Editor's note: This is a developing story and is being updated.
Russia wants to end the war in Ukraine "as soon as possible," preferably through peaceful means, and is ready to continue negotiations — provided that Kyiv and its Western allies are willing to engage, President Vladimir Putin said.
Speaking during a roundtable with top editors of major international news agencies late on June 18, Putin added that he is ready to meet with President Volodymyr Zelensky and "Russia does not care who represents Ukraine in negotiations, but insists that any final agreement must bear the signature of legitimate authorities."
The Kremlin has long sought to portray Zelensky as "illegitimate" in an attempt to discredit Kyiv. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said on Feb. 18 that Putin, who has ruled Russia for over 20 years, is ready for talks with Zelensky, but "legal aspects related to his legitimacy" must be considered.
Ukraine's allies had generally ignored this propaganda narrative until U.S. President Donald Trump appeared to echo the Kremlin's lines claiming that Zelensky was a "modestly successful comedian" turned "dictator" who "refused to have elections."
Ukraine has not held elections during Russia’s full-scale invasion because they are legally prohibited under martial law, which was declared on Feb. 24, 2022, just hours after the war began. Ukrainian law also mandates that elections must be safe, equal, and uninterrupted—conditions that are impossible to meet amid ongoing Russian attacks on civilians and critical infrastructure.
The Kyiv IndependentKateryna Denisova
Asked if he would be willing to speak with Germany’s Chancellor Friedrich Merz, Putin said that “if the Federal Chancellor wants to call and talk, I have already said this many times — we do not refuse any contacts."
"And we are always open to this… They stopped, let them resume. We are open to them,” Putin said, adding that he, however, questions Germany’s role as a mediator in the Russia-Ukraine war: "I do doubt if Germany can contribute more than the United States as a mediator in our negotiations with Ukraine. A mediator must be neutral. And when we see German tanks and Leopard battle tanks on the battlefield… and now the Federal Republic is considering supplying Taurus missiles for attacks on Russian territory… using not only the equipment itself, but also Bundeswehr officers — here, of course, big questions arise."
The U.S. Senate is postponing action on a bipartisan Russia sanctions bill until at least July, as other legislative and foreign policy priorities dominate the agenda, Semafor reported on June 18.
Senators Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.) have been working on a revised version of their bill that would impose secondary sanctions on Russian trading partners, while shielding Ukraine’s allies from penalties and making technical adjustments. But momentum has stalled as Republicans push President Donald Trump’s sweeping tax and spending bill, and the escalating conflict between Iran and Israel demands urgent attention.
Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) acknowledged on June 18 that a "July timeframe" was now more realistic for the sanctions bill. "We’re very open to moving, we’re trying to work with the administration from a timing standpoint," Thune said, according to Semafor. Graham added that the Senate is "going to have to wait a bit," citing shifting global developments. "Things are changing now with Iran… that doesn’t mean I’ve forgotten about Russia or Ukraine. Not at all. Iran is center stage, but sooner rather than later," he said.
Trump has not yet signaled support for the legislation, which remains a critical obstacle.
While sanctions enjoy broader Republican backing than direct military aid to Ukraine, GOP lawmakers are hesitant to move forward without Trump’s approval. The U.S. president left the G7 summit in Canada early, skipping a planned meeting with President Volodymyr Zelensky, as attention shifted to a potential U.S. response to Iran’s nuclear ambitions. "All the focus is on Israel and Iran right now," said Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.), though he noted that he is "all for putting sanctions" on Russia.
Graham and Blumenthal had hoped to secure passage of the bill ahead of the G7 summit after visiting Ukraine earlier this year. Blumenthal said he and Graham were "making tremendous progress" with the administration, but acknowledged that other priorities were pushing the legislation off the floor.
Supporters of the sanctions argue the bill would give Trump more leverage in negotiations with Russian President Vladimir Putin. "We want to strengthen our hand in the negotiation," said Sen. John Hoeven (R-N.D.). "We want to help effectuate an outcome in Ukraine, so we’re trying to use it in a way that actually helps get something done." The legislation would authorize secondary sanctions on countries that continue to purchase Russian energy or conduct other major trade with Moscow.
Despite uncertainty around timing, both Graham and Blumenthal continue to refine the bill to ensure broader support, including a carveout for Ukraine’s allies and changes to accommodate the global banking system. "There is no evidence that Putin is going to slow down," Graham told Semafor. "We need to change the approach. I think the sanctions will give the president leverage."
