designed Shahed kamikaze UAVs.

They’re capable of shooting down about 70% of incoming threats, nearly doubling the success rate of traditional mobile fire teams.

President Zelenskyy emphasized that while the technology is proven, Ukraine urgently needs international financial support to mass-produce and deploy these interceptors to defend against the escalating drone assaults.

In June, Ukraine received a significant $4 billion boost from the G7 summit to accelerate the mass production of these advanced drone interceptors. Four Ukrainian companies are engaged in developing these interceptors, two showing notable success, with large-scale production agreements secured with Germany and Canada. 

The top Ukrainian UAV commander Robert Brovdi (aka Madiar) stated earlier that the war with Russia will continue beyond 2025, as Russian forces still send more infantry than Ukraine can destroy, while Ukraine faces shortages in mobilization resources and numerical inferiority.

He emphasized that “everyone who wanted to fight is already fighting,” so Ukraine’s strategy is shifting towards replacing infantry with unmanned ground-based drones and constructing a massive, multi-layered “drone wall” to intercept incoming Russian attacks. His Drone Line project aims to create a 10-15 kilometer “kill zone” to prevent enemy advances and includes boosting domestic production of drone munitions.

Australia’s Abrams tanks have arrived in Ukraine, but reports differ on whether this is the first batch or the majority of the 49 pledged. Sky News and The Guardian describe the shipment as the first tranche, but then noted that “the majority” has been delivered. In contrast, Reuters reports that Ukraine has received most of the pledged Australian tanks, with the rest to follow.

Media differ over scale of Australian tank delivery to Ukraine

Australia’s retired Abrams tanks arrive in Ukraine as part of a 245 million AUD (about $160 million) military aid package promised last October. Reuters reports that Canberra has already handed over most of the previously pledged 49 M1A1 Abrams, with the rest due in the coming months. Sky News Australia, however, states this is the first arrival, noting a nine-month delay since the tanks were pledged. The Guardian, citing the Australian Associated Press, also calls it the “first tranche,” but then adds:

“A majority of the tanks have been delivered and a final tranche will arrive in the coming months, but actual numbers have not been released.“

Australia’s Defense Minister Richard Marles said the Abrams tanks “will make a significant contribution” to Ukraine’s effort to repel Russia’s invasion. He emphasized their role in boosting Ukrainian firepower alongside other Western-supplied equipment. The country’s Defense Industry Minister Pat Conroy added, “Australia stands shoulder-to-shoulder with Ukraine.”

Tank support part of larger Australian aid commitment

Australia’s Abrams tanks arrive in Ukraine alongside broader support totaling more than 1.5 billion AUD or $980 million since February 2022.

Canberra also plans to send a Wedgetail surveillance aircraft to Europe in August. The aircraft will help safeguard aid corridors delivering supplies into Ukraine. At the same time, Australia maintains export bans on alumina and aluminum ores to Russia. About 1,000 Russian individuals and entities remain under Australian sanctions.

Alongside military support, Australia is negotiating a non-binding security pact with Ukraine. More than two dozen nations have signed similar agreements with Kyiv. These arrangements focus on political and military cooperation but do not include formal defense guarantees.

A second bilateral deal aims to eliminate double taxation between the two countries. Officials expect it to encourage foreign investment in Ukraine’s postwar reconstruction.

Germany will deliver Patriot missiles to Ukraine “very shortly,” following US President Donald Trump’s NATO agreement to increase weapons aid. The delivery, part of a Europe-funded supply plan, could make the system operational in Ukraine within weeks, according to Germany’s leader.

Germany finalizing Patriot missile transfer with NATO

According to Politico, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz confirmed during a 17 July press conference in the UK that Ukraine will receive Patriot air-defense systems “very shortly, very soon.” He stressed that Kyiv urgently needs deep strike capability and that additional support is on the way. According to Merz, defense ministers are now finalizing logistics to fulfill the delivery.

Politico reports that the announcement followed Trump’s new NATO deal earlier this week. The plan allows European countries to send weapons to Ukraine now and buy replacements from the US.

NATO and Germany already preparing transfer

Alexus Grynkewich, NATO’s Allied Air Command leader, said on 17 July that preparations for the Patriot transfer were already under way.

Trump stated on 14 July that part of the Patriot system would arrive “within days,” though others have raised questions about the exact timeline. Merz later clarified that the capability could be active in Ukraine within weeks.

Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy told ministers to boost local arms from 40% to 50% within six months as part of a wartime strategy to strengthen Ukraine’s military self-reliance. He outlined the directive during a major speech before parliament, following the formal approval of a reshuffled Cabinet of Ministers on 17 July.

Zelenskyy tasks new cabinet with weapons overhaul

Addressing lawmakers and the new Cabinet, Zelenskyy noted:

“We are transforming the management of the defense sector and weapons production in such a way that, in six months, the share of specifically Ukrainian-made weapons available to our soldiers will significantly increase. Currently, about 40% of all weapons in the hands of our soldiers are made in Ukraine. In six months, it must be no less than 50%,” Zelenskyy said. 

