Russia handed over some bodies of its own soldiers to Ukraine under the guise of Ukrainian casualties during a recent exchange of the deceased, Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko announced on June 19.

"Yes, we have facts. We have established the names of these soldiers and officers who are unwanted by their homeland," Klymenko wrote on Telegram.

The discovery was made after the handover of remains under an agreement reached during the June 2 talks in Istanbul. In total, Ukraine received 6,057 bodies of its fallen soldiers as part of the phased exchange. Russia, according to Kremlin aide and negotiator Vladimir Medinsky, took back 78.

One of the bodies returned to Ukraine, labeled No. 192/25, was dressed in a Russian military uniform and carried a Russian passport issued to Alexander Viktorovich Bugaev, born in 1974.

Alongside the passport, officials found a military ID indicating Bugaev had served in the 1st Battalion of the 39th Separate Guards Motorized Rifle Brigade.

According to Klymenko, Bugaev went missing during heavy fighting near Novomykhailivka in Donetsk Oblast in March 2025. His family had been searching for him for months. Klymenko said Russia had located Bugaev's body but chose to "dump" it among the Ukrainian dead.

"This is yet another proof of how Russia treats its people with contempt, throwing their bodies onto the bodies of Ukrainian soldiers," Klymenko said.

"This shows how little human life means to Russia. Or maybe it's just a way to avoid paying compensation to the families. But they will have to pay anyway: we are returning these bodies."

The official has not mentioned the total number of Russian soldiers' bodies given to Ukraine.

The June 2 negotiations in Istanbul resulted in the most expansive prisoner and body exchange agreement of the full-scale war, although no ceasefire was reached.

Russia accused Kyiv on June 7 of rejecting a proposed body return, publishing footage allegedly showing Ukrainian corpses stored in refrigeration units. Ukraine dismissed the claims, saying the footage was filmed on Russian territory, not at a designated handover site.

Kyiv has consistently called for an "all-for-all" exchange of prisoners of war, but Moscow has so far refused to agree to a comprehensive swap.

Ukraine, Russia carry out another POW exchange under Istanbul deal

“These are warriors of the Armed Forces, the National Guard, and the State Border Guard Service. Most of them had been held captive since 2022,” President Volodymyr Zelensky said, without revealing their numbers.

The Kyiv IndependentMartin Fornusek

The Kremlin is using the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF) to shape both internal and external narratives as Russia’s war effort continues, according to a report published by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) on 18 June. Russian outlet Meduza reported it obtained an internal document from the Russian Presidential Administration detailing how state and pro-Kremlin media should cover SPIEF events from 18 to 21 June.

Rather than highlighting foreign investment or international participation, the document instructs media to focus on domestic feel-good events. These include the launch of a civilian car, flag-raising ceremonies for fishing boats, and new gas connections for a village and factory in Tambov Oblast.

The Kremlin also emphasized promoting events run by organizations closely tied to the Presidential Administration, such as the Znanie (Knowledge) Society and the “Russia–Land of Opportunities” foundation, which places military veterans into public roles.

The same directive encouraged coverage of book presentations on themes like war, economics, and disinformation. A political strategist with experience working for the Presidential Administration told Meduza that the Kremlin seeks to project an “appearance that everything is moving forward.”

Internet disruptions around the “economic forum”

Opposition media reported internet outages began overnight on 17 to 18 June in and around St. Petersburg, coinciding with the start of SPIEF. While no official explanation was provided, ISW noted that Russian authorities previously shut down mobile internet in wide areas during Russia’s Victory Day on 9 May. That disruption was officially for “security,” but likely aimed at suppressing coverage of Ukrainian attacks that could undermine the image of Russian military success. 

“Russian authorities may be employing similar measures during SPIEF as part of efforts to forward the Kremlin’s social optimism messaging,” ISW wrote.

Today, there are interesting updates from NATO’s northern flank. Here, Russia has started rapidly escalating the tensions by building up forces and constructing new bases on the border with Finland. The Scandinavian country has been attacked by Russia before, so the Finns did not wait and immediately began preparing for the worst-case scenario.

Russia has begun a notable militarization of its extensive border with Finland, significantly escalating its military presence through the construction of new bases and the redeployment of forces. Recent satellite imagery, confirmed by NATO officials, reveals extensive activity, including rows of newly erected tents, warehouses for military vehicles, refurbished fighter jet shelters, and revitalization of a previously abandoned helicopter base.

These developments indicate the preliminary stages of a substantial, long-term military buildup, although NATO and Finnish officials emphasize this is still different from Russia’s pre-Ukraine attack deployments in 2022. The reason for this is that Russia remains predominantly occupied with its military operations in Ukraine, limiting immediate troop availability.

Border turns hot

The catalyst for Russia’s border militarization was Finland’s accession to NATO two years ago. Initially, Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly stated that Finland’s NATO membership was Finland’s sovereign right, and he had no problem with it. Yet, Russia quickly shifted its posture, rapidly militarizing the border area, which has now become NATO’s longest contiguous boundary with Russia, spanning approximately 1,330 kilometers.

Russia’s actions reveal underlying apprehensions; historically, new NATO membership, particularly involving former Soviet states such as the Baltic republics, has been perceived by Moscow as provocative, significantly heightening security concerns. Consequently, the addition of Finland to NATO is interpreted by Russia as an increased threat, necessitating enhanced defenses.

Military analyst Michael Kofman of the Carnegie Endowment predict that Russia will significantly expand its ground forces facing NATO, particularly in sensitive regions such as Finland’s northern frontier.

Arctic in play

Russia’s buildup is also strongly tied to strategic interests in the Arctic. Moscow regards control over Arctic regions as essential for securing its status as a great power. Satellite imagery recently confirmed Russian military helicopters returning to Murmansk, a strategic Arctic port city, after a two-decade absence.

This redeployment, partially driven by Ukrainian drone strikes targeting Russian airfields deeper within the country, places Russian forces considerably closer to NATO territory. According to Finnish defense analysts, Russia is also expanding brigades into divisions, implying an imminent surge in Russian troop strength along the border.

Bases reinforced

Russia has upgraded several military bases near Finland to enhance its defense capabilities. Key bases include Alakurtti Air Base, which supports cold-weather operations and Arctic defense, and Petrozavodsk, which offers armored vehicle storage and troop mobilization. Severomorsk-2 strengthens Arctic naval and air operations, while Olenya Air Base facilitates strategic bomber activity and large-scale operations, less than 150 kilometers from Finland, with significant infrastructure improvements indicating plans for an even larger military presence.

These upgrades provide Russia with rapid deployment capacity and enhanced surveillance, strengthening its position in a potential clash. These provocative developments follow a series of incidents underscoring rising tensions. From damaging undersea cables to satellite imagery exposing substantial Russian military expansion near Finland, this has prompted Helsinki’s military intelligence head, Brigadier General Pekka Turunen, to predict that Russian troop numbers near Finland could triple within five years.

Finland digs in

Consequently, Finland extended its indefinite border closure with Russia, citing the ongoing hybrid warfare tactics, including weaponized migration, similar to what Poland is experiencing on its border with Belarus.

Further intensifying tensions, in May and June 2025, Russia redeployed battle-hardened troops from Ukraine and intelligence specialists to the Finnish border, significantly bolstering strategic bases and violating Finnish airspace, prompting a diplomatic confrontation.

