A hundred days since Ukraine agreed to a U.S. proposal for a ceasefire, "Russia continues to choose war," Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said on June 19, urging international pressure to push Moscow toward ending the war.

"It has been exactly 100 days since Ukraine unconditionally accepted the U.S. peace proposal to completely cease fire, put an end to the killing, and move forward with a genuine peace process," Sybiha said on X.

Ukraine backed the U.S. proposal for an unconditional 30-day ceasefire during talks in Jeddah on March 11. Russia has rejected the offer, instead pushing maximalist demands while intensifying attacks across Ukrainian cities.

"A hundred days of Russian manipulations and missed opportunities to end the war. A hundred days of Russia escalating terror against Ukraine rather than ending it," Sybiha said.

Ukraine's top diplomat stressed that Kyiv remains committed to peace, while Russia disregards U.S. efforts to "end the killing."

While U.S. President Donald Trump initially pledged to broker a swift peace deal between Kyiv and Moscow, the U.S. administration has become increasingly less engaged in negotiations as the progress stalls.

Trump has evaded calls for exerting additional pressure on Russia via sanctions, and compared the two warring sides to "two young children" who should be let "fight for a while" before being pulled apart.

The U.S. president has also become increasingly preoccupied with the Middle East amid escalating hostilities between Iran and Israel.

"It is time to act now and force Russia to peace. Peace through strength, increased sanctions, and enhanced capabilities for Ukraine," Sybiha said.

European leaders have declared they are ready to impose additional sanctions on Russia as the 18th sanctions package is being prepared. In turn, a U.S. bill imposing heavy sanctions on Russian oil has been postponed, as other foreign policy issues dominate the agenda in Washington.

Russia turns sound into weapon

When I was at school and learned about World War II, my grandmother told me what she remembered of her wartime childhood on the English coast. Growing up near a Royal Navy base, she survived countless nighttime air raids. Most of all, she remembered exactly how the Blitz sounded — the

The Kyiv IndependentElsa Court

Failure to provide stronger military and financial support for Ukraine could leave Europe vulnerable to growing Russian influence, meaning Europeans might have to "start learning Russian," the EU's top diplomat, Kaja Kallas, said, the Guardian reported on June 17.

"We know that Russia responds to strength and nothing else," Kallas said. She called Ukraine "Europe's first line of defense" and emphasized the need for continued sanctions against Russia and more aid to Kyiv.

The comments come as Russian forces are intensifying their attacks on Ukrainian cities and the Kremlin continues to reject a push by Kyiv and its Western allies for an unconditional ceasefire.

"To quote my friend, NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte: if we don’t help Ukraine further, we should all start learning Russian," Kallas said.

Kallas cited a sharp increase in Russia's military spending, noting that Moscow is now allocating more money to defense than the EU combined, and more than its own health care, education, and social policies put together.

"This is a long-term plan for a long-term aggression," she said.

In light of this, Kallas urged governments to adopt NATO's new target of spending 5% of GDP on defense, warning of Russia's hybrid warfare tactics, including airspace violations, attacks on critical infrastructure, and covert sabotage operations within EU borders.

The 5% defense spending target is expected to be formally adopted during the upcoming NATO summit, which will take place on June 24 and 25 in The Hague. U.S. President Donald Trump has insisted that the European allies increase their defense budgets.

Earlier, Kallas said Russian President Vladimir Putin "cannot be trusted" to mediate peace while continuing to bomb Ukrainian cities and civilians, as Moscow suggested to mediate negotiations between Israel and Iran amid growing escalation.

"Clearly, President Putin is not somebody who can talk about peace while we see actions like this," she said during a June 17 briefing, after a massive Russian missile and drone strike on Kyiv killed at least 28 people and wounded over 130.

Kallas also reiterated her call for the EU to move forward with tightening the oil price cap on Russian exports, even without U.S. backing. She warned that the ongoing Israel-Iran crisis could cause oil prices to spike, boosting Russia's war revenues.

The EU is currently preparing its 18th sanctions package against Moscow, targeting energy, defense, and banking sectors. The 17th round of sanctions came into effect in May.

Putin says he’s ready to meet Zelensky if West ‘stops pushing’ Ukraine to fight

Russia wants to end the war in Ukraine “as soon as possible,” preferably through peaceful means, and is ready to continue negotiations — provided that Kyiv and its Western allies are willing to engage, Vladimir Putin said.

The Kyiv IndependentOlena Goncharova

Editor's note: The story was updated after one of the injured victims died in the hospital.

Russian attacks killed at least one civilian and injured at least 27 over the past 24 hours in Ukraine, regional officials reported on June 19.

According to Ukraine's Air Force, Russian forces launched 104 Shahed-type drones and decoy unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) overnight from Russian territory and occupied Crimea.

Ukrainian air defenses shot down 40 drones, while 48 disappeared from radars or were intercepted by electronic warfare.

In Kherson Oblast, nine people were injured amid heavy shelling and drone attacks on dozens of settlements, including Kherson city, Governor Oleksandr Prokudin said. Russian forces struck social infrastructure facilities, three apartment buildings, and 10 houses. A gas pipeline, an ambulance base, a fire station, and several vehicles were also damaged.

In Donetsk Oblast, 13 people were wounded in Russian strikes across the region, Governor Vadym Filashkin said.

In Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, five people were injured in morning attacks on the Nikopol district, including an 11-year-old child, Governor Serhii Lysak reported. One of the victims, a 59-year-old man, later died in the hospital, Lysak said.

In Zaporizhzhia Oblast, one person was injured, Governor Ivan Fedorov said. Over the past day, Russian forces carried out 410 strikes on 12 settlements in the oblast, including 10 air strikes and 264 drone attacks. Additional shelling from artillery and multiple launch rocket systems damaged at least 94 houses, vehicles, and infrastructure sites.

‘Do me a favor Vladimir, mediate Russia first’ — Trump roasts Putin over Israel, Iran offer

“I said, Vladimir, let’s mediate Russia first. You can worry about this later,” U.S. President Donald Trump said.

The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy

Russia has lost 1,008,240 troops in Ukraine since the beginning of its full-scale invasion on Feb. 24, 2022, the General Staff of Ukraine's Armed Forces reported on June 19.

The number includes 1,080 casualties that Russian forces suffered just over the past day.

According to the report, Russia has also lost 10,951 tanks, 22,853 armored fighting vehicles, 52,420 vehicles and fuel tanks, 29,328 artillery systems, 1,420 multiple launch rocket systems, 1,187 air defense systems, 416 airplanes, 337 helicopters, 41,229 drones, 3,369 cruise missiles, 28 ships and boats, and one submarine.

Russia’s deadliest attack on Kyiv this year shatters homes and lives

As Russia intensifies its attacks on Ukrainian cities, millions of Kyiv residents go to bed every night hoping their houses will be intact in the morning. But some nights are worse than others. At least 28 people were killed in Russia’s drone and missile attack on Ukraine’s capital

The Kyiv IndependentNick Allard

Russian attacks on Kherson Oblast injured nine people and damaged residential infrastructure on June 18-19, according to local authorities.

Thirty-four settlements were reportedly targeted with artillery and drones.

On June 18 at 6:00 p.m. local time, eight civilians were reported injured, including two men in Komyshany and Romashkovo, and six others in Bilozerka, Beryslav, Antonivka, and the regional capital Kherson. One more person has been injured since then.

Civilian infrastructure, including private homes and residential buildings, was also damaged in the attacks. A gas pipeline, emergency medical clinic, and fire department were also damaged, according to the latest reports.

Kherson Oblast is located in southern Ukraine, just north of Russian-occupied Crimea, and has been relentless targeted by Russian forces throughout the war.

Ukrainian forces liberated the city of Kherson, the regional capital, in November 2022.

Russian troops continue to occupy large parts of the region and regularly launch attacks on civilian areas using artillery, guided bombs, and drones.

For the first time, Australia sanctions Russian shadow fleet oil tankers

“Russia uses these vessels to circumvent international sanctions and sustain its illegal and immoral war against Ukraine,” Australia’s Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

The Kyiv IndependentAnna Fratsyvir

Russia wants to end the war in Ukraine "as soon as possible," preferably through peaceful means, and is ready to continue negotiations — provided that Kyiv and its Western allies are willing to engage, President Vladimir Putin said.

Speaking during a roundtable with top editors of major international news agencies late on June 18, Putin added that he is ready to meet with President Volodymyr Zelensky and "Russia does not care who represents Ukraine in negotiations, but insists that any final agreement must bear the signature of legitimate authorities."

The Kremlin has long sought to portray Zelensky as "illegitimate" in an attempt to discredit Kyiv. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said on Feb. 18 that Putin, who has ruled Russia for over 20 years, is ready for talks with Zelensky, but "legal aspects related to his legitimacy" must be considered.

Ukraine's allies had generally ignored this propaganda narrative until U.S. President Donald Trump appeared to echo the Kremlin's lines claiming that Zelensky was a "modestly successful comedian" turned "dictator" who "refused to have elections."

Ukraine has not held elections during Russia’s full-scale invasion because they are legally prohibited under martial law, which was declared on Feb. 24, 2022, just hours after the war began. Ukrainian law also mandates that elections must be safe, equal, and uninterrupted—conditions that are impossible to meet amid ongoing Russian attacks on civilians and critical infrastructure.

Elections in Ukraine — a guide for beginners (and US Presidents)

U.S. President Donald Trump on Feb. 19 launched an astonishing attack on President Volodymyr Zelensky, calling him a “dictator” with a “very low” approval rating that refuses to hold elections in Ukraine. The comments came a day after similar remarks made at the White House, in which Trump falsely

The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Denisova

Putin also told U.S. President Donald Trump on June 14 that Moscow is ready to hold a new round of peace talks with Kyiv after June 22, following the completion of prisoner and fallen soldier exchanges.

Asked if he would be willing to speak with Germany’s Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Putin said that “if the Federal Chancellor wants to call and talk, I have already said this many times — we do not refuse any contacts."

"And we are always open to this… They stopped, let them resume. We are open to them,” Putin said, adding that he, however, questions Germany’s role as a mediator in the Russia-Ukraine war: "I do doubt if Germany can contribute more than the United States as a mediator in our negotiations with Ukraine. A mediator must be neutral. And when we see German tanks and Leopard battle tanks on the battlefield… and now the Federal Republic is considering supplying Taurus missiles for attacks on Russian territory… — here, of course, big questions arise."

