‘What we need to do is avoid the headline at the end of the war, ‘Russia wins, America loses.’ It has huge worldwide implications,’ McConnell said of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine

Trump says he remains committed to pursuing peace agreement between Russia and Ukraine

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy rejected the concept of territorial concessions to Russia, arguing that such exchanges would not guarantee lasting peace.

According to Zelenskyy during a joint press conference with Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen, Russian President Vladimir Putin would require years and millions of soldiers to fully occupy Donetsk Oblast. Despite Russia currently controlling approximately 75-79% of the oblast, Ukrainian forces continue inflicting heavy casualties on advancing troops while defending remaining territory.

The Ukrainian leader pointed to Putin’s limited territorial gains over four years of the full-scale war, noting that Russia has failed to capture the remaining approximate 30% of the region despite losing over 100,000 military personnel there.

“For four years he has not been able to occupy even 30% of one region. If he goes further, he will need years, but the question is not only about time, but also that he will have to sacrifice millions of soldiers,” Zelenskyy stated.

Donetsk has become Ukraine’s defensive stronghold. Russian forces throw waves of soldiers against fortified Ukrainian positions, suffering massive casualties for minimal territorial gains. The region’s strategic value extends beyond military considerations—it represents Ukrainian identity and constitutional integrity, Zelenskyy argued.

The president emphasized what territorial concessions would mean for ordinary Ukrainians. Displaced residents want to return to their homes despite current circumstances making this unrealistic.

“For someone this is just territory, but for us it is our life, our history, our Constitution,” he said.

Zelenskyy dismissed territorial exchange proposals as lacking substance, citing trust issues with Putin. “If someone supports this crazy idea, then who can guarantee that Putin will not continue [the war]? No one can give guarantees,” he said.

On 2 September, Ukrainian forces have liberated the village of Udachne in Donetsk Oblast after two weeks of house-to-house fighting. The village sits 10 km west of the strategic town of Pokrovsk, where Ukrainian troops repelled 46 Russian assault attempts across multiple settlements in the area.

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Tiny first-person-view drones are everywhere all the time over the 1,100-km front line of Russia’s 43-month wider war on Ukraine. But most of them are surveillance and attack assets. They scan for targets over or near the front line—and then zoom in and explode.

Now at least one Ukrainian unit is finding a new use for the ubiquitous FPVs. The 225th Assault Regiment, holding the line outside Vorone in southern Ukraine’s Dnipropetrovsk Oblast with its M-2 Bradley fighting vehicles, has begun attaching FPVs to infantry squads to help the squads clear buildings of Russian troops.

“Clearing buildings is deadly—an enemy can be in every corner,” the regiment explained. When the infantry must enter a structure, they can send an FPV “to scout ahead.” “If the enemy is found,” the regiment explained, “the drone strikes, keeping our infantry safe.”

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It’s delicate work requiring extreme precision on the part of the distant drone operator, who wears a virtual-reality headset to see what the warhead-clutching FPV sees. An FPV explodes on contact with any surface, so an imprecise maneuver can endanger the drone’s human squadmates.

To guarantee an uninterrupted signal between the operator and their drone, the 225th Assault Regiment uses fiber-optic FPVs for clearance missions. Fiber-optic drones send and receive signals via kilometers-long optical fibers, making them impervious to radio jamming and the signal dead zones created by buildings or hills.

Drones as suppressive fire

The Ukrainians aren’t the only ones innovating with their smallest drones. The Russians have new ideas, too. FPVs are so dangerous—and so terrifying—that soldiers tend to duck into their trenches as soon as they hear the drones’ distinctive buzzing. For that reason, some Russian regiments use the drones as suppressive fire.

Suppressive fire is an infantry tactic that’s as old as gunpowder. Basically, it means shooting at the enemy with something—rifles, machine guns, mortars or artillery—with enough intensity to drive the enemy underground for as long as it takes friendly forces to “breach” the enemy’s defenses … and advance.

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Drones can suppress the enemy without even striking. “Soldiers begin to hide from the sound of UAVs alone and do not leave cover for a long time,” Russian blogger Unfair Advantage wrote.

“If the enemy is accustomed to being afraid of drones, then a UAV ‘carousel’—that is, the successive replacement of one strike UAV with another, can lead to the effect of suppressing positions, despite significant time intervals between strikes,” Unfair Advantage explained.