History drives Finland

Facing this steadily rising threat, Finland is actively enhancing its defensive posture by emphasizing a pragmatic approach and preparing for worst-case scenarios, by increasing defense spending and raising reservist eligibility to age 65. Finnish military planners forecast that once active hostilities in Ukraine diminish, Russia will substantially increase deployments along Finland’s border, prompting predictions of a possible armed confrontation soon after.

Overall, Finland’s defensive measures originate from a historical memory deeply shaped by past aggression from Russia, notably during the Winter War of 1939 to 1940, resulting in substantial territorial losses. The recent rapid militarization by Russia reaffirms Finland’s decision to swiftly join NATO following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Now, Russia is stepping up the provocations by starting to build up forces along the border, which is enough to make the Finnish government suspicious.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Arkady Gostev, head of Russia's Federal Penitentiary Service, was sentenced in absentia to 10 years in prison for creating a network of torture chambers in the Russian-occupied part of Kherson Oblast, Ukraine's Security Service (SBU) announced on June 19.

Gostev was found guilty of orchestrating the transformation of captured Ukrainian prisons into torture sites used to detain and brutalize members of the local resistance. The SBU said victims were subjected to "brutal torture" intended to break their will and force submission to the Kremlin rule.

According to investigators, Gostev personally oversaw the establishment of torture facilities and pushed for their inclusion in Russia's national prison registry through the Justice Ministry.

The court ruled he committed "actions aimed at violently changing or overthrowing the constitutional order or seizing state power."

"Comprehensive measures are being taken to bring him to justice for crimes against our state," the SBU said, noting that Gostev remains in Russia.

Kherson Oblast, which stretches from the Dnipro River to the Black Sea, remains partially occupied, with the east-bank territories still under Russian control.

Gostev joins a growing list of senior Russian officials charged in absentia with war crimes, crimes against humanity, and the administration of occupied territories.

Ukraine has also targeted collaborators working with the occupation authorities.

On June 18, Ukraine's military intelligence (HUR) confirmed the assassination of Mykhailo Hrytsai, a Russian-appointed deputy mayor in Berdiansk, Zaporizhzhia Oblast, for his role in organizing repression and torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war.

‘Beyond cynical’ – Russian doctor carved ‘Glory to Russia’ scar on POW during operation, Ukraine says

After more than three years of Russia’s full-scale invasion, each new revelation of cruel treatment of Ukrainians in Russian captivity hardly surprises anyone. But when a photo recently emerged online, showing a “Glory to Russia” scar on the body of a Ukrainian prisoner of war (POW), it sent shockwaves

The Kyiv IndependentDaria Shulzhenko

North Korea is considering sending up to 25,000 workers to Russia to assist in the mass production of Shahed-type attack drones, Japan's public broadcaster NHK reported on June 19, citing unnamed diplomatic sources in the West and Russia.

The workers would be sent to the Alabuga Special Economic Zone in Russia's Republic of Tatarstan, where Moscow operates a facility for assembling Iranian-designed Shahed drones. In return, Pyongyang is reportedly seeking drone operation training.

Shahed drones, known for their low cost and heavy explosive payloads, have been used extensively by Russia since late 2022 to attack Ukrainian cities. The Alabuga site has been repeatedly struck by Ukrainian forces in an attempt to disrupt production.

The media report follows a series of rapid developments in military cooperation between Moscow and Pyongyang. Russian Security Council Secretary Sergei Shoigu visited North Korea on June 17, reportedly on a "special assignment" from Russian President Vladimir Putin.

After meeting Kim, Shoigu said that Pyongyang had agreed to send 1,000 combat engineers and 5,000 military builders to Russia's Kursk Oblast to assist in reconstruction.

Ukraine controlled a part of Kursk Oblast following a cross-border offensive in August 2024. Russia regained much of the lost territory during a March 2025 counteroffensive that included backing from North Korean forces. According to estimates, North Korea has suffered over 6,000 casualties during the offensive operations.

Ukraine's military intelligence chief, Kyrylo Budanov, said on June 9 that Pyongyang and Moscow have agreed to start establishing domestic production of Shahed-136 drones on North Korean soil.

Kim remains a vocal ally of Putin, supplying not only soldiers but also artillery, drones, and ballistic missiles. During Russia's May 9 Victory Day Parade in Moscow, Putin personally greeted North Korean troops, though Kim did not attend.

Trump’s peace push falters in both Ukraine and the Middle East — for similar reasons

U.S. President Donald Trump addressed a wide range of subjects during his inauguration speech. When speaking about international relations, he was adamant — “Our power will stop all wars and bring a new spirit of unity,” he said, talking about Russia’s war against Ukraine and the fighting in the Middle

The Kyiv IndependentOleg Sukhov

Ukraine and Russia conducted another prisoner exchange on 19 June, focusing on seriously ill and wounded captives, some of which were held in Russian captivity for over three years. 

The exchange returned Ukrainian defenders from multiple military branches to their homeland, including personnel from the Armed Forces, Naval Forces, Airborne Assault Forces, Territorial Defense Forces, National Guard, and State Border Service. Officials did not disclose the exact number of prisoners released.

According to the Coordination Staff for Treatment of Prisoners of War, all returned defenders suffered from significant health complications.

“Every Defender released today has serious medical diagnoses and illnesses as a result of injuries and being in captivity,” the coordination staff reported. “Many have significant weight loss, dystrophy, ulcers, vision problems, musculoskeletal diseases, cardiovascular diseases and digestive problems.”

The oldest released prisoner was 63 years old, while one defender celebrated his 45th birthday upon returning home, according to according to Ukraine’s human rights commissioner Dmytro Lubinets.

Since the Istanbul talks on 2 June, Ukraine has conducted multiple exchanges: 9 June saw the return of prisoners under 25 years old, 10 June brought back seriously wounded and ill personnel, 12 June returned another group of seriously wounded and ill defenders, and 14 June marked the fourth exchange within a week, including seriously ill, wounded, and young prisoners.

Spain has rejected a U.S.-backed proposal for NATO members to raise defense spending to 5% of GDP, becoming the first alliance country to oppose the plan, Reuters reported on June 19.

The rejection adds pressure to the transatlantic debate ahead of the NATO summit in The Hague on June 24–25, which has beenreduced to a single session focused on defense spending and alliance capabilities.  

In a letter to NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez called the proposed target "unreasonable" and warned it would undermine broader European efforts to build an integrated defense ecosystem.

"Committing to a 5% target would not only be unreasonable, but also counterproductive," Sanchez wrote, arguing it would "move Spain further away from optimal spending."

Spain estimates that its armed forces require spending equal to 2.1% of GDP to meet national military objectives, below the U.S.-endorsed threshold but above NATO's 2% benchmark.

U.S. President Donald Trump has repeatedly accused NATO members of underfunding their militaries, pushing for raising defense spending benchmark to 5% of GDP.

While no other NATO members have formally rejected the proposal, most have remained noncommittal. Poland, the Netherlands, and Sweden have expressed willingness to consider the 5% target.

In 2024, only 23 alliance members met the 2% target, according to NATO estimates. Poland was ahead of all members with 4.12% of GDP allocated to defense, followed by Estonia (3.43%) and the U.S. (3.38%).

Rutte said on June 17 that all NATO countries are on track to meet the 2% threshold in 2025.

Spain, governed by a Socialist-led coalition, maintains a sharply different defense posture than the U.S. administration.

While Madrid supports Ukraine, it has taken a more cautious stance on the Middle East, including distancing itself from U.S. policy on Israel.

