As of Thursday, June 19, 216 damaged objects were registered in Kyiv as a result of a massive Russian attack on June 17, 111 of them in the Solomianskyi district.
As of June 2025, Ukraine has documented 366 cases of sexual violence committed in connection with Russia's full-scale war, the Foreign Ministry reported on June 19, citing data from the Prosecutor General's Office.
The statement was published on the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict, marked every year on June 19.
The victims include 231 women, 134 men, and 19 children. The documented crimes span rape, sexual torture, forced nudity, and other violent acts, many of which occurred in occupied territories or during the early stages of Russia's invasion.
Sexual violence in conflict is prohibited under the 1949 Geneva Conventions and their additional protocols, which mandate the protection of civilians, especially women and children. It is also recognized as a war crime under international law.
Ukraine's Foreign Ministry said Russia is "grossly violating international humanitarian law" and the legal framework established by multiple U.N. Security Council resolutions.
The ministry said that Moscow has employed sexual violence "as a weapon of war" to terrorize civilians, destroy communities, and weaken resistance.
Ukraine's Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Sergiy Kyslytsya, raised the issue at the Security Council in April 2024, warning that such violence is being used against both civilians and prisoners of war.
In June 2024, the Kyiv Independent identified two Russian soldiers implicated in the rape of women during Russia's occupation of parts of Kyiv and Kherson oblasts in March 2022.
One of them, Mykola Senenko, was formally charged by Ukraine's Prosecutor General's Office for a rape committed in Kherson Oblast.
In the Poltava region, mass events were banned from June 18 to 24 inclusive due to the increased likelihood of air strikes on facilities in the regional center and the Poltava district.
Minister of Internal Affairs Ihor Klymenko published evidence of the Russians transferring the bodies of their own military personnel along with those of fallen Ukrainians as part of the swap effort.
Participants of the fundraising run, including Dutch and Ukrainian veterans, who set out from The Hague to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine, arrived in Zhytomyr.
President Volodymyr Zelensky on June 19 appointed Brigadier General Hennadii Shapovalov as the new commander of Ukraine's Ground Forces, following the resignation of Mykhailo Drapatyi earlier this month.
Drapatyi stepped down on June 1 after a Russian missile strike killed at least 12 Ukrainian soldiers at a training ground in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast. He described the casualties as young recruits who "should have learned, lived, and fought — not died."
Zelensky accepted Drapatyi's resignation and appointed him Commander of the Joint Forces on June 3. An investigation into the incident is ongoing, with the Ground Forces promising accountability if misconduct or negligence is confirmed.
Shapovalov, born in 1978 in Kirovohrad Oblast, is a career officer who graduated from the Military Institute of Tank Troops in Kharkiv and later studied at the National Defense University of Ukraine. He also received training at the U.S. Army War College.
Shapovalov previously led Ukraine's South Operational Command in 2024 and was appointed in February 2025 as Ukraine's representative to the NATO Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine (NSATU) mission in Germany.
Drapatyi, in his final remarks as Ground Forces chief on June 11, said he had overhauled more than half of the command's senior leadership, launched a revamp of recruitment centers, and pushed through reforms focused on decentralization, accountability, and modernization.
Zelensky said Drapatyi's new role would allow him to focus "exclusively on combat issues" as Ukraine faces intensifying Russian attacks across several fronts.
Russia handed over some bodies of its own soldiers to Ukraine under the guise of Ukrainian casualties during a recent exchange of the deceased, Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko announced on June 19.
"Yes, we have facts. We have established the names of these soldiers and officers who are unwanted by their homeland," Klymenko wrote on Telegram.
The discovery was made after the handover of remains under an agreement reached during the June 2 talks in Istanbul. In total, Ukraine received 6,057 bodies of its fallen soldiers as part of the phased exchange. Russia, according to Kremlin aide and negotiator Vladimir Medinsky, took back 78.
One of the bodies returned to Ukraine, labeled No. 192/25, was dressed in a Russian military uniform and carried a Russian passport issued to Alexander Viktorovich Bugaev, born in 1974.
Alongside the passport, officials found a military ID indicating Bugaev had served in the 1st Battalion of the 39th Separate Guards Motorized Rifle Brigade.
According to Klymenko, Bugaev went missing during heavy fighting near Novomykhailivka in Donetsk Oblast in March 2025. His family had been searching for him for months. Klymenko said Russia had located Bugaev's body but chose to "dump" it among the Ukrainian dead.
"This is yet another proof of how Russia treats its people with contempt, throwing their bodies onto the bodies of Ukrainian soldiers," Klymenko said.
"This shows how little human life means to Russia. Or maybe it's just a way to avoid paying compensation to the families. But they will have to pay anyway: we are returning these bodies."
The official has not mentioned the total number of Russian soldiers' bodies given to Ukraine.
The June 2 negotiations in Istanbul resulted in the most expansive prisoner and body exchange agreement of the full-scale war, although no ceasefire was reached.
Russia accused Kyiv on June 7 of rejecting a proposed body return, publishing footage allegedly showing Ukrainian corpses stored in refrigeration units. Ukraine dismissed the claims, saying the footage was filmed on Russian territory, not at a designated handover site.
Kyiv has consistently called for an "all-for-all" exchange of prisoners of war, but Moscow has so far refused to agree to a comprehensive swap.
The Kremlin is using the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF) to shape both internal and external narratives as Russia’s war effort continues, according to a report published by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW) on 18 June. Russian outlet Meduza reported it obtained an internal document from the Russian Presidential Administration detailing how state and pro-Kremlin media should cover SPIEF events from 18 to 21 June.
Rather than highlighting foreign investment or international participation, the document instructs media to focus on domestic feel-good events. These include the launch of a civilian car, flag-raising ceremonies for fishing boats, and new gas connections for a village and factory in Tambov Oblast.
This comes amid Russia’s major escalation of ground assaults and air attacks in Ukraine, while US President Donald Trump has pushed for Kyiv-Moscow peace talks for months, allegedly to end the ongoing Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Although Moscow’s wartime economy is under pressure from G7 sanctions, it continues to find ways to circumvent them, while Trump has delayed the imposition of new US sanctions against Russia.
The Kremlin also emphasized promoting events run by organizations closely tied to the Presidential Administration, such as the Znanie (Knowledge) Society and the “Russia–Land of Opportunities” foundation, which places military veterans into public roles.
The same directive encouraged coverage of book presentations on themes like war, economics, and disinformation. A political strategist with experience working for the Presidential Administration told Meduza that the Kremlin seeks to project an “appearance that everything is moving forward.”
Internet disruptions around the “economic forum”
Opposition media reported internet outages began overnight on 17 to 18 June in and around St. Petersburg, coinciding with the start of SPIEF. While no official explanation was provided, ISW noted that Russian authorities previously shut down mobile internet in wide areas during Russia’s Victory Day on 9 May. That disruption was officially for “security,” but likely aimed at suppressing coverage of Ukrainian attacks that could undermine the image of Russian military success.
“Russian authorities may be employing similar measures during SPIEF as part of efforts to forward the Kremlin’s social optimism messaging,” ISW wrote.
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Today, there are interesting updates from NATO’s northern flank. Here, Russia has started rapidly escalating the tensions by building up forces and constructing new bases on the border with Finland. The Scandinavian country has been attacked by Russia before, so the Finns did not wait and immediately began preparing for the worst-case scenario.
