On 27 May 2024, a historic handshake in Madrid sealed a new chapter in Ukraine’s struggle for survival. That day, Ukraine and Spain signed a 10‑year bilateral security agreement, a pact that committed Spain to stand by Ukraine during its fight against Russia’s full‑scale invasion.

A year later, that signature has proved to be more than words. Spain has become one of Ukraine’s most consistent allies, delivering weapons, training thousands of soldiers, investing in rebuilding projects, and helping create legal mechanisms to hold Russia accountable.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Spain’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

A tenth agreement that mattered

This agreement was not a one‑off act. It became the tenth in a series of security agreements Ukraine began after the G7 Joint Declaration of Support in 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements in total — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation.

Yet the Spanish pact stands out because of its broad scope.

Under this agreement, Spain committed to:

• Deliver weapons and military equipment
• Train Ukrainian military personnel
• Cooperate with Ukraine’s defense industry
• Provide humanitarian support and reconstruction aid
• Join sanctions and legal actions against Russia

And in 2024 alone, Spain pledged €1 billion for military aid, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s artillery, air defenses, armored forces, and maritime security.

Weapons that protect lives

The first visible results came from the skies. In the spring of 2024, Spain sent batches of MIM‑104 Patriot missiles, strengthening Ukraine’s air defenses. Then in November, a full HAWK air defense battery – six launchers – arrived in Ukraine, designed to shoot down Russian missiles and drones.

On land, Spain has been no less active. Nineteen Leopard 2A4 tanks, once left unused in Zaragoza, were overhauled at the Santa Bárbara Sistemas plant. Ten of them were delivered to Ukraine in July 2024, with the rest planned for September.

Since the beginning of the full‑scale war, Spain has repaired and modernized 29 Leopard tanks for Ukraine and provided M113 armored personnel carriers. Between May 2024 and May 2025, Spain also delivered 155‑mm artillery shells, counter‑drone systems, surveillance optics, and modern combat turrets, giving Ukraine more tools to defend itself.

Building a defense industry together

Spain’s assistance has not stopped with shipments. It is also helping Ukraine develop the capacity to produce and modernize its own weapons.

The Leopard tanks overhauled in 2024 are one example. At the same time, Ukrainian armored vehicles – including the Kozak‑5 – were equipped with Guardian combat modules from Spanish company Escribano Mechanical & Engineering.

In May 2025, Ukroboronprom signed a memorandum with Escribano to jointly develop weapons and localize Spanish module production inside Ukraine. Another partnership followed: Ukrainian company Praktyka signed an agreement with Spain’s Tecnove to begin licensed production of Dzura and Kozak armored vehicles in Spain, opening access to the European market.

Financial backing through frozen Russian assets

Support has also come through the European Union, where Spain, together with other EU members, takes part in the collective effort to redirect profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine.

• July 2024: the EU transferred the first tranche of €1.5 billion
• By May 2025: four tranches in total, amounting to €6 billion
• May 9, 2025: the EU announced another €1 billion, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry

Passing on knowledge: Training Ukrainian soldiers

Weapons and funding are critical, but training saves lives. Spain is part of the EU’s EUMAM mission, which has already trained more than 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers. About 7,000 of them have trained in Spain.

There, soldiers learn to operate Patriot and HAWK air defense systems, maintain artillery, and master combined‑arms tactics. Most of these programs are run at the Toledo Training Coordination Centre (TTCC).

Beyond air defense, Spain has also been training Ukrainian troops on the very equipment it has supplied since the start of the full‑scale war — from OTO Melara Mod 56 towed howitzers and Aspide air defense systems to M113 armored personnel carriers and Leopard 2A tanks.

In March 2025, Ukraine and Spain signed a new agreement to expand training, ensuring more soldiers will benefit from Spanish expertise.

Support beyond the battlefield

While the frontlines define much of this partnership, Spain has been active on other fronts too:

• Sanctions and cyber defense: Spain supports EU sanction packages that have targeted Russia’s military industries, energy companies, and individuals involved in war crimes. It also joined the IT Coalition in September 2024, which raised €482 million to strengthen Ukraine’s secure communications and cyber defenses.
• Humanitarian demining: In 2024, the demining coalition – with Spain among its members – allocated over €50 million for clearing mines. Ukraine received hundreds of specialized vehicles and equipment, and over 4,000 engineers completed NATO‑standard training. Spain added €3 million to these efforts, bringing its total to €4.5 million, and co‑funded a UNDP project using trained dogs for mine detection.
• Restoring energy: Spain delivered 17 large generators, invested €4.5 million in the Ukraine Energy Support Fund, and financed a new solar power plant in Chornobyl in April 2025.
• Humanitarian and reconstruction aid: Spain provided $3 million for the HEAL Ukraine healthcare project, welcomed over 150 wounded Ukrainians for medical care, and supported the creation of a rehabilitation center in Barcelona. Since 2022, Spain has delivered more than €100 million in humanitarian aid and €400 million for reconstruction.

Seeking justice

Spain has also joined two major international coalitions. The first led to the June 2025 signing of an agreement between Ukraine and the Council of Europe to establish a Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders, including Vladimir Putin, even in absentia.

The second coalition focuses on the return of deported Ukrainian children; in 2024, nearly 600 children were brought home through these joint efforts.

One year in review

From Patriot missiles to solar power, from tanks to hospitals, Spain’s support has been comprehensive and steady.

One year after that handshake in Madrid, Spain has gone far beyond promises. Its help now shows in the skies above Ukraine, on the ground in training centers, in rebuilt power plants, and in the return of Ukrainian children.

It is a partnership built on solidarity – a partnership that continues to shape Ukraine’s resilience and its hope for victory and peace.

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Ukrainian forces have retaken the village of Kindrativka in the Khotyn community of Sumy Oblast, a settlement that has been under pressure since Russia opened a new front in the north. The Kursk military grouping officially confirmed the liberation, adding that “stabilization measures are underway.”

Why the Sumy front matters

In late May 2025, Russian troops launched a cross-border offensive from Kursk into northern Sumy Oblast. Moscow described the push as an attempt to create a “buffer zone,” hoping to pull Ukrainian forces away from the eastern and southern fronts.

According to Ukrainian and Western estimates, around 50,000 Russian troops are concentrated in Kursk Oblast just across the border, serving as a staging force for these attacks. Despite weeks of assaults, Russia has been unable to make significant breakthroughs around key villages such as Yunakivka.

Early reports and enemy losses

The analytical outlet DeepState first reported Kindrativka’s liberation on 25 July.

“The 225th Separate Assault Battalion has completed the clearing and securing of Kindrativka,” DeepState said.

They added that this is the second village the unit has liberated in the region and that “the enemy suffered heavy losses during both operations.”

“Sweat, blood and courage” behind the advance

Military analyst Bohdan Myroshnykov described the scale of effort behind the gains.

“Our troops freed Kindrativka in Sumy Oblast a few days ago,” he wrote.

He stressed that these successes have been followed by smaller, localized advances, but at a very high cost.

“Behind every liberated settlement, behind every recaptured position, there is an entire story – a story of hard‑won success, sweat, blood, and courage,” Myroshnykov explained.

He noted that bit by bit, Ukrainian soldiers are cutting through the enemy’s flanks along the main axis of the Russian assault in Sumy Oblast.

“The occupiers still haven’t fully captured Yunakivka. It’s hard to say how many weeks their infantry has been throwing itself against a brick wall there,” he added.

A gradual but determined push

While retaking Kindrativka marks an important step, the fighting in Sumy Oblast remains intense. Ukrainian troops continue to erode Russian positions, holding ground despite relentless pressure from across the border.

Russian troops have made new advances on the front between Kostiantynivka and Pokrovsk in Donetsk Oblast, said Viktor Trehubov, spokesperson for Ukraine’s Khortytsia operational group, during a broadcast on Suspilne.

Pokrovsk is one of the main strongholds of Ukraine’s defense in Donetsk. For more than a year, Russian forces have been trying to capture the city because its loss would open the way for deeper advances, cut key supply routes, and expose Kostiantynivka and other Ukrainian-held towns to direct threat.

According to Trehubov, Russian units are now trying to bypass Pokrovsk from the east to put the city in a partial encirclement rather than storming it head‑on.

“There has been some movement on the Pokrovsk front — a partial penetration between Pokrovsk and Kostiantynivka. They are trying to expand this foothold, while our forces focus on inflicting maximum losses in manpower and equipment, slowing their advance and pushing them back,” Trehubov said.

Encirclement instead of direct assault

Russian forces, he said, are avoiding a direct assault and aiming instead to isolate Pokrovsk. Military analyst Yan Matveev explains that the Russian plan is to pin down Ukrainian units inside the city, sever their supply lines, and, if possible, surround and destroy them.

Two axes of fighting

Combat is currently active on two main fronts:

• The southwestern outskirts of Pokrovsk
• The northeast, around Rodynske, Suvorove and Nikanorivka

Small Russian infantry groups are also infiltrating through Zverevo and Pervomaiske. Their task is to slip into the outskirts, unsettle Ukrainian defenses from the rear, and prepare the ground for larger forces.

Supply lines under threat

At the same time, Russian units are attempting to seize Rodynske or bypass it from the north, which would allow them to cut Pokrovsk’s two main supply roads. Drones and ground attacks are being used to make these supply routes impassable while defenders are pinned down on the city’s edge.

“For Russian forces, synchronization is crucial,” Matveev said. “If supply lines remain intact, their losses will be heavy. If Ukrainian troops are free to maneuver, they can avoid encirclement.”

Broader concerns from analysts

Military analyst Kostyantyn Mashovets warns that the danger goes beyond Pokrovsk itself and reflects a broader weakening of Ukrainian positions along several stretches of the front.

“What worries me most now is the way the front is starting to give way in several areas, at least at the tactical level,” Mashovets wrote. “If the country’s military and political leadership keeps focusing on anything other than the war itself, the consequences could be extremely serious.”

Mashovets outlines a stark scenario if the situation does not change:

• Pokrovsk could fall before autumn.
• Kostiantynivka and Kupiansk could be at risk in the autumn.
• By the end of the year, Russian forces might reach the approaches to Zaporizhzhia, a major industrial city of roughly one million people, and once again threaten the Sloviansk–Kramatorsk agglomeration, which serves as the administrative and logistical hub for Ukrainian defenses in Donetsk.

He points to two factors driving these risks:

1. Russia’s considerable — “multiple,” as he puts it — advantage in combat-ready infantry across several operational directions.
2. The growing likelihood that Russia will move from voluntary recruitment to a system of forced mobilization. Mashovets warns that this shift is becoming more and more real and must be addressed as quickly as possible.

Ukraine’s difficult choices

The failure to hold the defensive line along the Kazennyi Torets River has left Pokrovsk more vulnerable. Analysts now see only two options:

1. Withdraw from Pokrovsk (considered unlikely)
2. Defend the city and its northern approaches at the same time, holding out as long as possible and counterattacking if reserves are available.

“If Syrskyi — who commands Ukraine’s Armed Forces — has mechanized reserves,” Matveev adds, “this is the time to use them.”

A longer timeline than it seems

Not all analysts see Pokrovsk as the most immediate danger.

While some experts emphasize the urgency of holding the city, military analyst Bohdan Myroshnykov argues that Russian operations around Pokrovsk and Kostiantynivka are still in a preparatory phase rather than ready for a full-scale assault.

“The Kostiantynivka axis is only beginning,” he says. “The enemy is creating the conditions for an encirclement or an assault, and this will not be resolved in a month—or even in three.”

According to Myroshnykov, around Pokrovsk these conditions are already about 75% in place, but the main phase—the attempt to storm the entire Pokrovsk–Myrnohrad agglomeration—is still months away.

“Even by the end of the year they will still be setting up for that,” he adds, “and it is far from certain they will meet their own timetable.”

He notes that Russian units are now close to Pokrovsk’s outskirts, but says this is not yet enough for a full assault. In his assessment, other sectors of the front—Novopavlivka, Kupiansk and Siversk—pose a more immediate concern because Ukrainian forces there have less clarity and fewer resources to stabilize the situation.

What lies ahead

Without a major counteroffensive to clear its flanks, Pokrovsk could eventually fall. Whether that happens within weeks or the city holds out for several more months hangs in the balance.

Matveev identifies the Poltavka – Nova Poltavka – Vozdvyzhenka axis as the most promising route for a Ukrainian counterattack. Such an operation might sever the Russian salient, alleviate pressure on Kostiantynivka, and restore supply access along the T‑0504 highway.

Pokrovsk also marks the southernmost point of Ukraine’s “fortress belt” in Donetsk Oblast—a chain of fortified cities that stretches north through Sloviansk, Kramatorsk, Druzhkivka, and Kostiantynivka. Its loss would weaken defenses along the entire belt and allow Russian forces a strong foothold for further operations north and west.

Whether Ukraine has the manpower, mechanized reserves, and strategic support to mount a counterattack along that axis—and to hold the fortress belt—remains a critical question in the weeks ahead.

US-German software company Auterion will send 33,000 AI-powered drone “strike kits” to Ukraine before the end of the year under a new Pentagon contract, the Financial Times reports.