The Kyiv IndependentTim Zadorozhnyy
Russian President Vladimir Putin is facing renewed pressure from hardliners to formally declare war on Ukraine, with critics inside the Kremlin warning what he calls his "special military operation" no longer goes far enough.
Anger intensified following Ukraine’s June 1 drone strike, dubbed Operation Spiderweb, which targeted four Russian air bases deep inside the country and reportedly damaged at least 20 Russian nuclear bombers. "Shock and outrage" is how one senior official described to the Telegraph the mood in the Kremlin, while another called the attack "a personal tragedy."
Russia has apparently redeployed dozens of long-range bombers to more remote bases within the country following the strike, Russian independent media outlet Agentstvo reported on June 11, citing OSINT analyst AviVector.
Despite the escalation, the Kremlin has so far avoided any dramatic shift in strategy. "This did not catalyse a political discussion or a change in the format of military operations," a former Kremlin official told the Telegraph. Another source close to the Russian Defense Ministry said, "Could the president declare war on Kyiv? Right now, unlikely. As cynical as it may sound, the leadership is satisfied with the current situation."
Hardliners argue that only a formal war declaration would permit true escalation—full-scale mobilization, regular missile strikes, and potentially the use of tactical nuclear weapons. One analyst told the Telegraph that a formal war declaration would give the Russian government sweeping authority to shift the country fully onto a wartime footing.
However, despite record levels of defense spending, the Kremlin has avoided taking that step—seeking instead to preserve the illusion of control and protect the broader population from the immediate impact of the war.
The Kremlin is projected to allocate 6.3 percent of its GDP to defense this year — the highest level since the Cold War — yet still far below what would typically indicate a country fully mobilized for war. By contrast, Ukraine spent 34 percent of its GDP on defense last year, while British military spending surpassed 50 percent of GDP during the Second World War.
"Mobilization undermines economic stability," said one current government employee. According to him, those in Putin’s inner circle have convinced the president that large-scale mobilization could trigger the collapse of the war effort. "And why is it needed now? We have Kalibr missiles, we have volunteers. Their resources are not yet exhausted," he was quoted as saying.
The Kyiv IndependentMartin Fornusek
The fiber-optic drones that laugh at Russian jammers. The $10,000 radars that beat $10-million systems. The netgun quadcopters snatching enemy eyes from the sky. None came from NATO labs — they came from basements, battlefields, and backchannel Zoom calls.
While Ukraine’s allies debated aid packages and tiptoed around “escalation,” a global league of engineers, tinkerers, and combat-tested coders — calling themselves Defense Tech for Ukraine (DTU) — has built a rapid-response tech pipeline their own governments can only dream of.
Putin bet everything on a slow grind to wear Ukraine down. Instead, every second now fuels his worst nightmare: a grassroots tech incubator taking on his billion-dollar systems with garage-built solutions. While global defense giants waste years in development hell, these 150 volunteers deliver life-saving solutions in weeks — and shift the balance where it matters most: Ukraine’s front line.
This volunteer force wasn’t built in boardrooms — it was born in crisis. As Ukraine’s defenders scrambled in the early days of Russia’s full-scale invasion, a handful of pro-Ukrainian veterans, engineers, and foreign tech allies realized crowdfunding a few drones wouldn’t cut it. They needed something faster, smarter — and scalable.
The answer? Build a nimble incubator to support Ukraine’s burgeoning defense industry and help its engineers win a war of attrition with invention—skipping the bureaucracy and contracts to beat traditional arms pipelines by months.
The stakes were existential. Andrii, a drone pilot in Ukraine’s 109th Territorial Defense Brigade, explains that modern war demands rapid tactical shifts and the near-immediate deployment of new technologies, often moving straight from blueprint to battlefield.
Nowhere is this urgency more visible than in drone warfare, where reconnaissance, targeting, resupply, and strike all hinge on real-time aerial dominance.
“Drones play a very big role on the battlefield, more than anything else,” adds Yaroslav, a drone pilot from the 110th Mechanized Brigade.
DTU has become one of Ukraine’s fastest-moving defense incubators — a decentralized network where frontline urgency meets global engineering talent. Its 150 members span European and North American engineers, manufacturers, veterans, donors, and active-duty Ukrainian soldiers — all working to turn battlefield needs into deployable tools at record speed.