Russia has begun a notable militarization of its extensive border with Finland, significantly escalating its military presence through the construction of new bases and the redeployment of forces. Recent satellite imagery, confirmed by NATO officials, reveals extensive activity, including rows of newly erected tents, warehouses for military vehicles, refurbished fighter jet shelters, and revitalization of a previously abandoned helicopter base.
These developments indicate the preliminary stages of a substantial, long-term military buildup, although NATO and Finnish officials emphasize this is still different from Russia’s pre-Ukraine attack deployments in 2022. The reason for this is that Russia remains predominantly occupied with its military operations in Ukraine, limiting immediate troop availability.
Russia is building up forces and constructing new bases on the border with Finland. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Border turns hot
The catalyst for Russia’s border militarization was Finland’s accession to NATO two years ago. Initially, Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly stated that Finland’s NATO membership was Finland’s sovereign right, and he had no problem with it. Yet, Russia quickly shifted its posture, rapidly militarizing the border area, which has now become NATO’s longest contiguous boundary with Russia, spanning approximately 1,330 kilometers.
Russia’s actions reveal underlying apprehensions; historically, new NATO membership, particularly involving former Soviet states such as the Baltic republics, has been perceived by Moscow as provocative, significantly heightening security concerns. Consequently, the addition of Finland to NATO is interpreted by Russia as an increased threat, necessitating enhanced defenses.
Military analyst Michael Kofman of the Carnegie Endowment predict that Russia will significantly expand its ground forces facing NATO, particularly in sensitive regions such as Finland’s northern frontier.
Satellite images show Russian tents, vehicle depots, fighter jet shelters, and a revived helicopter base near the Finnish border. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Arctic in play
Russia’s buildup is also strongly tied to strategic interests in the Arctic. Moscow regards control over Arctic regions as essential for securing its status as a great power. Satellite imagery recently confirmed Russian military helicopters returning to Murmansk, a strategic Arctic port city, after a two-decade absence.
This redeployment, partially driven by Ukrainian drone strikes targeting Russian airfields deeper within the country, places Russian forces considerably closer to NATO territory. According to Finnish defense analysts, Russia is also expanding brigades into divisions, implying an imminent surge in Russian troop strength along the border.
Satellite images confirm Russian military helicopters have returned to Murmansk, a key Arctic port, after two decades. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Bases reinforced
Russia has upgraded several military bases near Finland to enhance its defense capabilities. Key bases include Alakurtti Air Base, which supports cold-weather operations and Arctic defense, and Petrozavodsk, which offers armored vehicle storage and troop mobilization. Severomorsk-2 strengthens Arctic naval and air operations, while Olenya Air Base facilitates strategic bomber activity and large-scale operations, less than 150 kilometers from Finland, with significant infrastructure improvements indicating plans for an even larger military presence.
These upgrades provide Russia with rapid deployment capacity and enhanced surveillance, strengthening its position in a potential clash. These provocative developments follow a series of incidents underscoring rising tensions. From damaging undersea cables to satellite imagery exposing substantial Russian military expansion near Finland, this has prompted Helsinki’s military intelligence head, Brigadier General Pekka Turunen, to predict that Russian troop numbers near Finland could triple within five years.
Finland digs in
Consequently, Finland extended its indefinite border closure with Russia, citing the ongoing hybrid warfare tactics, including weaponized migration, similar to what Poland is experiencing on its border with Belarus.
Further intensifying tensions, in May and June 2025, Russia redeployed battle-hardened troops from Ukraine and intelligence specialists to the Finnish border, significantly bolstering strategic bases and violating Finnish airspace, prompting a diplomatic confrontation.
Finland is actively enhancing its defensive posture along the border with Russia. Photo: Screenshot from the video
History drives Finland
Facing this steadily rising threat, Finland is actively enhancing its defensive posture by emphasizing a pragmatic approach and preparing for worst-case scenarios, by increasing defense spending and raising reservist eligibility to age 65. Finnish military planners forecast that once active hostilities in Ukraine diminish, Russia will substantially increase deployments along Finland’s border, prompting predictions of a possible armed confrontation soon after.
Finland’s defense stance reflects its history with Russia and was reinforced by joining NATO after the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Photo: Screenshot from the video
Overall, Finland’s defensive measures originate from a historical memory deeply shaped by past aggression from Russia, notably during the Winter War of 1939 to 1940, resulting in substantial territorial losses. The recent rapid militarization by Russia reaffirms Finland’s decision to swiftly join NATO following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022.
Now, Russia is stepping up the provocations by starting to build up forces along the border, which is enough to make the Finnish government suspicious.
In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.
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The UN Security Council will hold an emergency meeting on Friday, June 20, in response to the latest wave of terror and Russia's brutal attacks on Ukraine.
Arkady Gostev, head of Russia's Federal Penitentiary Service, was sentenced in absentia to 10 years in prison for creating a network of torture chambers in the Russian-occupied part of Kherson Oblast, Ukraine's Security Service (SBU) announced on June 19.
Gostev was found guilty of orchestrating the transformation of captured Ukrainian prisons into torture sites used to detain and brutalize members of the local resistance. The SBU said victims were subjected to "brutal torture" intended to break their will and force submission to the Kremlin rule.
According to investigators, Gostev personally oversaw the establishment of torture facilities and pushed for their inclusion in Russia's national prison registry through the Justice Ministry.
The court ruled he committed "actions aimed at violently changing or overthrowing the constitutional order or seizing state power."
"Comprehensive measures are being taken to bring him to justice for crimes against our state," the SBU said, noting that Gostev remains in Russia.
Kherson Oblast, which stretches from the Dnipro River to the Black Sea, remains partially occupied, with the east-bank territories still under Russian control.
Gostev joins a growing list of senior Russian officials charged in absentia with war crimes, crimes against humanity, and the administration of occupied territories.
Ukraine has also targeted collaborators working with the occupation authorities.
On June 18, Ukraine's military intelligence (HUR) confirmed the assassination of Mykhailo Hrytsai, a Russian-appointed deputy mayor in Berdiansk, Zaporizhzhia Oblast, for his role in organizing repression and torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war.
President Volodymyr Zelensky held a meeting on the sanction policy against the aggressor state, where a decision was made to synchronize the restrictive measures introduced by Ukraine and its partners to continue pressure on the Russian shadow fleet, and to explore new areas of restrictions against Russia.
Chinese President Xi Jinping, in a phone call with Russian leader Vladimir Putin regarding the escalation in the Middle East, stated that the use of force is not the right way to resolve international disputes.
North Korea is looking into sending its citizens to Russia to work at a drone factory so that the visiting workers can help increase production in exchange for gaining experience in drone operation.
North Korea is considering sending up to 25,000 workers to Russia to assist in the mass production of Shahed-type attack drones, Japan's public broadcaster NHK reported on June 19, citing unnamed diplomatic sources in the West and Russia.
The workers would be sent to the Alabuga Special Economic Zone in Russia's Republic of Tatarstan, where Moscow operates a facility for assembling Iranian-designed Shahed drones. In return, Pyongyang is reportedly seeking drone operation training.