The announcement comes as peace talks remain stalled and Russia steps up its aerial campaign, modernizing its Shahed drones to cause as much damage as possible and scaling up their production. Ukraine has been scrambling to find an answer as these massed swarms increasingly breach air defences.

Auterion’s Chief executive Lorenz Meier said the new commitment was “10 times in scale” compared to previous deliveries:

“So we’ve shipped thousands and we’re now shipping tens of thousands,” Meier told the FT, describing the expansion as “unprecedented.”

How the Skynode “strike kits” work

Auterion’s Skynode miniature computers — which come with a camera and radio — can transform manually controlled drones into “AI-powered weapons systems” that cannot be jammed.
These systems can track a moving target from as far as 1km, according to Meier.

Part of Pentagon security assistance

The new $50 million contract with the Pentagon is part of US security assistance to Ukraine, Meier said.
It is not part of a separate “mega-deal” that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said he is discussing with US President Donald Trump.

Meier highlighted Auterion’s co-operation with Ukrainian drone production:

“It’s basically acknowledging that the battle-hardening that has happened in Ukraine of drone products is relevant. That it’s a way to support Ukraine, but it’s also technology that … NATO countries want to get their hands on.”

Escalating Russian drone strikes

Russia’s air campaign has intensified in recent weeks, with Ukrainian officials reporting that swarm attacks now breach defenses more often. Strikes are hitting targets at roughly three times the usual rate.

Zelenskyy said that Ukrainian companies producing interceptor drones are struggling to expand production:

“So far, they have only manufactured individual units, and they lack the money for this,” adding that the total cost of scaling up domestic drone production stands at $6 billion.

Future of AI-driven warfare

Auterion, which has offices in Virginia and Munich, sees Ukraine as a testing ground for next-generation drone technology.

“What we are providing is leapfrogging what’s on the battlefield right now, which is to go to AI-based targeting and swarming,” Meier said, adding that humans would always select the targets.

As Russia ramps up missile and drone attacks, Ukraine is set to strengthen its air defenses with new Western support: five Patriot missile systems and 220,000 rounds for Gepard anti-aircraft guns.

Announced during the latest Ramstein-format meeting, the pledge marks a significant upgrade to Ukraine’s layered air defense network.

BBC explores how these deliveries could shift the balance—and why speed and supply will be key.

Patriots: Expanding missile shield, but time matters

The US-made Patriot system is Ukraine’s main defense against ballistic and cruise missiles. According to New York Times reports, Ukraine currently has eight Patriot batteries, though only six were operational as of May 2025. The new systems could increase that number to 13.

Each battery includes:

• Missile launchers
• Radar
• Command unit
• PAC-3 interceptors, capable of downing advanced ballistic threats

But timelines remain uncertain. Germany’s Spiegel reports the first new system may not arrive before March 2026. President Zelenskyy has said 25 Patriots are needed to secure the country—meaning even after this delivery, Ukraine remains far from that goal.

There’s also a shortage of PAC-3 missiles, raising concerns about sustaining the new systems once deployed.

Gepards reloaded: Short-range defense gets ammo

Ukraine’s Gepard anti-aircraft guns have proven essential for shooting down Shahed drones and low-flying missiles. The country operates about 100 Gepards, each armed with twin 35mm cannons and radar.

The new shipment of 220,000 rounds will allow for three full reloads across the fleet.

Ammo had become a bottleneck after Switzerland blocked re-exports, citing neutrality. Germany’s Rheinmetall stepped in, restarting production to fill the gap.

Military analysts estimate a single Shahed can often be downed with just 7–30 rounds, meaning this batch could neutralize thousands of drones—a crucial upgrade as Russia continues near-nightly drone assaults.

A layered strategy for a shifting threat

Russia’s aerial tactics are evolving. Drones now fly extremely low or at high altitudes to avoid detection, testing Ukraine’s defenses.

Kyiv is responding with a layered air defense approach:

• Patriots for long-range missiles
• Gepards for drones and close-range threats
• Mobile air defense and electronic warfare to fill the gaps

Even with 13 Patriot systems, Ukraine cannot cover its entire airspace. But together, these tools help protect cities, infrastructure, and military sites more effectively.

BBC verdict: A critical step, not a final answer

This package—five Patriots and 220,000 Gepard shells—is one of the most impactful pledges yet. But delays in delivery and limited missile stocks could slow its effect.

Ukraine has the plan. The tools are arriving. But the outcome will depend on how fast systems are delivered, how well they’re supplied—and whether support continues as the threat evolves.

President Volodymyr Zelensky has approved a new draft law aimed at restoring the independence of Ukraine’s anti-corruption institutions, following days of nationwide protests, international criticism, and revelations of a Russian spy network operating within law enforcement agencies.

The new draft bill, submitted to Parliament on Thursday, is intended to replace the widely criticized Law No. 12414, which shifted control over key anti-corruption bodies—the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO)—to the Prosecutor General’s Office.

“We need real tools, full independence for NABU and SAPO, and zero Russian influence,” Zelenskyy stated.

Although the full text of the bill has yet to be published, the president said it would guarantee the independence of anti-corruption institutions and strengthen Ukraine’s justice system during wartime.

Law No. 12414 sparks backlash

Passed on 22 July and signed into law two days later, Law No. 12414 allows the Prosecutor General to reassign investigations, close high-level cases, and override SAPO’s jurisdiction. Critics say it effectively places independent bodies under executive control, undermining judicial reform and Ukraine’s commitments to the EU.

Even some lawmakers from Zelenskyy’s own Servant of the People party expressed alarm. MP Anastasia Radina, head of the anti-corruption committee, warned the law could “destroy the country’s anti-corruption infrastructure.”

Protests and international alarm

Thousands of Ukrainians took to the streets in Kyiv, Lviv, and Dnipro, demanding the repeal of the law. The European Commission voiced concern, warning the law threatens Ukraine’s progress on transparency and could affect future EU assistance.

“These institutions are vital to fighting corruption and maintaining public trust,” said EU spokesperson Guillaume Mercier.

Spy scandal and high-level raids

The crisis escalated when Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU) and State Bureau of Investigations (SBI) uncovered a Russian spy network within anti-corruption and law enforcement bodies.

On 21 July, authorities conducted over 70 raids targeting current and former NABU employees:

• Ruslan Magamedrasulov, a senior detective, was arrested for allegedly leaking classified case materials to Russian intelligence and facilitating illegal exports to Russia.
• Viktor Husarov, a member of NABU’s elite D-2 unit, was charged with treason for allegedly passing sensitive files to Russia’s FSB via former Yanukovych-era official Dmytro Ivantsov. He remains in custody without bail.
• Authorities also issued charges against fugitive ex-MP Fedir Khrystenko, accused of coordinating sabotage efforts within NABU on behalf of the Kremlin.

NABU criticized the raids as excessive and legally questionable, warning that investigators from the SBU and SBI may have accessed confidential materials. Transparency International and G7 ambassadors condemned the actions as pressure on Ukraine’s last independent anti-corruption institution.

Concerns about legitimacy and effectiveness

Despite playing a central role in Ukraine’s reform narrative, anti-corruption bodies have faced longstanding criticism:

• Constitutional challenges: Between 2020 and 2022, the Constitutional Court struck down key provisions related to the formation and leadership of NABU, raising doubts about the legal basis for their operations.
• Limited outcomes: Although these agencies have pursued high-profile investigations, actual convictions—especially of senior officials—remain few.
• Jurisdictional overlap: Conflicts among NABU, SAPO, the National Agency for Corruption Prevention (NACP), and other institutions frequently lead to inefficiency and turf battles.
• Political influence: While these bodies are formally independent, their activities often reflect political dynamics—through control over appointments, budgets, and informal coordination by the Presidential Office or government.

These concerns don’t erase the institutions’ achievements but underscore the urgent need for deeper reform and stronger protections from political interference.

Zelenskyy’s course correction

Zelenskyy’s pivot toward a new legislative solution has been welcomed by NABU and SAPO, who pledged to assist in drafting a law that meets rule-of-law standards and reinforces institutional safeguards.

“We support legal solutions that enhance justice and eliminate legal risks,” NABU stated, also thanking civil society and international partners for ongoing support.

What comes next

Parliament is expected to review the new draft in the coming days. Whether it can undo the political fallout from Law No. 12414—and restore public trust—remains uncertain.

With active espionage threats and high stakes for Ukraine’s EU accession path, the independence and resilience of its anti-corruption architecture face a defining test.

A Russian airstrike using guided aerial glide bombs (KABs) struck central Kharkiv, injuring 33 people, including an infant, according to regional officials.

The assault follows a third round of Russia–Ukraine peace talks in Istanbul, which ended without major breakthroughs. As diplomatic progress stalls, Russian aerial attacks have intensified, increasingly targeting urban centers with drones and missiles.

Just hours after peace talks in Istanbul yielded little, Russian warplanes bombed central Kharkiv.

33 were injured, including a 10-year-old girl and a 17-year-old boy with head wounds. Fires destroyed 15 cars. One woman is in critical condition.

Video: ASTRA pic.twitter.com/nwCg520mkC

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 24, 2025

Bombs land near residential building and civilian site

Kharkiv Mayor Ihor Terekhov confirmed that two KABs struck the city center — one near a multi-story residential building, and another at a civilian enterprise. The explosion near the residential block sparked a fire, damaging approximately 15 vehicles.

Injured include children and an infant

Oleh Syniehubov, head of the Kharkiv Regional Military Administration, confirmed the wounded include a 10-year-old girl, a 17-year-old boy with head injuries, and an infant.

At least five people were hospitalized, including a 33-year-old woman in critical condition.

Damage to vehicles and buildings

The Ukrainian Ministry of Internal Affairs stated that the blast shattered windows in nearby residential buildings.

A fire that destroyed seven vehicles was later extinguished. In a separate strike, garages and personal vehicles in a garage cooperative were also damaged.

A Ukrainian drone strike has hit a Lukoil oil depot near Sochi International Airport, killing two civilians and injuring 11 others, including a traffic police officer. The explosion sparked a massive fire and forced the airport to suspend operations, triggering widespread flight delays and chaos across regional hubs.

This marks one of the most severe drone attacks inside Russia this year, underscoring the expanding reach of Ukrainian drone warfare and the growing risks to energy and transportation hubs far from the front lines.

The targeted facility, Lukoil-Yugnefteprodukt, is located on Tavricheskaya Street in the Sirius settlement of Krasnodar Krai. The governor of the region, Veniamin Kondratyev, confirmed the casualties and urged locals to avoid the area due to ongoing emergency response efforts.

Flights delayed, passengers stranded

Nearly 800 passengers bound for Sochi are now stranded in Novosibirsk, Omsk, and Tomsk, according to Russia’s West Siberian Transport Prosecutor’s Office. More than 60 flights were delayed as authorities raced to contain the situation and assess damage to critical infrastructure.

Ukraine hits Sochi — a drone strike blows up a Lukoil oil depot and grounds flights at Russia’s top Black Sea resort.

Oil depot in flames
Flights canceled
Attack deep inside Russian territory

Video: Astra pic.twitter.com/YcznbXQwjV

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 24, 2025

Railway and fuel infrastructure also damaged

Ukrainian sources, including the Telegram channel Exilenova+, reported that drones also struck a railway bridge and additional oil facilities near Adler and Sochi Airport. Eyewitness videos from Sochi and Abkhazia captured massive explosions and thick black smoke rising from the scene.

Strategic strike amid escalation

Russia’s Ministry of Defense said seven drones were intercepted overnight in Krasnodar Krai, but confirmed that debris from one UAV struck Sochi, causing the fatalities and fire.

Overnight Russian attacks struck Odesa’s historic center and residential areas in Cherkasy, damaging UNESCO-listed landmarks, setting fire to one of Europe’s oldest markets, and injuring civilians, including a child.

The assault follows a third round of Russia–Ukraine peace talks in Istanbul, which ended without major breakthroughs. As diplomatic progress stalls, Russian aerial attacks have intensified, targeting urban centers with drones and missiles.

Pryvoz market in flames, UNESCO sites damaged

In Odesa, a Russian drone strike ignited a fire at the iconic Pryvoz Market, severely damaging its two-story building and nearby pavilions. The State Emergency Service (SES) released footage showing flames consuming parts of the structure.

“Pryvoz is not just a market. It’s the heart of Odesa,” SES responders said.

The attack also hit several architectural landmarks in the city’s UNESCO-protected historic center. Odesa Mayor Hennadii Trukhanov confirmed damage to the famous Primorsky Boulevard, posting images of rubble and broken masonry.

“This is what the world-famous boulevard looks like after the enemy’s attack,” he wrote.

Residential building hit, evacuations ordered

A separate strike hit a nine-story apartment block, setting fire to upper floors and displacing residents from the 5th to 8th floors. Emergency crews warned of a possible structural collapse.

As of Thursday morning, three people were injured in Odesa. Firefighting and recovery operations continue across several sites.