There’s no boardroom — just six weekly calls, split between English and Ukrainian, where developers sync directly with end users — soldiers testing their inventions under fire. As co-founder Carl Larson noted, the pressure is real: at one meeting, a member warned that if Ukraine didn’t move fast enough, Russia would field the same idea first.
“The group is dedicated and passionate about helping Ukraine,” says Roy Gardiner, a former Canadian Armed Forces officer and open-source weapons researcher who volunteers with DTU. “Members devote what time they each can.”
By late 2024, DTU’s work had outgrown the screen. Seven of its American and European members flew to Ukraine to fast-track what they had been building remotely: a high-speed supply chain for battlefield innovation. In a whirlwind of meetings, they linked up with 15 defense manufacturers — including 12 drone makers and three anti-drone developers — along with drone schools, NGOs, military units, and the rising constellation of Ukraine’s wartime engineers.
The results speak for themselves. DTU-backed projects range from drone-mounted netguns to vertical-takeoff bombers and low-cost radar systems. But the breakthrough was a fiber-optic drone control system — a jamming-proof lifeline that beams stable high-definition feeds to the operator.
The concept came from Troy Smothers, a US Marine veteran and founder of the Drone Reaper initiative. DTU helped sharpen the prototype and pushed it to its first confirmed success on the battlefield.
“We gave it away,” says Carl Larson, a DTU co-founder and former soldier in Ukraine’s International Legion. “Now, it’s everywhere.”
By open-sourcing the design and proving it in combat, DTU helped trigger a wave of fiber-guided drone adoption — not just for strikes, but for resupply missions in places too deadly for manned vehicles.
“They used the DTU drone against a target they couldn’t reach due to jamming,” Roy Gardiner adds. “It worked on the first attempt.”
Gardiner notes that DTU played a key role in pushing fiber-optic adoption across Ukrainian units. The tech didn’t stop there: that same fiber-optic system now powers ground drones delivering food, fuel, and ammo to frontline troops — replacing high-risk resupply runs with cable-controlled precision under fire.
For all its promise, Ukraine’s fiber-guided tech still trails behind Russia’s in both range and reliability. On missions up to 15 kilometers (9.3 miles), Ukrainian drones succeed just 10–30% of the time, climbing to 50% only when using shorter 10 km (6.2 miles) spools.
By contrast, Russian fiber-optic drones boast an 80% success rate over 20 km (12.4 miles) — powered by stronger signal transmitters, superior optical wavelengths, and sharper digital IP cameras that beat Ukraine’s analog setups.
Russia’s edge is also structural. Their drones use thicker, more resilient cables that reduce breakage mid-flight. Ukraine’s platforms often rely on ultra-thin 0.25 mm (0.01 inch) fiber — lighter, but far more prone to failure.
“The enemy is using fiber-optic drones more extensively than we are,” says Roman Kostenko, Ukraine’s MP and secretary of the parliamentary Committee on National Security, Defense, and Intelligence
To make the competition worse, the Kremlin is scaling fast. Moscow has begun mass-producing the Knyaz Vandal (KVN) drone — a fiber-guided platform with near-total immunity to jamming, 1 Gbps data transmission, and a reported 95% hit rate. It can carry up to 20 km (12.4 miles) of cable, though even 10 km (6.2 miles) adds 2.3 kilograms (5.1 pounds), limiting its agility.
Despite its limits, it’s still lethal enough. In one recent strike, a KVN drone flew more than six miles (9.7 km) behind the front line and destroyed High-Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS) launchers — one of Ukraine’s most prized US-supplied artillery systems.
Ukraine is innovating fast — but to stay ahead in the drone war, it needs all the help it can get. Much of that help still comes from outside formal structures, through agile volunteer networks that move faster than any bureaucracy.
“When something is urgently needed, you call your volunteer contacts and they’ll bring you everything, and often even more than you asked for,” says Danylo, a drone pilot from Ukraine’s 108th Territorial Defense Brigade.
As Kyiv races to scale its own fiber-guided drone production, it’s blowing holes in Russia’s. In a long-range operation, Ukrainian drones hit the Optic Fiber Systems plant in Saransk, deep in Russia’s Mordovia Republic — about 1,000 kilometers (620 miles) from the border.
“The fiber optic systems plant in Saransk was very seriously damaged after the strike,” confirmed Andrii Kovalenko of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council.