Shahed drones, known for their low cost and heavy explosive payloads, have been used extensively by Russia since late 2022 to attack Ukrainian cities. The Alabuga site has been repeatedly struck by Ukrainian forces in an attempt to disrupt production.
The media report follows a series of rapid developments in military cooperation between Moscow and Pyongyang. Russian Security Council Secretary Sergei Shoigu visited North Korea on June 17, reportedly on a "special assignment" from Russian President Vladimir Putin.
After meeting Kim, Shoigu said that Pyongyang had agreed to send 1,000 combat engineers and 5,000 military builders to Russia's Kursk Oblast to assist in reconstruction.
Ukraine controlled a part of Kursk Oblast following a cross-border offensive in August 2024. Russia regained much of the lost territory during a March 2025 counteroffensive that included backing from North Korean forces. According to estimates, North Korea has suffered over 6,000 casualties during the offensive operations.
Ukraine's military intelligence chief, Kyrylo Budanov, said on June 9 that Pyongyang and Moscow have agreed to start establishing domestic production of Shahed-136 drones on North Korean soil.
Kim remains a vocal ally of Putin, supplying not only soldiers but also artillery, drones, and ballistic missiles. During Russia's May 9 Victory Day Parade in Moscow, Putin personally greeted North Korean troops, though Kim did not attend.
Ukraine and Russia conducted another prisoner exchange on 19 June, focusing on seriously ill and wounded captives, some of which were held in Russian captivity for over three years.
This exchange follows an agreement reached during negotiations in Istanbul on 2 June, when Ukraine and Russia agreed to prioritize exchanging all seriously wounded and ill prisoners of war, plus all military personnel aged 18 to 25, rather than focusing on numerical parity. The talks, however, failed to produce any ceasefire agreement over the deep divide between Kyiv’s and Moscow’s stances on the war.
Ukrainian POWs are also systematically tortured in Russian captivity and denied medical care. More than 95% of released Ukrainian POWs report experiencing torture, including physical beatings with objects like rebar and bricks, electrocution, sexual violence, and psychological abuse.
The exchange returned Ukrainian defenders from multiple military branches to their homeland, including personnel from the Armed Forces, Naval Forces, Airborne Assault Forces, Territorial Defense Forces, National Guard, and State Border Service. Officials did not disclose the exact number of prisoners released.
“Every Defender released today has serious medical diagnoses and illnesses as a result of injuries and being in captivity,” the coordination staff reported. “Many have significant weight loss, dystrophy, ulcers, vision problems, musculoskeletal diseases, cardiovascular diseases and digestive problems.”
Seriously ill and wounded Ukrainian defenders return home on 19 June after years in Russian captivity. Photos: Photo: @Koord_shtab/Telegram
The oldest released prisoner was 63 years old, while one defender celebrated his 45th birthday upon returning home, according to according to Ukraine’s human rights commissioner Dmytro Lubinets.
Ukrainian defender who returned from Russian captivity on 19 June, on the day of his 45th birthday. Photo: @dmytro_lubinetzs/Telegram
Since the Istanbul talks on 2 June, Ukraine has conducted multiple exchanges: 9 June saw the return of prisoners under 25 years old, 10 June brought back seriously wounded and ill personnel, 12 June returned another group of seriously wounded and ill defenders, and 14 June marked the fourth exchange within a week, including seriously ill, wounded, and young prisoners.
Seriously ill and wounded Ukrainian defenders return home after years in Russian captivity in a new prisoner exchange on 19 June that resulted from 2 June Istanbul peace talks. Photos: Photo: @dmytro_lubinetzs and @Koord_shtab / Telegram
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Since the beginning of the day, there have been 88 combat clashes between the Defense Forces of Ukraine and Russian troops, with the highest number occurring in the Pokrovsk sector.
Spain has rejected a U.S.-backed proposal for NATO members to raise defense spending to 5% of GDP, becoming the first alliance country to oppose the plan, Reuters reported on June 19.
The rejection adds pressure to the transatlantic debate ahead of the NATO summit in The Hague on June 24–25, which has beenreduced to a single session focused on defense spending and alliance capabilities.
In a letter to NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez called the proposed target "unreasonable" and warned it would undermine broader European efforts to build an integrated defense ecosystem.
"Committing to a 5% target would not only be unreasonable, but also counterproductive," Sanchez wrote, arguing it would "move Spain further away from optimal spending."
Spain estimates that its armed forces require spending equal to 2.1% of GDP to meet national military objectives, below the U.S.-endorsed threshold but above NATO's 2% benchmark.
U.S. President Donald Trump has repeatedly accused NATO members of underfunding their militaries, pushing for raising defense spending benchmark to 5% of GDP.
While no other NATO members have formally rejected the proposal, most have remained noncommittal. Poland, the Netherlands, and Sweden have expressed willingness to consider the 5% target.
In 2024, only 23 alliance members met the 2% target, according to NATO estimates. Poland was ahead of all members with 4.12% of GDP allocated to defense, followed by Estonia (3.43%) and the U.S. (3.38%).
Rutte said on June 17 that all NATO countries are on track to meet the 2% threshold in 2025.
Spain, governed by a Socialist-led coalition, maintains a sharply different defense posture than the U.S. administration.
While Madrid supports Ukraine, it has taken a more cautious stance on the Middle East, including distancing itself from U.S. policy on Israel.
Ukrainian Defense Forces successfully repelled a large-scale mechanized assault by Russian troops on the eastern front, destroying 23 enemy vehicles, including 18 armored fighting vehicles (AFVs) and 13 motorcycles.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has received an official invitation to attend the G20 summit in South Africa, Russian Ambassador-at-Large Marat Berdyev said in an interview with state-owned media outlet RIA Novosti on June 19.
South Africa is a member of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and a signatory to the Rome Statute, meaning it is obliged to arrest Putin if he enters the country.
The ICC issued a warrant for the Russian leader's arrest in March 2023 over the illegal deportation of Ukrainian children during Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
"Last week, we received an official invitation. This is an appeal from the head of state, the president of South Africa (Cyril Ramaphosa), to his colleagues," Berdyev said.
The summit is scheduled to take place in Johannesburg from Nov. 22 to 23. Berdyev noted that Russia's final decision on Putin's participation will be made closer to the date. In recent years, Russia has been represented at G20 summits by Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov.
Despite the warrant, South Africa continues to deepen political and military ties with Moscow. In 2023, the country conducted joint naval drills with Russia and China, and maintains its membership in the BRICS bloc alongside both nations.
In November 2024, Putin skipped the G20 summit in Brazil, another ICC member state, and sent Lavrov instead. Russia's G20 participation has continued uninterrupted despite its war against Ukraine.
In September 2024, Putin made a rare visit to Mongolia, which is also a signatory of the ICC, prompting criticism over the non-enforcement of the warrant.
Every time you flip on a light switch in Europe, there’s a chance you’re funding a missile aimed at a Ukrainian kindergarten, as long as Russian gas continues to flow.
Here’s a number that should make every European’s blood run cold: €30 billion. That’s how much more money the European Union plans to send Vladimir Putin for gas over the next two and a half years while children are buried under rubble from Russian missiles.
