Ukraine says it is ready to train NATO partners in downing Russian drones after recent incursions into Poland and Romania. Kyiv stresses that Europe must urgently learn from Ukraine’s battlefield-tested drone warfare or risk falling behind Moscow. 

NATO skies breached

Russian drones have repeatedly violated NATO airspace in recent weeks. Poland shot down at least three Geran drones with Russian Cyrillic markings on 7 September, while Romania confirmed a drone incursion near the village of Chilia Veche during a Russian strike on the Danube.

“These are not accidents,” Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky warned. “It is an obvious expansion of Russia’s war.”

Romania summoned Moscow’s ambassador, while Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk ordered ground-based air defenses to the highest alert. NATO allies scrambled F-16s, F-35s, and AWACS surveillance planes in response.

Ukraine offers to train NATO in drone defense

Yurii Ihnat, spokesperson for Ukraine’s Air Force Command, said Kyiv is ready to share hard-won expertise in shooting down Russian drones.

“The type of missiles used to shoot them down is their business. But they don’t have as much experience as Ukraine,” Ihnat said.

He proposed hosting training in Lviv or Kraków, noting that Polish and Romanian jets have struggled to intercept the “Gerans” — Iranian-designed Shahed kamikaze drones, which he called “not an easy target, especially for fighter aircraft.”

“For over 40 minutes, two fighter jets couldn’t do anything. They tried, but lost a lot of time,” Ihnat said, recalling a recent Romanian encounter.

Ukraine’s drone ecosystem: speed, scale, urgency

Over 3.5 years of the all-out war, Ukraine has built a unique drone warfare ecosystem — a blend of military innovation, civilian expertise, and private-sector production. From garage workshops to defense tech startups, more than 200 UAV types have been developed, with Ukraine now streamlining to 20–30 effective models.

Operations like Spiderweb, where 117 drones struck four Russian bases, destroying dozens of bombers, illustrate both the precision and mass Ukraine brings to the battlefield. This “War DevOps” culture—borrowing from software development—lets Ukraine redesign, test, and deploy new drone variants in weeks, sometimes days, far faster than NATO procurement cycles.

Lessons Europe cannot ignore

In these consequences, ignoring Ukraine’s experience might be a strategic error. Drone incursions into Poland and Romania show that Europe’s air defense remains vulnerable. Kyiv’s bottom-up innovation culture—where frontline pilots, instructors, and civilian volunteers constantly refine tactics—offers a model NATO allies should adopt.

Ukraine is already in talks with Denmark, Norway, and Germany to share knowledge, and Zelenskyy has openly proposed a “mega-deal” with the US to transfer Ukraine’s advanced drones in exchange for American weapons.

During one of his visits to the White House, Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskyy pitched President Donald Trump on a $50 billion deal to supply and co-produce drones with the US. Zelenskyy told journalists that the program, which hasn’t been finalized, would deliver 10 million unmanned systems annually over five years.

A new Ukrainian military robot is rolling out. Oboronka news site reports that the 4-ton ground drone named “Bufalo” is diesel-powered, armored, and built for AI-assisted frontline logistics and demining.

Bufalo: Ukraine’s new diesel-driven ground drone for war

Bufalo’s key advantage is its diesel engine. Fuel tanks can be scaled by mission, giving it a range of 100–200 km without battery swaps. Developers say electric drones can’t meet today’s longer frontlines.

“Electric drones cannot cover the distance to deliver provisions and ammunition to the front,” said company head Vladyslav.

Built for real combat conditions

Bufalo’s chassis is armored with European steel. It withstands any bullet and indirect 152 mm artillery if shells land beyond 100 meters. Even if damaged, its wheels remain operational.

The drone uses Starlink with GPS or a radio link for communications. A CRPA antenna protects satellite signal from jamming. If Starlink fails or is disabled, a relay-equipped drone can take over the signal.

AI-driven navigation, but no killer robot

Bufalo uses onboard cameras to detect obstacles up to 15 meters away, suggest safe routes, and stop if needed. Navigation is assisted by AI, but decisions stay human-controlled.

“The robot can lock onto and follow a target, but it will not make decisions to destroy equipment or people. I will never allow it to make decisions in place of a human…” said Vladyslav.