‘Do me a favor Vladimir, mediate Russia first’ — Trump roasts Putin over Israel, Iran offer

“I said, Vladimir, let’s mediate Russia first. You can worry about this later,” U.S. President Donald Trump said.

The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy

The U.S. Senate is postponing action on a bipartisan Russia sanctions bill until at least July, as other legislative and foreign policy priorities dominate the agenda, Semafor reported on June 18.

Senators Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) have been working on a revised version of their bill that would impose secondary sanctions on Russian trading partners, while shielding Ukraine’s allies from penalties and making technical adjustments. But momentum has stalled as Republicans push President Donald Trump’s sweeping tax and spending bill, and the escalating conflict between Iran and Israel demands urgent attention.

Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) acknowledged on June 18 that a "July timeframe" was now more realistic for the sanctions bill. "We’re very open to moving, we’re trying to work with the administration from a timing standpoint," Thune said, according to Semafor. Graham added that the Senate is "going to have to wait a bit," citing shifting global developments. "Things are changing now with Iran… that doesn’t mean I’ve forgotten about Russia or Ukraine. Not at all. Iran is center stage, but sooner rather than later," he said.

Trump has not yet signaled support for the legislation, which remains a critical obstacle.

While sanctions enjoy broader Republican backing than direct military aid to Ukraine, GOP lawmakers are hesitant to move forward without Trump’s approval. The U.S. president left the G7 summit in Canada early, skipping a planned meeting with President Volodymyr Zelensky, as attention shifted to a potential U.S. response to Iran’s nuclear ambitions. "All the focus is on Israel and Iran right now," said Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.), though he noted that he is "all for putting sanctions" on Russia.

Graham and Blumenthal had hoped to secure passage of the bill ahead of the G7 summit after visiting Ukraine earlier this year. Blumenthal said he and Graham were "making tremendous progress" with the administration, but acknowledged that other priorities were pushing the legislation off the floor.

Supporters of the sanctions argue the bill would give Trump more leverage in negotiations with Russian President Vladimir Putin. "We want to strengthen our hand in the negotiation," said Sen. John Hoeven (R-N.D.). "We want to help effectuate an outcome in Ukraine, so we’re trying to use it in a way that actually helps get something done." The legislation would authorize secondary sanctions on countries that continue to purchase Russian energy or conduct other major trade with Moscow.

Despite uncertainty around timing, both Graham and Blumenthal continue to refine the bill to ensure broader support, including a carveout for Ukraine’s allies and changes to accommodate the global banking system. "There is no evidence that Putin is going to slow down," Graham told Semafor. "We need to change the approach. I think the sanctions will give the president leverage."

‘Do me a favor Vladimir, mediate Russia first’ — Trump roasts Putin over Israel, Iran offer

“I said, Vladimir, let’s mediate Russia first. You can worry about this later,” U.S. President Donald Trump said.

The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy

Russian President Vladimir Putin is facing renewed pressure from hardliners to formally declare war on Ukraine, with critics inside the Kremlin warning what he calls his "special military operation" no longer goes far enough.

Anger intensified following Ukraine’s June 1 drone strike, dubbed Operation Spiderweb, which targeted four Russian air bases deep inside the country and reportedly damaged at least 20 Russian nuclear bombers. "Shock and outrage" is how one senior official described to the Telegraph the mood in the Kremlin, while another called the attack "a personal tragedy."

Russia has apparently redeployed dozens of long-range bombers to more remote bases within the country following the strike, Russian independent media outlet Agentstvo reported on June 11, citing OSINT analyst AviVector.

Despite the escalation, the Kremlin has so far avoided any dramatic shift in strategy. "This did not catalyse a political discussion or a change in the format of military operations," a former Kremlin official told the Telegraph. Another source close to the Russian Defense Ministry said, "Could the president declare war on Kyiv? Right now, unlikely. As cynical as it may sound, the leadership is satisfied with the current situation."

Hardliners argue that only a formal war declaration would permit true escalation—full-scale mobilization, regular missile strikes, and potentially the use of tactical nuclear weapons. One analyst told the Telegraph that a formal war declaration would give the Russian government sweeping authority to shift the country fully onto a wartime footing.

However, despite record levels of defense spending, the Kremlin has avoided taking that step—seeking instead to preserve the illusion of control and protect the broader population from the immediate impact of the war.

The Kremlin is projected to allocate 6.3 percent of its GDP to defense this year — the highest level since the Cold War — yet still far below what would typically indicate a country fully mobilized for war. By contrast, Ukraine spent 34 percent of its GDP on defense last year, while British military spending surpassed 50 percent of GDP during the Second World War.

"Mobilization undermines economic stability," said one current government employee. According to him, those in Putin’s inner circle have convinced the president that large-scale mobilization could trigger the collapse of the war effort. "And why is it needed now? We have Kalibr missiles, we have volunteers. Their resources are not yet exhausted," he was quoted as saying.

Ukraine’s SBU releases fresh video of Operation Spiderweb, teases ‘new surprises’

“The SBU is hitting and will hit (Russia) where it considers itself unreachable!” SBU chief Vasyl Maliuk said. “We are working on new surprises, no less painful than the Operation Spiderweb.”