Infantry should begin their movement to contact with the enemy during an initial wave of drone attacks. “After the strikes are completed, the infantry takes cover and waits for the next wave of UAVs to arrive—or continues to move, but out of the line of sight of the defenders,” the blogger wrote. “This is repeated several times until the infantry reaches the immediate vicinity of the attacked position.”

There, the attackers wait for more drones before making their final push through the enemy positions. Drones should be overhead the whole time during the breach—”a mixed carousel of observation UAVs and attack UAVs,” Unfair Advantage advised.

To prolong the endurance of any turn of the UAV carousel, the operators can land some drones on the ground or on rooftops, idling their engines but keeping their cameras on—thus preserving the robots’ batteries. As long as at least one drone is audible by the defending infantry, the infantry should keep their heads down. They should, in other words, remain suppressed.

The respective new drone tactics belie deepening manpower problems on both sides of the wider war. More and more, both the Ukrainian and Russian armed forces are counting on robots to perform tasks most militaries still assign to human beings.

Ukraine’s manpower shortage is well-known. It’s possible Ukrainian brigades are short 100,000 trained infantry. But Russia has too few troops, too—despite generous bonuses and deceptive recruiting practices that lure or trap tens of thousands of fresh enlistees every month. Overall, Russian regiments probably have plenty of soldiers. But like Ukrainian brigades, they may specifically lack trained and experienced infantry.

Why risk them on a mission that a robot with a skilled operator can handle?

Analysts at Defense Express have spotted a MiG-29 fighter jet armed with a domestic analogue of the Russian UMPK kit, a guided bomb, or a so-called KAB. This indicates the start of wider adaptation of this weapon on a more mass-produced aircraft.

The UMPK kit turns a standard unguided bomb into a precision-guided munition with an extended range.

“At least 100 per day are needed” 

“The enemy drops 120–150 aerial bombs daily. We, at best, have up to 10 per day. And we need to reach at least 100 per day. Once we finally get enough aerial bombs, the situation at the front can change drastically,” revealed military expert Pavlo Narozhny on Radio NV. 

He emphasized that the Ukrainian development does not compete with the French high-precision HAMMERs, which are much more advanced and have a range of over 200 km. Instead, the Ukrainian KABs can be compared to American JDAMs or GBUs, which glide under the influence of gravity.

Cheap, mass-produced, and with great potential

According to Narozhny, the cost of one Ukrainian KAB could be $25,000. An American JDAM costs around $20,000–22,000.

“We have huge stockpiles of these aerial bombs – high-explosive, cluster, various types. We can use them in massive quantities,” the expert explained.

He also noted that installing a jet engine is a completely realistic next step. This would make the Ukrainian munition technologically closer to Western models and provide additional range.

Chinese companies directly supplied at least €55 million worth of parts and materials to sanctioned Russian firms in 2023–2024. During this period, Moscow was actively building a large-scale logistics infrastructure for its drone program, The Telegraph reports.

Almost a quarter of the supplies, worth €12.5 million, went to companies involved in producing Iranian Shahed kamikaze drones in a Russian special economic zone in the city of Alabuga.

Among the goods exported from China were: aircraft engines, microchips, metal alloys, fiberglass, optics, and carbon fibers – all critical components for drone production.

Chinese neutrality only in words

Beijing publicly claims neutrality in the war, but the supply of drone parts reveals deep military cooperation with Moscow. On the battlefield, this is confirmed by the fact that Ukrainian troops regularly find Chinese components in downed Russian equipment.

“One has a very important interest in the survival of the other; this is not going to change. It’s a simple, geographic fact,” said Andrea Ghiselli, an expert on China’s foreign policy.

At the same time, unlike North Korea, China avoids direct participation in the war. Instead, it allows its companies to export dual-use goods. This has led to record trade volumes between the two countries – €246 billion in 2024.

Russia increases drone production

In just three months of 2023, the Chinese company Ningbo Peak Cloud Import and Export supplied Russia with aircraft engines worth €3.5 million for the Ural Civil Aviation Plant, which is under sanctions.

In total, The Telegraph identified 97 Chinese suppliers. At least five Russian firms, including the Ural Civil Aviation Plant, PT Electronic, and Radioline, directly use Chinese components in drone production.

As a result, in just the first half of 2024, Russia produced more than 2,000 “Harpy” drones, almost matching the total output of the entire previous year.

The company Mile Hao Xiang Technology also supplied engines for the “Gerbera” drone worth more than €1.5 million in 2022–2023, including through intermediaries. The main importers were Russian companies Sequoia JSC and Unikom LLC.