From failure to battlefield resilience

The idea for Bufalo came after a drone prototype failed a demo—losing a wheel and flipping. A soldier dismissed the tech, pushing Vladyslav to start from scratch. His new team asked the General Staff for requirements and collected feedback from frontline units.

Requests included smoke grenades, armored wheels, a shielded bottom to resist mines, and Starlink integration. All were implemented.

Timeline and domestic focus

The Bufalo project launched in January 2025. From March to August, the team built and tested the demining version. That kit includes the drone, a hydraulic system, mulcher, control panel, and trailer.

What’s next for Bufalo?

Bufalo is modular and may get combat features soon. The team is exploring weapon modules and engineering tools like remote trenching scoops. An 11-channel radio jamming system has passed tests and is ready for integration.

“We’re building an infrastructurally simple drone, so one control system can be removed and another installed. We’ve made understandable communication interfaces. The EW manufacturer just needs to provide a connector—we’ll plug it in and it’ll work automatically,” said Vladyslav.

The team plans an official presentation, followed by codification and production. Initial output will be 10 drones per month, with plans to scale.

Poland has begun discussing with the allies the possibility of intercepting Russian drones and missiles while they are still over Ukrainian territory. According to Defense Express analysts, this is technically possible, but it raises a number of complex issues, including avoiding friendly fire.

The idea of intercepting Russian drones and missiles over Ukraine first emerged in 2022, in response to calls to “close the skies.”

Politically, the chances of a massive agreement among all NATO or EU members remain low. More realistic are limited missions by individual countries, such as the UK, France, and Germany.

Idea and background

Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski stated that the West should consider intercepting Russian drones and missiles in Ukraine’s airspace. He emphasized that Poland cannot make this decision alone; it must be coordinated with allies.

Analysts note that the final decision is primarily political, and the chances of alliance-wide approval are low. However, initiatives by a limited number of countries are much more likely to be implemented.

Technical possibilities

If ground-based air defense systems and placing fighters at Ukrainian airfields are excluded, the most realistic scenario is air patrols from NATO’s eastern flank bases.

This would involve F-16s, F-35s, Rafales, and Eurofighters stationed at Polish or other border airbases, conducting patrol flights within effective range. Existing deployments show few logistical obstacles: in August, German Eurofighters were based at the 23rd Air Base near Warsaw. From there, fighters could reach Volyn Oblast in Ukraine, bordering Poland, in approximately 15 minutes without afterburners.

Key technical parameters include:

• Effective patrol range
• Flight duration
• Long-range radar detection (AWACS)
• Patrol time, up to several hours, depending on aircraft type and flight profile, determining which areas over Ukraine can be covered.

Main challenge: avoiding friendly fire

The key issue is coordination between partners and the Ukrainian side. A practical solution could be the creation of a conditional “no-fly, no-AAA” zone for Ukrainian forces, within which only allied fighters would operate.

This approach reduces the risk of friendly fire but significantly limits patrol areas. Analysts emphasize that real interception zones will be localized, mostly covering Ukraine’s border regions.

Ukraine confirmed on 14 September that its drone forces shot down a rare heavy Russian Orion UAV near the border in Kursk Oblast. The Orion is a cruise missile-capable heavy combat drone, rarely used by Moscow due to its limited availability and vulnerability to Ukrainian air defense, Militarnyi reports.

Ukrainian drone units intercept rare Orion UAV

According to the Commander of Ukraine’s Drone Systems Forces, Robert “Madyar” Brovdi, the 414th Separate Drone Systems Brigade successfully destroyed the Russian Orion drone using an interceptor UAV. This marked the first time the brigade brought down an Orion model, despite having previously intercepted nearly 1,500 enemy drones. These included various types such as Orlan, ZALA, SuperCam, Shahed, and Lancet, with larger targets like Merlin and Forpost among the most significant until now.

OSINT experts geolocated the interception site to the area around Tyotkino, in Kursk Oblast, Russia, just next to the Ukrainian border. The coordinates were confirmed as 51.2862, 34.3813. This location lies just across the border from Ukrainian territory.