Meanwhile, DTU keeps hunting for battlefield fixes — even the ones that seem small on paper but make a big difference under fire. Co-founder Carl Larson has crisscrossed Ukraine meeting with developers of radio-frequency detectors, searching for tweaks that troops can use immediately.
One engineer added a foldable sun visor to a pocket-sized signal scanner, printed with key frequency ranges and a QR code that links straight to the manual — so even if the paper instructions are lost, the tool stays usable on the front.
“It might seem like a small thing,” says DTU’s President Jonathan Lippert. “But it means a significant percentage of soldiers who might lose paper instructions will still be able to access them online and actually use the device effectively.”
This kind of field-adapted thinking is the backbone of DTU’s model: rapid fixes, open-source sharing, and no time wasted.
“Success for us is helping improve Ukraine’s ability to defend itself, however that might look,” Lippert adds. “That means getting advanced capabilities into soldiers’ hands faster and more broadly.”
DTU is currently field-testing a wave of new tools — including an RF detection device, an acoustic system now being trialed in combat, and a sub-$10,000 radar urgently needed to spot Russia’s newest fiber-optic drones.
“In the next month or two, we expect to have three different drone-mounted devices ready for testing, focused on counter-drone and anti-jamming operations,” Lippert says.
Unlike traditional defense contractors, DTU doesn’t chase contracts as its volunteers operate in a space between formal military procurement and guerrilla maker culture. Their projects, like the “Iklo” drone-mounted shotgun system or drone-mounted RF detectors, are often too niche, fast-moving, and unorthodox for large vendors or government defense ministries. But on Ukraine’s high-tech battlefield, these are exactly the tools that decide everything.
And DTU doesn’t operate alone — it’s plugged into a broader ecosystem driving battlefield innovation. It partners with Brave1, the Ukrainian government’s official defense-tech incubator, and works alongside grassroots groups like Kyiv Defenders and UkrLegion — NGOs supporting drone teams, training, and tactical innovation. Regional tech clusters in cities like Lviv and Kharkiv round out the network, turning Ukraine’s war zones into live innovation labs.
This decentralized model gives DTU an edge that most governments can’t match: speed. While traditional defense programs are bogged down by bureaucracy, DTU moves with the urgency of war — powered by engineers, soldiers, and volunteers solving problems in real time.
It also offers Western investors and defense planners a glimpse of the future: a wartime innovation pipeline powered not by national labs but by networks of passionate individuals working outside of hierarchies.
The model isn’t just fast — it’s scalable. DTU is already exploring how to bring in venture capital to match proven battlefield tools with dual-use potential down the line.
“Our future plans include close partnerships with UA units, supporting innovation amongst their drone teams to accelerate the testing and adoption of new technologies,” Larson says.
Ukraine has redefined modern defense not with billion-dollar programs, but with speed, scale, and cost-efficiency. In just three years of resisting Russian aggression, it’s built a wartime tech industry capable of overwhelming more sophisticated systems through sheer volume.
“Victory on the battlefield now depends entirely on the ability to outpace the enemy in technological development,” said Valerii Zaluzhnyi, Ukraine’s former commander-in-chief — a warning that has become the backbone of Ukraine’s defense.
That mindset is exactly what Ukraine’s global backers are betting on. Deborah Fairlamb, Founding Partner at Green Flag Ventures — a US fund investing in Ukrainian-founded companies that can scale globally — pointed to Ukraine’s biggest strategic breakthrough: speed at scale.
In just three years, the country turned battlefield urgency into an advantage, flooding the front with cheap, effective hardware built fast enough to beat Russia’s slower, more advanced systems.
The numbers tell the story. From zero drone production in 2022, Ukraine is now on track to manufacture up to 5 million units in 2025. Iteration cycles that once took years are now completed in weeks. New tools can reach frontline troops in just three to four weeks — a speed few traditional defense ecosystems can match.
Justin Zeefe, co-founder of Green Flag Ventures, adds that wartime innovation gives these startups a critical edge. By developing and stress-testing their products under live battlefield conditions, Ukrainian firms gain real-world validation and credibility. That, in turn, positions them for faster adoption in NATO and Eastern European markets facing similar threats.
Powered by volunteers, Ukraine has outpaced one of the world’s biggest militaries — but in this race, falling behind even once could be fatal. This is a fight built on everyone showing up — and every personal contribution is vital to keeping Ukraine in the fight.