The Kyiv IndependentMartin Fornusek

The fiber-optic drones that laugh at Russian jammers. The $10,000 radars that beat $10-million systems. The netgun quadcopters snatching enemy eyes from the sky. None came from NATO labs — they came from basements, battlefields, and backchannel Zoom calls.

While Ukraine’s allies debated aid packages and tiptoed around “escalation,” a global league of engineers, tinkerers, and combat-tested coders — calling themselves Defense Tech for Ukraine (DTU) — has built a rapid-response tech pipeline their own governments can only dream of.

Putin bet everything on a slow grind to wear Ukraine down. Instead, every second now fuels his worst nightmare: a grassroots tech incubator taking on his billion-dollar systems with garage-built solutions. While global defense giants waste years in development hell, these 150 volunteers deliver life-saving solutions in weeks — and shift the balance where it matters most: Ukraine’s front line.

The geeks who decided Russia had to lose

This volunteer force wasn’t built in boardrooms — it was born in crisis. As Ukraine’s defenders scrambled in the early days of Russia’s full-scale invasion, a handful of pro-Ukrainian veterans, engineers, and foreign tech allies realized crowdfunding a few drones wouldn’t cut it. They needed something faster, smarter — and scalable.

The answer? Build a nimble incubator to support Ukraine’s burgeoning defense industry and help its engineers win a war of attrition with invention—skipping the bureaucracy and contracts to beat traditional arms pipelines by months.

The stakes were existential. Andrii, a drone pilot in Ukraine’s 109th Territorial Defense Brigade, explains that modern war demands rapid tactical shifts and the near-immediate deployment of new technologies, often moving straight from blueprint to battlefield.

Nowhere is this urgency more visible than in drone warfare, where reconnaissance, targeting, resupply, and strike all hinge on real-time aerial dominance.

“Drones play a very big role on the battlefield, more than anything else,” adds Yaroslav, a drone pilot from the 110th Mechanized Brigade.

The war room Putin never saw coming

DTU has become one of Ukraine’s fastest-moving defense incubators — a decentralized network where frontline urgency meets global engineering talent. Its 150 members span European and North American engineers, manufacturers, veterans, donors, and active-duty Ukrainian soldiers — all working to turn battlefield needs into deployable tools at record speed.

There’s no boardroom — just six weekly calls, split between English and Ukrainian, where developers sync directly with end users — soldiers testing their inventions under fire. As co-founder Carl Larson noted, the pressure is real: at one meeting, a member warned that if Ukraine didn’t move fast enough, Russia would field the same idea first.

“The group is dedicated and passionate about helping Ukraine,” says Roy Gardiner, a former Canadian Armed Forces officer and open-source weapons researcher who volunteers with DTU. “Members devote what time they each can.”

Explore further

No aid? No problem. Ukraine’s engineers hit Russia 7,000 times with homegrown tech

The US veteran who hacked Russia’s jammers

By late 2024, DTU’s work had outgrown the screen. Seven of its American and European members flew to Ukraine to fast-track what they had been building remotely: a high-speed supply chain for battlefield innovation. In a whirlwind of meetings, they linked up with 15 defense manufacturers — including 12 drone makers and three anti-drone developers — along with drone schools, NGOs, military units, and the rising constellation of Ukraine’s wartime engineers.

The results speak for themselves. DTU-backed projects range from drone-mounted netguns to vertical-takeoff bombers and low-cost radar systems. But the breakthrough was a fiber-optic drone control system — a jamming-proof lifeline that beams stable high-definition feeds to the operator.

The concept came from Troy Smothers, a US Marine veteran and founder of the Drone Reaper initiative. DTU helped sharpen the prototype and pushed it to its first confirmed success on the battlefield.

“We gave it away,” says Carl Larson, a DTU co-founder and former soldier in Ukraine’s International Legion. “Now, it’s everywhere.”

By open-sourcing the design and proving it in combat, DTU helped trigger a wave of fiber-guided drone adoption — not just for strikes, but for resupply missions in places too deadly for manned vehicles.

“They used the DTU drone against a target they couldn’t reach due to jamming,” Roy Gardiner adds. “It worked on the first attempt.”

Gardiner notes that DTU played a key role in pushing fiber-optic adoption across Ukrainian units. The tech didn’t stop there: that same fiber-optic system now powers ground drones delivering food, fuel, and ammo to frontline troops — replacing high-risk resupply runs with cable-controlled precision under fire.

The day Kremlin’s engineers stopped sleeping — and killed a HIMARS from 6 miles away

For all its promise, Ukraine’s fiber-guided tech still trails behind Russia’s in both range and reliability. On missions up to 15 kilometers (9.3 miles), Ukrainian drones succeed just 10–30% of the time, climbing to 50% only when using shorter 10 km (6.2 miles) spools.

By contrast, Russian fiber-optic drones boast an 80% success rate over 20 km (12.4 miles) — powered by stronger signal transmitters, superior optical wavelengths, and sharper digital IP cameras that beat Ukraine’s analog setups.

Russia’s edge is also structural. Their drones use thicker, more resilient cables that reduce breakage mid-flight. Ukraine’s platforms often rely on ultra-thin 0.25 mm (0.01 inch) fiber — lighter, but far more prone to failure.