Diplomacy in crisis: G7 letdowns reveal limits to Western solidarity on Ukraine

KANANASKIS, Canada — The Group of Seven (G7) Leaders’ Summit ended on June 17 with no joint statement in support of Ukraine, no commitments to provide desperately needed U.S. weapons, and no meeting between President Volodymyr Zelensky and U.S. President Donald Trump. The Ukrainian delegation headed into the summit,

The Kyiv IndependentDmytro Basmat

Russian President Vladimir Putin has received an official invitation to attend the G20 summit in South Africa, Russian Ambassador-at-Large Marat Berdyev said in an interview with state-owned media outlet RIA Novosti on June 19.

South Africa is a member of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and a signatory to the Rome Statute, meaning it is obliged to arrest Putin if he enters the country.

The ICC issued a warrant for the Russian leader's arrest in March 2023 over the illegal deportation of Ukrainian children during Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

"Last week, we received an official invitation. This is an appeal from the head of state, the president of South Africa (Cyril Ramaphosa), to his colleagues," Berdyev said.

The summit is scheduled to take place in Johannesburg from Nov. 22 to 23. Berdyev noted that Russia's final decision on Putin's participation will be made closer to the date. In recent years, Russia has been represented at G20 summits by Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov.

Despite the warrant, South Africa continues to deepen political and military ties with Moscow. In 2023, the country conducted joint naval drills with Russia and China, and maintains its membership in the BRICS bloc alongside both nations.

In November 2024, Putin skipped the G20 summit in Brazil, another ICC member state, and sent Lavrov instead. Russia's G20 participation has continued uninterrupted despite its war against Ukraine.

In September 2024, Putin made a rare visit to Mongolia, which is also a signatory of the ICC, prompting criticism over the non-enforcement of the warrant.

Putin-Trump meeting currently not on the table, Kremlin says

“Until the necessary ‘homework’ is done to remove the irritants in our relations with the United States, it makes no sense to organize a meeting,” Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said.

The Kyiv IndependentAnna Fratsyvir

Every time you flip on a light switch in Europe, there’s a chance you’re funding a missile aimed at a Ukrainian kindergarten, as long as Russian gas continues to flow.

Here’s a number that should make every European’s blood run cold: €30 billion. That’s how much more money the European Union plans to send Vladimir Putin for gas over the next two and a half years while children are buried under rubble from Russian missiles.

On 17 June, the European Commission finally presented its long-awaited legal proposal to phase out fossil fuel imports from Russia. After years of war, mounting evidence of Russian atrocities, and endless declarations that “Europe stands with Ukraine,” you might expect this regulation to immediately stop the flow of euros to Moscow’s war chest.

You would be wrong.

Two-thirds of this comes from Russia’s Arctic Yamal project, where Novatek loads tankers bound for European ports while Russian forces target Ukrainian energy infrastructure with growing swarms of drones and ballistic missiles.

Explore further

The EU promised to cut Russian gas. Now it’s delaying until 2027

The €30 billion question: How did we get here?

To understand this betrayal, you need to grasp what the Commission actually proposed versus what Europe desperately needs.

The regulation does include some hard-won victories. Thanks to relentless pressure from civil society and expert analysis by the Centre for the Study of Democracy (CSD) and the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), Article 7 introduces a breakthrough that can reshape energy markets: all gas entering the EU from third countries — especially Türkiye — will be presumed Russian unless proven otherwise.

This presumption flips the burden of proof and dismantles Gazprom’s laundering schemes. For years, Russian gas has flowed through Turkish and European intermediaries, disguising its origin through paper transactions. Under Article 7, that shell game ends.

The same transparency applies to European LNG terminals — all arriving cargoes must report their ports of initial loading, making it impossible for Novatek to obscure LNG origins through transshipments.

But here’s where the Commission’s courage collapsed: instead of wielding these new powers immediately, they handed Russia a going-away present worth tens of billions.

The timeline that breaks Ukrainian hearts

The devil lives in the implementation schedule, and this devil wears Gazprom’s and Novatek’s colors.

Unlike long-term contracts, spot market transactions are immediate, short-term purchases that can be conducted anonymously through international hubs, allowing Russian gas and LNG to be “whitewashed” and enter European markets undetected.

Even more devastating: long-term contracts with Gazprom for pipeline gas and Novatek for maritime LNG deliveries can continue until the beginning of 2028. Nearly three more years of business-as-usual while bombs fall on Kharkiv, Odesa, and Zaporizhzhia.

According to CSD estimates, up to 75% of current Russian gas imports operate under such long-term contracts. The Commission’s own memo estimates €15 billion per year for LNG and remaining pipeline gas imports via Türkiye — before counting additional billions from Russian crude oil if Hungary and Slovakia maintain their oil import exemptions.

The arithmetic is chilling: assuming current import rates and prices, EU member states will send more than €30 billion to Russia before this “ban” fully takes effect. That’s enough money to fund thousands of missiles, hundreds of drone swarms, or entire military divisions currently destroying Ukrainian cities.

Explore further

Novatek: Putin’s sanctions-proof gas weapon hiding in plain sight

The oil loophole that shame forgot

If the gas timeline wasn’t insulting enough, the Commission’s treatment of Russian oil reaches new lows.

The infrastructure exists. The alternative supply routes are proven. The only thing missing is political will.

The enforcement mirage that guarantees failure

Even if this regulation worked perfectly on paper, its enforcement mechanism ensures failure in practice.

The sanctions evasion playbook is well-established: shell companies, falsified certificates, and paper trails that vanish into regulatory black holes. As long as gas molecules can be swapped, renamed, or rerouted on paper, Russian gas will flow into Europe through the back door.

The tax solution Europe fails to consider

This would eliminate the arbitrage profits that European gas traders depend on, creating immediate economic pressure for early contract termination with Gazprom and Novatek. Instead of waiting until 2028, companies would have powerful financial incentives to diversify supply sources immediately.

The Commission ignored this approach entirely. Why kill profitable relationships with Putin’s energy giants when you can maintain them for another three years under the cover of “gradual transition”?

National plans: Bureaucratic shields for Putin’s allies

Perhaps the most cynical element of this proposal is the introduction of “national Russian energy phaseout plans,” allowing each member state to define its own timeline for cutting Russian imports.

These national plans will become bureaucratic shields for countries that prioritize cheap Russian energy over Ukrainian lives, transforming what should be coordinated European action into a patchwork of excuses and indefinite delays.

The cost of this bureaucratic cowardice is measured in Ukrainian blood.

The choice that defines Europe’s soul

This Commission proposal is not a strategy for ending Europe’s role in financing Russian war crimes — it’s a legal fig leaf for continuing business with Gazprom and Novatek under the illusion of eventual decoupling.

Every day Europe delays this decision, more Ukrainian families receive devastating news that their children won’t come home. Every billion euros flowing to Moscow funds the destruction of democracy’s front line.

Europe faces a simple choice: will it fund tyranny or freedom?

Oleh Savytskyi

Oleh Savitskyi is a world-class climate and energy policy expert. Oleh has ten years of…

Editor’s note. The opinions expressed in our Opinion section belong to their authors. Euromaidan Press’ editorial team may or may not share them.

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The Ukrainians are watching US President Donald Trump’s ultimatums to Iran with frustration as the US refuses to apply the same pressure to Russia.

This disappointment peaked when the G7 declined to issue a joint statement condemning the war, reportedly over US concerns it might complicate negotiations with Russian ruler Vladimir Putin.