Shrapnel missile attack in Cherkasy injures seven

In Cherkasy, Russian forces launched Iskander-K missiles equipped with shrapnel warheads, wounding seven people, including a nine-year-old girl. The blast damaged at least 15 high-rise buildings, nine two-story apartment blocks, and a local cemetery, according to regional officials.

“The shrapnel had a kill radius of up to a kilometer,” Governor Ihor Taburets told Suspilne. “Two impact zones were recorded, both in residential areas.”

Most injuries were minor. Three victims were hospitalized; none are in critical condition.

“The child was injured by broken glass and doors,” Taburets noted.

Scale of the attack

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy reported that during the night, Russian forces launched a total of 103 drones, the majority of which were Iranian-made Shahed models, along with four missiles. The scale and intensity of the assault reflect a continued escalation, despite parallel diplomatic efforts.

Ukrainian and Russian delegations met in Türkiye for the third time this year for peace talks. The negotiations, held behind closed doors in Istanbul, lasted less than an hour and centered on a possible ceasefire, large-scale prisoner exchanges, and the idea of a summit between the two countries’ presidents.

At the opening of the talks, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan reiterated Türkiye’s role as mediator, calling for an end to what he described as a “bloody war.”

“Our goal is to end this bloody war as soon as possible,” said Fidan. “The ultimate objective is a ceasefire that paves the way to peace.”

Ukraine pushes for Presidential meeting and immediate ceasefire

Leading Ukraine’s delegation was Rustem Umerov, now Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council. He proposed a face-to-face meeting between Presidents Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Vladimir Putin by the end of August.

“If Russia agrees, it will show the world it’s ready for constructive dialogue,” Umerov said.

Kyiv also reiterated its demand for a full and unconditional ceasefire, including a complete halt to attacks on civilian and energy infrastructure. Umerov emphasized that this is a non-negotiable basis for diplomacy to succeed.

He also stressed that Ukraine had prioritized the humanitarian track, including the release of civilians and children held by Russia.

Russia signals movement on humanitarian issues, but not on core disputes

As in the previous two rounds, Russia was represented by Vladimir Medinsky, a senior aide to President Putin. He confirmed that Moscow and Kyiv are finalizing a 250-for-250 prisoner exchange and preparing a second phase involving 1,200 individuals, including civilians.

“Russia has already returned over 7,000 bodies of Ukrainian soldiers,” Medinsky said. “Another 3,000 are ready for transfer.”

He also revealed that Russia is ready to exchange 30 detained Ukrainian soldiers for Russian civilians held in Ukraine.

Medinsky floated proposals for limited 24–48 hour ceasefires to allow the recovery of the dead and wounded. He also suggested the formation of three online working groups to maintain contact between rounds. Ukraine has agreed to consider the idea.

On more sensitive issues—like the deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia—Medinsky claimed that many on Ukraine’s list “were never on Russian territory,” but confirmed that discussions would continue.

However, he acknowledged that Ukraine and Russia remain “far apart” on any settlement agreements.

Delegation makeup and negotiation priorities

The Ukrainian team included 14 high-ranking officials, such as:

• Serhiy Kyslytsia, First Deputy Foreign Minister
• Oleksandr Bevz, presidential advisor
• Yevhen Ostrianskyi, Deputy Chief of the General Staff
• Vadym Skibitskyi, Deputy Head of Intelligence
• Oleksandr Dyakov, Deputy Chief of Naval Operations

A source in the Ukrainian delegation told BBC Ukraine that Kyiv came focused on three main priorities:

1. The return of Ukrainian detainees, especially civilians and children
2. A long-term and complete ceasefire
3. A summit between Zelenskyy and Putin

“Our position is constructive. But peace depends on whether Russia abandons the language of ultimatums,” the source said.

Zelenskyy: “Ukraine never wanted this war”

Ahead of the talks, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy reaffirmed Ukraine’s willingness to negotiate in good faith and expressed readiness to meet with Putin personally.

“Ukraine never wanted this war. Russia started it, and Russia must end it,” he said.

His office also confirmed that the Ukrainian delegation was acting under a classified directive approved by presidential decree, which defined the negotiating framework.

Global pressure and the “Trump ultimatum”

This round of talks came amid growing international pressure. Former US President Donald Trump recently issued a 50-day ultimatum to Russia to stop hostilities or face renewed sanctions. Trump also pledged additional arms for Ukraine, albeit largely via European partners.

Analysts say the timing is not accidental. According to BBC correspondent Elizaveta Fokht, both sides are eager to demonstrate flexibility to a US audience.

“This is a performance for a single, high-stakes viewer: Donald Trump,” Fokht noted. “Ukraine wants to show it’s willing to talk. Russia wants to show it isn’t sabotaging diplomacy.”

Realistic goals: Focus on humanitarian gains

While no agreement was reached on a ceasefire or summit date, both sides reaffirmed commitment to continue humanitarian exchanges—one of the few areas where tangible progress has been made since talks resumed in May and June.

Those earlier rounds led to the return of over 1,000 prisoners and multiple repatriations of fallen soldiers.

Despite the growing toll of war—including intensified Russian drone and missile attacks on Ukrainian cities in recent weeks—channels for negotiation remain open.

Whether they lead to a breakthrough or not, a fourth round of talks is now expected in the near future.

Ukraine’s parliament has passed a bill that could drastically weaken the country’s main anti-corruption institutions—the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO). The legislation transfers control over their investigations to the Prosecutor General, a move critics say will erase nearly a decade of institutional progress.

The vote comes amid escalating tensions. On 21 July, Ukrainian authorities conducted over 70 searches targeting NABU employees, citing alleged links to Russian intelligence and illegal cross-border activity. The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) and the Prosecutor General’s Office allege some detectives may have betrayed the state.

The charges are serious—treason, corruption, and illicit trade with Russia—but anti-corruption watchdogs, opposition lawmakers, and G7 envoys see a different pattern: a potential campaign to dismantle independent oversight, just as these agencies investigate officials close to the president.

Here’s what’s happening—and why it matters.

SBU’s case against NABU

The most serious allegation involves Viktor Husarov, a NABU employee arrested without bail until at least 20 September. He is suspected of state treason and unauthorized handling of classified information. According to the SBU, Husarov allegedly transferred sensitive data about Ukrainian law enforcement personnel to Russian intelligence.

The SBU has also named Ruslan Magamedrasulov, another NABU detective, as a suspect in a separate case. He is accused of aiding his Russian father in smuggling hemp to Dagestan, concealing his father’s citizenship, and sharing confidential information with Fedir Khrystenko, a fugitive former Ukrainian MP allegedly linked to Russia’s FSB.

Authorities allege that Khrystenko ran a covert influence network inside NABU and exploited internal connections to assist businesspeople in fleeing Ukraine.

More than 70 NABU employees were raided. Some cases reportedly stemmed from minor issues, such as past traffic incidents. NABU claims many searches were conducted without court-approved warrants. The SBU maintains that Ukrainian law permits urgent investigative actions without prior judicial approval in cases involving treason or national security.

“We must let the SBU present evidence in court,” former SBU deputy head Victor Yahun told Svoboda.Live. “Anyone can point to Russia. What matters is whether the accused were acting on official orders from Russian intelligence.”

What’s in the law: The hidden amendments that reshape oversight

Draft law No. 12414 originally dealt with procedures for missing persons. But last-minute amendments quietly added sweeping changes to Ukraine’s anti-corruption infrastructure.

According to MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak, these hidden clauses would:

• Subordinate SAPO prosecutors to the Prosecutor General, not the SAPO head
• Allow the Prosecutor General to reassign NABU cases
• Remove the legal ban on stripping NABU of its investigations
• Let the Prosecutor General close cases unilaterally, even those involving top officials
• Require NABU’s director to get the Prosecutor General’s permission to claim jurisdiction

Expert view: Power shift behind the law

Political analyst Ihor Chalenko argues that the real impact of the bill lies not in its wartime provisions—but in how it reconfigures authority across Ukraine’s law enforcement system.

The law places the Prosecutor General at the top of the investigative hierarchy, granting sweeping powers to demand case files, reassign investigations—regardless of jurisdiction—and resolve all inter-agency disputes.

“The Prosecutor General now holds all the key levers—deciding jurisdictional disputes, transferring cases between agencies, and selecting which prosecutors lead investigations,” Chalenko told Euromaidan Press.

For NABU, this means expanded powers but increased dependence. Detectives can take over cases from other bodies, but only with approval from the Prosecutor General. They may also investigate their own staff, excluding top leadership.

SAPO’s autonomy narrows further. The Prosecutor General now appoints case supervisors, including at senior levels, and can override prosecutorial decisions, even in politically sensitive cases involving MPs or ministers.

“This isn’t just a technical wartime fix,” Chalenko said. “It’s a lasting centralization of authority over Ukraine’s law enforcement system—including its anti-corruption agencies.”

A system already under pressure

Ukraine’s anti-corruption architecture includes more than just NABU and SAPO. Institutions like the National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NACP), the State Bureau of Investigations (SBI), and the Bureau of Economic Security (BES) also play roles—often with overlapping mandates and varying political insulation.

But NABU and SAPO have received the most international backing due to their statutory independence. And while widely seen as reform milestones, their effectiveness remains a point of debate.

In nearly a decade of operation, only a few high-profile officials have ended up behind bars. Critics argue the system is too expensive and ineffectual; others counter that its mere existence offers a fragile check on elite impunity.

Even skeptics of NABU’s performance caution against dismantling it during wartime. Political commentator Yuriy Bohdanov described the bureau as “a structurally flawed and strategically useless institution that does nothing to address systemic corruption.” But, he added: “Taking it down like this is outright harmful.”

NABU and SAPO push back

NABU and SAPO say the law would cripple their independence and make them subordinate to a politically appointed office.

Director Semen Kryvonos returned early from a UK visit to respond to the raids.

“The head of SAPO would become a nominal figure, and NABU would lose its independence, effectively becoming a subdivision of the Prosecutor General’s Office,” NABU and SAPO wrote in a joint statement.

Kryvonos has urged President Zelenskyy not to sign the bill into law, warning that the move could permanently undermine independent anti-corruption investigations.

Civil society responds

The Anti-Corruption Action Center (AntAC) described the mass searches in NABU as “a continuation of pressure and an attempt to destroy independent institutions.”

They highlighted ongoing probes into Oleksiy Chernyshov, the former Deputy Prime Minister, and Volodymyr Myndich, a business partner of Zelenskyy. One of Myndich’s relatives was recently arrested by NABU.

“This is the dismantling of independent anti-corruption institutions to prevent them from creating problems by investigating corruption involving the president’s inner circle,” the Anti-Corruption Action Center said.

Civil society groups warn that Ukraine’s credibility—and continued Western support—could be at risk.

International reaction

The G7 Ambassadors voiced unease, stating:

“We are closely following developments at NABU. We met with its leadership and have serious concerns.”

Billions in Western aid and Ukraine’s EU aspirations are closely tied to anti-corruption performance. Undermining independent agencies could jeopardize both.

Inside the SBU’s counterclaims

The SBU doubled down, revealing they seized classified NABU materials—including surveillance logs and personnel files—from Khrystenko’s home. They also accused former detective Timur Arshavin of fleeing Ukraine illegally.

Meanwhile, a senior SBU official was himself charged by NABU with demanding a $300,000 bribe to protect a suspect from prosecution. The officer and two partners allegedly accepted $72,000 before charges were filed.

These revelations further complicate the narrative: is this justice—or selective targeting?

The bigger picture

MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak and several investigative journalists argue this is part of a broader pattern.

“NABU got too close to the president’s circle,” Zhelezniak told RFE/RL. “Now they’re being punished.”

With elections suspended, political opposition subdued, and oversight bodies weakened, critics fear power is becoming dangerously centralized.

Why it matters

Ukraine is fighting a full-scale war, with elections suspended and power increasingly concentrated in the Presidential Office. In this climate, maintaining genuine checks and balances is already difficult.

Addressing national security threats is urgent—but weakening anti-corruption institutions in the process raises deeper concerns about Ukraine’s democratic future.

NABU and SAPO are far from perfect, yet for many in civil society, they remain the last guardrails against high-level impunity. Dismantling them now could erase what limited accountability still exists.

The choices ahead will determine whether Ukraine preserves space for independent oversight—or allows wartime urgency to justify the quiet consolidation of unchecked power.

Russia has released two new propaganda videos showcasing its growing drone warfare capabilities—both focused on the Geran-2 suicide drones, the Russian version of Iran’s Shahed-136. The videos, aired by Russian state media on 14 July, offer a chilling look into Moscow’s drone production and deployment—and signal a shift toward mass-scale aerial warfare.

The timing of the videos coincides with a sharp escalation in Russia’s drone attacks on Ukraine. On 9 July, Moscow launched its largest single-day aerial barrage of the war, firing 741 drones and missiles in one night.

Analysts now warn that Russia may soon be capable of launching 1,000 to 2,000 drones per day, aiming to saturate Ukraine’s air defences and wear down Western military support. The strategy is simple: overwhelm with volume, exploit cost asymmetry, and stretch Ukrainian and NATO resources to the breaking point.