“The enemy is using fiber-optic drones more extensively than we are,” says Roman Kostenko, Ukraine’s MP and secretary of the parliamentary Committee on National Security, Defense, and Intelligence

To make the competition worse, the Kremlin is scaling fast. Moscow has begun mass-producing the Knyaz Vandal (KVN) drone — a fiber-guided platform with near-total immunity to jamming, 1 Gbps data transmission, and a reported 95% hit rate. It can carry up to 20 km (12.4 miles) of cable, though even 10 km (6.2 miles) adds 2.3 kilograms (5.1 pounds), limiting its agility.

Despite its limits, it’s still lethal enough. In one recent strike, a KVN drone flew more than six miles (9.7 km) behind the front line and destroyed High-Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) launchers — one of Ukraine’s most prized US-supplied artillery systems.

Explore further

Ukraine’s own drones crash Putin’s $7-billion “red lines” aircraft — while Russia fights them back with sticks

Kyiv’s response: bomb the factory copying your garage

Ukraine is innovating fast — but to stay ahead in the drone war, it needs all the help it can get. Much of that help still comes from outside formal structures, through agile volunteer networks that move faster than any bureaucracy.

“When something is urgently needed, you call your volunteer contacts and they’ll bring you everything, and often even more than you asked for,” says Danylo, a drone pilot from Ukraine’s 108th Territorial Defense Brigade.

As Kyiv races to scale its own fiber-guided drone production, it’s blowing holes in Russia’s. In a long-range operation, Ukrainian drones hit the Optic Fiber Systems plant in Saransk, deep in Russia’s Mordovia Republic — about 1,000 kilometers (620 miles) from the border.

“The fiber optic systems plant in Saransk was very seriously damaged after the strike,” confirmed Andrii Kovalenko of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council.

Meanwhile, DTU keeps hunting for battlefield fixes — even the ones that seem small on paper but make a big difference under fire. Co-founder Carl Larson has crisscrossed Ukraine meeting with developers of radio-frequency detectors, searching for tweaks that troops can use immediately.

One engineer added a foldable sun visor to a pocket-sized signal scanner, printed with key frequency ranges and a QR code that links straight to the manual — so even if the paper instructions are lost, the tool stays usable on the front.

“It might seem like a small thing,” says DTU’s President Jonathan Lippert. “But it means a significant percentage of soldiers who might lose paper instructions will still be able to access them online and actually use the device effectively.”

This kind of field-adapted thinking is the backbone of DTU’s model: rapid fixes, open-source sharing, and no time wasted.

“Success for us is helping improve Ukraine’s ability to defend itself, however that might look,” Lippert adds. “That means getting advanced capabilities into soldiers’ hands faster and more broadly.”

When “calling a guy” beats Pentagon red tape

DTU is currently field-testing a wave of new tools — including an RF detection device, an acoustic system now being trialed in combat, and a sub-$10,000 radar urgently needed to spot Russia’s newest fiber-optic drones.

“In the next month or two, we expect to have three different drone-mounted devices ready for testing, focused on counter-drone and anti-jamming operations,” Lippert says.

Unlike traditional defense contractors, DTU doesn’t chase contracts as its volunteers operate in a space between formal military procurement and guerrilla maker culture. Their projects, like the “Iklo” drone-mounted shotgun system or drone-mounted RF detectors, are often too niche, fast-moving, and unorthodox for large vendors or government defense ministries. But on Ukraine’s high-tech battlefield, these are exactly the tools that decide everything.

And DTU doesn’t operate alone — it’s plugged into a broader ecosystem driving battlefield innovation. It partners with Brave1, the Ukrainian government’s official defense-tech incubator, and works alongside grassroots groups like Kyiv Defenders and UkrLegion — NGOs supporting drone teams, training, and tactical innovation. Regional tech clusters in cities like Lviv and Kharkiv round out the network, turning Ukraine’s war zones into live innovation labs.

This decentralized model gives DTU an edge that most governments can’t match: speed. While traditional defense programs are bogged down by bureaucracy, DTU moves with the urgency of war — powered by engineers, soldiers, and volunteers solving problems in real time.

It also offers Western investors and defense planners a glimpse of the future: a wartime innovation pipeline powered not by national labs but by networks of passionate individuals working outside of hierarchies.

The model isn’t just fast — it’s scalable. DTU is already exploring how to bring in venture capital to match proven battlefield tools with dual-use potential down the line.

“Our future plans include close partnerships with UA units, supporting innovation amongst their drone teams to accelerate the testing and adoption of new technologies,” Larson says.

5 million reasons Putin should be terrified

Ukraine has redefined modern defense not with billion-dollar programs, but with speed, scale, and cost-efficiency. In just three years of resisting Russian aggression, it’s built a wartime tech industry capable of overwhelming more sophisticated systems through sheer volume.

“Victory on the battlefield now depends entirely on the ability to outpace the enemy in technological development,” said Valerii Zaluzhnyi, Ukraine’s former commander-in-chief — a warning that has become the backbone of Ukraine’s defense.

That mindset is exactly what Ukraine’s global backers are betting on. Deborah Fairlamb, Founding Partner at Green Flag Ventures — a US fund investing in Ukrainian-founded companies that can scale globally — pointed to Ukraine’s biggest strategic breakthrough: speed at scale.

In just three years, the country turned battlefield urgency into an advantage, flooding the front with cheap, effective hardware built fast enough to beat Russia’s slower, more advanced systems.