A coordinated strike by multiple Ukrainian units

Before the final blow, the Orion UAV had already sustained damage from interceptor drones operated by Ukraine’s 95th Air Assault Brigade. The final strike was delivered by the Ptakhy Madyara team of the 414th brigade. 

The Russian military has rarely deployed Orion drones in combat due to both their limited numbers and high susceptibility to Ukraine’s layered air defense network, Militarnyi noted. 

Background on the Orion drone program

The Orion UAV was developed by the Kronstadt Group beginning in 2011. The first prototype was completed in 2015, with operational testing drones handed over in April 2020. Serial production began in August 2020.

According to Militarnyi, Orion can be armed with guided munitions including Kh-50 missiles, KAB-20 bombs, and other types such as UPAB-50, KAB-50, FAB-50, and the Kh-BPLA missile. It is also capable of launching the compact S8000 Banderol cruise missile.

Ukrainian forces struck and damaged another ship supporting Russia’s war effort on the Black Sea on Thursday night.

Another ship strike isn’t remarkable. In the 43 months since Russia widened its war on Ukraine, the Ukrainians have sunk or damaged roughly a third of the Russian Black Sea Fleet’s three dozen warships. Most notably, the cruiser Moskva, holed by two Ukrainian Neptune anti-ship missiles way back in April 2022.

What’s notable about the Thursday strike on the Project MPSV07 rescue and salvage ship was how and where Ukrainian operators hit it. The 73-m salvage ship, operated by Russia’s auxiliary rescue agency, was patrolling just outside the port of Novorossiysk, in southern Russia, 400 km from the front line.

Rather than send a squadron of comparatively slow drone boats or expend a precious cruise missile that might cost $1 million or more, the Ukrainian military intelligence service, the HUR, flew a fixed-wing attack drone at very low altitude all the way to Novorossiysk, and struck the Project MPSV07’s bridge area, where many of the most delicate electronics are.

The hit on the Project MPSV07 had the effect of “destroying its electronic warfare systems and forcing it out of action,” the Ukrainian strategic communications service announced.

The raid came just two weeks after a Ukrainian drone team scored a hit on a Black Sea Fleet missile corvette in a similar way—by maneuvering an attack drone at wave-top height and striking the corvette’s topside electronics.

Blowing up topside radar masts and satellite receivers with a small drone might not sink a ship, but it can inflict a lot of difficult-to-repair damage—and at low cost and risk to the attacker. Even the priciest attack drones cost just $200,000; most are in the range of five figures.

It’s worth noting that the Project MPSV07 is an ice-hardened vessel, with a reinforced hull for sailing through icy northern waters. All that extra steel makes a Project MPSV07 a harder target than, say, a thinner-hulled missile corvette.

In that context, the attack on the vessel’s electronics makes even more sense. The Ukrainians hit the ship where it’s most vulnerable.

Rolling back the air defenses

The virtuosic raid didn’t come together overnight. Until recently, the waters around Russian-occupied Crimea were protected by one of the densest air-defense networks in the world: dozens of Russian radars, mobile guns, surface-to-air missile vehicles, and batteries, including long-range S-300 and S-400 SAM sites.

Moreover, Ukraine’s Starlink satellite terminals, which most of its drones rely on for control and communication, work just fine over Crimea. They generally don’t work over Russia proper—likely a deliberate choice by Starlink founder Elon Musk.

Bayraktar is back—and it’s all over Crimea

That the airspace over and around Crimea is becoming more favorable to Ukraine is evident—and not only in the Thursday hit on that Russian salvage ship. Ukraine’s Turkish-made Bayraktar TB-2 drones are now very active over Crimea, flinging tiny precision missiles at Russian boats and other equipment.

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Ukraine’s 60 or so TB-2 led Ukraine’s initial drone counterattack in the first weeks of Russia’s wider invasion in early 2022. However, the big, expensive TB-2—it weighs nearly 700 kg and costs millions of dollars—eventually lost relevance.

TB-2s were big, fat, and hard to replace. Smaller, better, and cheaper drones—many of them made in Ukraine—soon displaced the surviving TB-2s.

That some TB-2s are back in action over Crimea speaks to the insatiable demand for drones as Russia’s wider war grinds into its 43rd month. But it also points to yawning gaps in Russia’s air defenses.