Inside an underground drone factory

The first video, broadcast via Zvezda, takes viewers inside the Yelabuga factory in Tatarstan. Located more than 1,300 km from Ukraine, the facility reportedly produces over 5,000 Geran‑2s a month, with 18,000 built in the first half of 2025.

Satellite imagery and facility layout suggest large sections of the plant are underground, enhancing its resilience to long-range Ukrainian strikes. The video highlights on‑site foundries, assembly lines, electronics shops—all sealed beneath reinforced structures.

Ukrainian drone strikes: Deep and determined

Despite its distance from the front lines, Yelabuga has been repeatedly targeted by Ukrainian drones:

• April 2024: Strikes injured 12 people; fires were reported in a dormitory.
• May–June 2025: Additional attacks, including one that killed a worker, prompted limited local damage.

Yet, despite the assaults, production appears largely unaffected, with officials insisting the plant continues to operate “stably.”

Mobile launches from US-made trucks

The second video reveals drones launched from Dodge Ram 1500 pickup trucks—vehicles that seem American-made and potentially obtained in violation of Western sanctions. This mobile launcher method signals a shift toward faster, more flexible deployment and increased launch density.

A costly war of attrition

Geran‑2 drones are designed for long-range strikes:

• Length: 3.5 m
• Wingspan: 2.5 m
• Weight: ~200 kg
• Warhead: 50 kg
• Range: Up to 1,800 km
• Speed: Up to 300 km/h

Despite their relatively low cost—$35,000–$50,000—they place significant strain on Ukrainian defences. A single Patriot interceptor, by contrast, costs over $5 million.

Ukraine reported this week that it had shot down its 30,000th Shahed drone, based on serial number analysis of drone fragments.

Why it matters

• First video reveals industrial-scale drone manufacturing, likely underground, resilient to attack.
• Second video highlights mobile, adaptive launch tactics using Western vehicles.

Together, they underscore a clear message: Russia is not just sustaining its drone campaign—it is scaling it.

Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching the David vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.

Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.

Next month, US troops will gather at Camp Atterbury, Indiana, for a new kind of “Top Gun” school—this one focused on Ukraine-style, kamikaze first-person-view (FPV) drones, Defense One reports. The event is part of the Pentagon’s Technology Readiness Experimentation (T-REX) program, which tests cutting-edge unmanned systems under simulated urban combat conditions.

The urgency reflects Ukraine’s rapid drone advances. In late 2023, Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense ramped up production and training of FPV drones, which quickly became a cornerstone of its battlefield strategy. By February, the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) estimated these drones accounted for 70% of Russia’s battlefield losses—forcing a recalibration of US strategy.

Alexander Lovett, deputy assistant secretary of defense for prototyping and experimentation, said the US military is now building out FPV drone schools across the services. At T-REX, teams will square off in “red versus blue” drone battles, with counter-drone technologies also on display.

Ukraine’s drone playbook inspires US strategy

Ukraine’s success has shown that cheap, agile FPV drones can deliver outsized impact. While consumer drones have been used in war since Russia’s 2014 invasion, Ukraine’s scale and innovation pushed them from novelty to necessity.

Today, Ukraine is producing around 200,000 drones a month, according to CNA analyst Sam Bendett—a pace the US has yet to match.

Replicator falls short, procurement gets decentralized

The Pentagon’s Replicator program, launched in 2023 to scale low-cost autonomous drones, has so far fallen short of expectations. In response, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced a shift: allowing units to procure drones directly, without waiting on traditional acquisition pipelines.

“We need to be world class, and we will,” Hegseth said, calling the move a way to “open the aperture” to more suppliers and systems.

“The beginning of American drone dominance”

Emil Michael, the new undersecretary of defense for research and engineering, described the Pentagon drone showcase this week as “the beginning of American drone dominance.” But he acknowledged the US lags behind Ukraine, Russia, and especially China.

A major factor is training: Ukrainian forces regularly operate in jamming-heavy environments, something the US struggles to replicate due to FAA and FCC restrictions on jamming, which protect civilian networks.

Michael said drone manufacturers must internalize lessons from real-world conflicts like Ukraine’s. “That’s sort of endemic to becoming a drone manufacturer in the [United States],” he said.

Ukrainians to observe and advise at T-REX

To bridge that gap, Ukrainian military personnel will attend T-REX, offering firsthand feedback. One organizer told Defense One the feedback will likely be “blunt.”

“If you are not operating in Ukraine, then your stuff is not serious,” said Brandon Tseng, co-founder of Shield AI, which works with both US and Ukrainian forces. He noted many companies failed to survive Ukraine’s harsh electronic warfare environment.

Lovett echoed that challenge: “We have limited places where we can do that,” he said, referencing jamming exercises. The Pentagon is working with regulators to open more test ranges, but change will be slow.

Creative autonomy as the path forward

According to Bendett, the US will likely never replicate China’s DJI dominance, but can lead through decentralized innovation. “We have to shake loose our own creativity,” he said.

Allowing commanders to choose their own drones—and learning directly from Ukrainian combat experience—may be key.

“We’ve opened the door for rapid acquisition,” said Michael. “If you’re a smart builder… you could build to those specifications.”

Ukraine has revealed a new compact naval weapon — Ursula — a tiny drone boat that can carry and launch FPV drones for attack and reconnaissance missions, Forbes tech correspondent David Hambling reports. The boat, only one meter (about three feet) long, was introduced in a video from the Association of Ukrainian Engineers and developed by startup ToviTechNet.

As Ukraine faces Russia’s full-scale invasion without access to modern fighter jets, warships, or long-range missile systems — and without formal military alliances — it has embraced asymmetric warfare. With limited conventional tools, Kyiv is turning to innovative, low-cost drone technologies to strike back across land, air, and sea.

“This robot vessel may be the world’s smallest aircraft carrier,” Hambling wrote.

What is Ursula?

• Size: ~1 meter (3 feet) long
• Function: Launches FPV drones or acts as a suicide drone
• Uses: River patrols, swamp operations, reconnaissance, explosive delivery

The boat is designed for shallow waters, rivers, and swamps, giving Ukraine an edge in covert inland operations against Russian forces. It can also be equipped with sensors or explosives for kamikaze missions.

FPV drone attacks from the water

While Ursula’s demo video does not show a drone being launched, Ukraine has already used similar drone boats to launch FPVs in combat.

According to Militarnyi, Ukraine’s armed forces used USVs in January 2025 to strike Russian offshore platforms with drone-launched attacks. FPVs targeted defenders, while the boats deployed underwater mines and rammed the platforms, setting them on fire.

“Flying drones from USVs is already standard practice,” Hambling noted.

Black Widow 2: Ukraine’s other miniature drone boat

The Black Widow 2, another 1-meter-long USV, entered service in early 2025. It features:

• Top speed of 25 mph (40 km/h)
• Gimbal-mounted camera
• Up to 3 kg explosive payload
• “Lurking mode” to hide for days
• Cost: $2,400 per unit
• Production: 100 per month

Although not yet used as a drone carrier, its size and capabilities suggest it could be adapted.

Ukrainian USVs are already launching air strikes

Recent footage shared by Ukrainian military sources shows FPV and fixed-wing drones launched from drone boats during attacks in Russian-occupied Crimea and along the Dnipro River.

In July 2025, Ukraine released a video showing FPVs launched from USVs striking components of a Russian Nebo-M radar system, including the radar command post.

“One FPV strike is enough to destroy an aircraft on deck,” Hambling wrote. “Taking out 95% of the attacking drones and boats may not be enough.”

Long-term potential: Ocean-crossing drone boats

Ukraine’s smaller USVs like Ursula currently rely on battery power, but future systems could follow models like:

• WaveGlider (US Navy) — wave + solar-powered
• Saildrone — wind-powered with extreme endurance

These uncrewed platforms have already crossed oceans and could one day carry drones across the globe, enabling attacks from the sea into any coastal zone.

“They are inexpensive and stealthy… and could cover the world’s oceans,” Hambling noted.

Why this matters

Ursula might be tiny, but its implications are big: FPV drone warfare has now gone naval. What looks like a toy can silently carry deadly drones into enemy territory — from inland rivers to coastal defenses.

As Ukraine pushes drone innovation further, Ursula is a glimpse of how miniature drone boats could reshape future conflicts, one river or shoreline at a time.

Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching the David vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.

Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.

The boxing world witnessed something special last Saturday as Oleksandr Usyk knocked out Daniel Dubois at Wembley Stadium, reclaiming his undisputed heavyweight crown with a left hook he calls “Ivan” – named after a Ukrainian farm worker. But this latest triumph is just another chapter in the wild story of the 38-year-old from occupied Crimea who’s redefined what it means to be a champion.

The knockout victory capped off a remarkable year that saw Usyk twice defeat Tyson Fury, first becoming undisputed champion in May 2024’s “fight of the millennium,” then dominating their December rematch.

After that second Fury fight, boxing fans knew they were watching something special – but Saturday’s performance against Dubois proved Usyk isn’t slowing down.

His journey to the top has been a wild ride – full of unlikely twists, perfect timing, and the kind of determination that turns sparring partners into champions.

“I am very feel”: Usyk’s bad English made a perfect meme

Before diving into his story, you need to understand something about Usyk – he’s probably the most entertaining champion boxing has seen in years.

Years later, when even Cristiano Ronaldo referenced this moment in conversation with Usyk, the boxer – now much better in English – smiled and repeated his famous phrase. Just for fun. Because that’s who Usyk is.

And those English gaffes? They’ve become part of his psychological warfare. At the pre-fight press conference before the Dubois rematch, Usyk mystified reporters by repeatedly telling Dubois’ team “Don’t push the horses” – a bizarre Ukrainian idiom meaning “don’t rush.” His opponent’s trainer Don Charles finally threw up his hands: “I need a translator.” Classic Usyk, turning linguistic confusion into mind games.

Usyk started as just another sparring partner

Usyk wasn’t always the star of the show. He was just a sparring partner on the Ukrainian national team back then. But then fate played its hand—one guy got caught doping, another broke his hand, and suddenly Usyk got his shot.

But here’s the kicker – he was fighting guys 7-8 kilograms heavier because he didn’t have time to bulk up. And he was winning.

This pattern of turning challenges into opportunities would define his career. After a disappointing second-round loss to Italy’s Clemente Russo in the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Usyk responded by winning both European and World Championships. The story came full circle at the 2012 London Olympics, where he defeated Russo for the gold medal.

His training methods are kind of insane

Usyk’s approach to training seems designed to redefine what’s possible. While most people struggle to hold their breath for a minute, this man casually goes without air for 4 minutes and 40 seconds—longer than some sea creatures! While larger dolphins like the bottlenose can stay underwater for 8-10 minutes, Usyk’s lung capacity actually surpasses smaller cetaceans like the Maui dolphin, which typically surfaces every 2-3 minutes.

Before fighting Anthony Joshua in Saudi Arabia, he cycled 100 kilometers in 40-degree Celsius heat. He once swam 10 kilometers over five hours before a London press conference. Because apparently, regular training is too mainstream for Usyk.

His ring walks are equally insane

If you thought Usyk’s training was unconventional, wait till you see his ring entrances. This guy doesn’t just walk to the ring – he turns every entrance into a performance art piece.

For his first clash with Fury in May 2024, he showed up dressed as a 17th-century Ukrainian Cossack warrior. We’re talking full traditional gear inspired by historical leader Bohdan Khmelnytskyi himself.

But he wasn’t done yet. For their December rematch, Usyk took things to a whole new level. Picture this: he walks out wearing this incredibly detailed Ukrainian outfit while a live choir belts out an ancient Cossack battle hymn mixed with techno beats. His robe was decked out in blue and yellow patterns with a massive Tryzub symbol – Ukraine’s national emblem. Because apparently, regular entrance music is also too mainstream for Usyk.

The “Ivan” punch that made history

After knocking out Dubois with his signature left hook, Usyk explained the cultural significance behind his finishing move. “It’s a punch name, Ivan. Yeah, left hook,” he demonstrated.

“It’s Ukrainian name. Yeah, Ivan is, you know, it’s like a big guy who live in a village and work in a farm. It was a big guy, like a Cossack. What is your name? My name is Ivan. Yeah, it’s a hard punch, yeah.”

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The punch that floored Dubois wasn’t just technique – it carried the soul of Ukrainian rural tradition, embodying the strength of countryside workers who’ve always been the backbone of the nation. Minutes after his victory, Usyk dedicated the win to Ukrainian soldiers: “I want to thank all Ukraine, all the guys, who are now defending our country. You allow me to be here now!”

First, Usyk wanted to become an actor

Here’s something most people don’t know: Usyk nearly went to theater school instead of boxing. Boxing won out, but he never abandoned his artistic ambitions. After starting with a role in a 2017 Ukrainian film, The Fight Rules, and voicing cartoon characters, he’s about to hit Hollywood big time.

In 2025, you’ll see him alongside Dwayne “The Rock” Johnson in The Smashing Machine, where he portrays a Ukrainian MMA fighter.

And his first love was actually football

Growing up in Simferopol, now Russian-occupied Crimea, young Usyk dreamed of football glory until financial constraints forced him to quit the sport. But his passion never faded.