“It’s an easy sell to tell engineers and students they can join a free group in their spare time to help defend democracy, save lives and stand with the Ukrainian people on the right side of history,” Larson says.
Vladimir Putin is facing deepening strategic isolation as Israel’s military offensive against Iran threatens to unravel a key alliance underpinning Russia’s war effort in Ukraine, writes Con Coughlin, Defence and Foreign Affairs Editor at The Telegraph.
In a sharply worded column, Coughlin argues that “Putin’s primary concern… will be the impact that Israel’s continuing assault on Iran’s nuclear and military infrastructure will have on Tehran’s ability to continue its support for Russia’s war effort in Ukraine.”
Since last week, Israeli forces have launched targeted strikes against Iranian missile and drone production sites — the same systems that have been regularly supplied to Russia since the summer of 2022. According to Coughlin, the Israeli campaign “appears to have paid dividends,” with a notable drop in attacks originating from Iran.
The deepening Russia-Iran relationship, sealed in January with a 20-year strategic pact, has been critical to sustaining Russia’s campaign in Ukraine. In exchange for military hardware from Tehran, Moscow had promised to boost Iran’s air defenses and air force capabilities. But Coughlin notes that this “has clearly failed to deter Israel from launching its military offensive.”
As Iranian military capacity is degraded, Putin risks losing a crucial source of support. “If the Iranians are unable to provide sufficient weaponry for their own military campaign against Israel,” Coughlin writes, “they will be in no position to support Russia’s offensive in Ukraine.”
The ramifications extend beyond Ukraine. With Syria’s Assad regime reportedly collapsed and now “languishing in exile in Moscow,” Russia’s Middle East strategy appears to be unraveling. Coughlin suggests Putin’s broader effort to project power in the region is now in jeopardy.
The article also highlights the precariousness of Russia’s position within the informal alliance of authoritarian states — Iran, North Korea, China, and Russia — warning that Israel’s attacks could weaken their interconnected military and economic interests.
Coughlin concludes: “Putin’s standing in the region is in danger of precipitous collapse.”
EU Energy Commissioner Dan Jørgensen confirmed that the European Union will not resume imports of Russian natural gas—even if a peace agreement is reached in Ukraine.
Russia supplied about 45% of EU gas in 2021, a figure expected to fall to 13% by 2025. Despite progress, the EU imported record volumes of Russian LNG in 2024.
“This is a ban that we introduce because Russia has weaponised energy against us, because Russia has blackmailed member states in the EU, and therefore they are not a trading partner that can be trusted,” Jørgensen said.
“That also means that, irrespectively of whether there is a peace or not—which we all hope there will be, of course—this ban will still stand.”
The gas ban is part of a broader EU strategy to end reliance on Russian fossil fuels by 2028. The proposed legislation would prohibit EU companies from importing Russian pipeline gas or providing services to Russian clients at liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminals. Importers must also declare the source of their fuel to prevent Russian gas from being disguised as coming from another country.
Any new contracts signed after the plan is adopted must end by 1 January 2026. Existing contracts must be terminated by 1 January 2028.
Austria’s junior energy minister, Elisabeth Zehetner, caused a stir earlier this week by suggesting the EU should remain open to reconsidering Russian gas imports in the event of a peace deal. However, her office later clarified Austria’s position, stating that the country “strongly condemns” Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and supports the proposed gas ban.
“The allegation that Austria wants to import Russian gas again after the war, let alone now, is simply false,” the statement read.
Austrian Green MEP Lena Schilling called the initial suggestion “shortsighted and morally irresponsible,” asking, “Have we learned nothing from bombed hospitals, abducted children and a war of aggression in the heart of Europe?”
Austria previously relied heavily on Russian gas, but supplies were halted in 2023 due to a contractual dispute. Deliveries via Ukraine ended the same year.
Hungary and Slovakia continue to oppose the EU’s fossil fuel phase-out. Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szíjjártó claimed Hungarian consumers could face utility bills four times higher. He also posted a dramatic video on social media to criticize the plan. EU officials have rejected those claims, saying there’s no evidence prices would spike.
The current gas legislation does not affect an existing exemption from the EU’s oil embargo. Hungary and Slovakia were granted a carve-out in 2023 allowing continued imports via the Soviet-era Druzhba pipeline—a provision that falls under a separate legal framework.