He emphasized that boosting domestic arms production was essential in a global environment where attention to Russia-Ukraine’s war is being diluted by other crises.

Ministers told to audit defense deals

Zelenskyy also instructed the reshuffled cabinet to carry out a full audit of all existing defense-related agreements and commitments. These include international partnerships, production deals, memorandums, and resilience programs.

The president stressed that these agreements must be implemented “100% in the interests of Ukraine.” 

New prime minister confirmed

During the 17 July parliamentary session, lawmakers approved Zelenskyy’s nominee for prime minister, Yuliia Svyrydenko. Before the reshuffle, she served as Ukraine’s First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economic Development and Trade.

Most ministers either retained their roles or were reassigned to new posts. The president called for immediate implementation of the new government program and said results must be delivered “daily.”

Moscow’s recycled lies and nuclear bluster aim to fracture NATO and halt US aid for Ukraine, the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported on 16 July. The Kremlin is reviving old narratives, including nuclear threats and faux diplomacy, in a coordinated information campaign targeting the United States’ renewed commitment to Ukraine and NATO.

Kremlin revives nuclear threats to pressure NATO

ISW says that the Kremlin is “recycling several longstanding informational narratives, including nuclear threats, in a renewed effort to break the United States away from Ukraine and the NATO alliance.” 

On 16 July, Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov stated that all provisions of Russia’s nuclear doctrine remain active. He emphasized that nuclear powers must not “incite” non-nuclear states and warned that nuclear countries must “answer” for such incitement.

Russia had updated its nuclear doctrine in fall 2024, introducing a clause suggesting that aggression by a non-nuclear country backed by a nuclear power may be treated as a joint attack on Russia.

Blaming the West for Moscow’s war

Responding to a question about Trump’s push for increased NATO military aid to Ukraine, Peskov claimed that “Europeans maintain a rabid militaristic attitude towards Moscow.“

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov echoed this approach, stating on 15 July that Moscow’s illegal invasion of Ukraine aims to eliminate “the threats that NATO has created” on Russia’s borders.

ISW highlights that these narratives have remained constant throughout the war and are being revived to undermine unity between the United States and Europe.

Russia casts itself as the peacemaker

Amid the Western calls to force Moscow into meaningful negotiations to end the war, Peskov  urged the international community to pressure Ukraine—not Russia, the aggressor country—into bilateral negotiations. ISW assesses this move as an effort to “falsely portray Russia as willing to negotiate while undermining Ukraine’s credibility.”

Strategy targets transatlantic unity

ISW notes that Russia is using the same “rhetorical line” that it has used throughout the war “to deter Western support for Ukraine, but has shifted its objective from preventing new support for Ukraine to reversing recent support” and to break the US from its NATO allies.

“The Kremlin is prioritizing informational campaigns aimed at undermining NATO unity and stoking discontent between the United States and its European allies in order to degrade Ukraine’s defense capabilities and achieve its longstanding war aims that amount to Ukraine’s capitulation,” ISW wrote.

Donald Trump’s new Ukraine strategy—arming Kyiv while demanding Europe fund it—is drawing sharp debate. But according to former British Army Colonel Richard Kemp, it’s exactly the right move.

Writing in The Telegraph, Kemp says Trump has “correctly adjusted his policy” in response to Vladimir Putin’s refusal to negotiate. His critics, particularly in Europe, “would be more convincing if they had their own realistic proposals, but they do not,” Kemp argues.

“Put their money where their mouth is”

At the heart of Trump’s plan is a demand: the US will send weapons, but Europe must pay.

Kemp calls this “sheer genius, at least as a concept,” adding that it “forces the EU countries and Britain to put their money where their mouth is.”

The move also taps into American frustration over continued US funding of the war. “It ought to play well to American voters,” Kemp writes.

Patriots and priorities

Trump’s plan includes sending Patriot missile systems to shield Ukrainian cities from increased Russian attacks. These may come from US stockpiles or NATO reserves.

But Germany is hesitating. Defence Minister Boris Pistorius said delivery could take months—a delay Kemp sees as telling.

“Despite the continent’s supposed insistence that it is prepared to do whatever it takes to help Ukraine win,” Kemp writes, Europe is still slow to act.

Zelenskyy to Trump: “Give us the tools”

In a recent call, Trump reportedly asked Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy whether Ukraine could hit Moscow and St. Petersburg. Kemp likens Zelensky’s response to Churchill: “Give us the tools and we will finish the job.”

Kemp stresses that while air defenses are important, long-range weapons and the freedom to use them would have a far greater effect on Putin.

“Smouldering military bases… might well” force a rethink in Moscow, he argues.

Targeting Russia’s economy

Trump has also proposed secondary tariffs on countries doing business with Russia. Kemp believes this economic pressure could be effective, but says EU leaders are reluctant.

When EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas called Trump’s 50-day peace deadline “very long,” Kemp responded bluntly:

“Perhaps Kallas… should immediately impose EU secondary tariffs, rather than shouting criticism from the sidelines?”