A planned meeting between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Trump at the summit was also canceled after Trump abruptly left the summit a day early. Ukraine intended to use the meeting to discuss the purchase of American weapons, including crucial air defenses.

Quiet summit, loud attack

At a moment of diplomatic failure in the West, Russia has seized the opportunity to fully display its destructive power, Texty reports. 

Altogether, Russia deployed:

• 440 Shahed-type kamikaze drones
• 72 various decoy unmanned aerial vehicles
• Two hypersonic Kinzhal missiles
• 16 Kh-101 cruise missiles
• Four Kalibr cruise missiles
• Nine aviation Kh-59/69 missiles
• One anti-radar Kh-31P missile

“Russia struck Ukraine deliberately to demonstrate that G7 leaders are weak,” Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

Indeed, the G7 failed to release a joint statement on Russia’s war, which handed the Kremlin a diplomatic victory.

The scale of the assault has sparked fears in Ukraine about whether its air defenses can withstand repeated attacks of this volume. Of particular concern was the 18 June debut of a new variant of the Shahed drone, equipped with a built-in camera, machine-vision AI module, and direct radio control from Russian territory.

Kremlin speaks through firestorm

Electronic warfare expert Serhii Beskrestnov, known as Flash, has explained that the radio modem installed in the drone allows real-time remote control from up to 150 kilometers inside Russia or from the front line. If airborne relays are used inside Ukrainian airspace, the range is even greater, NV reports. 

The latest models are resistant to Ukrainian electronic warfare. No longer reliant on GPS, these drones instead use onboard AI and operate via Ukrainian mobile internet networks.

Beskrestnov has warned that Ukraine could become exceptionally vulnerable to Russia’s growing drone swarm unless it rapidly develops its own drone interceptors. Moscow has already scaled up mass production of strike drones and continues to expand its capabilities.

How to defeat 500 drones in one night

As the US support falters, Ukraine is doubling down on technological innovation.

Andrii Kovalenko, head of Ukraine’s Center for Countering Disinformation (CCD), explains that Russia’s expanding drone production is about quantity, but Ukraine is focused on quality.

“If our partners aren’t applying pressure, the Russians keep fighting. Our job is to hit hard, everywhere we can, and strip the Russians of their capabilities,” he says.

He continues: “This Kremlin collective is not eternal, just like the old Soviet politburo with its aging general secretaries who started dying off like cockroaches in the ’80s. The Ayatollah regime in Iran won’t last forever either, if its dismantling is approached surgically.”

Ukrainian engineers are rapidly advancing FPV interceptors and AI-based defense systems to overtake Russia’s tech leap. Kovalenko says dozens of drones in Ukraine are already guided simultaneously by autonomous algorithms.

Age of flesh is ending: Ukraine holds its first battle without soldiers

Kovalenko says the future lies in unmanned aerial and ground platforms, AI, and real-time battlefield intelligence. By the 2030s, the traditional role of infantry will be fundamentally transformed.

“A combat operation has already taken place in this war without any participation from classical infantry. It was carried out by one of our brigades,” he reveals.

In tomorrow’s warfare, sensor networks, AI, and data analysis will replace the need for human presence in front-line reconnaissance and strike coordination.

“The soldier of the future is an operator, an engineer, an analyst. Today’s infantry will become the brain of the battlefield machine,” he explains.

Simply put, the key to victory will be the speed and precision of mission planning, the intelligence of the algorithm, and the quality of equipment, not the number of soldiers on the battlefield.

Kovalenko also describes the coming technological arms race: “The Russian sheer quantity will be nullified. AI will evolve with evasion algorithms, drones, and weapons trying to dodge interception. But interception algorithms will evolve in turn.”

This, he added, is the real AI arms race between China and the West.

Europe’s defense goes quantum — and Kyiv’s plugged into future

To illustrate the global progress in military tech, Kovalenko cites Sweden’s successful combat trials of the unmanned Gripen E fighter jet equipped with the Centaur AI system.

“Over the Baltic Sea, this AI system engaged in a full-scale dogfight against a piloted aircraft, executing complex maneuvers, identifying targets, and determining the timing of the attack,” he says.

Centaur has undergone flight simulations equivalent to 50 years of operation and demonstrated combat readiness after just three real missions.

“The Beyond project, developed by Saab and German defense startup Helsing, is setting a new benchmark for next-generation air power,” Kovalenko adds.

Both of these tech giants are already linked with Ukraine. In May 2025, Saab held talks with Kyiv on modernizing Soviet-era aircraft and the potential transfer of advanced Swedish combat platforms.

The same year, Helsing announced that it was producing 6,000 HX-2 attack drones with artificial intelligence for delivery to Ukraine. The HX-2 is an electrically-powered, high-precision X-wing strike drone with a range of up to 100 kilometers. It is enhanced with onboard artificial intelligence that provides full immunity to electronic warfare.

While Trump walks out of the summit, even Spotify co-founders Daniel Ek and Shakil Khan have invested €600 million into Helsing, according to the Financial Times. The funding has boosted Helsing’s valuation to €12 billion, making it one of Europe’s five most valuable defense tech companies.

Daniel Ek, who chairs Helsing’s board, acknowledged that defense investments can be controversial but said he is “100% convinced” he made the right decision for Europe.

Shaheds vs. interceptors: race to save millions of lives

At a special G7 leaders’ session on 17 June, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy highlighted the urgent need for new drone interceptors, not just for Ukraine, but for Europe, the Indo-Pacific, Japan, Canada, and the US.

“We’re working on developing and deploying interceptors to protect our cities from Shaheds, our cities, and therefore yours. We need additional funding to produce them,” Zelenskyy said.

In the face of diplomatic retreat and Russian technological escalation, Ukraine is leaning on its own innovation and European allies, developing revolutionary military technologies that could redefine the very nature of modern warfare.

Russian President Vladimir Putin called on Ukraine to accelerate peace negotiations and accept Moscow’s terms from previous Istanbul talks, warning that Ukraine’s position would deteriorate if talks are postponed.

The Russian leader indicated Moscow is ready to resume peace discussions in Istanbul after 22 June, noting that negotiating teams from both countries maintain ongoing contact, according to Russian state-funded news agency RIA Novosti.

During Istanbul peace talks on 16 May, Russian presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky reportedly told the Ukrainian delegation that Russia is prepared to fight for “a year, two, three—however long it takes,” invoking Russia’s historical 21-year war with Sweden to emphasize its willingness for prolonged conflict.

Despite Russia’s claim of not wanting war, Medinsky warned that some participants might lose more loved ones and that Russia is ready to fight indefinitely.

Independent estimates as of mid-May 2025 indicate Russia suffered heavy military losses, including over 10,800 tanks and nearly 1 million casualties, which contrasts with Medinsky’s “forever war” rhetoric.

During the June negotiations, Ukraine and Russia exchanged position papers outlining their respective visions for ending the war.

Russian demands include: 

• Ukrainian military withdrawal from four occupied regions (some parts of which are not even occupied fully) – Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia oblasts.
• written guarantees from Western leaders to halt “NATO’s eastward expansion”, effectively excluding Ukraine, Georgia, and other former Soviet states from membership
• Ukraine adopting a neutral status and limitations on Ukraine’s armed forces.
• partial lifting of Western sanctions
• resolution of frozen Russian assets abroad
• protections for Russian speakers in Ukraine
• holding of Ukrainian elections under terms favorable to Moscow.