The EU is also targeting Russian oil, aiming to end imports entirely by 2028. Russian oil made up 27% of EU imports in 2021 but has already dropped to around 3%. The oil ban, like the gas proposal, is part of the EU’s broader strategy to cut energy ties with Moscow and boost long-term energy security.
Emergency crews have completed search and rescue operations at a residential building in Kyiv’s Solomianskyi district, where a Russian missile strike on 17 June caused extensive destruction.
The strike was part of a large-scale, coordinated Russian attack on Ukraine that night. One missile directly hit the nine-story residential building, destroying an entire section.
Ukraine’s Interior Minister Ihor Klymenko confirmed that the operation lasted over 39 hours. At 7:20 PM on 18 June, first responders officially concluded search efforts at the site.
“Sadly, 23 lives were lost at this site alone,” Klymenko said. “Across the capital, 28 people died and over 140 were injured as a result of the strike.”
Although search operations have ended, crews continue to dismantle damaged structures and clear debris.
39 hours of digging through ruins.
— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) June 18, 2025
Kyiv rescue crews have ended operations after one of Russia’s largest strikes.
A missile hit a 9-story building on Tuesday.23 bodies recovered at the site
Photo Suspilne, Hromadske pic.twitter.com/6AaXZDhAk5
The rescue effort was one of the most intensive in recent months and involved:
Two people were rescued from beneath the rubble. Around 50 others were evacuated from apartments and stairwells during the response.
Later the same day, Kyiv officials reported an internal collapse in a nearby five-story residential building also damaged in the strike. A stairwell between the upper floors gave way, but no injuries were reported. Five residents were safely evacuated.
Kyiv declared 18 June a day of mourning to honor the victims of the attack. More than 2,000 emergency workers have been deployed across the capital to assist with ongoing recovery operations.
Former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Bridget Brink announced on June 18 that she is running for Congress from Michigan's 7th district, pledging to oppose U.S. President Donald Trump.
"I've dedicated my life to protecting democracy and fighting for freedom. It's why we stood up to (Russian President Vladimir) Putin and why I spoke out against Trump," Brink wrote on X.
"My next mission: fighting for what's right here at home."
Brink resigned from her post on April 10, and in a May 16 op-ed in the Detroit Free Press, publicly confirmed her departure was driven by disagreement with the Trump administration's stance on Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine.
"I just came home to Michigan from three years in the toughest job of my life," she wrote. "I could no longer in good faith carry out the administration's policy and felt it was my duty to step down."
Brink accused the Trump administration of pressuring Ukraine rather than holding Russia accountable, calling that approach "dangerous and immoral."
"I cannot stand by while a country is invaded, a democracy bombarded, and children killed with impunity," she wrote. "Peace at any price is not peace at all — it is appeasement."
Elections for the representative of Michigan's 7th district will take place in November 2026.
Trump, who began his second term in January, pledged to end the war within 100 days. That deadline has passed with no deal. He has alternated between blaming both sides for the conflict and claiming a breakthrough is still possible.
Despite repeatedly expressing frustration with Putin, the U.S. president has continued to avoid placing additional sanctions on Moscow, even as the Kremlin refuses to agree to a ceasefire.
Brink's relationship with Ukraine's leadership frayed in April after the U.S. Embassy issued what was seen as a muted response to a deadly Russian missile strike on Kryvyi Rih that killed 20 civilians.
"Horrified that tonight a ballistic missile struck near a playground and restaurant in Kryvyi Rih," Brink posted on X following a Russian missile attack. "This is why the war must end."
President Volodymyr Zelensky criticized the message.
"Unfortunately, the response from the U.S. Embassy is surprisingly disappointing — such a strong country, such a strong people, and yet such a weak reaction," he wrote on April 5.
Julie S. Davis, the new U.S. Charge d'Affaires to Ukraine, arrived in Kyiv on May 5.
The Kyiv IndependentAnna Fratsyvir
During a targeted operation, Ukraine's military intelligence (HUR) killed Mykhailo Hrytsai, a senior collaborator with Russian occupation authorities in Berdiansk, Zaporizhzhia Oblast, a HUR source told the Kyiv Independent on June 18.
According to the source, Hrytsai was directly involved in organizing repressions against the local Ukrainian population and establishing torture chambers for prisoners of war.
The collaborator was shot dead in the city using a silenced PM pistol, the source said.
Hrytsai served as the Russian-installed deputy mayor responsible for infrastructure, housing, utilities, and the energy sector. The source also said he facilitated the illegal seizure of municipal and state property in Berdiansk.