“A chance of success” – if Europe steps up

Kemp concludes that Trump’s new strategy has “a chance of success”, but only if Europe gets serious. Otherwise, he warns, it will remain a US-led effort.

“Do they really want to help Ukraine win its war, or do they just want America to do it for them?”

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy observed that Russia has refrained from bombing Kyiv during the recent visit of Trump’s Special Envoy for Ukraine Keith Kellogg, interpreting this pattern as evidence that Russian President Vladimir Putin fears America.

Kellogg arrived in Kyiv on 14 July for a week-long visit, during which he met with the Ukrainian president. Zelenskyy noted that the capital experienced no massive bombings for two consecutive nights following the envoy’s arrival.

“This is a very interesting example: there were no heavy attacks this night and the previous night, too,” Zelenskyy told Newsmax correspondent Shelby Wilder in an exclusive interview.

He suggested this absence of strikes demonstrates that Russia deliberately targets civilians under normal circumstances but refrains when American officials are present.

The Ukrainian leader said citizens have begun joking about the phenomenon, suggesting they should give Kellogg a Ukrainian passport to keep him in the country permanently and encourage more frequent American visits to reduce Russian bombing.

Zelenskyy argued this behavior pattern reveals Putin’s calculations regarding escalation with the United States.

“He intimidates, blackmails, creates tension, but does not go for a full escalation” when Americans are present, according to the president’s assessment.

“Putin is afraid of America. I’ve been saying this all along, and I’ve also told the president,” Zelenskyy stated, expressing confidence in this conclusion.

Russia reportedly rejected Trump’s threats with severe economic tariffs unless Moscow agrees to a cease-fire in the next 50 days, with Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov stating that “any attempts to make demands, especially ultimatums, are unacceptable to us.”

Zelenskyy also drew contrasts between the current and previous US administrations’ approaches to the war, which began full-scale in February 2022 under President Joe Biden’s tenure.

“President Biden was not able to end this war. I am confident that President Trump can do it,” he said.

Explore further

The Telegraph: Europe plans to use frozen Russian assets to pay for Donald Trump’s $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine

Day 1239

On 15 July, the biggest news comes from the United States.

After weeks of record-breaking Russian strikes, President Donald Trump has reversed course and resumed US military aid to Ukraine. The decision ended a three-week pause that had delayed critical defense systems just as Ukraine’s air defenses were being pushed to the limit.

That peak was reached just days ago, when Russia launched its largest aerial attack of the war so far. Over 700 drones and missiles were fired in a single night, primarily targeting energy facilities, airbases, and ammunition stockpiles.

Russian state media claimed the attack was a coordinated operation to dismantle Ukraine’s war effort, but most of the actual damage was inflicted on civilian infrastructure. Several Ukrainian airfields suffered minor damage, but many of the intended military targets were either missed or intercepted. Ukrainian air defense claimed to have shot down over 500 incoming projectiles, including nearly every Shahed drone. While some ballistic and cruise missiles slipped through, the scale of destruction fell far short of what the Kremlin had likely intended.

And that miscalculation may have backfired. The original reason the US paused military aid was to open space for de-escalation and preserve its own shrinking stockpile of interceptors. But Russia’s response was to escalate, not slow down. As you remember from a previous report, Russia is dramatically increasing drone and missile output, aiming to overwhelm Ukrainian defenses and outlast Western patience.

But by unleashing the biggest strike of the war just as talks stalled, the Kremlin made clear that its goal is not negotiation, it is devastation. The strategy seems to have convinced President Trump that further delay would only invite more bloodshed. Moscow’s aggression ultimately ended the pause, forcing the decision back onto the table.

What followed was a rapid green light for aid shipments, with renewed focus on US patriot systems. These systems are not designed to intercept drones; they are used against ballistic and cruise missiles, including Iskander-M, Kinzhal, Kalibr, and other high-speed threats. While Patriots are among the most capable interceptors in the world, the challenge is industrial; the US currently produces around 550 Patriot missiles per year, and is working to double that output by next year.

In recent strikes, Russia has only needed a few missiles per wave to break through. With Ukrainian air defenses already stretched thin, it is the ballistic and cruise missiles that do real damage, hitting power grids, command hubs, and airbases with precision.

That is why having enough Patriots matters, because when even one slips through, it can knock out a power station or command node. But Russia is also expanding its missile production. The real race is between how many advanced missiles Russia can fire and how many interceptors Ukraine’s allies can supply in time. If that ratio tips the wrong way, critical infrastructure will fall, and Russian air dominance will grow.

For now, the US still holds the edge in quality and output. NATO countries are scaling up their production lines, while Ukraine is adapting its defenses by blending cheaper systems like Gepards and laser-guided short-range interceptors with high-end Patriots. But the problem is volume: if the US sends 100 interceptors and Russia fires 150 cruise or ballistic missiles, Ukraine can only defend so much. The new aid package is not just about blocking the next attack; it is about buying enough time and firepower to shift the ratio before winter sets in.