The TB-2s were vulnerable three years ago. They’re even more vulnerable now, but only when the Russians can deploy their best air defenses.

It’s clear that, over southern waters, the Russians can’t deploy their best air defenses. At least, not without them swiftly coming under attack by the very drones they’re supposed to defeat.

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Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced that Ukraine proposes joint interception of Russian aerial targets with NATO forces, according to his statement following a meeting with advisors to the leaders of Britain, Germany, France, and Italy.

The Ukrainian leader emphasized the urgent need to finalize security guarantees currently being developed by the advisors, citing Moscow’s escalating behavior.

“Russia not only shows no desire to end the war, but resorts to escalation, to real threats to Europe,” Zelenskyy said, referencing drone launches into Poland.

“We also discussed our state’s readiness to share experience and contribute to NATO’s common defense. We propose to jointly intercept all Russian targets,” the president said.

The proposal comes amid ongoing discussions about NATO’s defensive posture. Earlier, Supreme Allied Commander Europe Christopher Cavoli was asked whether it was time to shoot down Russian targets over western Ukraine as they approach the border. The military leader responded that under the new “Eastern Guardian” operation, the Alliance focuses on defending NATO territory.

Zelenskyy said that security guarantee negotiations must be accelerated, pointing to what he described as Moscow’s continued threats to European security through cross-border drone operations.

Ukraine has struck the same Russian fuel facility for the second time in a week. The long-range drone attack targeted the Vtorovo pumping station, a critical node in Russia’s internal fuel infrastructure. Video of the surfaced on Ukrainian Telegram channels on 12 September. It is unclear if the strike took place on the same day or earlier.

Kyiv hits Vtorovo hub again

The video, shared by Telegram channel Supernova+, shows Ukrainian long-range drone Liutyi struck the Vtorovo pumping station, located in Russia’s Vladimir Oblast, for the second time since 7 September.

Ukrainian OSINT project Cyberboroshno analyzed the footage of the impact and concluded that the strike directly affected the overpass infrastructure carrying key operational systems. 

According to Cyberboroshno’s analysis, the drone hit a technical overpass structure at the station, damaging pipeline segments, signal cables, and power lines.

The station is owned by the company Verkhnevolzhsknefteprodukt, a subsidiary of Russia’s state-owned pipeline monopoly Transneft. It serves as an intermediate pumping point on the route from Vtorovo to Tuma and then to Ryazan, supporting diesel and aviation fuel transportation.

Vtorovo plays a critical role in maintaining pressure and flow within Russia’s main fuel pipeline network. It contains reserve tanks for operational stock and helps stabilize supply toward the Ryazan oil refinery. The station also oversees the eastern segment of the system, connecting the Upper Volga region with Ryazan.

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First strike on 7 September

The first drone strike occurred on 7 September, when UAVs from Ukraine’s 14th regiment of unmanned systems hit the Vtorovo facility. Satellite imagery reviewed by Dnipro OSINT showed visible damage to two fuel reserve tanks. These tanks were part of the system used to maintain pipeline pressure and flow stability.

Following the 7 September attack, the commander of Ukraine’s Armed Forces Unmanned Systems, Robert Brovdi (“Madyar”), hinted at its impact.

“Fuel in Moscow is a bit glitchy, they say,” he noted, referencing damage to the Vtorovo pumping station and its link to the Moscow Ring Petroleum Products Pipeline.

Russian reinforcements are surging into Donetsk Oblast, staging for what many observes anticipate will be a major mechanized assault on the fortress city of Pokrovsk.

But Ukrainian forces aren’t just sitting around waiting for the attack. They’re positioning their own reinforcements around Pokrovsk. And they’re hitting the newly arriving Russian regiments at their assembly points in Donetsk City—potentially with a previously unknown cruise missile type.

That Ukraine can still surprise observers with a new missile type isn’t actually all that surprising. Forty-three months into Russia’s wider war, Ukraine has become a world-leader in deep-strike technology. By necessity.

On Monday, the Ukrainians targeted the defunct Topaz metallurgy plant on the eastern edge of Donetsk City, 50 km southeast of Pokrovsk. The plant is well-known as a staging base for Russian forces moving toward the Donetsk front line.