"There are still plenty of such targets — collaborators, accomplices of the enemy — in the occupied territories of Ukraine," the source said.
"We will definitely get to each and every one of them and put an end to their criminal activities by any means necessary: with or without a silencer, quietly or loudly, but always effectively."
A native of Poltava Oblast, Hrytsai had previously participated in Ukrainian political life. He was an assistant to a member of parliament and headed the Berdiansk branch of the Socialist Ukraine party before siding with Russian occupation forces.
Berdiansk, a port city on the Azov Sea, has been under Russian control since the early days of the full-scale invasion in 2022. It remains a critical logistics hub for Russian forces, facilitating the transport of looted Ukrainian grain and other resources.
On Feb. 20, another targeted strike in Berdiansk killed Yevgeny Bogdanov, the deputy head of the Russian-installed administration, according to Ukrainian military intelligence.
The Kyiv IndependentDaria Shulzhenko
© ASSOCIATED PRESS
Next week’s Nato summit in The Hague will be significantly shortened to accommodate President Donald Trump’s short attention span — and a meeting with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy will be carefully avoided, The Times reports.
The 25 July summit will consist of just one 2.5-hour session, a major departure from NATO’s usual multi-session format. According to The Times, diplomats hope the streamlined event will reduce the risk of tension or unpredictability.
“It is about keeping the summit focused, short and sweet,” a diplomat told the paper. “Trump can be impatient and has — [he has] said it himself — a short attention span. The shorter the better.”
There will be no joint press conference between Trump and Nato Secretary-General Mark Rutte, and the summit’s final communiqué will be just five paragraphs, printed on a single sheet of paper.
President Zelenskyy will be present in The Hague only for a leaders’ dinner on 24 June. He has not been invited to the main summit session, and no meeting of the NATO–Ukraine Council at the heads-of-state level is scheduled. Instead, he is expected to speak at a Defense Industry Forum on the sidelines.
Diplomatic sources suggest the decision aims to prevent any direct confrontation between Trump and Zelenskyy. While Euractiv and ANSA reported the US opposed Zelenskyy’s formal invitation, Secretary of State Marco Rubio has denied that claim.
Despite Ukraine’s long-standing bid to join the alliance, the country will neither be invited to join nor even mentioned in the final NATO communiqué, diplomatic sources told Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. The statement will label Russia as a “direct threat”, but omit any language about Ukraine’s future in the alliance.
Ukraine’s desire for NATO membership dates back to 2008, and its constitution enshrines the goal of joining. Yet even after three years of full-scale war against Russia, no formal steps toward membership are expected in The Hague.
“This issue is definitely not on NATO’s agenda, and there have been no expectations of an invitation in The Hague,” Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys told LRT.
The summit’s main goal will be agreement on a new defence spending target of 5% of GDP by 2032, with a review in 2029. The proposal includes 3.5% for core military budgets and 1.5% for defense-related spending.
The decision will be framed as a personal win for Trump, who has long demanded more spending from European allies.
“Keeping unity in the alliance is as much a priority as spending more on defence,” said EU foreign affairs chief Kaja Kallas.
The decision to avoid a Trump–Zelenskyy encounter at the NATO summit follows a similar scene just days earlier. Trump abruptly left the G7 summit in Canada, skipping a planned meeting with Zelenskyy.
According to The Guardian, Trump exited early, “citing the Israel‑Iran conflict.” Reuters reported that Zelenskyy was denied a meeting with his most powerful ally, leaving the Ukrainian side frustrated and empty-handed after the gathering.
US President Donald Trump says he declined an offer from Russian President Vladimir Putin to mediate rising tensions with Iran, stating that unresolved issues between Washington and Moscow should be addressed first.
“I spoke with him yesterday. He actually offered to help with mediation. I said, ‘Do me a favor—let’s mediate Russia first,’” Trump told reporters, according to Russian news outlet RBC.
President Trump also took aim at both Russia and Ukraine, calling them “foolish” during his remarks and once again asserting that the Ukraine war would not have happened had he been in office at the time of its outbreak.
Although the Kremlin did not officially confirm the exchange, both Moscow and Washington acknowledged a 14 June phone call between the two leaders. The conversation reportedly lasted nearly an hour and focused largely on Middle East tensions, particularly involving Iran.