Ukraine rejected these demands, insisting on its sovereign right to choose alliances and strong Western security guarantees.

In contrast, Ukraine presented its own ceasefire proposals, including: 

• complete cessation of hostilities 
• return of deported children and prisoner exchanges
• security assurances
• rejection of any forced neutrality or restrictions on its military capabilities and alliances, including NATO membership
• direct talks between Zelenskyy and Putin
• maintaining Ukrainian sovereignty. 

The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) concluded that any peace agreement modeled on the 2022 Istanbul protocols would equate to Ukraine’s capitulation to Russia’s strategic objectives.

Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha declared that Russia’s rhetoric in 2025 intensified to 2022 levels and aims to weaken Ukraine militarily and politically to eventually destroy the state and exploit its resources.

A man accused of aiding Russian forces in occupied Berdiansk and organizing torture chambers has been killed, according to Ukrainian military intelligence agency, which just reported his death without confirming its involvement.

On 18 June 2025, in Russian-occupied Berdiansk, Zaporizhzhia Oblast, a pro-Russian collaborator and suspected war criminal, Mykhailo Pavlovych Hrytsai, was reportedly shot dead, Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence (HUR) stated.

From politician to collaborator

Hrytsai, originally from Poltava Oblast, previously led the local branch of the “Socialist Ukraine” party. Following the Russian occupation of Berdiansk in 2022, he began cooperating with Russian forces and assumed roles in the so-called occupation administration. He held the titles of “acting city mayor” and “deputy for infrastructure, utilities, and the fuel and energy sector.”

Ukrainian intelligence says Hrytsai exploited state property for the benefit of the Russian occupiers while holding these posts.

Accused of war crimes 

According to HUR, Hrytsai was directly involved in war crimes. These included persecuting the local population, identifying and reporting pro-Ukrainian residents to Russian authorities, and participating in the organization of torture chambers within Berdiansk.

THe Ukrainian law enforcement previously charged him in absentia on 1 April 2022 under Article 111, Part 2 of the Ukrainian Criminal Code for state treason.

Though the HUR statement did not directly claim responsibility for Hrytsai’s killing, it reaffirmed that “for every war crime committed against the Ukrainian people, there will be fair retribution.”

In the early hours of 19 June, a mass drone attack targeted multiple parts of Russia. In Volgograd, the attack prompted emergency flight restrictions and the temporary activation of the Kovyor airport shutdown protocol. The outcome of the assault remains unknown.

Volgograd is situated about 500 km from the frontline and hosts numerous military and military-industrial facilities, including the Titan-Barrikady defense plant, the Marinovka air base with Su-24 and Su-34 aircraft, and a major oil refinery crucial for military fuel logistics. Last time, Ukraine targeted an oil refinery in Volgograd in March.

Volgograd and Kaluga airports disrupted

According to Rosaviatsiya, temporary flight bans were introduced at Volgograd and Kaluga airports around 04:00 Kyiv time. The standard Kovyor plan — which halts all takeoffs and landings and redirects inbound aircraft — was enacted at Volgograd Airport due to the drone threat.

Authorities confirm drone attack

The governor of Volgograd Oblast, Andrey Bocharov, stated that Russian forces allegedly repelled a mass UAV assault across Kalachivskyi and Horodyschenskyi districts as well as southern Volgograd. He claimed the attack resulted in no injuries or damage.

Meanwhile, social media platforms circulated videos appearing to show fires caused by the drone strikes or crashes.

Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ posted video footage filmed in Volgograd, showing a fire in the city and a cloud of smoke from possible interception of a drone.

“Volgograd, this night UAVs attacked the city, consequences are being clarified,” the channel reported in the morning.

Russia’s Ministry of Defense claimed its air defenses intercepted or downed 81 drones during the attack. The reported breakdown included:

• 19 drones over Bryansk Oblast
• 17 over Kursk Oblast
• 13 over Smolensk Oblast
• 7 over Volgograd Oblast
• 6 over Oryol Oblast
• 5 each over Rostov Oblast and temporarily occupied Crimea
• 3 each over Belgorod and Astrakhan Oblasts
• 2 over Ryazan Oblast
• 1 over Moscow Oblast

A meeting between Russian President Vladimir Putin and U.S. President Donald Trump is not currently on the table due to unresolved tensions in bilateral relations, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said in an interview with Russian state-controlled newspaper Izvestia on June 19.

The U.S. president has repeatedly floated the idea of meeting Putin, saying the Russia-Ukraine war cannot be resolved without them talking face-to-face. Nevertheless, the two have not met since Trump returned to the White House this January.

While Trump has adopted a more amicable policy toward Russia than his predecessor, U.S. ex-President Joe Biden, he has taken a more critical tone toward Moscow recently as Putin continues to reject a truce in Ukraine.

"Until the necessary 'homework' is done to remove the irritants in our relations with the United States, it makes no sense to organize a meeting," Peskov said. He added that while talks aimed at resolving these issues had begun, progress remained minimal and the key obstacles were still in place.

His remarks come just days after the Russian Foreign Ministry claimed that Washington had canceled the next round of talks to restore diplomatic relations between the two countries.

The meetings, which were expected to take place in Moscow, were part of a broader dialogue to address ongoing disputes, including Russia's war against Ukraine, and improve the functioning of each side's diplomatic missions.

Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova said the planned round was intended to "eliminate irritants," such as staffing restrictions and banking issues for embassies. She expressed hope that the U.S. pause in talks "will not become too long."

The last two rounds of discussions, in Riyadh in February and Istanbul in April, marked the first formal diplomatic contact between the U.S. and Russia since Moscow began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Both sides described the Istanbul round as "constructive," though it focused largely on technical matters.

The Trump administration has so far refrained from introducing new sanctions against Russia, despite pressure from Kyiv and growing alarm in Europe over Moscow's continued refusal to agree to a ceasefire.

President Volodymyr Zelensky has repeatedly urged Washington to take a firmer stance, warning that "America's silence... only encourages Putin."

After a deadly Russian attack on Kyiv that killed 28 and injured over 130 people, Trump remained silent, with the U.S. Embassy only issuing a late statement denouncing the attack.

’100 days of Russian manipulations’ — Ukraine blasts Moscow over disregarding US ceasefire effort

A hundred days since the U.S. and Ukraine agreed on a ceasefire, “Russia continues to choose war,” Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said on June 19, urging international pressure to push Moscow toward peace.

The Kyiv IndependentMartin Fornusek

Eight individuals, including four officials from Slovakia’s Ministry of Defense, have been detained as part of a European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) investigation into alleged misuse of €7.4 million intended for Ukraine’s military support.

EU prosecutors target misuse of aid for Ukraine

On 18 June, the EPPO’s office in Bratislava conducted evidence-gathering activities tied to suspicions that funds allocated for Ukraine’s defense were misappropriated. The investigation focuses on the misuse of EU resources meant for military aid, specifically ammunition, which was donated to Ukraine during the early stages of the Russian invasion.

Defense officials allegedly violated procurement rules

According to the EPPO, senior Ministry of Defense officials submitted reimbursement applications to the European Peace Facility (EPF) between February and March 2022 for costs related to donated ammunition. However, investigators suspect the officials intentionally breached public procurement procedures and budgetary rules.

EPPO emphasized that all eight suspects are presumed innocent until proven guilty in Slovak courts.

Editor's note: The story is being updated.