A barrage of aerial munitions pummeled Topaz. Photos and videos from the plant confirmed no fewer than three different types of munitions. Possibly more.

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Among other weapons, it seems the Ukrainian Unmanned Systems Forces or special services struck Topaz with propeller-driven An-196 and, potentially, Morok attack drones. Meanwhile, the air force launched locally made Bars or Peklo cruise missiles as well as British-made Storm Shadow cruise missiles.

The missiles and drones zoomed in one after another, in quick succession. Imagery from the aftermath of the attack pointed to heavy damage. Other imagery may have revealed fragments of a new Ukrainian missile.

The potentially 3-m missile seems to have a simple fiberglass fuselage and wing and a dorsal pylon for what appears to be a K-450 miniature jet engine made by Taiwanese company KingTech.

The wreckage doesn’t match the Peklo’s sleeker profile. Nor does it match the admittedly few things we might know about the Bars. That first imagery of what may be a crashed Bars seems to point to a different engine type—a SW400 from Chinese firm Swiwin.

Is there a third Ukrainian cruise missile type in the class of the Peklo and Bars? Or did the designers of the Bars switch to a Taiwanese engine? We don’t know.

But we shouldn’t be shocked if the Topaz attack involved a new missile type.

Mass production

Ukrainian firms build long-range attack drones at a rate of at thousands per month—and the Ukrainian military and special services launch them at Russian air bases, factories and oil refineries as far as 1,000 km from the front line, on a roughly weekly basis.

Back in December, Ukrainian Pres. Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced Ukraine would acquire 30,000 one-way attack drones in 2025. It’s evident actual deliveries will exceed that goal. Fire Point, the firm that builds the Flamingo, claimed it’s already churning out 100 FP-1 attack drones every day.

To add range and firepower to its escalating deep-strike campaign, Ukraine is also developing cruise missiles including the Peklo, the Bars, and the Flamingo. Hundreds of millions of dollars in financing from the United Kingdom and Germany are helping Ukraine ramp up production of these new missiles.

The Peklo and Bars may both range around 800 km, likely with small-ish warheads—possibly lighter than 100 kg. The Flamingo is in a whole different class. It reportedly ranges 3,000 km with a 1,100-kg warhead. All three types are jet-propelled—and thus fast—and probably navigate using a combination of satellites and internal inertial systems.

The Flamingo is a ground-launched weapon; the Peklo and Bars may be compatible with the Ukrainian air force’s upgraded Sukhoi Su-24 bombers, which also launch the Storm Shadow and SCALP-EG cruise missiles Ukraine has received from the United Kingdom, France, and Italy.

It’s unclear whether that fourth Ukrainian cruise missile type—if indeed that’s what we witness in the Topaz raid—launches from the ground or from the air.

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Ukraine is about to get more of its best long-range missiles and drones. A lot more, and fast.

At a meeting of Ukrainian and allied leaders on London on Tuesday, German and British officials separately announced major investment in Ukraine’s deep-strike capabilities.

Germany will spend an additional $350 million on long-range munitions for Ukraine. The U.K. will buy “thousands” of one-way attack drones for Ukraine over the next year.

Given that a single Ukrainian attack drone in the class of the Fire Point FP-1 might cost just $50,000—and a heavier Ukroboronprom An-196 might cost a couple hundred thousand dollars—the new German and British spending could put nearly 10,000 deep-strike drones on the tarmac by the fall of 2026.

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That’s … a lot of drones. And most of them are destined to strike Russian soil. “Ukraine is increasingly taking the war to Russia now,” American-Ukrainian war correspondent David Kirichenko wrote in a new essay for The Atlantic Council.

Back in December, Ukrainian Pres. Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced Ukraine would acquire 30,000 one-way attack drones in 2025. But it’s clear this production will exceed that figure. Fire Point alone claims it’s building 100 FP-1s a day.

Ukraine’s homegrown deep-strike arsenal includes dozens of drone types including pilotless sport planes than can drop bombs and then return to base to reload. It also includes one of the most powerful ground-launched cruise missiles in the world: the new Fire Point Flamingo: a seven-ton behemoth that may range as far as 3,000 km with a 1,100-kg warhead.