On 17 June, the European Commission finally presented its long-awaited legal proposal to phase out fossil fuel imports from Russia. After years of war, mounting evidence of Russian atrocities, and endless declarations that “Europe stands with Ukraine,” you might expect this regulation to immediately stop the flow of euros to Moscow’s war chest.
You would be wrong.
Instead, the Commission delivered a carefully crafted document that gives Gazprom, Novatek, and their European enablers a 2.5-year (dis)grace period to keep profiting from blood-stained methane. The math is obscene: over the first four months of 2025 alone, EU member states imported Russian gas worth more than €5 billion — a 17% increase from the same period in 2024.
Two-thirds of this comes from Russia’s Arctic Yamal project, where Novatek loads tankers bound for European ports while Russian forces target Ukrainian energy infrastructure with growing swarms of drones and ballistic missiles.
Explore further
The EU promised to cut Russian gas. Now it’s delaying until 2027
The €30 billion question: How did we get here?
To understand this betrayal, you need to grasp what the Commission actually proposed versus what Europe desperately needs.
The regulation does include some hard-won victories. Thanks to relentless pressure from civil society and expert analysis by the Centre for the Study of Democracy (CSD) and the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), Article 7 introduces a breakthrough that can reshape energy markets: all gas entering the EU from third countries — especially Türkiye — will be presumed Russian unless proven otherwise.
This presumption flips the burden of proof and dismantles Gazprom’s laundering schemes. For years, Russian gas has flowed through Turkish and European intermediaries, disguising its origin through paper transactions. Under Article 7, that shell game ends.
The same transparency applies to European LNG terminals — all arriving cargoes must report their ports of initial loading, making it impossible for Novatek to obscure LNG origins through transshipments.
The Commission also executed a clever legal maneuver by framing this as an internal market measure rather than foreign policy, avoiding the European Council’s unanimous voting requirement. Viktor Orbán and Robert Fico — Putin’s allies within the EU — cannot block this regulation.
But here’s where the Commission’s courage collapsed: instead of wielding these new powers immediately, they handed Russia a going-away present worth tens of billions.
Energy products share in total EU imports, 2021-2024 (share (%) of trade in value). Source: Eurostat database (Comext) and Eurostat estimates
The timeline that breaks Ukrainian hearts
The devil lives in the implementation schedule, and this devil wears Gazprom’s and Novatek’s colors.
Spot market purchases of Russian gas and LNG — trades that could be replaced literally overnight — won’t be banned until 17 June 2026.
Unlike long-term contracts, spot market transactions are immediate, short-term purchases that can be conducted anonymously through international hubs, allowing Russian gas and LNG to be “whitewashed” and enter European markets undetected.
There is no technical, legal, or economic justification for this six-month delay. These spot gas purchases are limited in volume and easily substitutable. This grace period is a pure gift to the aggressor.
Even more devastating: long-term contracts with Gazprom for pipeline gas and Novatek for maritime LNG deliveries can continue until the beginning of 2028. Nearly three more years of business-as-usual while bombs fall on Kharkiv, Odesa, and Zaporizhzhia.
According to CSD estimates, up to 75% of current Russian gas imports operate under such long-term contracts. The Commission’s own memo estimates €15 billion per year for LNG and remaining pipeline gas imports via Türkiye — before counting additional billions from Russian crude oil if Hungary and Slovakia maintain their oil import exemptions.
The arithmetic is chilling: assuming current import rates and prices, EU member states will send more than €30 billion to Russia before this “ban” fully takes effect. That’s enough money to fund thousands of missiles, hundreds of drone swarms, or entire military divisions currently destroying Ukrainian cities.
Explore further
Novatek: Putin’s sanctions-proof gas weapon hiding in plain sight
The oil loophole that shame forgot
If the gas timeline wasn’t insulting enough, the Commission’s treatment of Russian oil reaches new lows.
Hungary and Slovakia will continue importing Russian crude via the Druzhba pipeline under vague “energy security” exemptions. This despite comprehensive analysis by CREA and CSD proving that Russian oil can be easily replaced through Adriatic Sea deliveries via Italy and Croatia.
The infrastructure exists. The alternative supply routes are proven. The only thing missing is political will.
Instead, the Commission chose to reward Viktor Orbán and Robert Fico — the same leaders who have spent two years undermining EU unity on Ukraine support — with continued access to cheap Russian crude. The message to Kyiv is unmistakable: Europe prioritizes appeasing its internal autocrats over cutting funding to external ones.
The enforcement mirage that guarantees failure
Even if this regulation worked perfectly on paper, its enforcement mechanism ensures failure in practice.
The Commission asks national customs authorities to verify gas origins, but conveniently ignores that some member states cannot or will not perform this function reliably. Without independent EU oversight through the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) or the European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO), this creates perfect conditions for document fraud and corruption.
The sanctions evasion playbook is well-established: shell companies, falsified certificates, and paper trails that vanish into regulatory black holes. As long as gas molecules can be swapped, renamed, or rerouted on paper, Russian gas will flow into Europe through the back door.
The Commission’s proposal creates the appearance of control without the mechanisms to enforce it — a bureaucratic theater designed to appease critics while protecting private profits.
The tax solution Europe fails to consider
There is a straightforward way to end this economic and moral travesty: make Russian gas financially toxic through a tax on the price gap between cheap Russian gas and prevailing EU hub prices.
This would eliminate the arbitrage profits that European gas traders depend on, creating immediate economic pressure for early contract termination with Gazprom and Novatek. Instead of waiting until 2028, companies would have powerful financial incentives to diversify supply sources immediately.
The Commission ignored this approach entirely. Why kill profitable relationships with Putin’s energy giants when you can maintain them for another three years under the cover of “gradual transition”?
National plans: Bureaucratic shields for Putin’s allies
Perhaps the most cynical element of this proposal is the introduction of “national Russian energy phaseout plans,” allowing each member state to define its own timeline for cutting Russian imports.
This hands professional obstructionists like Hungary, Austria, Slovakia, and Bulgaria a legal cover to delay, dilute, and derail EU decoupling from Russian fossil fuels. We’ve witnessed this strategy repeatedly: the Commission proposes ambitious targets, certain member states hide behind “technical constraints” and “supply security concerns” for years.
These national plans will become bureaucratic shields for countries that prioritize cheap Russian energy over Ukrainian lives, transforming what should be coordinated European action into a patchwork of excuses and indefinite delays.
The cost of this bureaucratic cowardice is measured in Ukrainian blood.
The newest EU proposal hands professional obstructionists like Hungary and Slovakiaa legal cover to derail EU decoupling from Russian energy. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.
The choice that defines Europe’s soul
This Commission proposal is not a strategy for ending Europe’s role in financing Russian war crimes — it’s a legal fig leaf for continuing business with Gazprom and Novatek under the illusion of eventual decoupling.
The European Parliament and forward-thinking member states face a defining choice. They can accept this moral compromise, or they can demand real action:
Ban Russian spot market gas imports immediately, not in 2026;
Introduce a Russian gas price-gap tax to eliminate profitability and accelerate contract terminations;
End long-term contracts by 2026, not 2028—two years provides ample time for legitimate supply diversification;
Mandate EU-level enforcement with real inspection powers through OLAF and EPPO oversight;
Scrap national decoupling plans unless they include strict timelines and financial penalties for non-compliance.