Overall, Russia’s strategy is ruthless, but far from subtle: escalate pressure, trigger delays in Western support, and then exploit the gap with concentrated firepower. But this time, the sheer scale of the offensive may have backfired. By striking while the West was still hesitating, Moscow may have overplayed its hand and pushed Washington and its allies to recommit more forcefully. For Ukraine, it is a temporary lifeline, but also a warning, as long as Russia can launch, no pause in aid will ever hold for long.

Euromaidan Press: Hello, Peter. Can you tell what the film is about shortly?

Peter Duke:  The film basically tells the story of what we do with the convoy effort, and some of the people—just a few of the people—that are participating, and of course, some of the heroes that we go and help there in Ukraine.

I first joined the convoy in February of 2023. That was my first time. As an American, I was one of the first two that had gone on convoy. So it was a very new thing to myself. I didn’t know what to expect, but the connections that I made there and the people that I met were just heroes through and through. I was so impressed with the abilities of the people who both were organizing the convoy and participating in it, and the ones who were helping get that supply of vehicles and supplies to the troops there in Kyiv.

This has been going on since March of 2022. In April 2025, we’re delivering our 40th convoy to Kyiv. That’s almost 670 trucks full of supplies that we brought.

Euromaidan Press: So it’s not only trucks that you deliver, it’s also some other aid for Ukrainian soldiers. What is it usually?

Peter Duke: The trucks themselves are pretty standardized. They are second-hand but very mechanically sound trucks, and they’re all like a civilian pickup truck—they’re a four-door, four-by-four, diesel pickup truck. Then it’s been outfitted with a night vision camera, a drone jammer, and other things. Some of them are specialized as medevac vehicles as well.

These vehicles go there and they come with a set of street tires that we drive them there on, but also a set of mud tires for each truck because that can be very important in the off-road conditions. But then we fill the trucks up with any other things we’ve got, and that may be everything from medical kits to sleeping bags. We provide a lot of drones—we fundraise and send a lot of FPV and Mavics, things like that. Also, if there’s something special that a unit’s requested, we’ll do our best to fill that request as well.

And then many of the drivers just bring along their own sort of care package. Whether it’s chocolates from Belgium or supplies—I’ve brought a bunch of stuff from the US. Some people will get other donations of everything from trench candles to tourniquets and provide those just to let the troops know that we’re looking out for them. We’re doing everything we can on the home side to provide them with the tools and kit that they need.

Euromaidan Press: And how is it all funded?

Peter Duke: We’ll get the stuff however we can get it. But yeah, we’re a fully volunteer and donation-funded group. We fundraise, we make the social media appeals. I know everyone is very exhausted from giving, frankly. I mean, like this war—people were generous in 2022, they did what they could to give to support the Ukrainians. And then it went into 2023, and some donors got tired or their resources became short through 2024. Here we are in 2025.

That’s both been a marathon of endurance for the donors, but also it’s enabled us to build a pipeline of experience. A track record, so people know, “Hey, these guys are delivering the vehicles. They’re continuing to deliver the supplies. They’ve got proof they’ve been doing it successfully.” And this all continues to build confidence in the donors that their money is going to a good cause. So we’ve been lucky enough to be able to keep up the pace. And yeah, there is definitely fatigue among people who read the news.

Euromaidan Press: Do you also feel this fatigue personally? How do you cope with it? Why should people still care and help Ukraine?

Peter Duke: Yeah, we all get tired. I get tired. We’ve got a busy life. We have families. We have jobs. We have stuff to do. But I remember that every one of these Ukrainians that’s out there sacrificing and fighting and defending is doing it for us. Make no mistake—if Russia is allowed to take Ukraine, they are not going to be satisfied. That will not be the end of it. So this effort is for all of us. All of us in the Western democracies that hope for peace and security need Ukraine to succeed.

And the effort also affects people in the East. Because if this is allowed to continue unopposed, people in Taiwan will pay the price. Maybe Korea’s neighbors to the South will pay the price. Because if it’s not stopped, if people like Putin are not put in their place and stopped, this kind of authoritarianism and this kind of evil will spread.

There have been times of peace in the world and there have been times of turmoil, and we should never take those times of peace for granted. So that thought keeps pushing me forward.

But on a more personal level, whenever I am tired, whenever I get exhausted, whenever I get a little bit overwhelmed, I just think of the people in Kyiv who have to go to sleep and hope that the buzzing sound of a drone doesn’t get louder and louder until it bursts into their apartment wall, or that when they wake up, maybe the power is on. The sacrifices that they continue to make day in and day out pick me up and push me forward.

So anything I can do here in the peace of my country—and all the Europeans who likewise are pushing forward this effort from the peace of their country—should prize that peace and know that this freedom is not free. It comes at a price that the Ukrainians are paying every day.

Euromaidan Press: I read some of your statements about the film and you mentioned that you see parallels between Ukraine’s resistance now and America’s founding in 1776. Can you elaborate more on this connection?

Peter Duke: Oh, man. Yeah, that one is so clear and so obvious to me.

Thinking back to the founding of our own nation in 1776, we wanted to break free from a colonial power that was so powerful that we were not able to break free from it initially. We wanted to break from that power that had been dictating terms to us and sapping our resources for the gain of that empire. And of course, those parallels are very clear with what has been happening with Russia and Ukraine.