Deepening strikes

After two years of escalation, Ukraine’s campaign of deep strikes targeting Russian air bases, factories, and oil refineries can now hold at risk targets thousands of kilometers inside Russia. But the heaviest strikes occur at a range no farther than 1,000 km from the border with Ukraine.

In this zone, no facility is safe. Russia’s air defenses are spread too thin to protect every possible target.

In a series of increasingly destructive raids on Russian oil refineries last month, Ukrainian drones throttled Russia’s refinery output by a staggering 24%. Besides costing the Russian economy billions of dollars, the hits on refineries have also led to gasoline shortages in some Russian regions.

Churning out many thousands of long-range drones and missiles a month at workshops spread across the country, Ukrainian industry is helping the Ukrainian military and special services match Russia’s own drone and missile strikes.

The Russians routinely launch hundreds of cruise and ballistic missiles and Shahed drones at Ukrainian cities, sometimes several times a week. The Shahed is Russia’s main deep-strike munition. Russian forces flung around 6,000 of the explosive drones at Ukraine in July alone.

It gets worse for the Russians. The aims of Russia and Ukraine’s respective deep-strike campaigns couldn’t be more different. Russia’s goal is to inflict terror on civilians. Ukraine’s goal is to inflict military and economic damage.

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What that means, in practice, is that Russia’s drone and missile campaign mostly targets Ukrainian cities in a country of just 603,400 square km. Ukraine’s drones and missiles target air bases, factories, and refineries in a country of 17 million square km.

Ukraine’s air defense problem is hard but simple. Ukrainian air defenses must contend with nearly daily raids involving potentially hundreds of drones and missiles, but they can concentrate around the biggest cities that are the Russians’ main targets.

By contrast, Russia’s air defense problem is hard and complex. “The Kremlin simply does not have enough air defense systems to protect thousands of potential military and energy targets spread across 11 time zones,” Kirichenko wrote.

Ukrainian strike planners already have a lot of options. And these options are only growing as more foreign financing flows into the expanding Ukrainian munitions industry.

It’s possible, as 2025 grinds toward 2026, that Ukrainian strikes on Russia will inflict more lasting damage than Russian strikes inflict on Ukraine. After all, civilian morale is a renewable resource. An oil refinery, by contrast, is a difficult thing to fix once it burns to the ground.

On 8 September, Ukrainian forces launched a powerful combined missile and drone strike, targeting Russian military command structures in Donetsk — a regional capital in eastern Ukraine, occupied by Russia since 2014. OSINT analysts and local sources confirmed the destruction of key command centers belonging to the Russian 41st Army and 20th Motor Rifle Division.

Ukrainian missiles strike Russian command HQs in occupied Donetsk

Ukrainian defense news site Militarnyi reported that Ukraine’s Defense Forces struck multiple command posts of the Russian occupying army in Donetsk Oblast in a coordinated night assault. OSINT analysts CyberBoroshno and Dnipro Osint confirmed that Ukrainian cruise missiles hit headquarters at both army and divisional level.

One of the identified targets was the command post of Russia’s 41st Army, which had been hidden inside the Institute of Integrated Automation in Donetsk. The analysts did not specify the exact location of the 20th Motor Rifle Division’s headquarters, but confirmed it was also struck during the same attack.

In addition to those two major targets, Ukrainian drones reportedly attacked a third Russian-controlled military site — the Topaz plant. This facility, previously used by Russian forces to house command elements, suffered heavy structural damage.

According to analysts, an army-level headquarters was located inside the Topaz site as well, though its exact affiliation remains unknown.

Local footage shows scale of destruction at Russian-occupied Topaz plant

Footage and photos from local Telegram channels captured large columns of smoke rising over Donetsk and visible Russian air defense activity during the attack. The images, showing shattered buildings at the Topaz factory, confirmed that the site sustained serious damage.

CyberBoroshno reported that Russia has used the Topaz plant to station its equipment and military infrastructure since the beginning of the full-scale invasion in 2022. Due to this, the factory has repeatedly been a target for Ukrainian precision strikes.

Domestic cruise missiles suspected in attack, Peklo and Bars possibly used

Militarnyi notes that although it remains unclear which exact weapons were used in the strikes, footage released by local residents supports the theory that Ukraine used domestically produced Peklo and Bars cruise missiles. Visual evidence from the scene, including the configuration of the jet engine and wing mount, appears to match the characteristics of the Peklo missile.