Every day Europe delays this decision, more Ukrainian families receive devastating news that their children won’t come home. Every billion euros flowing to Moscow funds the destruction of democracy’s front line.
The EU cannot support Ukraine while funding Putin’s war machine. There can be no green transition, no energy security, and no peace in Europe as long as Russian gas powers European homes and euros power Russian missiles.
Europe faces a simple choice: will it fund tyranny or freedom?
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We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
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The Ukrainians are watching US President Donald Trump’s ultimatums to Iran with frustration as the US refuses to apply the same pressure to Russia.
While both regimes are using terrorist attacks as a weapon in war, the US is withholding new aid packages, avoiding fresh sanctions, effectively pressuring Kyiv toward capitulation. Meanwhile, Russia has intensified its strikes after the start of Trump’s peace efforts, at times launching four times as many drones on Ukrainian cities as Iran.
This disappointment peaked when the G7 declined to issue a joint statement condemning the war, reportedly over US concerns it might complicate negotiations with Russian ruler Vladimir Putin.
A planned meeting between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Trump at the summit was also canceled after Trump abruptly left the summit a day early. Ukraine intended to use the meeting to discuss the purchase of American weapons, including crucial air defenses.
Quiet summit, loud attack
At a moment of diplomatic failure in the West, Russia has seized the opportunity to fully display its destructive power, Texty reports.
In a recent attack, Moscow launched nearly every non-nuclear weapon in its arsenal against Kyiv and other cities, killing 28 civilians just in the capital in what became the most extensive strike by volume of targets since 2022.
Altogether, Russia deployed:
440 Shahed-type kamikaze drones
72 various decoy unmanned aerial vehicles
Two hypersonic Kinzhal missiles
16 Kh-101 cruise missiles
Four Kalibr cruise missiles
Nine aviation Kh-59/69 missiles
One anti-radar Kh-31P missile
“Russia struck Ukraine deliberately to demonstrate that G7 leaders are weak,” Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry said in a statement.
Indeed, the G7 failed to release a joint statement on Russia’s war, which handed the Kremlin a diplomatic victory.
The scale of the assault has sparked fears in Ukraine about whether its air defenses can withstand repeated attacks of this volume. Of particular concern was the 18 June debut of a new variant of the Shahed drone, equipped with a built-in camera, machine-vision AI module, and direct radio control from Russian territory.
Kremlin speaks through firestorm
Electronic warfare expert Serhii Beskrestnov, known as Flash, has explained that the radio modem installed in the drone allows real-time remote control from up to 150 kilometers inside Russia or from the front line. If airborne relays are used inside Ukrainian airspace, the range is even greater, NV reports.
According to The Economist, Russia has already modified its Shahed drones six times. Ukrainian engineers studying wreckage report growing concern over Russian unmanned aerial vehicles’ evolving control systems.
The latest models are resistant to Ukrainian electronic warfare. No longer reliant on GPS, these drones instead use onboard AI and operate via Ukrainian mobile internet networks.
Beskrestnov has warned that Ukraine could become exceptionally vulnerable to Russia’s growing drone swarm unless it rapidly develops its own drone interceptors. Moscow has already scaled up mass production of strike drones and continues to expand its capabilities.
War of attrition becomes war of precision
As the US support falters, Ukraine is doubling down on technological innovation.
Andrii Kovalenko, head of Ukraine’s Center for Countering Disinformation (CCD), explains that Russia’s expanding drone production is about quantity, but Ukraine is focused on quality.
“If our partners aren’t applying pressure, the Russians keep fighting. Our job is to hit hard, everywhere we can, and strip the Russians of their capabilities,” he says.
He continues: “This Kremlin collective is not eternal, just like the old Soviet politburo with its aging general secretaries who started dying off like cockroaches in the ’80s. The Ayatollah regime in Iran won’t last forever either, if its dismantling is approached surgically.”
Ukrainian engineers are rapidly advancing FPV interceptors and AI-based defense systems to overtake Russia’s tech leap. Kovalenko says dozens of drones in Ukraine are already guided simultaneously by autonomous algorithms.
Smart missiles and AI-driven drones with computer vision will now independently identify and destroy targets. Meanwhile, autonomous air and ground platforms will handle logistics and medevac missions.
Ukraine holds its first battle without soldiers
Kovalenko says the future lies in unmanned aerial and ground platforms, AI, and real-time battlefield intelligence. By the 2030s, the traditional role of infantry will be fundamentally transformed.
“A combat operation has already taken place in this war without any participation from classical infantry. It was carried out by one of our brigades,” he reveals.
In tomorrow’s warfare, sensor networks, AI, and data analysis will replace the need for human presence in front-line reconnaissance and strike coordination.
“The soldier of the future is an operator, an engineer, an analyst. Today’s infantry will become the brain of the battlefield machine,” he explains.
Simply put, the key to victory will be the speed and precision of mission planning, the intelligence of the algorithm, and the quality of equipment, not the number of soldiers on the battlefield.
Kovalenko also describes the coming technological arms race: “The Russian sheer quantity will be nullified. AI will evolve with evasion algorithms, drones, and weapons trying to dodge interception. But interception algorithms will evolve in turn.”
This, he added, is the real AI arms race between China and the West.
Europe’s defense goes quantum — and Kyiv’s plugged into future
To illustrate the global progress in military tech, Kovalenko cites Sweden’s successful combat trials of the unmanned Gripen E fighter jet equipped with the Centaur AI system.
“Over the Baltic Sea, this AI system engaged in a full-scale dogfight against a piloted aircraft, executing complex maneuvers, identifying targets, and determining the timing of the attack,” he says.
These trials carry particular significance for the Swedish Air Force, which has long sought to develop innovative technologies and tactics to enable its relatively small fleet to counter a potential large-scale air assault by Russia.
Centaur has undergone flight simulations equivalent to 50 years of operation and demonstrated combat readiness after just three real missions.
“The Beyond project, developed by Saab and German defense startup Helsing, is setting a new benchmark for next-generation air power,” Kovalenko adds.
Both of these tech giants are already linked with Ukraine. In May 2025, Saab held talks with Kyiv on modernizing Soviet-era aircraft and the potential transfer of advanced Swedish combat platforms.
The same year, Helsing announced that it was producing 6,000 HX-2 attack drones with artificial intelligence for delivery to Ukraine. The HX-2 is an electrically-powered, high-precision X-wing strike drone with a range of up to 100 kilometers. It is enhanced with onboard artificial intelligence that provides full immunity to electronic warfare.
While Trump walks out of the summit, even Spotify co-founders Daniel Ek and Shakil Khan have invested €600 million into Helsing, according to the Financial Times. The funding has boosted Helsing’s valuation to €12 billion, making it one of Europe’s five most valuable defense tech companies.
Daniel Ek, who chairs Helsing’s board, acknowledged that defense investments can be controversial but said he is “100% convinced” he made the right decision for Europe.
Shaheds vs. interceptors: race to save millions of lives
At a special G7 leaders’ session on 17 June, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy highlighted the urgent need for new drone interceptors, not just for Ukraine, but for Europe, the Indo-Pacific, Japan, Canada, and the US.
“We’re working on developing and deploying interceptors to protect our cities from Shaheds, our cities, and therefore yours. We need additional funding to produce them,” Zelenskyy said.