Russia for a long time interfered in Ukraine’s affairs. You can go back centuries and Ukraine was, unfortunately, the collision place of Russia and the Western world. Russia finally had that connection broken in the Maidan revolution, and again Ukraine tried to reinstate their own vision of how they wanted to lead their life. And Russia keeps pressing—they just cannot take the hint that this nation wants to be free and lead a future of self-determination.

This is like an ex-boyfriend or ex-husband that just can’t let go of that woman and keeps saying, “No, you belong to me. I’m going to dictate to you. You belong to me.” This is disgusting. These people in Ukraine should not have to put up with Russia constantly pressing on their affairs and trying to make them a part of a Russian empire that they don’t want to be part of.

So in 1776, the Americans had had enough of the British empire dictating terms to us here. And we moved for our independence. And thankfully, at that time, we had the support of France, which enabled us to eventually have that victory. It wasn’t easy, and a lot of life was lost. In 1812, the British returned to try and have a round two of that, and we eventually were able to push this colonial power away. We eventually were able to succeed in that contest and we had our independence.

But it’s a question of who’s going to arise at this time to support Ukraine in this battle, to finally put Russia back behind its border and have the peace that Ukraine deserves. And I think it’s patriots from all over the world that understand that this freedom comes at a cost and they’re going to support Ukraine in this.

Euromaidan Press: In the film, you also show a lot of destruction that Russia brought to Ukraine and you visit memorials in Irpin and Bucha. These are places where Russian soldiers committed war crimes—they killed and tortured civilians. You also said that the film changed you and your perspective on the war. How did it change you and what was your perspective earlier?

Peter Duke: Well, reading about war and seeing the effects of war are two different things. You can look at all the books and you can look at all the newscasts, and the human mind has just a weird way of compartmentalizing things. I’ve seen videos, I’ve seen newscasts, I know the bombs are dropping, I know things are getting blown up and I know there are people dying. But being there and seeing the charred shells of these buildings, and seeing the destruction—the broken machines and the broken men walking around missing limbs and so on—that makes it real.

You have to see these things for your own eyes. I’m sure that when you get closer to this, the human empathy comes forward and pushes past the propaganda and whatever disassociation was happening in your head before, and it becomes black and white.

And that’s why I want to bring viewers a little bit closer to that by seeing it through our eyes, through eyes of average Americans, people who have gone there and seen it so they understand what is really going on. 

And that’s why the convoy is important in one regard—because of the hundreds and hundreds of drivers who have participated in this, they all leave changed. Having been there with their own eyes, having visited some of the places that you mentioned and having seen both the tragedies of war and the warmth and the welcomeness and the gratitude of the Ukrainians we meet, they go back home with that in their heads and their hearts, and they know that supporting Ukraine is the right thing for them, for the Ukrainians, and for the world.

Euromaidan Press: What impact do you think your film can have on viewers?

Peter Duke: You want to affect people and make their hearts and their minds understand what’s happening and make it real for them. So I think a movie is a good medium to do that. It should be more relatable. So hopefully we achieve that goal.

I really think that being there is the best way. And of course, that opportunity is limited because not everyone can take so much time out of their life to go there in person and do it. But hopefully this vehicle will show that many people, regular people like myself, have made that choice, have gone there and have seen this. And I hope that they will take away what their eyes and their ears are telling them—that real people can make a difference in the history that we are writing together.

Euromaidan Press: So people who are who will watch this interview or will watch your film “No Sleep Till Kyiv,” how can they get involved in helping Ukraine? Is it through donations or is it even possible to join this convoy?

Peter Duke: Yes and yes. But the most important thing is that they know in their hearts that this is the right thing to do, because I believe when someone sees this and it comes to them, they’re like, “Wow, I can’t imagine supporting the other side in this—Russia. Certainly the things they are saying that I’ve read on social media or whatever don’t look at all like the situation on the ground. It would be crazy not to support the Ukrainians.”

And despite some of the things you read on social media that may be negative or misinformation, much of that comes from paid bot accounts that are set up by the Russians and their allies. In the real world, something like 70% of Americans support maintaining aid for Ukraine, sending more aid. And they know black from white. They know this is the right thing to do. So I just want to help reaffirm that inner empathy and let people see for themselves what’s going on so that they know this is the right thing.

Euromaidan Press: Have you ever met Americans who are not supportive of Ukraine?

Peter Duke: Of course. I talk to some people. And usually, this is the thing—when you’re having a face-to-face conversation, it’s different. Social media is terrible in that regard because someone will just shoot some rude thing off into the internet and turn around and never think twice about it. And that rude thing can be read by tens of thousands or millions of people and it can affect them. But personal conversations, face-to-face, are much more diplomatic.

Usually what happens is they’ll say something like, “Well, I don’t speak Ukrainian,” and I’m like, “That’s no trouble. English will get you further and it’s appreciated there, but it’s okay. You can speak the tongue you’re comfortable with. That’s the same in Ukraine.”