Ukraine has brought home a group of soldiers released from Russian captivity, President Volodymyr Zelensky announced on June 19, marking yet another in a recent series of exchanges with Moscow.

"These are warriors of the Armed Forces, the National Guard, and the State Border Guard Service. Most of them had been held captive since 2022," Zelensky said, without revealing their numbers.

The exchange follows four similar swaps carried out last week in accordance with Ukraine-Russia agreements reached at peace talks in Istanbul on June 2.

As in the other recent cases, the latest swap focused on severely ill and wounded prisoners of war (POWs), Ukraine's Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of POWs said.

"We are working to bring our people back. I thank everyone who helps make these exchanges possible. Our goal is to free every single one of them," Zelensky said.

Russia's Defense Ministry also announced a prisoner exchange with the Ukrainian side, without specifying the number of soldiers involved.

"Every defender released today has serious medical diagnoses and illnesses resulting from their injuries and captivity," the Coordination Headquarters said.

A significant part of the released captives defended Mariupol during the Russian siege in 2022, while others fought elsewhere in the Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, Kharkiv, Sumy, Chernihiv, Zaporizhzhia, and Kyiv oblasts. All of them are privates or non-commissioned officers.

The oldest of the released captives was 63 years old, Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets said, adding that another, a 45-year-old service member, was released on his birthday.

The Istanbul deal was reached during the second round of direct talks between the Ukrainian and Russian delegations in Istanbul at the beginning of the month.

While no political breakthrough was achieved, both sides agreed to a phased exchange of prisoners and the repatriation of fallen soldiers' bodies. As part of that agreement, Russia pledged to return the bodies of up to 6,000 Ukrainian service members and citizens.

Moscow has handed over 6,057 bodies to Ukraine in several stages over the past few days. Kyiv later said these also included fallen Russian soldiers, though it is unclear whether this was done on purpose or by accident.

The June 2 agreements came after the largest-ever POW swap in late May, when 1,000 prisoners were exchanged on each side.

Ukraine repeatedly called for a prisoner exchange in an all-for-all format, but Russia continues to reject the offer.

Russian President Vladimir Putin expressed willingness to meet with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy while simultaneously bringing up the Russian narrative of Zelenskyy’s “illegitimacy” as the president.  

Putin indicated that a meeting with Zelenskyy would only occur during the final phase of peace negotiations to finalize any agreement, according to a state-funded news agency TASS.

The Russian president framed the encounter as a concluding formality rather than a substantive negotiating session, telling journalists he would meet with Zelenskyy only to “put a period” on completed talks.

The legitimacy question forms the central obstacle in Putin’s framework for potential discussions.

“From a propaganda standpoint, one can say anything about the legitimacy of the current government in Ukraine. But for us, when resolving serious issues, the legal component is what’s important,” Putin stated.

Putin argued that any peace documents must be signed by representatives he considers legitimate Ukrainian authorities, claiming that agreements signed by illegitimate officials would “end up in the trash later.”

Russia uses “Illegitimacy” narrative to undermine peace talks

Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s five-year presidential term officially ended on 20 May 2024, as he was elected in 2019. However, he continues to serve as president because Ukraine is under martial law due to the ongoing Russian invasion, which legally prohibits holding elections during this period for security reasons.

The United Nations and Ukraine’s key international allies recognize Zelenskyy as the legitimate head of state, emphasizing his democratic election in 2019.

However, questions about his legitimacy have emerged primarily from Russian propaganda efforts and have been echoed by some Western critics, including former US President Donald Trump, who have claimed his term expired and that he avoids elections to retain power.

Earlier, Trump labeled Zelenskyy as a “dictator” and blamed Ukraine for “provoking” Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion. These claims echo Russian propaganda and have raised concerns among US allies about Trump’s stance potentially benefiting Moscow.

Meanwhile, the Institute for the Study of War assesses that the Kremlin is intensifying efforts to delegitimize the Ukrainian government as part of a broader strategy to undermine Ukraine as a negotiating partner. This campaign includes demands for “regime” change and “demilitarization”, while Moscow insists on Ukraine’s capitulation and control over extensive territories, tying any ceasefire to the lifting of Western sanctions.

The European Union is developing a plan to generate more revenue for Ukraine by shifting nearly 200 billion euros ($215 billion) in frozen Russian assets into higher-yield, riskier investments, Politico reported on June 19, citing unnamed sources.

The assets, largely held by Belgium-based clearinghouse Euroclear, have been immobilized since 2022 under EU sanctions imposed following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

Under the current framework, the funds are invested conservatively with the Belgian central bank, generating low but steady returns. In 2024, this approach yielded around 4 billion euros ($4.3 billion) in windfall profits, which the EU allocated to help service a G7-backed 45-billion-euro loan for Ukraine (around $50 billion).

Now, with that loan largely disbursed and concerns mounting over future financing, especially amid signals from U.S. President Donald Trump that American support could be scaled back, EU officials are under pressure to find new funding streams.

According to Politico, the proposed plan would redirect the frozen Russian assets into a special investment fund under EU control, allowing for higher returns without confiscating the assets — a move designed to sidestep legal and political opposition.

As part of the current G7-led funding framework, Ukraine has already received 7 billion euros ($8 billion) from the EU under the Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) initiative, which uses profits from frozen Russian sovereign assets to fund loans.

Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal confirmed on June 13 that a fifth tranche of 1 billion euros ($1.1 billion) had been disbursed to support Ukraine's state budget. The ERA mechanism, part of the broader $50 billion G7 program, aims to ensure stable financing for Kyiv while making Russia shoulder the cost of its aggression.

According to Politico, finance ministers from all 27 EU countries are expected to debate the idea during an informal dinner in Luxembourg on June 19.

Poland, which currently holds the Council of the EU's rotating presidency, emphasized the urgency of the discussions, writing in an invitation letter seen by Politico that "further steps regarding the sanctions regime" and the potential use of frozen Russian assets "must be addressed."

The European Commission has also been holding informal consultations with a group of member states, including France, Germany, Italy, and Estonia, to explore legal options for keeping the Russian assets frozen in case Hungary exercises its veto power during the semiannual sanctions renewal process. So far, no workaround has been finalized.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has repeatedly threatened to block sanctions extensions as a gesture of goodwill toward Moscow, raising concerns the assets could be unfrozen and returned to Russia by default.

By now, much of the EU's 50-billion-euro ($57 billion) Ukraine Facility, agreed in 2023 and intended to last through 2027, has already been spent. The bloc's broader 1.2-trillion-euro ($1.37 billion) budget is stretched thin, and any additional top-ups would also require unanimous support.

Russia just accidentally admitted to its staggering troop losses in Ukraine

A senior Russian official on June 19 inadvertently confirmed the staggering troop losses incurred by Moscow’s forces during its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In an interview with CNN, Russian Ambassador to the U.K. Andrey Kelin was asked about Moscow’s maximalist intentions in Ukraine and its ability to recruit enough

The Kyiv IndependentChris York

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping agreed to meet in August and September and noted the supposed "rough edges" that emerged among G7 leaders during their summit, said Putin's aide, Yuri Ushakov, on June 19.

In a phone call, the two leaders agreed to meet at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Tianjin, China, between Aug. 31 and Sept. 1, and hold bilateral talks on Sept. 2, Ushakov said, according to the state news agency TASS.