In the face of diplomatic retreat and Russian technological escalation, Ukraine is leaning on its own innovation and European allies, developing revolutionary military technologies that could redefine the very nature of modern warfare.
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Russian President Vladimir Putin called on Ukraine to accelerate peace negotiations and accept Moscow’s terms from previous Istanbul talks, warning that Ukraine’s position would deteriorate if talks are postponed.
Ukrainian and Russian delegations held two sessions of peace negotiations in Istanbul on 16 May and 2 June 2025. Both of them did not result in a ceasefire but brought about significant prisoner exchanges involving over 1000 POWs from each side. During the 2 June Istanbul talks, the delegations agreed to include all severely wounded and critically ill prisoners of war, as well as all military personnel between ages 18 and 25 into the exchanges, instead of focusing solely on numbers. Meanwhile, US officials described these recent negotiations as reaching a “dead end.”
The Russian leader indicated Moscow is ready to resume peace discussions in Istanbul after 22 June, noting that negotiating teams from both countries maintain ongoing contact, according to Russian state-funded news agency RIA Novosti.
During Istanbul peace talks on 16 May, Russian presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky reportedly told the Ukrainian delegation that Russia is prepared to fight for “a year, two, three—however long it takes,” invoking Russia’s historical 21-year war with Sweden to emphasize its willingness for prolonged conflict.
Despite Russia’s claim of not wanting war, Medinsky warned that some participants might lose more loved ones and that Russia is ready to fight indefinitely.
Independent estimates as of mid-May 2025 indicate Russia suffered heavy military losses, including over 10,800 tanks and nearly 1 million casualties, which contrasts with Medinsky’s “forever war” rhetoric.
During the June negotiations, Ukraine and Russia exchanged position papers outlining their respective visions for ending the war.
Russian demands include:
Ukrainian military withdrawal from four occupied regions (some parts of which are not even occupied fully) – Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia oblasts.
written guarantees from Western leaders to halt “NATO’s eastward expansion”, effectively excluding Ukraine, Georgia, and other former Soviet states from membership
Ukraine adopting a neutral status and limitations on Ukraine’s armed forces.
partial lifting of Western sanctions
resolution of frozen Russian assets abroad
protections for Russian speakers in Ukraine
holding of Ukrainian elections under terms favorable to Moscow.
Ukraine rejected these demands, insisting on its sovereign right to choose alliances and strong Western security guarantees.
In contrast, Ukraine presented its own ceasefire proposals, including:
complete cessation of hostilities
return of deported children and prisoner exchanges
security assurances
rejection of any forced neutrality or restrictions on its military capabilities and alliances, including NATO membership
Ukraine and Russia also held negotiations in Istanbul, Türkiye, in 2022 when the full-scale invasion started.
In March 2022, draft accords of the Istanbul protocols proposed that Ukraine renounce its NATO ambitions and adopt a neutral, non-nuclear status, significantly limiting its military to 85,000 troops, 342 tanks, and 519 artillery systems, and restricting missile ranges to 40 km (24 miles).
In return, Ukraine would receive security guarantees from the United States, Russia, China, Britain, and France. However, disagreements arose over Russian demands to have a veto power over actions by guarantor states.
The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) concluded that any peace agreement modeled on the 2022 Istanbul protocols would equate to Ukraine’s capitulation to Russia’s strategic objectives.
Ukraine’s Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha declared that Russia’s rhetoric in 2025 intensified to 2022 levels and aims to weaken Ukraine militarily and politically to eventually destroy the state and exploit its resources.
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The only reason Ukraine would abandon its ambition to become a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization would be the disappearance of NATO itself.
A man accused of aiding Russian forces in occupied Berdiansk and organizing torture chambers has been killed, according to Ukrainian military intelligence agency, which just reported his death without confirming its involvement.
On 18 June 2025, in Russian-occupied Berdiansk, Zaporizhzhia Oblast, a pro-Russian collaborator and suspected war criminal, Mykhailo Pavlovych Hrytsai, was reportedly shot dead, Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence (HUR) stated.
The HUR has been actively targeting collaborators and quisling officials in Russian-occupied areas, and occasionally reports the deaths of Russian military officers on the Russian soil. The intelligence organization never explicitly confirms involvement in assassination operations but consistently ends such reports with the statement, “there will be fair retribution for every war crime.” Another Ukrainian agency speculated to be involved in some high-profile assassinations in Russia is the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU).
From politician to collaborator
Hrytsai, originally from Poltava Oblast, previously led the local branch of the “Socialist Ukraine” party. Following the Russian occupation of Berdiansk in 2022, he began cooperating with Russian forces and assumed roles in the so-called occupation administration. He held the titles of “acting city mayor” and “deputy for infrastructure, utilities, and the fuel and energy sector.”
Ukrainian intelligence says Hrytsai exploited state property for the benefit of the Russian occupiers while holding these posts.
Accused of war crimes
According to HUR, Hrytsai was directly involved in war crimes. These included persecuting the local population, identifying and reporting pro-Ukrainian residents to Russian authorities, and participating in the organization of torture chambers within Berdiansk.
THe Ukrainian law enforcement previously charged him in absentia on 1 April 2022 under Article 111, Part 2 of the Ukrainian Criminal Code for state treason.
Though the HUR statement did not directly claim responsibility for Hrytsai’s killing, it reaffirmed that “for every war crime committed against the Ukrainian people, there will be fair retribution.”
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In the early hours of 19 June, a mass drone attack targeted multiple parts of Russia. In Volgograd, the attack prompted emergency flight restrictions and the temporary activation of the Kovyor airport shutdown protocol. The outcome of the assault remains unknown.
Volgograd is situated about 500 km from the frontline and hosts numerous military and military-industrial facilities, including the Titan-Barrikady defense plant, the Marinovka air base with Su-24 and Su-34 aircraft, and a major oil refinery crucial for military fuel logistics. Last time, Ukraine targeted an oil refinery in Volgograd in March.
Ukrainian forces have repeatedly struck Russian military, defense industry, and energy infrastructure in both occupied territories and inside Russia. The ongoing air campaign is aimed at crippling Russian military logistics and its capacity to continue the war.
Volgograd and Kaluga airports disrupted
According to Rosaviatsiya, temporary flight bans were introduced at Volgograd and Kaluga airports around 04:00 Kyiv time. The standard Kovyor plan — which halts all takeoffs and landings and redirects inbound aircraft — was enacted at Volgograd Airport due to the drone threat.
Authorities confirm drone attack
The governor of Volgograd Oblast, Andrey Bocharov, stated that Russian forces allegedly repelled a mass UAV assault across Kalachivskyi and Horodyschenskyi districts as well as southern Volgograd. He claimed the attack resulted in no injuries or damage.
Meanwhile, social media platforms circulated videos appearing to show fires caused by the drone strikes or crashes.
Ukrainian Telegram channel Exilenova+ posted video footage filmed in Volgograd, showing a fire in the city and a cloud of smoke from possible interception of a drone.
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Dutch Defense Minister Ruben Brekelmans stated that Vladimir Putin’s imperial ambitions go beyond Ukraine, aiming to restore the influence of the Soviet empire — including in the Baltic countries and other territories.