Ukrainian missile and missile‑drone production

Constrained with scant supplies of foreign-made missiles, Ukraine is rapidly scaling its domestic long‑range strike capabilities, especially with the Flamingo cruise missile—now in mass production by end of 2025 or early 2026, boasting a claimed 3,000 km range, 1,150 kg warhead, and 6‑ton takeoff weight. Ukraine also produces Bars “cruise missile drones,” and additional systems like Peklo and Palianytsia. The latter two were widely praised by the officials earlier, but have basically been missing from reports on deep strikes for months.

Ukraine’s “working horses” for its deep strikes inside Russia and occupied territories are long-range drones such as Liutyi.

In February, Ukraine’s state weapons development grant program reportedly funded 19 domestic missile manufacturers, backing projects to develop a broad range of systems, including cruise, ballistic, and anti-aircraft missiles tailored to the country’s defense needs.

Tiny first-person-view drones are everywhere all the time over the 1,100-km front line of Russia’s 43-month wider war on Ukraine. But most of them are surveillance and attack assets. They scan for targets over or near the front line—and then zoom in and explode.

Now at least one Ukrainian unit is finding a new use for the ubiquitous FPVs. The 225th Assault Regiment, holding the line outside Vorone in southern Ukraine’s Dnipropetrovsk Oblast with its M-2 Bradley fighting vehicles, has begun attaching FPVs to infantry squads to help the squads clear buildings of Russian troops.

“Clearing buildings is deadly—an enemy can be in every corner,” the regiment explained. When the infantry must enter a structure, they can send an FPV “to scout ahead.” “If the enemy is found,” the regiment explained, “the drone strikes, keeping our infantry safe.”

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It’s delicate work requiring extreme precision on the part of the distant drone operator, who wears a virtual-reality headset to see what the warhead-clutching FPV sees. An FPV explodes on contact with any surface, so an imprecise maneuver can endanger the drone’s human squadmates.

To guarantee an uninterrupted signal between the operator and their drone, the 225th Assault Regiment uses fiber-optic FPVs for clearance missions. Fiber-optic drones send and receive signals via kilometers-long optical fibers, making them impervious to radio jamming and the signal dead zones created by buildings or hills.

Drones as suppressive fire

The Ukrainians aren’t the only ones innovating with their smallest drones. The Russians have new ideas, too. FPVs are so dangerous—and so terrifying—that soldiers tend to duck into their trenches as soon as they hear the drones’ distinctive buzzing. For that reason, some Russian regiments use the drones as suppressive fire.

Suppressive fire is an infantry tactic that’s as old as gunpowder. Basically, it means shooting at the enemy with something—rifles, machine guns, mortars or artillery—with enough intensity to drive the enemy underground for as long as it takes friendly forces to “breach” the enemy’s defenses … and advance.

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Drones can suppress the enemy without even striking. “Soldiers begin to hide from the sound of UAVs alone and do not leave cover for a long time,” Russian blogger Unfair Advantage wrote.

“If the enemy is accustomed to being afraid of drones, then a UAV ‘carousel’—that is, the successive replacement of one strike UAV with another, can lead to the effect of suppressing positions, despite significant time intervals between strikes,” Unfair Advantage explained.

Infantry should begin their movement to contact with the enemy during an initial wave of drone attacks. “After the strikes are completed, the infantry takes cover and waits for the next wave of UAVs to arrive—or continues to move, but out of the line of sight of the defenders,” the blogger wrote. “This is repeated several times until the infantry reaches the immediate vicinity of the attacked position.”

There, the attackers wait for more drones before making their final push through the enemy positions. Drones should be overhead the whole time during the breach—”a mixed carousel of observation UAVs and attack UAVs,” Unfair Advantage advised.

To prolong the endurance of any turn of the UAV carousel, the operators can land some drones on the ground or on rooftops, idling their engines but keeping their cameras on—thus preserving the robots’ batteries. As long as at least one drone is audible by the defending infantry, the infantry should keep their heads down. They should, in other words, remain suppressed.