The numbers tell the story. From zero drone production in 2022, Ukraine is now on track to manufacture up to 5 million units in 2025. Iteration cycles that once took years are now completed in weeks. New tools can reach frontline troops in just three to four weeks — a speed few traditional defense ecosystems can match.

Explore further

“Kill a navy for the price of a car”: Ukraine’s drones drove out Putin’s fleet from the Black Sea — then turned on his fighter jets

Justin Zeefe, co-founder of Green Flag Ventures, adds that wartime innovation gives these startups a critical edge. By developing and stress-testing their products under live battlefield conditions, Ukrainian firms gain real-world validation and credibility. That, in turn, positions them for faster adoption in NATO and Eastern European markets facing similar threats.

Powered by volunteers, Ukraine has outpaced one of the world’s biggest militaries — but in this race, falling behind even once could be fatal. This is a fight built on everyone showing up — and every personal contribution is vital to keeping Ukraine in the fight.

“It’s an easy sell to tell engineers and students they can join a free group in their spare time to help defend democracy, save lives and stand with the Ukrainian people on the right side of history,” Larson says.

Vladimir Putin is facing deepening strategic isolation as Israel’s military offensive against Iran threatens to unravel a key alliance underpinning Russia’s war effort in Ukraine, writes Con Coughlin, Defence and Foreign Affairs Editor at The Telegraph.

In a sharply worded column, Coughlin argues that “Putin’s primary concern… will be the impact that Israel’s continuing assault on Iran’s nuclear and military infrastructure will have on Tehran’s ability to continue its support for Russia’s war effort in Ukraine.”

Since last week, Israeli forces have launched targeted strikes against Iranian missile and drone production sites — the same systems that have been regularly supplied to Russia since the summer of 2022. According to Coughlin, the Israeli campaign “appears to have paid dividends,” with a notable drop in attacks originating from Iran.

A strategic blow to Moscow

The deepening Russia-Iran relationship, sealed in January with a 20-year strategic pact, has been critical to sustaining Russia’s campaign in Ukraine. In exchange for military hardware from Tehran, Moscow had promised to boost Iran’s air defenses and air force capabilities. But Coughlin notes that this “has clearly failed to deter Israel from launching its military offensive.”

As Iranian military capacity is degraded, Putin risks losing a crucial source of support. “If the Iranians are unable to provide sufficient weaponry for their own military campaign against Israel,” Coughlin writes, “they will be in no position to support Russia’s offensive in Ukraine.”

Regional influence under threat

The ramifications extend beyond Ukraine. With Syria’s Assad regime reportedly collapsed and now “languishing in exile in Moscow,” Russia’s Middle East strategy appears to be unraveling. Coughlin suggests Putin’s broader effort to project power in the region is now in jeopardy.

The article also highlights the precariousness of Russia’s position within the informal alliance of authoritarian states — Iran, North Korea, China, and Russia — warning that Israel’s attacks could weaken their interconnected military and economic interests.

Coughlin concludes: “Putin’s standing in the region is in danger of precipitous collapse.”

EU Energy Commissioner Dan Jørgensen confirmed that the European Union will not resume imports of Russian natural gas—even if a peace agreement is reached in Ukraine.

Russia supplied about 45% of EU gas in 2021, a figure expected to fall to 13% by 2025. Despite progress, the EU imported record volumes of Russian LNG in 2024.

“This is a ban that we introduce because Russia has weaponised energy against us, because Russia has blackmailed member states in the EU, and therefore they are not a trading partner that can be trusted,” Jørgensen said.

“That also means that, irrespectively of whether there is a peace or not—which we all hope there will be, of course—this ban will still stand.”

EU plans full phase-out of Russian fossil fuels by 2028

The gas ban is part of a broader EU strategy to end reliance on Russian fossil fuels by 2028. The proposed legislation would prohibit EU companies from importing Russian pipeline gas or providing services to Russian clients at liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminals. Importers must also declare the source of their fuel to prevent Russian gas from being disguised as coming from another country.

Any new contracts signed after the plan is adopted must end by 1 January 2026. Existing contracts must be terminated by 1 January 2028.

Austria walks back vomments on Russian gas

Austria’s junior energy minister, Elisabeth Zehetner, caused a stir earlier this week by suggesting the EU should remain open to reconsidering Russian gas imports in the event of a peace deal. However, her office later clarified Austria’s position, stating that the country “strongly condemns” Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and supports the proposed gas ban.

“The allegation that Austria wants to import Russian gas again after the war, let alone now, is simply false,” the statement read.

Austrian Green MEP Lena Schilling called the initial suggestion “shortsighted and morally irresponsible,” asking, “Have we learned nothing from bombed hospitals, abducted children and a war of aggression in the heart of Europe?”

Austria previously relied heavily on Russian gas, but supplies were halted in 2023 due to a contractual dispute. Deliveries via Ukraine ended the same year.

Hungary and Slovakia maintain opposition

Hungary and Slovakia continue to oppose the EU’s fossil fuel phase-out. Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szíjjártó claimed Hungarian consumers could face utility bills four times higher. He also posted a dramatic video on social media to criticize the plan. EU officials have rejected those claims, saying there’s no evidence prices would spike.

The current gas legislation does not affect an existing exemption from the EU’s oil embargo. Hungary and Slovakia were granted a carve-out in 2023 allowing continued imports via the Soviet-era Druzhba pipeline—a provision that falls under a separate legal framework.