A meeting between Russian President Vladimir Putin and U.S. President Donald Trump is not currently on the table due to unresolved tensions in bilateral relations, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said in an interview with Russian state-controlled newspaper Izvestia on June 19.
The U.S. president has repeatedly floated the idea of meeting Putin, saying the Russia-Ukraine war cannot be resolved without them talking face-to-face. Nevertheless, the two have not met since Trump returned to the White House this January.
While Trump has adopted a more amicable policy toward Russia than his predecessor, U.S. ex-President Joe Biden, he has taken a more critical tone toward Moscow recently as Putin continues to reject a truce in Ukraine.
"Until the necessary 'homework' is done to remove the irritants in our relations with the United States, it makes no sense to organize a meeting," Peskov said. He added that while talks aimed at resolving these issues had begun, progress remained minimal and the key obstacles were still in place.
His remarks come just days after the Russian Foreign Ministry claimed that Washington had canceled the next round of talks to restore diplomatic relations between the two countries.
The meetings, which were expected to take place in Moscow, were part of a broader dialogue to address ongoing disputes, including Russia's war against Ukraine, and improve the functioning of each side's diplomatic missions.
Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova said the planned round was intended to "eliminate irritants," such as staffing restrictions and banking issues for embassies. She expressed hope that the U.S. pause in talks "will not become too long."
The last two rounds of discussions, in Riyadh in February and Istanbul in April, marked the first formal diplomatic contact between the U.S. and Russia since Moscow began its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Both sides described the Istanbul round as "constructive," though it focused largely on technical matters.
The Trump administration has so far refrained from introducing new sanctions against Russia, despite pressure from Kyiv and growing alarm in Europe over Moscow's continued refusal to agree to a ceasefire.
President Volodymyr Zelensky has repeatedly urged Washington to take a firmer stance, warning that "America's silence... only encourages Putin."
After a deadly Russian attack on Kyiv that killed 28 and injured over 130 people, Trump remained silent, with the U.S. Embassy only issuing a late statement denouncing the attack.
President Volodymyr Zelensky announced the return of another group of Ukrainian servcemen to their homeland. According to the President, most of the servicemen had been in captivity since 2022.
Eight individuals, including four officials from Slovakia’s Ministry of Defense, have been detained as part of a European Public Prosecutor’s Office (EPPO) investigation into alleged misuse of €7.4 million intended for Ukraine’s military support.
The European Peace Facility has been instrumental in reimbursing EU countries for military support provided to Ukraine since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. Slovakia contributed military aid to Ukraine throughout 2022 and 2023. However, after taking office in 2023, Slovakia’s pro-Russian Prime Minister Robert Fico and his allies halted all further military assistance to Ukraine.
EU prosecutors target misuse of aid for Ukraine
On 18 June, the EPPO’s office in Bratislava conducted evidence-gathering activities tied to suspicions that funds allocated for Ukraine’s defense were misappropriated. The investigation focuses on the misuse of EU resources meant for military aid, specifically ammunition, which was donated to Ukraine during the early stages of the Russian invasion.
According to the EPPO, senior Ministry of Defense officials submitted reimbursement applications to the European Peace Facility (EPF) between February and March 2022 for costs related to donated ammunition. However, investigators suspect the officials intentionally breached public procurement procedures and budgetary rules.
The suspects are accused of issuing unjustified orders for ammunition purchases from two private companies. EPPO suggests these contracts may have been part of a rigged tender process and that the ammunition may have been significantly overpriced.
EPPO emphasized that all eight suspects are presumed innocent until proven guilty in Slovak courts.
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Dutch Defense Minister Ruben Brekelmans stated that strengthening of Russia’s position in Ukraine poses a greater threat to NATO as well and that supporting Ukraine should become an integral part of the Alliance's future defense spending.
Finland’s parliament has voted overwhelmingly to pull out of a major international treaty on land mines as the Nordic country seeks to boost its defenses against an increasingly assertive Russia
In the Kherson region, Russian troops attacked a service vehicle belonging to the Bilozerka settlement military administration with a drone, injuring a 46-year-old employee.
Ukraine has brought home a group of soldiers released from Russian captivity, President Volodymyr Zelensky announced on June 19, marking yet another in a recent series of exchanges with Moscow.
"These are warriors of the Armed Forces, the National Guard, and the State Border Guard Service. Most of them had been held captive since 2022," Zelensky said, without revealing their numbers.
The exchange follows four similar swaps carried out last week in accordance with Ukraine-Russia agreements reached at peace talks in Istanbul on June 2.
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Ukrainian service members released from Russian captivity under a prisoner exchange on June 19, 2025. (Ukraine's Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of the POWs)
As in the other recent cases, the latest swap focused on severely ill and wounded prisoners of war (POWs), Ukraine's Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of POWs said.
"We are working to bring our people back. I thank everyone who helps make these exchanges possible. Our goal is to free every single one of them," Zelensky said.
Russia's Defense Ministry also announced a prisoner exchange with the Ukrainian side, without specifying the number of soldiers involved.
"Every defender released today has serious medical diagnoses and illnesses resulting from their injuries and captivity," the Coordination Headquarters said.
Ukrainian soldiers after being released from Russian captivity on June 19, 2025. (President Volodymyr Zelensky/Telegram)
Ukrainian soldiers after being released from Russian captivity on June 19, 2025. (President Volodymyr Zelensky/Telegram)
Ukrainian soldiers after being released from Russian captivity on June 19, 2025. (President Volodymyr Zelensky/Telegram)
Ukrainian soldiers after being released from Russian captivity on June 19, 2025. (President Volodymyr Zelensky/Telegram)
Ukrainian soldiers after being released from Russian captivity on June 19, 2025. (President Volodymyr Zelensky/Telegram)
A significant part of the released captives defended Mariupol during the Russian siege in 2022, while others fought elsewhere in the Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, Kharkiv, Sumy, Chernihiv, Zaporizhzhia, and Kyiv oblasts. All of them are privates or non-commissioned officers.
The oldest of the released captives was 63 years old, Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets said, adding that another, a 45-year-old service member, was released on his birthday.
The Istanbul deal was reached during the second round of direct talks between the Ukrainian and Russian delegations in Istanbul at the beginning of the month.
While no political breakthrough was achieved, both sides agreed to a phased exchange of prisoners and the repatriation of fallen soldiers' bodies. As part of that agreement, Russia pledged to return the bodies of up to 6,000 Ukrainian service members and citizens.
Moscow has handed over 6,057 bodies to Ukraine in several stages over the past few days. Kyiv later said these also included fallen Russian soldiers, though it is unclear whether this was done on purpose or by accident.
The June 2 agreements came after the largest-ever POW swap in late May, when 1,000 prisoners were exchanged on each side.
Ukraine repeatedly called for a prisoner exchange in an all-for-all format, but Russia continues to reject the offer.
Russian President Vladimir Putin expressed willingness to meet with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy while simultaneously bringing up the Russian narrative of Zelenskyy’s “illegitimacy” as the president.
This follows earlier diplomatic efforts when Zelenskyy proposed a 15 May meeting in Istanbul directly with Putin and suggested including Trump in discussions. The Ukrainian president insisted that the meeting would only take place if Putin attended in person, emphasizing that he would not negotiate with lower-level Russian officials. However, Putin did not show up in Türkiye for a meeting, sending his delegation instead, which Zelenskyy criticized as a sign of Russia’s lack of seriousness about peace negotiations.