Today, he’s not just a fan—he signed a professional contract with a Ukrainian club, FC Polissia Zhytomyr, and made his debut in 2022.

These days, he’s also a businessman

The recent bout with Fury earned Usyk $114 million, but he isn’t just about boxing money. He’s built a business empire that employs a hundred people. He’s got merchandise lines, a promotion company, and even created a social network for boxers to find sparring partners.

Look for the guy with the cossack haircut

You can’t miss Usyk in the ring – his traditional Cossack hairstyle(the mohawk-like “oseledets”) has become his signature.

He’s transformed the Ukrainian warrior tradition into a global brand, introducing millions to Ukrainian culture through both his appearance and his victory Hopak dance – as Ukrainian as borsch.

Beyond the ring, Usyk is a family man – a devoted father of four and a man of deep faith. He’s emerged as one of Ukraine’s most powerful voices on the global stage, especially as his country fights against Russian aggression.

******

Here’s another thing about Usyk – he could have had an easier path. When Russia occupied Crimea in 2014, many athletes from the peninsula faced a choice. Some stayed, some took Russian citizenship, some left. Usyk packed his bags and moved his family to Kyiv.

It wasn’t a comfortable choice. He left behind his home, his training base, and many friends. But when asked about it, Usyk answered in his characteristically straightforward way: “I’m from Crimea. But Crimea is Ukraine.” Simple as that.

Now look at him today – strutting into the ring in wildly creative outfits that always feature Ukrainian elements, from traditional patterns to Cossack symbols. It’s not just for show. Every entrance tells the same story: this is who I am, this is what I choose to be – a Ukrainian athlete bringing his nation’s fighting spirit to the global stage.

His latest victory over Dubois at Wembley proved he’s not done making history. At 38, with his undefeated 23-0 record intact, Usyk continues showing the world what Ukrainian excellence looks like – one “Ivan” punch at a time. Very feel, indeed.

Read more:

• Usyk defeats Dubois with “Ivan” punch to reclaim undisputed heavyweight crown for Ukraine
• Oleksandr Usyk became the first absolute heavyweight champion of the world in the 21st century
  
• Ukrainian powerlifter Bilokon killed in action
• Ukraine and 9 countries will boycott the World Boxing Championship due to participation of Russian and Belarusian athletes

On 17 July 2025, Ukraine received a new government—the first full reshuffle since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. The transition brought in a new prime minister, merged key ministries, and rebalanced power at the top of Ukraine’s wartime state. It was quiet but decisive—though not without raising eyebrows at home and abroad.

At the center of the overhaul is Yulia Svyrydenko, 39, who replaced Denys Shmyhal as prime minister. Shmyhal—who had held the post for a record five years—was appointed Minister of Defense, replacing Rustem Umerov, who in turn became Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council.

With the Cabinet now reduced to just 16 ministers, and several ministries merged or dissolved, it is one of the most compact governments in Ukraine’s modern history. The restructuring reflects not only a push for efficiency, but also a response to internal pressures and external scrutiny during wartime governance.

Under martial law, with no elections

The reshuffle was controversial not only because of its scope, but because of its legal context. Under Ukraine’s law on martial law, dismissing or appointing the Cabinet is explicitly prohibited, and elections are suspended indefinitely. The move was, at best, a legal gray zone.

It also raised concerns beyond legality. The opposition pointed to consolidation of power in the hands of the President’s Office. One well-known political joke was revived to express that fear: “It’s like rearranging the beds in a brothel—nothing really changes.” The point wasn’t just that the personnel might be the same—it was that the same people behind the scenes remain in control, with limited checks from outside the executive.

So why now? With no elections and wartime restrictions in place, the question of timing loomed large—and demanded an answer.

Delayed, not sudden

Political analyst Volodymyr Fesenko believes the change had been planned much earlier. “I think this is the implementation of a previously delayed decision. The reshuffle was already agreed in June, but it was delayed because the president had a full international schedule.”

Zelenskyy is known for periodic Cabinet changes.

“Last year, he didn’t replace the prime minister but changed half the government,” Fesenko told Euromaidan Press. “This time, the head of government was changed too. He rotates people when he feels something isn’t working.”

Another factor may have been Svyrydenko’s recent diplomatic success. According to Fesenko, she played a key role in managing sensitive economic negotiations with US counterparts related to the so-called “mineral deal”, helping to neutralize difficult political conditions. “That strengthened her standing,” he said.

However, Fesenko cautions against reading too much into a single cause. “There is no one particular reason for this reshuffle,” he said. “It is a combination of delayed plans, administrative adjustments, and political opportunity.”

Elections off the table

According to Ihor Chalenko, another political analyst, the government shakeup reflects growing consensus within the presidential camp that elections are not likely to happen any time soon. With martial law in place and war still ongoing, political updates must come from within the system.

“This is a reset without elections,” Chalenko told Euromaidan Press. “It signals change, rebalances power, and rebrands the government—without a vote.”

The timing allowed for a “reset” without major political risk—and provided a moment to address festering problems that had not been resolved by the existing team. The restructuring also comes amid increasing concern that Ukraine must refocus its executive branch to better coordinate diplomacy, economic recovery, and military production.

A calculated balancing act

Much attention has focused on whether the change represents a power play by Andriy Yermak, head of the President’s Office, over David Arakhamia, the leader of the governing Servant of the People faction. Svyrydenko is widely seen as a close ally of Yermak; Shmyhal had been backed by Arakhamia.

But according to both Fesenko and Chalenko, the final result reflects power balancing, not a power grab.

Fesenko acknowledged that tensions between Arakhamia and the president had been real, particularly about six months ago, when Arakhamia traveled to the US and presented himself as a potential point of contact with the Trump camp. “He told people he was arranging meetings, even with Giuliani. That really irritated the president. Since then, he’s stepped back.”

Chalenko emphasizes that the government as reshaped remains a coalition of internal power centers. “Take Mykhailo Fedorov,” he said. “He’s now First Deputy Prime Minister. And he’s had friction with Yermak. If this reshuffle was purely about consolidation, that wouldn’t have happened.”

The civilian part of the government—especially economic and social portfolios—is now clearly under the coordination of the President’s Office. But the military sector, particularly defense procurement and arms production, includes other political influences and interest groups that remain outside Yermak’s full control. According to Chalenko, this division is what keeps the new government politically “balanced,” despite external perceptions of top-down centralization.

Scandals as opportunity

While the reshuffle wasn’t caused by scandal, recent events made it easier to justify.

In June, Oleksiy Chernyshov, then Deputy Prime Minister — Minister for National Unity, was accused of abuse of office and receiving unlawful benefits on an especially large scale. He was released on ₴120 million (about $3 mln) bail. As Fesenko notes, this allowed for a smooth exit. “He’s gone, and so is his ministry. The moment was convenient.”

More serious were the problems inside the Ministry of Defense under Rustem Umerov. In late 2024, it emerged that mortar shells manufactured in Ukraine were defective. A public battle followed between Umerov and Maryna Bezrukova, head of the Defense Procurement Agency, raising questions of internal sabotage and political interference. NATO and G7 partners were said to be deeply concerned.

Fesenko called the situation “ministerial chaos.” He added: “Key professionals were sidelined. There was no clear strategy. Shmyhal was never a big political figure, but he was a very effective coordinator inside the government. Now he’s tasked with bringing that skill to the defense sector.”

Chalenko agrees, though from a different angle. He sees the appointment as “a mark of personal recognition from Zelenskyy himself,” noting that Shmyhal had preserved balance in the Cabinet throughout his unusually long term as prime minister. “That continuity is now being transferred to the defense sector—along with added responsibility.”

War economy, shrinking budget

The reshuffle also served as a vehicle for long-delayed administrative reform. Plans to merge ministries and reduce overhead had existed since 2023. Now, with fewer ministers and larger portfolios, implementation became politically possible.

The Ministry of Economy now includes portfolios previously managed by the agriculture and environment ministries, forming what some analysts describe as a “superministry” at the heart of civilian administration.

But perhaps most pressing: Ukraine’s economy is under enormous strain. With American budget support drying up, and European aid increasingly tied to complex conditions, the country faces rising deficits and mounting fiscal pressure. Stabilization is now a core priority.

In this environment, Svyrydenko is expected to focus on economic management. She is considered a trusted figure among Ukraine’s Western partners, particularly in financial and trade negotiations. But she will also need to confront deepening structural problems: declining industrial output, sluggish recovery in private investment, and ballooning social spending.

Fesenko said: “She knows what parts of the system can be influenced—and what parts are off-limits. That gives her some room in the economic sphere, where Yermak is less hands-on.”

A reset in wartime

Ultimately, the reshuffle represents a wartime recalibration. It allowed the president to respond to internal disorder, public fatigue, and Western concern—without elections, and without open crisis.

It is not a dramatic political transformation. But it resets the executive without destabilizing the system. As Chalenko put it, “the government remains balanced—and therefore, it can be called Zelenskyy’s government.”

Whether that’s enough will depend not only on Svyrydenko’s performance, but on how long the war—and martial law—lasts.

In effect, this reshuffle functioned as a reset without elections—a shift in power that maintains political control while responding to pressure for change.

At least three of Russia’s largest banks are reportedly exploring bailouts from the Kremlin, Bloomberg News revealed in a report cited by The Telegraph. Borrowers across the country are increasingly unable to repay loans, exposing rising financial fragility in the war-weary economy.

The request for state support marks a new phase in Russia’s economic troubles, where years of war-related spending, sanctions, and labour shortages are colliding with falling revenues and rising inflation.

Officials have instructed banks to restructure their books to disguise the scale of bad loans, but that tactic is running out of road. As The Telegraph reports, the government may soon need to intervene more directly to stabilize the sector.

Economy strained by war, sanctions, and inflation

Though Russia’s economy officially grew 4.3% in 2024, much of that expansion was driven by military spending—one in every three roubles spent by Moscow now goes to the armed forces.

Behind the headline growth, key indicators point to a downturn. Business activity has dropped to its lowest level since the 2022 invasion began, and Goldman Sachs forecasts just 0.5% GDP growth in 2025. The private sector is weakening, labour shortages persist, and inflation has entered double-digit territory, driven by soaring food prices. Even potatoes are now in short supply, The Telegraph notes.

Oil revenues drop, currency under pressure

Russia’s critical oil revenues have plunged by a third compared to last year, with prices falling from $85 to $67 a barrel and access to international markets limited. The Bank of Russia’s 20% interest rate has failed to tame inflation, while high state payments to soldiers are further straining public finances.

Goldman Sachs also expects the rouble to depreciate by up to 30% against the US dollar this year, which would raise import costs and drive inflation higher still.

Global isolation could deepen

President Donald Trump has threatened to impose 100% tariffs on US imports from countries trading with Russia unless President Vladimir Putin agrees to a deal on Ukraine. If enacted, this could further isolate Russia’s economy from global trade networks.

As The Telegraph puts it, “The banks are quietly bracing for the worst.” With key sectors under strain and financial institutions now seeking state support, Russia’s economic resilience may be wearing thin. However, it remains unclear whether these challenges pose a critical threat to the Kremlin’s ability to sustain its war in Ukraine.

Ukraine’s parliament approved a broad slate of ministerial appointments, finalizing a sweeping Cabinet reshuffle that began earlier in the day with the elevation of Yulia Svyrydenko to the post of Prime Minister. Svyrydenko, who served as deputy to Presidential Chief of Staff Andriy Yermak in 2020–21, is widely viewed by political analysts as closely aligned with him.

While new officials are stepping into top roles, the balance of power remains firmly centralized. With elections suspended under martial law and political life dominated by Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukraine’s executive branch continues to operate with little political competition. The reshuffle marks an internal realignment of trusted figures—not a shift in direction or control.

Shmyhal moves to defense as ministries merge

Among the most significant changes, former Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal has been appointed Minister of Defense, with support from 267 lawmakers. A trained economist with no prior defense experience, Shmyhal takes over as Ukraine ramps up domestic arms production to meet wartime demands.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has instructed him to increase the share of Ukrainian-made weapons used at the front to 50% within six months, up from the current 40%.

In tandem, the Ministry for Strategic Industries, formed in 2020 to oversee defense-related manufacturing, has been dissolved and absorbed by the Defense Ministry. Its former head Herman Smetanin will return to lead Ukroboronprom, Ukraine’s state defense conglomerate.

Economy ministry gains power under Sobolev

Prime Minister Svyrydenko, previously Ukraine’s economy chief, has consolidated control over the economic bloc. The Ministry of Economy will now absorb the Ministry of Agrarian Policy and the Ministry of Environmental Resources, recreating a short-lived “super ministry” model used in 2019–20.

Oleksiy Sobolev, a former deputy economy minister and head of Prozorro.Sale, now leads the Ministry of Economy. Prozorro.Sale is a state-run electronic auction system used for the transparent sale of public assets, including state property and insolvent bank assets.

The merger, however, has drawn sharp criticism from agriculture groups, who argue the sector is too important to be subordinated. They warn that agriculture generates 15% of GDP, accounts for 60% of foreign currency inflows, and is vital to economic resilience.