China has been a key ally to Russia during its full-scale war, helping Moscow evade Western sanctions and becoming the leading source of dual-use goods fueling the Russian defense industry. Xi and Putin previously met during the Victory Day celebrations in Moscow in May.

While their phone call focused on the escalating security situation in the Middle East, the leaders also touched upon the G7 summit, noting "the well-known rough edges that emerged among the participants of this meeting," Ushakov said.

Putin and Xi also reportedly made mocking comments toward President Volodymyr Zelensky, saying it was not his "most successful trip abroad."

Zelensky was expected to meet U.S. President Donald Trump at the G7 summit in Canada, held from June 15 to 17, to discuss ways to increase pressure on Russia to end the war. Before Zelensky even arrived, Trump left the summit to address the escalating crisis in the Middle East, snubbing the meeting with the Ukrainian leader.

The G7 leaders were also unable to agree on a joint statement as the U.S. pushed for watered-down language on Russia. Instead, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney issued a summary saying that "G7 leaders expressed support for President Trump’s efforts to achieve a just and lasting peace in Ukraine."

"They recognized that Ukraine has committed to an unconditional ceasefire, and they agreed that Russia must do the same. G7 leaders are resolute in exploring all options to maximize pressure on Russia, including financial sanctions," the statement read.

While initially pledging to broker a swift peace deal between Kyiv and Moscow, Trump has become increasingly disengaged with the effort and resisted calls to increase pressure on Russia via additional sanctions.

Despite Trump's departure and disagreements with the U.S., Zelensky left the G7 summit with additional pledges of military support from Canada and new sanctions imposed against Russia's energy sector.

"Today, we have concrete decisions on increased military support, new tranches of aid funded by frozen Russian assets, and additional sanctions targeting what fuels Russia’s war," Zelensky said after the summit.

Zelensky also told the G7 leaders that "diplomacy is now in a state of crisis" and urged allies to press Trump "to use his real influence" to force an end to the war.

Diplomacy in crisis: G7 letdowns reveal limits to Western solidarity on Ukraine

KANANASKIS, Canada — The Group of Seven (G7) Leaders’ Summit ended on June 17 with no joint statement in support of Ukraine, no commitments to provide desperately needed U.S. weapons, and no meeting between President Volodymyr Zelensky and U.S. President Donald Trump. The Ukrainian delegation headed into the summit,

The Kyiv IndependentDmytro Basmat

It’s increasingly rare for Russian regiments to organize a large mechanized attack. Running low on armored vehicles but flush with fresh infantry, the Russians increasingly attack on motorcycles, quad bikes … or on foot.

So it’s worth taking note when and where Russians forces roll out some of their vanishingly rare tanks, infantry fighting vehicles and armored personnel carriers. The targets of the infrequent mechanized assaults are some of the Russians’ main objectives as their wider war on Ukraine grinds into its 40th month.

It should come as no surprise that the town of Kostyantynivka is one of those main objectives. Frustrated in their attempts to directly attack the fortress city of Pokrovsk in eastern Ukraine’s Donetsk Oblast, Russians forces are trying to flank Pokrovsk—by rolling through Kostyantynivka, 40 km to the northeast. They’re willing to risk some of their armored vehicles for the chance to capture Kostyantynivka.

On Wednesday, a substantial Russian force—around a dozen up-armored BMPs and other vehicles—split into two sections and rolled northeast from Novoolenivka, heading for the village of Yablunivka.

They didn’t get very far. The Ukrainian 36th Marine Brigade and 12th Azov Brigade spotted the approaching vehicles—and hit them with drones and potentially other munitions. When the smoke cleared, half or more of the vehicles were on fire.

The Wednesday assault was one of several in the area. All failed. “Russian forces assaulted Ukrainian defense forces positions near Predtechyne, Bila Hora, Oleksandro-Shultyne and Yablunivka,” the Ukrainian Center for Defense Strategies noted. “Ukrainian units prevented any deterioration of tactical positions.” 

But “the enemy continues to build up forces for further attacks,” CDS noted. And at least one analyst isn’t optimistic Ukrainian lines will hold. The Russians may be low on armored vehicles, but they’ve got infantry to spare thanks to strong recruiting numbers—driven in part by generous enlistment bonuses.

Mounting damage

“Things aren’t going well for Ukraine,” wrote Tatarigami, founder of the Ukrainian Frontelligence Insight analysis group. 

While the Russian military steadily inducts 30,000 fresh infantry every month—more than enough to replace permanent losses to Ukrainian action and establish a few new units, the Ukrainian military is still struggling to recruit the 80,000 new infantry it needs to fully staff existing brigades. “With current resources, Ukraine can’t win,” Tatarigami claimed. 

“Russians will likely take Pokrovsk and Kostyantynivka, and Kupiansk is also at risk,” Tatarigami added, without saying when the Russians might take those cities and towns. 

But a Russian advance through and around Pokrovsk wouldn’t necessarily signal catastrophic defeat for Ukraine—nor decisive victory for Russia. “The most optimistic anticipated outcome here is where both sides lose,” Tatarigami explained.

“Russia’s realistic goal … may no longer be outright occupation,” Tatargami added, “but rather rendering Ukraine unviable as a functioning state—undermining its economy, depopulating its cities and precipitating long-term sociopolitical collapse.”

But “the Russian state itself suffers economic and demographic decline,” Tatarigami pointed out. In 40 months, more than a million Russians have been killed or wounded. War spending now accounts for 40% of the Kremlin’s budget. “Even a ‘successful’ outcome in Ukraine could leave Russia so depleted that it enters its own period of internal instability and geopolitical marginalization.” 

“If Ukraine manages to repel Russian advances, why wouldn’t that constitute a victory? Because, as noted, winning a war is not only about holding ground—it’s about what remains afterward.” 

Half a million Ukrainians have been killed or wounded. Entire cities are in ruin. “A country left with ruined infrastructure, lost territories, millions of its citizens displaced and a dramatically aged population with a GDP per capita over twice smaller than Mexico cannot claim a strategic win.” 

It’s better for Ukrainian forces to repulse a Russian mechanized attack than to not repulse a Russian mechanized attack. But that’s fleeting good news in a war that’s catastrophic for both sides. “If you think this has a happy ending,” Tatarigami concluded, “you haven’t been paying attention.”

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Bridget Brink, who resigned earlier this year as the US Ambassador to Ukraine in protest of President Donald Trump’s Ukraine policy, has announced her candidacy for the 2026 congressional election in Michigan’s 7th District.

M Live says Bridget Brink announced on 18 June that she is running as a Democrat for Michigan’s 7th Congressional District in the upcoming 2026 election. 

In her announcement, Brink said:

“I’ve dedicated my life to public service, making the hard calls, tackling the toughest problems and holding the powerful accountable. And right now, our rights, our freedoms, our very democracy is at stake.”

Trump quietly scraps internal Russia pressure task force, Reuters sources say

Criticism of Trump’s Ukraine-Russia policies

In an op-ed published earlier, Brink voiced strong disapproval of Trump’s foreign policy.

“Unfortunately, President Trump keeps pressuring our democratic ally, Ukraine, rather than the aggressor, Russia,” she stated. “Appeasing a dictator never has, and never will, achieve a lasting peace. And it’s just not who we are.”

Ex-ambassador Brink says she quit over Trump’s Ukraine policy, calls it dangerous appeasement

From diplomacy to US politics

Brink was appointed as Ambassador to Ukraine by President Joe Biden in early 2022. Prior to that, she served as US Ambassador to Slovakia starting in 2019. Her career with the US Department of State began in 1996 and spanned various foreign policy roles in eastern European and western Asian countries.