Putin indicated that a meeting with Zelenskyy would only occur during the final phase of peace negotiations to finalize any agreement, according to a state-funded news agency TASS.
The Russian president framed the encounter as a concluding formality rather than a substantive negotiating session, telling journalists he would meet with Zelenskyy only to “put a period” on completed talks.
The legitimacy question forms the central obstacle in Putin’s framework for potential discussions.
“From a propaganda standpoint, one can say anything about the legitimacy of the current government in Ukraine. But for us, when resolving serious issues, the legal component is what’s important,” Putin stated.
Putin argued that any peace documents must be signed by representatives he considers legitimate Ukrainian authorities, claiming that agreements signed by illegitimate officials would “end up in the trash later.”
Russia uses “Illegitimacy” narrative to undermine peace talks
Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s five-year presidential term officially ended on 20 May 2024, as he was elected in 2019. However, he continues to serve as president because Ukraine is under martial law due to the ongoing Russian invasion, which legally prohibits holding elections during this period for security reasons.
The United Nations and Ukraine’s key international allies recognize Zelenskyy as the legitimate head of state, emphasizing his democratic election in 2019.
However, questions about his legitimacy have emerged primarily from Russian propaganda efforts and have been echoed by some Western critics, including former US President Donald Trump, who have claimed his term expired and that he avoids elections to retain power.
Earlier, Trump labeled Zelenskyy as a “dictator” and blamed Ukraine for “provoking” Russia’s 2022 full-scale invasion. These claims echo Russian propaganda and have raised concerns among US allies about Trump’s stance potentially benefiting Moscow.
Meanwhile, the Institute for the Study of War assesses that the Kremlin is intensifying efforts to delegitimize the Ukrainian government as part of a broader strategy to undermine Ukraine as a negotiating partner. This campaign includes demands for “regime” change and “demilitarization”, while Moscow insists on Ukraine’s capitulation and control over extensive territories, tying any ceasefire to the lifting of Western sanctions.
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As a result of a massive attack by the Russian Federation on June 17, almost 80% of the windows at the Kyiv Sports Lyceum were damaged, and the walls, ceilings, entrance, and sports equipment were partially destroyed.
The European Union is developing a plan to generate more revenue for Ukraine by shifting nearly 200 billion euros ($215 billion) in frozen Russian assets into higher-yield, riskier investments, Politico reported on June 19, citing unnamed sources.
The assets, largely held by Belgium-based clearinghouse Euroclear, have been immobilized since 2022 under EU sanctions imposed following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Under the current framework, the funds are invested conservatively with the Belgian central bank, generating low but steady returns. In 2024, this approach yielded around 4 billion euros ($4.3 billion) in windfall profits, which the EU allocated to help service a G7-backed 45-billion-euro loan for Ukraine (around $50 billion).
Now, with that loan largely disbursed and concerns mounting over future financing, especially amid signals from U.S. President Donald Trump that American support could be scaled back, EU officials are under pressure to find new funding streams.
According to Politico, the proposed plan would redirect the frozen Russian assets into a special investment fund under EU control, allowing for higher returns without confiscating the assets — a move designed to sidestep legal and political opposition.
As part of the current G7-led funding framework, Ukraine has already received 7 billion euros ($8 billion) from the EU under the Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) initiative, which uses profits from frozen Russian sovereign assets to fund loans.
Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal confirmed on June 13 that a fifth tranche of 1 billion euros ($1.1 billion) had been disbursed to support Ukraine's state budget. The ERA mechanism, part of the broader $50 billion G7 program, aims to ensure stable financing for Kyiv while making Russia shoulder the cost of its aggression.
According to Politico, finance ministers from all 27 EU countries are expected to debate the idea during an informal dinner in Luxembourg on June 19.
Poland, which currently holds the Council of the EU's rotating presidency, emphasized the urgency of the discussions, writing in an invitation letter seen by Politico that "further steps regarding the sanctions regime" and the potential use of frozen Russian assets "must be addressed."
The European Commission has also been holding informal consultations with a group of member states, including France, Germany, Italy, and Estonia, to explore legal options for keeping the Russian assets frozen in case Hungary exercises its veto power during the semiannual sanctions renewal process. So far, no workaround has been finalized.
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has repeatedly threatened to block sanctions extensions as a gesture of goodwill toward Moscow, raising concerns the assets could be unfrozen and returned to Russia by default.
By now, much of the EU's 50-billion-euro ($57 billion) Ukraine Facility, agreed in 2023 and intended to last through 2027, has already been spent. The bloc's broader 1.2-trillion-euro ($1.37 billion) budget is stretched thin, and any additional top-ups would also require unanimous support.
Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping agreed to meet in August and September and noted the supposed "rough edges" that emerged among G7 leaders during their summit, said Putin's aide, Yuri Ushakov, on June 19.
In a phone call, the two leaders agreed to meet at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Tianjin, China, between Aug. 31 and Sept. 1, and hold bilateral talks on Sept. 2, Ushakov said, according to the state news agency TASS.
China has been a key ally to Russia during its full-scale war, helping Moscow evade Western sanctions and becoming the leading source of dual-use goods fueling the Russian defense industry. Xi and Putin previously met during the Victory Day celebrations in Moscow in May.
While their phone call focused on the escalating security situation in the Middle East, the leaders also touched upon the G7 summit, noting "the well-known rough edges that emerged among the participants of this meeting," Ushakov said.
Putin and Xi also reportedly made mocking comments toward President Volodymyr Zelensky, saying it was not his "most successful trip abroad."
Zelensky was expected to meet U.S. President Donald Trump at the G7 summit in Canada, held from June 15 to 17, to discuss ways to increase pressure on Russia to end the war. Before Zelensky even arrived, Trump left the summit to address the escalating crisis in the Middle East, snubbing the meeting with the Ukrainian leader.
The G7 leaders were also unable to agree on a joint statement as the U.S. pushed for watered-down language on Russia. Instead, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney issued a summary saying that "G7 leaders expressed support for President Trump’s efforts to achieve a just and lasting peace in Ukraine."
"They recognized that Ukraine has committed to an unconditional ceasefire, and they agreed that Russia must do the same. G7 leaders are resolute in exploring all options to maximize pressure on Russia, including financial sanctions," the statement read.
While initially pledging to broker a swift peace deal between Kyiv and Moscow, Trump has become increasingly disengaged with the effort and resisted calls to increase pressure on Russia via additional sanctions.
Despite Trump's departure and disagreements with the U.S., Zelensky left the G7 summit with additional pledges of military support from Canada and new sanctions imposed against Russia's energy sector.
"Today, we have concrete decisions on increased military support, new tranches of aid funded by frozen Russian assets, and additional sanctions targeting what fuels Russia’s war," Zelensky said after the summit.
Zelensky also told the G7 leaders that "diplomacy is now in a state of crisis" and urged allies to press Trump "to use his real influence" to force an end to the war.
Deepening trade ties between Ukraine and Europe can strengthen the shared resilience of both parties in a fragmented world, especially since Europe is Ukraine's main trading partner.
Connexion
The Kyiv IndependentOleg Sukhov
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