Unity ministry scrapped after corruption probe

The newly created Ministry of National Unity, which existed for just six months, has been formally dissolved. Its head Oleksiy Chernyshov was recently charged in a high-profile corruption case and released on 120 million UAH bail ($3 million).

The ministry had long faced skepticism due to its vague mission and limited practical output. Its functions are expected to be absorbed by the Ministry of Social Policy or one of its agencies.

Other key appointments

In addition to the Defense and Economy portfolios, parliament approved several other high-level appointments:

• Mykhailo Fedorov, Minister of Digital Transformation since 2019 and a longtime ally of President Zelenskyy, was promoted to First Deputy Prime Minister.
• Herman Halushchenko, previously Energy Minister, becomes Minister of Justice.
• Svitlana Hrynchuk, his former deputy, is now Minister of Energy.
• Denys Uliutin, a finance technocrat, takes over as Minister of Social Policy. His appointment has faced criticism — including from MPs in the ruling party — due to his lack of experience in social welfare.
• Taras Kachka, a trade negotiator and deputy economy minister, becomes Deputy Prime Minister for European Integration, replacing Olha Stefanishyna, who is slated to become Ambassador to the US.

Ministers retaining their posts

Several ministers will remain in their current positions:

• Oleksiy Kuleba – Deputy PM for Regional Development
• Ihor Klymenko – Minister of Internal Affairs
• Serhii Marchenko – Minister of Finance
• Oksen Lisovyi – Minister of Education
• Viktor Liashko – Minister of Health
• Matviy Bidnyi – Minister of Youth and Sports
• Nataliia Kalmykova – Minister for Veterans Affairs
• Andriy Sybiha – Minister of Foreign Affairs (confirmed in a separate vote)

The position of Minister of Culture remains unfilled, with deliberations ongoing.

Ukraine’s smallest cabinet on record

With the restructuring, the Cabinet now includes just 16 members, excluding the unfilled culture portfolio. By comparison, Viktor Yanukovych’s government once included 27 ministers. This makes the current lineup likely the most compact government in Ukraine’s modern history.

Whether this consolidation will improve functionality is unclear. Ukraine has seen multiple cycles of ministry mergers and divisions over the past two decades, with no lasting administrative model. For now, efficiency appears to take priority, as the government adapts its structure to wartime needs.

Ukraine is deploying a new generation of air-defense drones—fast, lightweight, and highly maneuverable—designed specifically to intercept and destroy Russia’s Iranian-designed Shahed attack drones.

With peace negotiations stalled and Russian aerial attacks intensifying, Kyiv is turning to homegrown technology to fill a critical defense gap. Massive waves of Shahed drones have made traditional missile systems economically unsustainable, prompting the rapid deployment of tens of thousands of compact, low-cost interceptors.

What these interceptor drones are

According to Forbes tech correspondent David Hambling, Ukraine’s interceptors mark a technical leap in drone warfare, prioritizing speed, scalability, and affordability:

• Lightweight and aerodynamic: Designs include bullet-shaped quadcopters (like Wild Hornets’ Sting) and delta-wing drones, built for high-speed, high-altitude engagement.
• Vertical engagement capability: These drones can climb to intercept Shaheds flying at over 10,000 feet (≈3 kilometers)—well above the reach of ground-based machine guns.
• Radar and visual guidance: Integrated into a nationwide sensor and command system, they are coordinated to track and strike slow-moving aerial threats.
• Low cost: Priced at just $1,000 to $5,000 per unit, they’re dramatically cheaper than the $3.3 million US Patriot missiles used to counter other threats.

What Russia is saying

Even figures within Russia’s defense-industrial elite have acknowledged the growing impact of Ukraine’s interceptor efforts. Alexey Rogozin—former CEO of Ilyushin and a senior figure in Russia’s military aviation sector—wrote on Telegram that Ukraine had effectively constructed a local anti-drone network over Kyiv:

“In fact, we are talking about an urban anti-drone dome built on the mass use of small-sized interceptors,” he said, referring to the Clear Sky initiative.

Rogozin claimed that more than 500 Shaheds had been intercepted under this system. While he maintained that large drone waves could still overwhelm defenses, he conceded that the cost dynamic has shifted:

“Now it is more expensive to attack than to defend.”

However, the system is not foolproof. Despite the deployment of interceptors, Kyiv continues to experience Shahed strikes, and explosions remain a frequent occurrence. Interception rates have reportedly improved, but with systems still scaling up, real-world effectiveness remains incomplete.

Why Ukraine is using them

Russia’s Shahed drones are slow, cheap, and launched in overwhelming numbers. In June alone, Russia launched over 5,000 Shahed-type drones, including as many as 728 in a single night—far more than traditional systems like Patriots can handle.

Ukraine’s interceptors offer a cost-effective, scalable response to this flood of threats. Small, fast, and increasingly numerous, they are designed to match Russia’s production tempo.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy recently praised the system, stating that “hundreds of Russian-Iranian Shahed drones have been shot down this week” alone. Officials say interception rates, which had dropped due to higher-altitude attacks, are now back above 86%.

Moment a Russian Shahed drone is shot down over Odesa on Sunday morning. Some reports suggest it was intercepted by another drone. pic.twitter.com/qF5dYySMVC

— WarTranslated (@wartranslated) July 11, 2025

How many are coming

According to Arsen Zhumadilov, head of Ukraine’s Defense Procurement Agency, the country has already signed contracts for tens of thousands of interceptor drones.

“This is what we have already contracted and will continue to contract,” Zhumadilov said in a 14 July interview with Babel. “We will definitely contract everything that the state budget can afford.”

He added that if domestic production capacity exceeds state funding, allied nations may help finance additional units to expand coverage.

Strategic impact

Ukraine’s interceptor drone program is emerging as a flexible, affordable answer to Russia’s drone warfare campaign—and potentially a model for other nations facing similar threats.

“Ukraine is massively scaling up its production of low-cost interceptor drones to stop Russia’s growing barrages of Shahed attack drones,” wrote David Hambling.

At the recent G7 summit, Zelenskyy emphasized that this technology could serve as a global solution for defending against mass drone attacks—an increasingly relevant challenge in modern warfare.

Ukraine’s parliament has confirmed Yulia Svyrydenko as Prime Minister, with 262 lawmakers voting in favor on Thursday. At 39, she becomes the first woman to lead Ukraine’s government in 15 years—and only the second in the country’s history after Yulia Tymoshenko.

But while the face has changed, the power structure remains the same. With elections suspended under martial law and political life shaped by Russia’s full-scale invasion, Ukraine’s governance remains highly centralized. Svyrydenko’s appointment is seen as reinforcing the wartime system—where real decisions are made inside the Presidential Office, not by parliament or Cabinet.

Centralized power under martial law

Svyrydenko’s elevation underscores Ukraine’s current political reality: executive power concentrated in President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s circle, limited institutional checks, and governance by loyal proxies.

She is viewed as a close ally of Presidential Chief of Staff Andriy Yermak, widely considered one of the most powerful figures in the country.

“We don’t have a proper functioning Cabinet of ministers. Instead, we have some quasi-Cabinet of ministers headed by Yermak, who controls access to the president’s agenda and to the president himself,” said anti-corruption activist Daria Kaleniuk in Politico earlier this year.

Strong support from ruling party, opposition pushback

Svyrydenko was backed almost unanimously by Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party and several independents. Opposition factions—including European Solidarity, Batkivshchyna, and Holos—voted against or abstained, warning that the reshuffle deepens executive control.

Former President Petro Poroshenko summed up their position:

“Replacing Shmyhal, who was ‘Yermak in a shirt,’ with Svyrydenko, who will be ‘Yermak in a skirt,’ changes nothing.”

From regional official to Presidential insider

A native of Chernihiv, Svyrydenko began in regional government before rising to key roles in Kyiv. She joined the Presidential Office in 2020, and later served as First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy.

She has led international negotiations on peace efforts, EU accession, and postwar recovery. In May 2025, she co-signed a US–Ukraine reconstruction agreement with US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, signaling her role in Ukraine’s international outreach.

Ethics questions over teaching income

Her appointment triggered scrutiny over her income. In 2024, she reported earning over 3 million UAH (about $75,000) in six months of teaching at the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE)—more than her government salary.

Ukraine’s anti-corruption agency launched a probe into a possible conflict of interest, since KSE received international grants overseen by her ministry.

Svyrydenko said she taught multiple courses under separate contracts and worked outside government hours.

End of Shmyhal’s record-long tenure

Svyrydenko replaces Denys Shmyhal, who resigned after over five years—the longest serving Ukrainian PM. Sources say he has now been nominated as Defence Minister—a major shift amid war.

At the same time, it’s unclear who will replace Oksana Markarova as Ukraine’s ambassador to the US Reports suggest current Defense Minister Rustem Umerov and presidential adviser Ihor Zhovkva are among the frontrunners; no official successor has yet been confirmed.

Donald Trump’s new Ukraine strategy—arming Kyiv while demanding Europe fund it—is drawing sharp debate. But according to former British Army Colonel Richard Kemp, it’s exactly the right move.

Writing in The Telegraph, Kemp says Trump has “correctly adjusted his policy” in response to Vladimir Putin’s refusal to negotiate. His critics, particularly in Europe, “would be more convincing if they had their own realistic proposals, but they do not,” Kemp argues.

“Put their money where their mouth is”

At the heart of Trump’s plan is a demand: the US will send weapons, but Europe must pay.

Kemp calls this “sheer genius, at least as a concept,” adding that it “forces the EU countries and Britain to put their money where their mouth is.”

The move also taps into American frustration over continued US funding of the war. “It ought to play well to American voters,” Kemp writes.

Patriots and priorities

Trump’s plan includes sending Patriot missile systems to shield Ukrainian cities from increased Russian attacks. These may come from US stockpiles or NATO reserves.

But Germany is hesitating. Defence Minister Boris Pistorius said delivery could take months—a delay Kemp sees as telling.

“Despite the continent’s supposed insistence that it is prepared to do whatever it takes to help Ukraine win,” Kemp writes, Europe is still slow to act.

Zelenskyy to Trump: “Give us the tools”

In a recent call, Trump reportedly asked Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy whether Ukraine could hit Moscow and St. Petersburg. Kemp likens Zelensky’s response to Churchill: “Give us the tools and we will finish the job.”

Kemp stresses that while air defenses are important, long-range weapons and the freedom to use them would have a far greater effect on Putin.

“Smouldering military bases… might well” force a rethink in Moscow, he argues.

Targeting Russia’s economy

Trump has also proposed secondary tariffs on countries doing business with Russia. Kemp believes this economic pressure could be effective, but says EU leaders are reluctant.

When EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas called Trump’s 50-day peace deadline “very long,” Kemp responded bluntly:

“Perhaps Kallas… should immediately impose EU secondary tariffs, rather than shouting criticism from the sidelines?”

“A chance of success” – if Europe steps up

Kemp concludes that Trump’s new strategy has “a chance of success”, but only if Europe gets serious. Otherwise, he warns, it will remain a US-led effort.

“Do they really want to help Ukraine win its war, or do they just want America to do it for them?”

Ukraine is deploying a newly developed counter-drone rifle round, designed to be fired from standard NATO 5.56 mm rifles such as the M4 and CZ Bren. As Forbes reported, the rounds break apart mid-flight into five fast-moving pellets, creating a shotgun-like spread capable of downing drones at up to 50 meters.

This innovation comes amid a major Russian summer offensive, where small, low-cost drones are central to identifying and targeting Ukrainian defensive positions.

Brave1 demonstrates the new rounds in action

On 30 June, Ukraine’s military tech initiative Brave1 released a video showing soldiers shooting down a small drone using the new ammunition. While technical details were not disclosed, Ukrainian defense outlet Militarnyi confirmed the rounds are already in limited frontline use.

When fired in rapid bursts, the rounds mimic a shotgun blast—dramatically improving the chances of hitting fast, low-flying drones.

For those wondering on how these bullets work: please check the article by United 24 Media. https://t.co/hEH0i1G40I https://t.co/YNWyENL3PD

— BRAVE1 (@BRAVE1ua) June 30, 2025

Every soldier, one magazine

Brave1 stated that production is ramping up, with the goal of supplying each soldier with one magazine of the counter-drone rounds. The design lets soldiers quickly swap magazines without switching weapons, a critical advantage under fire.

“It effectively gives each soldier the capability of a shotgun without the added burden,” writes Forbes’ tech correspondent Vikram Mittal.

Responding to Russia’s evolving drone strategy

Russia has increasingly relied on small FPV drones to scout and strike Ukrainian positions. These drones are often cheap, short-lived, and designed to evade electronic warfare systems, including fiber-optic tethered models that are immune to jamming.

Ukraine’s electronic warfare coverage is incomplete, making direct-fire solutions like the new rounds essential for soldier-level defense.

Shifting the tactical balance

According to Mittal, the rounds could disrupt Russia’s current drone-heavy tactics. If Ukrainian troops are able to shoot drones down consistently, Russian forces may have to revert to artillery strikes—which are less precise, reveal their position, and consume more resources—or risk high-casualty direct assaults without aerial support.