Or they’ll say something ridiculous like, “Well, Zelenskyy is stealing all the money.” I’m like, “Well, have you seen Putin’s palaces? I mean, do you see how this guy gets around with his entourage? Do you see the huge yachts that his oligarch friends have?” I mean, all the evidence points to them doing what they are accusing others of doing. Meanwhile, Zelenskyy is there doing his work in Kyiv and trying his best to keep his country together. Please, folks, let’s look at some facts here.

And so if I’m calm and have a few sentences with a person and I share these viewpoints, usually the reasoning comes through, and then it’s easy to make them an ally. I don’t meet too many people that are strongly pro-Russia, anti-Ukraine here in the US. And that’s why I think it’s important to share the story with the movie because so many people are either lightly in favor of Ukraine or they’re just kind of on the fence. And it doesn’t take much to make them a believer. So by sharing the message of the movie, that usually is enough to make their mind up.

Euromaidan Press: You delivered aid to Ukraine with volunteers from Estonia, some from Ukraine, some Americans also. Did you feel fully united with them in your vision and values? Or were there some differences in your perception of war and support for Ukraine? What did this international experience teach you as an American?

Peter Duke: It’s important to think about how Americans view the world. And I’m not really sure how to define this well, but it’s different than Europeans. Americans, we’ve normally been much more isolated. It’s normal for a European to speak several languages and have traveled through several countries just by nature of the geography. But here in America, English is all we need. And we just know our own country and the way we think and the way we’ve been told the world works.

So it’s always interesting to speak to my Ukrainian friends and get their viewpoints. It definitely expands the mind some. And also being on the convoy, being together with this common purpose, there’s a sense of camaraderie between the men and women on the convoy, what we are doing. The way we’re feeling together, the experience that we share—it’s very heartwarming. And we all leave changed for the better.

Euromaidan Press: So the movie is called “No Sleep Till Kyiv.” And you mentioned that the road from the capital of Estonia, Tallinn, to the capital of Ukraine, Kyiv, took you over 30 hours. So did you really have no sleep for this long time? Why did you decide to do it?

Peter Duke: Yeah, so we were trying to think of a name and we were like, “We should call the movie ‘The Convoy.'” I don’t know, it’s sort of a generic name.

So as the movie production was happening, we would sit around and talk. And I was talking with a buddy of mine, and we’re like, “Man, what should we call it? We need a better name.” And there’s a song from a group called the Beastie Boys—it’s like a hip hop group. They were popular in the 80s and 90s, early 2000s. And it was called “No Sleep Till Brooklyn.” And so that name is kind of imprinted in the memory of many people of my generation and the generation after me—”No Sleep Till Brooklyn.”

So that catchphrase, probably somewhere in our subconscious, came up. And my buddy is like, “Let’s call it ‘No Sleep Till Kyiv.'” And I was like, “Actually, it’s got a ring to it,” because that’s kind of what we do.

I mean, although no one is stopping and rolling out their bed and taking an actual rest on the convoy, we do take our turns sitting in the passenger seat and kind of dozing for a short spell. But I’ll tell you, basically, for 30-something hours, we get no good sleep. So there’s that part of it—the endurance of the drive, the marathon to Kyiv. And the fact that it has a ring to it. So “No Sleep Till Kyiv” is the name. And for us, there’s going to be no rest until there’s peace for Ukraine. So that’s the name and that’s how it is.

US President Donald Trump may arm Ukraine in response to Russia’s largest drone and missile assault since the start of the full-scale invasion, CBS reports, citing multiple diplomatic sources. According to the sources, the potential funding is aimed at sending a message to Russia following recent aerial attacks. This week saw Russia’s largest drone assaults since February 2022. Kyiv and several other cities suffered repeated strikes.

A White House official told CBS the administration had recently paused some weapons deliveries as part of a global review of arms transfers. Still, earlier this week, Trump hinted he intended to send more defensive weapons to Ukraine.

$3.85 billion in military aid could be reactivated

US officials told CBS News that $3.85 billion in unused presidential drawdown authority from the Biden era remains available. Trump may now use that fund to deliver American military equipment to Ukraine.

Former officials also noted that Trump has the power to seize around $5 billion in frozen Russian assets and redirect those funds to Ukraine. So far, neither Trump nor former President Joe Biden has exercised that authority.

From arms freeze to new shipments: policy shift follows Russian escalation

Earlier this year, Trump expressed skepticism about aid to Ukraine and urged both Ukraine and Russia to pursue a peace agreement. He has often criticized the scale of American military spending on the war.

But his tone changed sharply in recent days. Last week, Trump told reporters he was “very disappointed” after a call with Russian President Vladimir Putin. During a Cabinet meeting on 8 July, he confirmed a shift in stance.

“Putin is not treating human beings right. He’s killing too many people,” Trump said. “So we’re sending some defensive weapons to Ukraine, and I’ve approved that.”

Trump says NATO will buy US weapons for Ukraine

As Euromaidan Press reported earlier, Trump is also pushing for NATO allies to take on more responsibility, and purchase weapons for Ukraine from the US.