The respective new drone tactics belie deepening manpower problems on both sides of the wider war. More and more, both the Ukrainian and Russian armed forces are counting on robots to perform tasks most militaries still assign to human beings.

Ukraine’s manpower shortage is well-known. It’s possible Ukrainian brigades are short 100,000 trained infantry. But Russia has too few troops, too—despite generous bonuses and deceptive recruiting practices that lure or trap tens of thousands of fresh enlistees every month. Overall, Russian regiments probably have plenty of soldiers. But like Ukrainian brigades, they may specifically lack trained and experienced infantry.

Why risk them on a mission that a robot with a skilled operator can handle?

Ukrainian defense tech CEO Yaroslav Azhnyuk delivered a stark warning to Western allies at Thursday’s defense cooperation forum in Lviv: hearing wake-up calls about Russian threats isn’t the same as waking up.

Speaking at the “Joint Ventures, Joint Defence” forum in Lviv, Azhnyuk challenged fundamental Western assumptions about Ukrainian innovation and military preparedness that could leave NATO vulnerable to the same threats now devastating Ukrainian forces.

Western armies sleep through drone revolution

“We live in many lies that we take for granted,” Azhnyuk told the defense technology audience. One of the most dangerous delusions: Western armies planning for future readiness while, if not ignoring current battlefield realities, then at least not taking them as seriously as they should.

“How many units in Western armies have units that have been trained to use them?” Azhnyuk asked rhetorically. “None at all or such a tiny percentage that we need a microscope to see it?”

Azhnyuk said that instead of getting prepared now, Western armies set readiness targets for 2027, 2029, or even 2031 for technology that’s being used in the battlefields today and will be redundant in a couple of years.

Azhnyuk speaks from direct experience. His companies—thermal camera manufacturer Odd Systems and AI firm TheFourthLaw.ai—develop technologies Western militaries are still planning to adopt.

Odd Systems produces Kurbas cameras, currently the world’s best 256-pixel thermal imaging systems for mass-manufactured FPV drones—technology born from battlefield necessity, not laboratory planning.

Ukraine isn’t the testing ground—Russia should be

Azhnyuk challenged another Western assumption: Ukraine is a “test ground” for defense technology.

“Russia should be that test field!” he declared, arguing that authoritarian threats from Russia and China will continue expanding without fundamental changes in Western strategic thinking, which is very cautious and slow to adapt to new realities.

The CEO also dismissed claims that Ukrainian innovations represent “low-tech” solutions with a pointed analogy: “An FPV drone is like a burger—you can assemble it in your kitchen, just like you can make a hamburger in your kitchen. Still, your kitchen-made hamburger isn’t McDonald’s.”

But that doesn’t mean the homemade version lacks the same components, Azhnyuk explained. The difference lies merely in packaging and marketing, not technological sophistication.

The gap isn’t in innovation but in scale and battlefield validation.

Market reality vs production hype

The latter reveals harsh realities: while there are hundreds, if not hundreds, of FPV drone producers operating globally, when asked, the frontline drone operators consistently identify only 4-5 reliable producers despite the theoretically crowded market.

Azhnyuk noted that the fact that only a handful of producers make reliable equipment tells us yet again about the differences between theory and praxis, between the laid-back attitude of many Western companies and the we-needed-it-yesterday feverish attitude of the Ukrainian producers, who work in a tight feedback loop with the men and women on the front.

Beyond military: Strategic blindness everywhere

Azhnyuk’s critique extended beyond military preparedness to broader Western strategic thinking. He cited European data protection claims while companies rely on Google Cloud services that may not comply with European laws.

He warned of upcoming election cycles that would bring “Russian-influenced and financed radical parties” to power across the West while military capability gaps persist.

The uncomfortable truth

The “Joint Ventures, Joint Defence” forum, organized by Tech Force in UA, brought together governments, global defense companies, and technology innovators to explore scaling joint defense production partnerships with Ukraine. The event featured booths from seven partner countries seeking drone and high-tech cooperation opportunities.

But Azhnyuk’s message cut deeper than partnership mechanics. Europeans constantly speak of various crises as “wake-up calls,” he observed, but there’s a critical difference: “Hearing a wake-up call is not the same as waking up.”