Russian oil also in the crosshairs

The EU is also targeting Russian oil, aiming to end imports entirely by 2028. Russian oil made up 27% of EU imports in 2021 but has already dropped to around 3%. The oil ban, like the gas proposal, is part of the EU’s broader strategy to cut energy ties with Moscow and boost long-term energy security.

Emergency crews have completed search and rescue operations at a residential building in Kyiv’s Solomianskyi district, where a Russian missile strike on 17 June caused extensive destruction.

The strike was part of a large-scale, coordinated Russian attack on Ukraine that night. One missile directly hit the nine-story residential building, destroying an entire section.

Rescue efforts end after 39 hours

Ukraine’s Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko confirmed that the operation lasted over 39 hours. At 7:20 PM on 18 June, first responders officially concluded search efforts at the site.

“Sadly, 23 lives were lost at this site alone,” Klymenko said. “Across the capital, 28 people died and over 140 were injured as a result of the strike.”

Although search operations have ended, crews continue to dismantle damaged structures and clear debris.

Emergency response faced harsh conditions

The rescue effort was one of the most intensive in recent months and involved:

• Over 400 personnel from the State Emergency Service (SES)
• More than 200 units of specialized equipment
• Drones, search dogs, and heavy engineering machinery

Two people were rescued from beneath the rubble. Around 50 others were evacuated from apartments and stairwells during the response.

Stairwell collapse in nearby damaged building

Later the same day, Kyiv officials reported an internal collapse in a nearby five-story residential building also damaged in the strike. A stairwell between the upper floors gave way, but no injuries were reported. Five residents were safely evacuated.

City in mourning as recovery continues

Kyiv declared 18 June a day of mourning to honor the victims of the attack. More than 2,000 emergency workers have been deployed across the capital to assist with ongoing recovery operations.

Former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Bridget Brink announced on June 18 that she is running for Congress from Michigan's 7th district, pledging to oppose U.S. President Donald Trump.

"I've dedicated my life to protecting democracy and fighting for freedom. It's why we stood up to (Russian President Vladimir) Putin and why I spoke out against Trump," Brink wrote on X.

"My next mission: fighting for what's right here at home."

Brink resigned from her post on April 10, and in a May 16 op-ed in the Detroit Free Press, publicly confirmed her departure was driven by disagreement with the Trump administration's stance on Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine.

"I just came home to Michigan from three years in the toughest job of my life," she wrote. "I could no longer in good faith carry out the administration's policy and felt it was my duty to step down."

Brink accused the Trump administration of pressuring Ukraine rather than holding Russia accountable, calling that approach "dangerous and immoral."

"I cannot stand by while a country is invaded, a democracy bombarded, and children killed with impunity," she wrote. "Peace at any price is not peace at all — it is appeasement."

Elections for the representative of Michigan's 7th district will take place in November 2026.

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Trump, who began his second term in January, pledged to end the war within 100 days. That deadline has passed with no deal. He has alternated between blaming both sides for the conflict and claiming a breakthrough is still possible.

Despite repeatedly expressing frustration with Putin, the U.S. president has continued to avoid placing additional sanctions on Moscow, even as the Kremlin refuses to agree to a ceasefire.

Brink's relationship with Ukraine's leadership frayed in April after the U.S. Embassy issued what was seen as a muted response to a deadly Russian missile strike on Kryvyi Rih that killed 20 civilians.

"Horrified that tonight a ballistic missile struck near a playground and restaurant in Kryvyi Rih," Brink posted on X following a Russian missile attack. "This is why the war must end."

President Volodymyr Zelensky criticized the message.

"Unfortunately, the response from the U.S. Embassy is surprisingly disappointing — such a strong country, such a strong people, and yet such a weak reaction," he wrote on April 5.

Julie S. Davis, the new U.S. Charge d'Affaires to Ukraine, arrived in Kyiv on May 5.

Zelensky may reportedly skip NATO summit over uncertainty about Trump’s attendance

According to the Guardian, some in Kyiv are unsure if President Volodymyr Zelensky’s presence at the summit would be worthwhile without a confirmed meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump.

The Kyiv IndependentAnna Fratsyvir

During a targeted operation, Ukraine's military intelligence (HUR) killed Mykhailo Hrytsai, a senior collaborator with Russian occupation authorities in Berdiansk, Zaporizhzhia Oblast, a HUR source told the Kyiv Independent on June 18.

According to the source, Hrytsai was directly involved in organizing repressions against the local Ukrainian population and establishing torture chambers for prisoners of war.

The collaborator was shot dead in the city using a silenced PM pistol, the source said.

Hrytsai served as the Russian-installed deputy mayor responsible for infrastructure, housing, utilities, and the energy sector. The source also said he facilitated the illegal seizure of municipal and state property in Berdiansk.

"There are still plenty of such targets — collaborators, accomplices of the enemy — in the occupied territories of Ukraine," the source said.

"We will definitely get to each and every one of them and put an end to their criminal activities by any means necessary: with or without a silencer, quietly or loudly, but always effectively."

A native of Poltava Oblast, Hrytsai had previously participated in Ukrainian political life. He was an assistant to a member of parliament and headed the Berdiansk branch of the Socialist Ukraine party before siding with Russian occupation forces.