“These rounds may break the cat-and-mouse cycle of electronic warfare and drone evolution,” Mittal notes.

Standardized for NATO, ready for scale

The rounds have already been codified under NATO standards, signaling Ukraine’s intent to mass-produce and distribute them across the front. This marks a shift from high-tech jamming systems toward simple, kinetic, soldier-level solutions.

While success still depends on rapid visual and acoustic detection, Forbes notes that frontline footage shows soldiers often spot drones in time to react, sometimes even outrunning FPV drones.

A turning point in drone warfare

When the war began, Ukraine used large Bayraktar TB2 drones to target armored vehicles. Today, the battlefield is defined by small, inexpensive drones targeting dispersed troops. Ukraine’s new rifle rounds could force yet another evolution in drone tactics—one that returns more power to individual soldiers on the ground.

In what many are calling an incredible event for Ukrainians, a massive Antonov An-124 Ruslan cargo aircraft was seen flying over Kyiv on Friday — the first sighting of such a plane in the city’s skies since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022.

With Ukrainian airspace largely closed to civilian aircraft since the war began, the appearance of the An-124 sparked joy, pride, and confusion. The aircraft — a symbol of Ukraine’s aviation legacy — stirred emotions online and on the ground.

The military outlet The War Zone (TWZ) launched an investigation into the flight, attempting to piece together where the aircraft came from, why it was flying, and where it was headed.

“I never thought that an ordinary plane in the Ukrainian sky could cause so many emotions,” the Trukha news outlet wrote on Telegram. “And seriously – it’s a cargo An-124, not a passenger one.”

An-124-100 cargo plane over Kyiv today. pic.twitter.com/SC2h3MqB7a

— Saint Javelin (@saintjavelin) July 11, 2025

Where did the An-124 take off from?

According to TWZ analysis and Planet Labs satellite imagery, the Antonov An-124, registered as UR-82073, likely departed from Svyatoshyn airfield in Kyiv. This is home to the Antonov Serial Production Plant, which has remained relatively intact despite the destruction of nearby Hostomel Airport early in the war.

Satellite imagery from 2 July shows two An-124s at the site, with one appearing to move onto the runway by 5 July — strongly indicating preparations for flight.

“It appears that an Antonov AN-124, UR-82073, has escaped from Ukraine to Liepzig, Germany after being stranded for over 4 years,” wrote X user @TheIntelFrog, referencing flight tracking history that showed the aircraft’s last activity in March 2021.

The General Staff Chat Telegram channel supported this claim, writing:
“An-124-100 reg UR-82073 is being evacuated from Svyatoshyn, where it has been standing since the beginning of the full scale war.”

I heard, but did not see, this aircraft flying overhead earlier today. It understandably cause quite a stir; we haven't seen such large aircraft over the city since late February 2022. https://t.co/jbbLKQtI9h

— Jimmy Rushton (@JimmySecUK) July 11, 2025

Alternative claims: Did it fly from Dnipro?

Some sources, including Russian outlet Astra and pro-Russian Telegram channels, claimed the aircraft originated from Dnipro, not Kyiv. These claims were based on flight tracking anomalies showing a “drone” signal — PTNPNH2 — which some speculated was actually the An-124 using a false transponder code. The callsign PTNPNH2 closely resembles “птн пнх”, a well-known Ukrainian anti-Putin slogan.

“The aircraft, which took off from Dnipro, is marked by the [flight tracking] service as a ‘drone,’” Astra posted on Telegram.

Russian military-linked channel Military Informant claimed:
“The Ukrainian An-124 Ruslan… took off from the Dnipro airport… This is happening against the backdrop of the beginning of fighting in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast.”

However, TWZ’s review of satellite imagery and known aircraft locations strongly suggests Svyatoshyn as the far more likely origin.

Flight path and stealth departure

FlightRadar24 data shows the An-124 appearing over western Ukraine near the Polish border at 2:17 PM local time, with no visible departure point. This suggests the plane’s transponder was disabled during takeoff, a likely precaution to avoid detection or interference.

The plane eventually landed in Leipzig, Germany, where Antonov Airlines has continued limited operations since the loss of its main base at Hostomel.

Russian reaction: Intelligence failure?

The flight drew critical commentary from Russian military circles. The influential Fighterbomber Telegram channel, known for its ties to Russian air forces, described the aircraft’s unimpeded escape as a major intelligence failure.

“A sad event, of course. For our intelligence first and foremost… It was able to leave intact and unharmed,” the channel posted. “There are literally only a couple of airfields in Ukraine capable of receiving and dispatching an aircraft of this size.”

TWZ noted that while Russia may have the capability to strike such targets, its intelligence-gathering and response mechanisms — its “kill chain” — have often been too slow or disorganized to act on such fleeting opportunities.

What this means for Ukraine

The successful flight of UR-82073 represents more than just a logistical win. For Antonov Airlines, it could be a return to strategic cargo operations, which are both economically and militarily significant. The airline has a long history of supporting NATO and US military logistics, and reactivating an An-124 would be a substantial boost.

“Regenerating an An-124 for cargo charter operations would be a major win for Antonov Airlines and Ukraine,” TWZ emphasized.

A similar case occurred in December 2022, when two Turkish A400M aircraft, grounded in Ukraine since the invasion began, were finally allowed to fly home after diplomatic negotiations, as reported by Aerotime.

A powerful symbol in the sky

While the full details of the flight remain unclear, one thing is certain: the appearance of an Ukrainian-built aircraft flying freely over Kyiv — not a drone, not a missile — struck a deep chord.

“It’s a cargo An-124, not a passenger one,” Trukha reminded followers. But in the context of war, even a cargo plane can be a powerful symbol of resilience and defiance.

The Russia-Ukraine war is reshaping the nature of modern conflict—and offering a glimpse into how future wars in space may unfold. In a recent Forbes column, Charles Beames, a defense expert and former Principal Director for Space and Intelligence Systems at the US Department of Defense, argues that Ukraine’s effective use of inexpensive, networked drones carries urgent lessons for US space strategy.

“In Ukraine, low-cost, high-impact drones are enabling Ukraine not only to defend itself but to strike deep into Russian territory,” Beames writes.

It’s not just the drones—it’s the network

Beames emphasizes that the decisive factor isn’t the drones themselves, but how they’re used together.

“The true force multiplier isn’t just the drones themselves — it’s the network effect,” he notes.

Real-time coordination between drones, sensors, and software has given Ukraine a tactical edge against a larger, more conventional Russian force.

Rethinking the rules of war—for space

Beames argues that three classic principles of war—mass, maneuver, and surprise—must be redefined in the digital age:

• Mass now comes from quantity: “Offensive and defensive power can now be delivered through hundreds or thousands of small, smart platforms.”
• Maneuver is driven by software, not just physical movement.
• Surprise doesn’t require stealth aircraft—it can come from commercial tech used in unexpected ways.

Space needs scale—not just sophistication

Beames says the US must rethink its space posture.

“Winning won’t depend on how exquisite each satellite is, but on how many we have in orbit and how intelligently they operate as an integrated whole.”

He adds that small, proliferated satellite constellations—especially when networked—are now a form of strategic deterrence.

The US lost the drone race. Space can’t be next.

Beames criticizes the US for missing the commercial drone revolution, which he says has now largely moved to China.

“We now face the difficult task of rebuilding critical drone manufacturing for national security.”

Still, he sees progress in space. The Pentagon’s Space Development Agency has certified nine new US small satellite builders in six years—a sign of momentum Beames says must accelerate, not stall.

“We must build on that momentum and not slow down as the GAO is calling for,” he warns, referring to recent Government Accountability Office reviews that could constrain the Space Development Agency’s pace.

The future of war is connected, fast, and agile

Beames closes with a clear message: the side that adapts faster, moves quicker, and fields more networked platforms will dominate future conflicts—on Earth and in space.

“Resilience, speed, and the creative use of proliferated, connected technology” will define the next high ground, he writes.

The United States has resumed weapons shipments to Ukraine, delivering 155 mm artillery shells and guided missile systems, two US officials told Reuters. The deliveries come after a short pause in arms transfers by the Trump administration that raised concerns in Kyiv and Washington.

Diplomatic efforts remain frozen, while Russia escalates its attacks. On 9 July, Moscow launched the largest combined missile and drone assault of the war, firing over 740 projectiles at Ukrainian infrastructure. The barrage signals Russia’s hardened military posture and fuels fears the war could stretch on for years.

US sends artillery shells and GMLRS missiles

The resumed shipment includes 155 mm artillery shells and GMLRS (guided multiple launch rocket system) missiles—vital to Ukraine’s front-line operations. The officials, speaking on condition of anonymity, did not disclose the size of the shipment or confirm if deliveries were complete.

The pause, which occurred last week, was reportedly tied to Pentagon concerns over depleted US munitions reserves. The White House has not formally commented on the internal review.

Trump: “I don’t know who ordered the pause”

President Donald Trump told reporters he was unaware of who had ordered the temporary halt in arms deliveries. He added that the US would continue sending weapons to Ukraine, with an emphasis on defensive systems to counter advancing Russian forces.

It is unclear whether the resumed shipment reflects a broader shift in policy or a continuation of prior aid commitments.

Russia escalates with record drone and missile barrage

Ukraine reported over 740 drones and missiles launched by Russia in a single night—the most extensive aerial attack since the war began. Strikes targeted infrastructure across multiple regions.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy responded by calling for tougher sanctions on Russian revenue sources, especially oil exports.

Ukraine expands military coordination with US

In a statement on Tuesday, Zelenskyy said he has ordered expanded coordination with the United States to secure urgent deliveries of air defense systems and other military aid. Kyiv continues to press Washington for faster and more consistent support amid ongoing attacks.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy met in Rome with Keith Kellogg, the special envoy on Ukraine for US President Donald Trump. The meeting took place during the Ukraine Recovery Conference, where Kellogg led the American delegation.

Diplomatic progress remains stalled, even as Russia intensifies its assault. On 9 July, Moscow launched its largest combined missile and drone attack of the war, firing more than 740 projectiles at Ukrainian infrastructure. The barrage underscores Russia’s hardened stance and raises fears that the conflict could drag on for years.

“I thanked him for participating in the Conference, where General Kellogg is heading the US team,” Zelenskyy posted on X. “We discussed arms supplies and the strengthening of Ukraine’s air defense. Amid intensified Russian attacks, this remains a top priority.”

Zelenskyy also noted discussions on procuring US weapons, joint defense production, and expanding military manufacturing inside Ukraine.

Sanctions on Russian oil under review

Zelenskyy said the meeting also covered efforts to ramp up sanctions on Russia—particularly in the energy sector.

“We understand the need to tighten restrictions on Russian energy, especially through secondary sanctions targeting buyers of Russian oil,” he said.

He expressed support for a bipartisan bill introduced in the US Congress by Senators Lindsey Graham and Richard Blumenthal aimed at limiting Russia’s oil revenues.

“This would undoubtedly force Russia to take peace more seriously,” Zelenskyy added.

I had a substantive conversation with US Special Presidential Envoy for Ukraine Keith Kellogg @generalkellogg. I thanked him for participating in the Ukraine Recovery Conference, where the General leads the US delegation.

We discussed weapons supplies and strengthening air… pic.twitter.com/nIHPaPktrA

— Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) July 9, 2025

Trump: Patriots “very expensive,” Ukraine made a request

President Trump commented on reports that his administration is considering sending additional Patriot missile systems to Ukraine. Speaking to reporters after a Wall Street Journal article broke the news, Trump acknowledged Ukraine’s request.

“They’ve requested them. They’re very rare, you know, because a lot of systems have already been sent [to Ukraine],” Trump said. “We’ll have to see—they’re very expensive.”

When asked whether he had looked into the reported pause in US arms shipments, Trump replied, “I haven’t really thought about that. Right now we’re looking at Ukraine and ammunition. But I haven’t gone deep into it.”

He added, “If such a decision was made inside my administration, I would know. Most likely, I would have been the one to give that order—but I haven’t done that yet.”

Trump confirms new military aid as frustration with Putin grows

Despite the lack of clarity on earlier decisions, Trump confirmed on Tuesday that he had approved a new shipment of arms to Ukraine. The move comes amid his increasing criticism of Russian President Vladimir Putin and the continuation of Russian strikes.

Reports: Pentagon paused some aid without White House approval

On 1 July, the US paused shipments of specific munitions to Ukraine, including Patriot missiles. CNN reported that Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth made the decision without consulting the White House.

Later, both the Pentagon and State Department clarified that weapons deliveries had not been fully suspended.

A wave of covert explosions striking tankers tied to Russian energy exports appears to be the work of Ukrainian special forces, according to a detailed analysis by Tom Sharpe OBE in The Telegraph. While no official confirmation has been issued, the precision and pattern of the attacks strongly suggest a coordinated sabotage campaign.

“Someone – and bluntly, that someone is the Ukrainian special forces – is making highly effective use of these weapons,” Sharpe writes.