The seat Brink is seeking is currently held by Republican Rep. Tom Barrett of Charlotte, who won it in 2024 by defeating former Democratic state Senator Curtis Hertel, Jr. with 50.28% of the vote to 46.56%.

Finland's parliament voted on June 19 to withdraw from the Ottawa Convention banning anti-personnel landmines, citing growing security concerns from Russia's aggressive posture and the threat it poses to the region, Reuters reported.

The vote aligns Finland with its Baltic allies, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, whose parliaments have already approved similar exits from the treaty.

Defending the decision earlier this week, Finnish President Alexander Stubb said the security reality along Finland's 1,300-kilometer (800-mile) border with Russia had changed dramatically since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, according to TVP.

"The reality in the endgame is that we have as our neighboring country an aggressive, imperialist state called Russia, which itself is not a member of the Ottawa Treaty and which itself uses landmines ruthlessly," Stubb said.

Russia has widely deployed landmines across Ukrainian territory since launching its invasion in 2022, a tactic condemned by human rights organizations and Western governments.

Finland, which joined NATO in 2023, has significantly ramped up its defense posture amid growing concern over potential Russian provocations. The country closed its border with Russia over a year ago, accusing Moscow of orchestrating a "hybrid operation" by directing asylum seekers toward Finnish territory. Helsinki claims such hybrid tactics have intensified since it joined the alliance.

The Finnish Border Guard completed the first 35 kilometers (22 miles) of a planned 200-kilometer (124-mile) fence along its eastern frontier on May 21. The move came amid growing evidence of Russian military infrastructure expansion near the Finnish border.

Finland is "closely monitoring and assessing Russia's activities and intentions," Finland's Defense Minister Antti Hakkanen told AFP on May 22.

"We have excellent capabilities to observe Russian operations. As a member of the alliance, Finland holds a strong security position."

Russia's Defense Minister Andrei Belousov said in December 2024 that Moscow must be ready for a potential conflict with NATO within the next decade. Western officials have repeatedly warned of the possibility that Moscow could target NATO members in the coming years.

Diplomacy in crisis: G7 letdowns reveal limits to Western solidarity on Ukraine

KANANASKIS, Canada — The Group of Seven (G7) Leaders’ Summit ended on June 17 with no joint statement in support of Ukraine, no commitments to provide desperately needed U.S. weapons, and no meeting between President Volodymyr Zelensky and U.S. President Donald Trump. The Ukrainian delegation headed into the summit,

The Kyiv IndependentDmytro Basmat

Ukraine must accept Moscow's terms for ending the war or face further military advances and eventual "surrender," Russia's ambassador to the United Kingdom, Andrei Kelin, said in a June 18 interview with CNN.

Talking to CNN host Christiane Amanpour, Kelin said Russia is continuing its offensive and sees no need to stop hostilities, publicly acknowledging Moscow's disregard for U.S.-backed ceasefire efforts.

The comments come as Russia continues to reject a U.S. truce proposal backed by Kyiv and only intensifies both ground operations and aerial strikes against Ukrainian cities.

"We are now on the offensive and Ukraine is in retreat," Kelin said. "In May, we have taken about 600 square kilometers (230 square miles) of the territory of Ukraine, and we continue to gain more ground."

According to the open-source intelligence group DeepState, Russian forces occupied approximately 449 square kilometers (173 square miles) in May, the highest monthly figure this year, but still well below Kelin's claim.

Kelin outlined an ultimatum for Kyiv: either agree to a permanent ceasefire on Russia's terms or face worse consequences.

"For Ukraine, there is a choice: either they will take our conditions right now… or we will continue this drive and Ukraine will have to surrender under much worse conditions," he said.

In the most recent peace talks with Ukraine in Istanbul on June 2, Russia again pressed its longstanding maximalist demands, including recognition of Russia's annexation of Crimea, as well as Kherson, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and Luhansk oblasts — none of which are fully under Moscow's control.

The Kremlin also insists on Ukraine's complete military withdrawal from these regions.

The ambassador's remarks come amid reported preparations for a third round of negotiations with Ukraine after June 22, though no date has been officially confirmed. Kelin described the talks as "stage by stage," citing prior agreements on prisoner exchanges and humanitarian issues.

Kelin also reiterated long-standing Kremlin demands for Ukraine's neutrality and the prohibition of NATO membership, calling the alliance "very threatening to us."

The ambassador insisted on "reestablishment of normal human rights" for ethnic minorities in Ukraine, including Russians, Hungarians, and Poles, a claim Kyiv and Western officials have repeatedly dismissed as a false pretext for invasion.

CNN's host challenged Kelin on whether such terms amounted to capitulation rather than negotiation. Kelin denied the characterization, maintaining that talks are ongoing and involve "important agreements."

When asked about Russia's capacity to sustain its military campaign, Kelin claimed Moscow is spending "only 5–7%" of its budget on the war and recruiting up to 60,000 volunteer soldiers monthly, figures Western analysts have not independently verified.

"Only 5–7%" of the budget accounts for around 13.5 trillion rubles ($126 billion). Russia's spending on war and law enforcement agencies exceeds expenditures on education, healthcare, social policy, and the national economy combined.

Russia just accidentally admitted to its staggering troop losses in Ukraine

A senior Russian official on June 19 inadvertently confirmed the staggering troop losses incurred by Moscow’s forces during its full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In an interview with CNN, Russian Ambassador to the U.K. Andrey Kelin was asked about Moscow’s maximalist intentions in Ukraine and its ability to recruit enough

The Kyiv IndependentChris York

The Russian economy appears to be "on the verge of a transition to recession," Russian Economy Minister Maxim Reshetnikov said on June 19, adding that the next step will be decisive.

The comments underscore Russia's mounting economic challenges as it continues its all-out war against Ukraine.

"According to figures, we have a cooling stage (in the economy). But all our numbers are like a rearview mirror," Reshetnikov said at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum when asked about Russia's economic situation.

"According to current business perceptions, we are already, it seems, on the verge of a transition to a recession," the minister added. Reshetnikov clarified that recession is not inevitable and that "everything depends on our decisions."

Russia has faced soaring inflation during its invasion of Ukraine, driven by record wartime spending. This forced the central bank to set one of the highest key interest rates in decades, hurting private investments in non-defense-related sectors.

Facing government pressure, the central bank slashed the interest rate from 21% to 20% earlier this month.

Reshetnikov himself urged the central bank to cut rates in order to boost growth, aiming to achieve a 3% growth target set by Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Russia has been forced to slash key projects across various sectors in the face of an economic slowdown, brought on in part by plummeting oil prices. Major Russian exporters have also cut down on rail shipments of metals and oil products, even beyond earlier projected reductions.

After some positive signals earlier in 2025 due to U.S. President Donald Trump's outreach to Moscow and hopes for a ceasefire, more recent reports again indicate a sharp slowdown in Russia's economic growth.

Analysts have connected this development to the central bank policies, sanctions, low oil prices, supply difficulties, and high inflation.

Putin says he’s ready to meet Zelensky if West ‘stops pushing’ Ukraine to fight

Russia wants to end the war in Ukraine “as soon as possible,” preferably through peaceful means, and is ready to continue negotiations — provided that Kyiv and its Western allies are willing to engage, Vladimir Putin said.

The Kyiv IndependentOlena Goncharova