“We’re sending weapons to NATO, and NATO is paying for those weapons, 100%,” Trump told NBC.

Diplomatic sources told CBS News that Trump spoke with NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte about European countries purchasing US-made equipment for Ukraine. 

When asked about the NATO initiative on 11 July in Malaysia, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio reiterated the logic behind the idea:

“At the end of the day, some of the systems that Ukraine requires are systems that Europe doesn’t make. They would have to purchase them from the United States,” Rubio said.

The $500 million Ukraine aid bill advanced in the US Senate after the Armed Services Committee approved it, according to The Hill. The package cleared its first major hurdle this week with strong bipartisan support from the Senate Armed Services Committee. The legislation adds $200 million for 2026 and extends the Pentagon’s Ukraine assistance program through 2028.

Senate committee advances long-term Ukraine support plan

The Hill reported on 11 July that the Senate Armed Services Committee (SASC) approved the $500 million Ukraine aid bill two days earlier as part of the fiscal 2026 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA). The vote passed 26–1. The bill includes a $200 million increase in Ukraine aid for 2026 and extends the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative through 2028.

NATO allies increase defense spending, EU unveils $162M rearmament plan

As part of broader coordination, NATO member states have earlier agreed to raise their defense spending to 5% of GDP — a long-standing demand from Trump. This shift comes as the European Union moves to implement a $162 million readiness initiative aimed at rearming European forces within five years.

Trump plans to send Ukraine weapons through NATO, according to three sources familiar with internal discussions who spoke to Axios. The proposed route would involve selling arms to NATO allies, who would then pass them on to Ukraine.

NATO route to Ukraine weapons discussed, Trump confirms intent

Axios reports that President Trump is actively planning to sell weapons to NATO countries with the understanding that those allies will transfer the arms to Ukraine. The proposal has already been discussed with European partners and Ukraine, according to two sources familiar with those discussions.

In an interview with NBC News, Trump “seemed to confirm” the plan, Axios says:

“So what we’re doing is the weapons that are going out are going to NATO, and then NATO is going to be giving those weapons [to Ukraine], and NATO is paying for those weapons,” he said.

Despite this, two administration officials told Axios that the United States is not directly arming Ukraine. One official stated,

“POTUS is sending defensive weapons to NATO. NATO can decide what to do with it. We’re not sending weapons to Ukraine.”

Allies consulted, offensive weapons not ruled out

Axios reports that the scheme was discussed at the recent NATO summit. The discussions included both Ukrainian and European officials. One source told Axios that the sales could go beyond air defense systems and include offensive weapons as well.

A senior European official confirmed to Axios that their government had been involved in conversations about the plan. However, that official noted that no final decision or implementation timeline had been agreed upon.

Trump emphasizes NATO responsibility and payment

Trump presented the arrangement as one in which NATO assumes both operational and financial responsibility. “NATO is paying for those weapons,” Trump told NBC, underlining that the United States is not directly providing aid.

An official told Axios that while Trump continues to oppose direct arms packages to Ukraine, he is pursuing this route through NATO. The goal appears to be enabling Ukraine to receive weapons without direct US involvement.

Trump’s earlier Ukraine policy and shifting stance

Earlier, the Trump administration halted deliveries of certain weapons that had been approved under former President Joe Biden. Some of those shipments later resumed.

Trump previously allowed some existing Biden-era arms shipments to proceed, but had not approved any new aid packages since taking office. Reuters says he plans to approve his own first shipments using his presidential drawdown powers.

Trump activates drawdown powers for the first time in his current term to approve Ukraine military aid, according to Reuters. The $300 million package may reportedly include Patriot missile systems and guided rockets—probably, GMLRS for HIMARS systems.

Trump may be activating drawdown powers to send $300 million in arms from existing US stockpiles

Two sources familiar with the decision told Reuters the aid would come from US weapons already in storage. The package is expected to be pulled from Pentagon stockpiles using Presidential Drawdown Authority. One of the sources said a final decision on the equipment could be made at a meeting on “Thursday.”

The reported $300 million in aid may include defensive Patriot missile interceptors and offensive medium-range rockets. However, “a decision on the exact equipment has not been made,” according to a source. According to Reuters, the equipment is likely to be delivered quickly because the systems are already staged in Europe.

Reuters said the Pentagon and the White House declined to comment when asked about the plans.

First planned direct aid under Trump since return to office

By now, the Trump administration has only “approved”—or, more accurately, did not block—deliveries authorized under Biden.

If finalized, it would be the first time Trump activates drawdown powers to directly send weapons to Ukraine, Reuters notes. The use of authority may show a shift in Trump’s Ukraine policy.

Presidential Drawdown Authority allows the president to transfer weapons quickly from US stocks, bypassing the need for new legislation.

Trump’s erratic weapons policy leaves Ukraine fighting both Russia and mounting uncertainty from Washington, The Atlantic reports. Ukrainian officials told the Atlantic that they are constantly reworking their battlefield strategies due to unpredictable US aid. One senior official compared the process to roulette and said he would bet on zero.