Sanctions, oil, and the shadow fleet

Following Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the West imposed sweeping sanctions and a $60-per-barrel oil price cap to choke off funding for the war. In response, Moscow has leaned on a vast and opaque “shadow fleet” of aging tankers operating under obscure ownership and dubious flags of convenience. These vessels now carry more than 60% of Russia’s crude exports, helping sustain the oil revenues that fund Putin’s war.

Despite sanctions, the fleet continues to operate, with the US, EU, and UK stepping up enforcement through ship sanctions, port bans, and insurance crackdowns—efforts that so far have had limited effect.

Limpet mines: Targeted maritime sabotage

Military analysts and investigators believe the attacks were carried out using limpet mines, specifically Russian-made BPM-1 or BPM-2 models. These mines are designed to be manually attached to ship hulls by divers or delivered via unmanned underwater systems—tools of precision sabotage, not broad sea denial.

Their use indicates a high level of operational expertise, likely involving rebreather diving, manual or sonar-based navigation, and possibly mini-submersible delivery systems.

Sixth incident: Eco Wizard explosion in Ust-Luga

The most recent incident occurred on 6 July, when the Eco Wizard tanker was rocked by two explosions while loading ammonia at the Russian port of Ust-Luga. Though not a direct gas shipment, Sharpe notes that “ammonia is made of natural gas,” making it, in effect, a form of energy export.

This marks the sixth such attack this year. Previous explosions targeted tankers near Libya, Italy, Türkiye, and again in Ust-Luga. Many of the affected vessels had previously anchored near Malta and Libya—regions frequently linked to Russia’s shadow fleet operations.

Legal constraints and the grey zone at sea

Western powers have struggled to interdict the shadow fleet due to legal protections under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which enshrines freedom of navigation. Efforts to board or inspect suspect vessels under environmental or flag-related pretexts have had only limited success.

Sharpe also notes that many of these tankers are now accompanied by Russian warships or warplanes, raising the stakes and making direct intervention politically risky.

Strategic shift in maritime warfare

The suspected use of limpet mines by Ukrainian forces signals a strategic escalation in the maritime dimension of the war. These covert, deniable strikes target the infrastructure sustaining Russia’s war economy—without crossing into open confrontation.

As Sharpe concludes, this is a clear demonstration of “highly effective” unconventional warfare, exploiting vulnerabilities the West has yet to fully address.

Pope Leo XIV has formally offered to host peace talks between Ukraine and Russia at the Vatican, renewing the Holy See’s role as a potential mediator in the ongoing war. The offer was extended during his meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on Wednesday at Castel Gandolfo, the Pope’s summer residence.

Peace talks remain stalled as Russia escalates attacks

Diplomatic efforts remain frozen, even as Russia intensifies its military offensive. On 9 July, Moscow launched the largest drone and missile barrage of the war, deploying over 740 drones and missiles targeting Ukrainian infrastructure. The escalation underscores Russia’s resistance to peace negotiations and fuels growing concerns that the war could stretch on for years.

Vatican reaffirms commitment to peace

The Vatican confirmed the Pope’s willingness to bring together representatives from both nations, stressing the need for an “urgent search for just and lasting peace” and the essential role of direct dialogue in resolving the war.

Russia rejects vatican as venue

Despite the renewed offer, Russia had already signaled its opposition to holding peace talks at the Vatican when the idea was first floated earlier. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov questioned the appropriateness of a Catholic setting for negotiations between predominantly Orthodox nations, calling it “somewhat inelegant.”

This refusal comes in spite of the Vatican’s neutral stance and long-standing reputation as a credible venue for international diplomacy.

New pope continues Vatican’s diplomatic legacy

Pope Leo XIV, elected in May after the death of Pope Francis, has continued the Vatican’s call for peace without directly condemning Russia. This measured approach mirrors that of his predecessor and appears aimed at keeping communication channels open with both sides.

President Zelenskyy, among the first global leaders to meet the new Pope, welcomed the Vatican’s ongoing efforts to facilitate a peaceful resolution to the conflict.

Ukraine has spent nearly €1 billion on fortifications over the past year to halt Russian advances. But as Moscow’s forces capture ground at their fastest pace in months, serious concerns are mounting over whether the investment is delivering results where it’s needed most, Politico reports.

A shift in strategy to match Russian tactics

Facing a change in Russian tactics — smaller assault units backed by drones — Ukraine is rethinking how it fortifies its defenses. Instead of long, linear trench systems, the military is now building compact, concealed strongpoints better suited for modern warfare.

“The most effective position is a maximum of one detachment,” said Army Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi.

He describes how smaller trench groups and foxholes with anti-drone protection have replaced sprawling 2–5 km lines. These newer positions are typically 60–70 meters long and designed to avoid detection by surveillance drones.

Defense Minister Rustem Umerov called the new system “an adaptive engineering approach” that considers enemy tactics and focuses on protecting soldiers.

€1 billion spent — but uneven results

Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal announced earlier this year that the government allocated 46.2 billion hryvnia (€930 million) to build 3,000 defensive points, including in areas not yet under active assault.

Despite that investment, Ukrainian analysts and frontline troops say implementation is inconsistent and often delayed. In Dnipro, local governments and military units worked in sync to build three solid lines of defense. But in critical regions like Sumy and Kharkiv, the situation remains chaotic.

“What is happening in Sumy and Kharkiv Oblasts is a mess,” said Roman Pohorilyi, co-founder of OSINT group DeepState. “Hardly anybody knows who is responsible for what.”

He cited examples of poorly placed trenches, unused dragon’s teeth, and incomplete barriers.

Troops still digging under fire

Even with the €1 billion spend, much of the dangerous work is still being done manually by frontline troops. “Ukrainian servicemen still have to dig the first line of trenches with shovels and during active fighting,” Syrskyi acknowledged.

And without enough personnel, even the best-designed fortifications are ineffective.

“If there are no servicemen in the fortification or their number is insufficient… it does not play its role,” Syrskyi said.

Delays that cost the front

Ukrainian forces operating in Russia’s Kursk Oblast say they bought time for defenses to be built in Sumy — but that time wasn’t used effectively.

“We gave time to prepare the border area… but they hardly used it with 100 percent efficiency,” said soldier Artem Kariakin.

Key infrastructure, such as anti-drone nets, was installed only in January, after months of drone attacks. Fortifications were constructed after Ukrainian troops began retreating, rendering many of them strategically obsolete.

Russia exploiting gaps as it advances

Russian forces are probing Ukraine’s lines for weak spots and concentrating their attacks where defenses are thin.

“Russians push everywhere, probe for weak and problematic places… and start piercing,” Pohorilyi said.

In June alone, Russia seized 500 square kilometers of territory — the fastest advance in months, according to DeepState.

Conclusion: Strategy sound, execution lagging

Ukraine’s updated fortification approach reflects modern battlefield realities. But the combination of understaffed trenches, disjointed planning, and delayed execution has blunted the impact of a €1 billion investment. As one soldier put it, success “all depends on the commander” — and too often, that leadership has come too late.

Russia’s war in Ukraine is beginning to resemble World War I trench warfare—both in scale and in tactics—according to Colonel Hamish de Bretton-Gordon, former commander of the UK’s Chemical, Biological, Radiological and Nuclear (CBRN) defence forces.

In an opinion piece for The Telegraph, de Bretton-Gordon highlights claims by the Dutch government that Russia has carried out thousands of chemical weapon attacks in Ukraine, using agents like chlorine and CS gas to try to break the battlefield deadlock.

“The war in Ukraine is now heartbreakingly similar to the trench warfare of WW1,” he writes. “The casualty rate is similar, and now the Russians are trying to break the stalemate with gas as the Germans did at the Second Battle of Ypres in April 1915.”

Chemical weapons on the frontline

The Russian military’s use of toxic industrial chemicals, while not as deadly as nerve agents, is nonetheless part of a strategy to force Ukrainian troops out of defensive positions. As in WWI, the initial lack of protective gear gave attackers the advantage—but UK-supplied masks are expected to arrive soon.

“The delivery of protective equipment to the frontline in WW1 nullified this dreadful weapon, as it should in Ukraine once British masks arrive in the coming weeks.”

7/7 and the threat of CBRN terror

De Bretton-Gordon reflects on these developments as the UK marks 20 years since the 7/7 bombings—coordinated suicide attacks on London’s public transport system that killed 52 people and injured hundreds on July 7, 2005. At the time, he was deployed in Iraq with British forces investigating a possible Al Qaeda biological weapons plot, which turned out to be a false alarm.

He warns that while the 7/7 attackers used conventional explosives, a chemical, biological, or radiological attack could have caused devastation on an entirely different scale.

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A global pattern—and a warning

Drawing on his experience in Iraq, Syria, and the Novichok attack in Salisbury, de Bretton-Gordon argues that both terror groups and rogue states continue to see chemical weapons as a powerful tool. Russia’s use of such weapons in Ukraine, he warns, has gone largely unchallenged.

“Tyrants like Putin may become emboldened to use more toxic and lethal substances or pathogens against us.”

He concludes with a call for greater investment in defence and intelligence:

“It won’t matter how good (or not) our other public services or our welfare system may be if our defences are inadequate.”

Ukraine’s use of drones and robots in live combat is directly shaping European military technology, as the European Defence Agency (EDA) launches its first joint trials of unmanned systems.

The exercise, held at the Montelibretti base near Rome, marks the launch of the Defence Innovation Operational Experimentation (OPEX) campaign — aimed at accelerating Europe’s battlefield readiness with robotic and aerial platforms.

“Ukrainian experts have helped us design scenarios for the use of the technology, and the EDA will create a blueprint to show armies how they can quickly integrate it,” André Denk, EDA’s chief executive, told Defense News.

Europe seeks to close the “valley of death” in military tech

The EDA’s goal is to address the long-standing gap between innovation and deployment — what officials call the “valley of death” where promising military technologies often stall before reaching the field.

“The war in Ukraine reshaped our understanding of defense innovation, compressing years of development into weeks,” said André Denk. “Accelerating innovation from the lab to the field is our ticket to operational relevance.”

Drones and robots simulate front-line logistics

The exercise brought together unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) — better known as drones — and unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs), which are robotic land-based systems designed to operate without a human on board.

Over the three-week trial, UAVs were used to deliver supplies, which were then transferred to UGVs for the final stretch to simulated front-line positions — a logistics method already employed by Ukrainian forces in active combat.

The companies involved included:

• UAVs: Beyond Vision (Portugal), Altus LSA (Greece), Schiebel (Austria)
• UGVs: Alysis (Spain), Piap (Poland), Arx Robotics (Germany)

The robotic vehicles were put through their paces in rough terrain, including water-filled ditches, to evaluate how well they could perform under battlefield-like conditions.

NATO observers watch real-world scenarios

Military officials from Italy, Germany, France, Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, and Greece attended the trials, which ended on 3 July.

“We are missing a link between research and development and end users,” said an EDA official. “This exercise was a chance for militaries to see the technology in action and understand the possibilities for tactics and doctrine.”

What’s next: Nettuno trials and wider EU integration

Testing will continue at the Italian army’s Nettuno facility, where upcoming operational trials will explore how UAV and UGV systems can be integrated into standard military procedures across EU member states.

“We are now showing armies systems they don’t know about and increasing discussions and lessons for the first time,” the EDA official said.

Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin spoke by phone for nearly an hour. The call focused on the war in Ukraine, stalled negotiations, and shifting international dynamics.

This was the sixth call between Trump and Putin since Trump returned to office on 20 January. Despite regular contact, the conversations have produced no concrete results, with Trump pushing to end the war and Putin refusing to shift on Russia’s goals.

After the call, Trump acknowledged the lack of progress:

“We also talked about the war with Ukraine, and I’m not happy about that … I didn’t make any progress with him today at all.”

Putin stands firm as talks stall

The Kremlin said Putin reiterated Russia’s commitment to its military goals in Ukraine, which he described as efforts to eliminate the “root causes” of the conflict.

“We will not abandon these objectives,” Kremlin aide Yuri Ushakov quoted him as saying.

While Putin expressed openness to further negotiations with Ukraine, no new peace talks were discussed. A potential third round—previously suggested for Istanbul—was not mentioned in detail, according to Ushakov.

Trump reportedly began the call by touting the passage of his “Big and Beautiful Act,” a sweeping bill on tax, immigration, and energy reform. It passed the Senate and is awaiting final approval in the House.

Trump–Zelenskyy call set for 4 July

Trump is expected to speak with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on 4 July, according to Financial Times, Reuters, and AFP. The conversation comes as the US pauses key military aid to Ukraine, including Patriot missile interceptors and other critical supplies.

From Denmark, Zelenskyy confirmed the upcoming call and emphasized the need for continued US support—particularly PAC-3 missiles for Patriot air defense systems.

“Europe doesn’t yet have some of these capabilities,” he said.

He also commented on the Trump–Putin exchange, saying the two leaders have little in common and that progress will require direct talks with the Russian president.

“Everything in Russia is decided by him,” Zelenskyy said.

On 1 July, French President Emmanuel Macron spoke with both Putin and Zelenskyy, marking his first direct contact with the Russian leader since 2022.