The real volume of supplies may be much higher than official statistics show.

The world has changed forever. Maria Berlinska, a Ukrainian military volunteer, says that the joint parade in China, attended by Russian President Vladimir Putin, marks a “starting point for a new world order.”

Soldiers, sanctions, and the Western response

“If before they did this anyway but at least they were afraid to say it so openly, the main lesson now is—they are no longer afraid,” she says.

The axis of authoritarian dictators now tells the world, especially the West: the previous order is over, “now we are in charge.”

These leaders show that their soldiers can die “by the hundreds of thousands,” still swearing oaths to their rulers.

“Meanwhile, Western voters will only scream and protest when the first coffins arrive,” adds Berlinska.

Sanctions against world leaders also cannot stop these countries, because they have enough combined domestic economic power.

“So prepare your ‘pampered democratic asses to be removed from the seat’ of global governance. ‘We are already here, and we are coming for you,’ they are showing,” she emphasizes.

The world is now divided into “before and after,” Berlinska says.

Ukraine on the frontier of a new war

“The only pain I feel is that my country, my people, are on the frontier of the sleepy-bureaucratic Western civilization. And the battles in this war are only beginning,” the Ukrainian volunteer adds.

Earlier, the head of Ukrainian intelligence, Kyrylo Budanov, also spoke about the new world order. He said that it was “not perfect, not as powerful as many believed, but it existed until 2014.” According to him, it changed after Russia forcibly altered Ukraine’s borders, annexing Crimea.

“All the problems started from there. When everyone silently watched the violation of the world order and did nothing,” he said.

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping discussed the possibility of extending human life to 150 years and the prospects of “biological immortality” at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit, Bloomberg reports.

Technology and immortality

Vladimir Putin, born 7 October 1952, is 72. Xi Jinping, born 15 June 1953, is also 72.

Xi noted that in the past, most people did not live past 70, while today, “at 70, a person is still a child.”

“Due to the development of biotechnology, human organs can be transplanted continuously, and people will be able to live longer and longer, potentially even achieving immortality,” Putin responded. 

Putin compared this vision to ideas promoted by former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, who actively advocated health and life extension initiatives.

Life amid death

These discussions come against the backdrop of the massive loss of life in Ukraine. Over one million Russians have died and been wounded during the war since 2022. Mariupol experienced mass killings with at least 100,000 civilians killed, and more than 13,800 civilians have been victims of missile attacks across Ukraine. Meanwhile, Putin and his counterpart are discussing eternal life.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has expressed gratitude to North Korean leader Kim Jong Un for the “courage” of its soldiers fighting against Ukraine, Sky News reports. He said “Russia will never forget North Korea’s participation in the fight against modern neo-Nazism.”

“Battle with neo-Nazism”

“Russia will never forget North Korea’s participation in the fight against modern neo-Nazism. We will not forget the losses suffered by your armed forces and the families of your soldiers,” said Putin. 

In response, Kim thanked the Russian ruler for the personal meeting and declared that North Korea would “do everything” to fulfill its “brotherly duty” and support Russia.

North Korean soldiers on the frontline 

South Korean intelligence had previously reported that around 2,000 North Korean troops were killed in combat. Currently, North Korea plans to send an additional 6,000 soldiers to Russia as part of a third deployment rotation.

This represents a fundamental shift in Ukraine’s energy narrative, from vulnerability to strength, and maybe even regional dominance on the energy market one day.

Ukraine is rapidly becoming a net energy exporter to Europe, with August 2025 exports reaching a record 450,000 MWh—the highest monthly figure since integration into the European Network of Transmission System Operators for Electricity (ENTSO-E) on 16 March 2022.

The scale of this reversal is staggering. Just over a year ago, Russia’s systematic attacks destroyed 61% of its generation capacity.

International volunteer experts are exploring large-scale distributed generation projects that could position Ukraine as Europe’s new low-cost electricity supplier.

Western regions lead the reconstruction model

Zakarpattia Oblast exemplifies this transformation. In spring 2025, regional officials met with Canadian volunteer engineers from “Technology United for Ukraine” to explore what could become billion-dollar distributed generation projects using gas turbine and hydrogen technologies.

The volunteer organization, led by president Brian Robinson, brings experienced engineers willing to conduct technical and economic feasibility studies and attract donors for distributed generation development—expertise that traditional consulting firms hesitate to provide in active war zones.