Berdiansk, a port city on the Azov Sea, has been under Russian control since the early days of the full-scale invasion in 2022. It remains a critical logistics hub for Russian forces, facilitating the transport of looted Ukrainian grain and other resources.

On Feb. 20, another targeted strike in Berdiansk killed Yevgeny Bogdanov, the deputy head of the Russian-installed administration, according to Ukrainian military intelligence.

‘Beyond cynical’ – Russian doctor carved ‘Glory to Russia’ scar on POW during operation, Ukraine says

After more than three years of Russia’s full-scale invasion, each new revelation of cruel treatment of Ukrainians in Russian captivity hardly surprises anyone. But when a photo recently emerged online, showing a “Glory to Russia” scar on the body of a Ukrainian prisoner of war (POW), it sent shockwaves

The Kyiv IndependentDaria Shulzhenko

Next week’s Nato summit in The Hague will be significantly shortened to accommodate President Donald Trump’s short attention span — and a meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy will be carefully avoided, The Times reports.

Nato format cut to single session

The 25 July summit will consist of just one 2.5-hour session, a major departure from NATO’s usual multi-session format. According to The Times, diplomats hope the streamlined event will reduce the risk of tension or unpredictability.

“It is about keeping the summit focused, short and sweet,” a diplomat told the paper. “Trump can be impatient and has — [he has] said it himself — a short attention span. The shorter the better.”

There will be no joint press conference between Trump and Nato Secretary-General Mark Rutte, and the summit’s final communiqué will be just five paragraphs, printed on a single sheet of paper.

Zelenskyy excluded from main talks

President Zelenskyy will be present in The Hague only for a leaders’ dinner on 24 June. He has not been invited to the main summit session, and no meeting of the NATO–Ukraine Council at the heads-of-state level is scheduled. Instead, he is expected to speak at a Defense Industry Forum on the sidelines.

Diplomatic sources suggest the decision aims to prevent any direct confrontation between Trump and Zelenskyy. While Euractiv and ANSA reported the US opposed Zelenskyy’s formal invitation, Secretary of State Marco Rubio has denied that claim.

Ukraine dropped from final statement

Despite Ukraine’s long-standing bid to join the alliance, the country will neither be invited to join nor even mentioned in the final NATO communiqué, diplomatic sources told Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. The statement will label Russia as a “direct threat”, but omit any language about Ukraine’s future in the alliance.

Ukraine’s desire for NATO membership dates back to 2008, and its constitution enshrines the goal of joining. Yet even after three years of full-scale war against Russia, no formal steps toward membership are expected in The Hague.

“This issue is definitely not on NATO’s agenda, and there have been no expectations of an invitation in The Hague,” Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys told LRT.

Defence spending target to please Trump

The summit’s main goal will be agreement on a new defence spending target of 5% of GDP by 2032, with a review in 2029. The proposal includes 3.5% for core military budgets and 1.5% for defense-related spending.

The decision will be framed as a personal win for Trump, who has long demanded more spending from European allies.

“Keeping unity in the alliance is as much a priority as spending more on defence,” said EU foreign affairs chief Kaja Kallas.

Trump left G7 early, skipped meeting with Zelenskyy

The decision to avoid a Trump–Zelenskyy encounter at the NATO summit follows a similar scene just days earlier. Trump abruptly left the G7 summit in Canada, skipping a planned meeting with Zelenskyy.

According to The Guardian, Trump exited early, “citing the Israel‑Iran conflict.” Reuters reported that Zelenskyy was denied a meeting with his most powerful ally, leaving the Ukrainian side frustrated and empty-handed after the gathering.

US President Donald Trump says he declined an offer from Russian President Vladimir Putin to mediate rising tensions with Iran, stating that unresolved issues between Washington and Moscow should be addressed first.

“I spoke with him yesterday. He actually offered to help with mediation. I said, ‘Do me a favor—let’s mediate Russia first,’” Trump told reporters, according to Russian news outlet RBC.

Trump calls Russia and Ukraine “foolish”

President Trump also took aim at both Russia and Ukraine, calling them “foolish” during his remarks and once again asserting that the Ukraine war would not have happened had he been in office at the time of its outbreak.

Trump-Putin call on 14 June — the President’s birthday

Although the Kremlin did not officially confirm the exchange, both Moscow and Washington acknowledged a 14 June phone call between the two leaders. The conversation reportedly lasted nearly an hour and focused largely on Middle East tensions, particularly involving Iran.

“The call was substantive, candid, and, most importantly, very useful,” said Yury Ushakov, a senior aide to Putin.

On Truth Social, President Trump revealed that Putin called to wish him a happy birthday and discuss Iran—a country Trump said Putin “knows very well.” He added that Ukraine was only “briefly” discussed.

Ukraine peace talks still in deadlock

President Trump has made ending the war in Ukraine a central focus of his second term. He’s pushing for renewed peace talks and a 30-day ceasefire. While limited humanitarian efforts, such as prisoner exchanges, have occurred, no formal peace deal has been reached.

Sticking points remain over territorial control and long-term security guarantees.

Trump has faced criticism from lawmakers and allies for appearing to pressure Ukraine more than Russia, and for his calls to end all US military aid to Kyiv—a stance that has raised concerns about America’s global commitments and Ukraine’s ability to defend itself.