Sudden shifts in US support disrupt Ukraine’s defenses

Military planners said that each pause or reversal forces Ukraine to move units, adjust targets, or cancel operations altogether. When Patriot missile deliveries stalled, Ukraine had to shift air defense systems from other zones.

Josh Paul, a former State Department official, told the Atlantic that such changes pull resources from critical missions. 

Trump’s erratic weapons policy also affects repairs and logistics

According to the Atlantic, delays don’t only affect new weapons. They also impact spare parts, replacements, and technical support. Even one short-term halt can stop Ukraine from fixing damaged systems in time.

Transporting US weapons to the front line requires weeks of planning. Without predictability, Kyiv cannot coordinate operations or logistics.

Ukraine no longer trusts political promises alone

The Atlantic reports that Trump’s approach echoes his first term, when he froze military aid while pressing Zelenskyy for political help. That episode led to his impeachment.

This time, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth paused deliveries without White House coordination. When asked who made the decision, Trump replied, “I don’t know. Why don’t you tell me?”

After a call with Zelenskyy, Trump said the weapons would resume. But there were no guarantees of future support. Ukrainian officials are now preparing for more delays, no matter what Washington says.

No new aid authorized under Trump administration

Future supplies will depend on defense contracts with US companies. These systems may take years to arrive. For now, Ukraine is ramping up production with European partners and expanding its own capabilities.

Zelenskyy said political decisions are in place. But he added that they must now be implemented fast—to protect lives and positions.

US weapons shipments to Ukraine have resumed, with deliveries now confirmed by the Associated Press and the New York Post sources to include precision-guided GMLRS rockets and 155 mm artillery shells. This marks the first clear confirmation of resumed aid content since the Pentagon quietly paused certain deliveries weeks ago.

Guided rockets and artillery shells confirmed in resumed deliveries

The Associated Press and the New York Post report that the United States is once again sending GMLRS munitions for HIMARS launchers and 155 mm howitzer rounds to Ukraine. According to two American officials who spoke to AP on condition of anonymity, the deliveries are already underway. Some shipments had reportedly reached Poland before the initial halt took effect.

These specific munitions were not publicly confirmed until now. Though the Trump administration announced on 7 July that deliveries would resume, neither the Pentagon nor the White House initially revealed what would be included in the new packages.

Pentagon’s pause drew internal backlash

The pause was first implemented last week by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, reportedly to reassess US military stockpiles. The move caught other branches of the administration off guard, including the State Department and White House, according to AP.

President Donald Trump later addressed the issue directly, expressing frustration.

“I will be the first to know. In fact, most likely I’d give the order, but I haven’t done that yet,” he said. Asked who ordered the pause, Trump replied: “I don’t know. Why don’t you tell me?”

A White House official, also speaking anonymously, claimed there was never an official “pause,” only a review to ensure alignment with US defense strategy.

• The Pentagon halted the weapon supplies to Ukraine earlier due to concerns over the depletion of American munitions stockpiles. US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth reportedly ordered the halt.
• In response, 17 members of Congress and the Senate called on Defense Secretary Hegseth to fully resume all weapons deliveries to Ukraine.
• On 7 July, the Pentagon announced that President Trump had directed a resumption of deliveries, though specifics were not provided until this week.

The United States has resumed weapons shipments to Ukraine, delivering 155 mm artillery shells and guided missile systems, two US officials told Reuters. The deliveries come after a short pause in arms transfers by the Trump administration that raised concerns in Kyiv and Washington.

Diplomatic efforts remain frozen, while Russia escalates its attacks. On 9 July, Moscow launched the largest combined missile and drone assault of the war, firing over 740 projectiles at Ukrainian infrastructure. The barrage signals Russia’s hardened military posture and fuels fears the war could stretch on for years.

US sends artillery shells and GMLRS missiles

The resumed shipment includes 155 mm artillery shells and GMLRS (guided multiple launch rocket system) missiles—vital to Ukraine’s front-line operations. The officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, did not disclose the size of the shipment or confirm if deliveries were complete.

The pause, which occurred last week, was reportedly tied to Pentagon concerns over depleted US munitions reserves. The White House has not formally commented on the internal review.

Trump: “I don’t know who ordered the pause”

President Donald Trump told reporters he was unaware of who had ordered the temporary halt in arms deliveries. He added that the US would continue sending weapons to Ukraine, with an emphasis on defensive systems to counter advancing Russian forces.

It is unclear whether the resumed shipment reflects a broader shift in policy or a continuation of prior aid commitments.

Russia escalates with record drone and missile barrage

Ukraine reported over 740 drones and missiles launched by Russia in a single night—the most extensive aerial attack since the war began. Strikes targeted infrastructure across multiple regions.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy responded by calling for tougher sanctions on Russian revenue sources, especially oil exports.

Ukraine expands military coordination with US

In a statement on Tuesday, Zelenskyy said he has ordered expanded coordination with the United States to secure urgent deliveries of air defense systems and other military aid. Kyiv continues to press Washington for faster and more consistent support amid ongoing attacks.