But Zakarpattia’s energy ambitions extend beyond meetings.

The region already hosts Ukraine’s only multi-megawatt wind turbine production facility, launched by Friendly Wind Technology in May 2024, capable of producing up to 20 wind turbines annually ranging from 4.8 to 5.5 megawatts.

More ambitious still is the planned 1.5-gigawatt hydrogen valley project, featuring an initial 100 MW electrolyser capacity powered by 120 MW solar and 80-160 MW wind installations. Operations are expected to start in 2035.

Geography drives strategy

Zakarpattia’s location makes it ideal for Ukraine’s energy export ambitions.

At the same time, its borders with Hungary and Slovakia provide direct pipelines into European energy markets.

Ukrainian workforce and production costs could make electricity produced here competitive across Central Europe, positioning the country to replace Russia as the continent’s energy supplier.

This would help the EU simultaneously overcome Russian and fossil fuel dependency.

From defense to export strategy

Ukraine’s energy transformation, already well underway, follows a clear strategic evolution. State power operator Ukrenergo declared more than a year ago that decentralizing electricity production through hundreds of small power plants was the only way to protect against Russian attacks.

The export numbers show that what began as a defensive necessity is turning into an offensive economic strategy.

Volunteer expertise fills the gap

Here is also where the Canadian engineers come into play. Their involvement in Zakarpattia reflects a broader pattern in Ukraine’s reconstruction: specialized technical assistance increasingly comes from unexpected sources as traditional institutions remain cautious about active war zone operations.

“Such potentially rapid solutions will increase the region’s energy potential and strengthen the national energy system,” regional officials commented after the spring discussions.

The volunteer-driven approach offers advantages beyond mere expertise. Unlike commercial consultants, volunteer organizations can focus purely on technical feasibility and donor attraction without commercial constraints that complicate larger institutional projects.

What needs to happen next

For Ukraine’s west to fulfill its potential as an energy export hub, several elements must align.

Feasibility studies like those proposed for Zakarpattia need completion and implementation; international financing must move from discussion to commitment; projects require seamless connection to European grid systems, and individual regional projects should complement rather than compete.

The success of initiatives like the Zakarpattia hydrogen valley and distributed generation projects will determine whether Ukraine’s western regions become mere reconstruction examples or strategic economic centers driving the country’s post-war prosperity.

If volunteer feasibility studies successfully attract the donors they target, Ukraine’s west could emerge as the launching pad for energy independence, transforming Ukraine from a Russian energy victim into Europe’s new electricity supplier.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz delivered a blunt assessment this week: Vladimir Putin sees no benefit in ending his war against Ukraine.

Speaking during :newstime interview, Merz argued the Russian president will only negotiate when it serves his personal agenda.

“He will only be ready for negotiations when it benefits him personally,” Merz explained. Putin continues the war because “he is conquering territories” and closely watches how world leaders respond to his actions, including discussions in Europe and America.

To change Russia’s position, Merz proposed creating conditions that would compel Moscow to seek an exit from the war through economic pressure rather than military means.

“We must create the grounds for this,” he said, proposing tariffs against countries that continue trading actively with Russia. The goal: make it impossible for Moscow to sustain its military production.

Merz also emphasized that Germany has no plans to deploy soldiers to Ukraine, expressing serious doubts about Bundeswehr participation even after a possible ceasefire.

“Until a ceasefire, sending troops to Ukraine definitely won’t happen. And even after that, I have significant doubts about Germany’s participation.”

Meanwhile, Britain and France lead the “Coalition of the Willing” initiative, which plans peacekeeping forces for post-conflict Ukraine with operational headquarters in Paris and coordination centers in Kyiv.

Merz outlined Germany’s constraints clearly. Any troop deployment would need Bundestag approval and Russian agreement.

“This cannot be done against Russia, only together with it,” he told Sat.1.

Russian demands for ending the war in Ukraine include:

• Ukrainian military withdrawal from four occupied regions: Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson.
• written guarantees from Western leaders to halt “NATO’s eastward expansion”, effectively excluding Ukraine, Georgia, and other former Soviet states from membership
• Ukraine adopting a neutral status and limitations on Ukraine’s armed forces
• lifting of Western sanctions
• resolution of frozen Russian assets abroad
• protections for Russian speakers in Ukraine
• holding of Ukrainian elections under terms favorable to Moscow.