“The call was substantive, candid, and, most importantly, very useful,” said Yury Ushakov, a senior aide to Putin.
On Truth Social, President Trump revealed that Putin called to wish him a happy birthday and discuss Iran—a country Trump said Putin “knows very well.” He added that Ukraine was only “briefly” discussed.
President Trump has made ending the war in Ukraine a central focus of his second term. He’s pushing for renewed peace talks and a 30-day ceasefire. While limited humanitarian efforts, such as prisoner exchanges, have occurred, no formal peace deal has been reached.
Sticking points remain over territorial control and long-term security guarantees.
Trump has faced criticism from lawmakers and allies for appearing to pressure Ukraine more than Russia, and for his calls to end all US military aid to Kyiv—a stance that has raised concerns about America’s global commitments and Ukraine’s ability to defend itself.
Editor's note: This item has been updated to include Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov's statement.
U.S. President Donald Trump said on June 18 that he had turned down Russian President Vladimir Putin's offer to mediate the escalating conflict between Israel and Iran.
"I spoke to him yesterday, and, you know, he actually offered to help mediate. I said, do me a favor. Mediate your own," Trump told reporters. "Let's mediate Russia first, okay? I said, Vladimir, let's mediate Russia first. You can worry about this later."
Shortly after Trump's statement, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said the U.S. president was speaking "figuratively" when referring to a conversation with Putin, according to the Russian state news agency TASS.
"Life is so eventful these days that a retrospective covering several days is like looking back at yesterday," Peskov added, implying there had been no such conversation on June 17.
Trump's comments come just days after he had said he was "open" to the idea of Putin serving as a mediator between Israel and Iran, sparking criticism from U.S. allies. On June 15, Trump claimed Putin was "ready" and had discussed the possibility at length in a recent phone call.
Putin, whose country has been deepening military cooperation with Tehran, spoke separately with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian on June 13. He condemned Israel's air strikes on Iran and offered Russian mediation.
Those strikes, described by Israel as "preemptive," involved 200 warplanes and 330 munitions targeting Iranian nuclear and military sites. Iran responded with missile attacks on Israeli cities, including Tel Aviv, that killed at least five Ukrainian citizens on June 14.
Putin's offer of mediation has been dismissed by several Western leaders.
Trump says Putin offered to mediate in the war between Israel and Iran.
— Brian Lilley (@brianlilley) June 18, 2025
Trump: "Do me a favor. Mediate your own. Let's mediate Russia first. I said, Vladimir, let's mediate Russia first. You can worry about this later.”
pic.twitter.com/2JOL6noPX3
French President Emmanuel Macron said Russia "cannot be a mediator," given its war against Ukraine. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas echoed that sentiment, saying on June 17 that Putin "cannot be trusted to mediate peace" while continuing to wage war on Ukrainian civilians.
Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said on June 17 that Israel appeared unwilling to accept Moscow's mediation. Israel has not publicly commented on the offer.
Ukraine, which has been targeted by thousands of Iranian-made Shahed drones and missiles supplied to Russia, warned that Tehran is a "source of problems" both regionally and globally.
Despite Trump's latest rebuke of Putin's mediation ambitions, the U.S. president has continued to avoid placing additional sanctions on Moscow, even as the Kremlin refuses to agree to a ceasefire in its war against Ukraine.
The Kyiv IndependentAnna Fratsyvir
© Copyright 2021 The Associated Press. All rights reserved
All 32 NATO member states are on track to meet the alliance's 2% GDP defense spending benchmark in 2025, Secretary General Mark Rutte said on June 17 at the G7 summit in Canada.
The announcement marks a major shift for the alliance, which has faced repeated criticism from U.S. President Donald Trump for failing to meet spending commitments.
The U.S. president has long pushed NATO members to spend more on defense, at one point suggesting the threshold be raised to 5% of GDP.
"This is really great news," Rutte said, praising announcements from Canada and Portugal, the last two holdouts. "The fact that you decided to bring Canada to the 2% spending when it comes to NATO this year is really fantastic," he told Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney.
In 2024, only 23 alliance members met the 2% target, according to NATO estimates. Poland led all members with 4.12% of GDP allocated to defense, followed by Estonia (3.43%) and the U.S. (3.38%).
Rutte's comments come ahead of the June 24–25 NATO summit in The Hague, which has been reportedly scaled back to a single working session on defense spending and alliance capabilities.
The move, according to Italian outlet ANSA, is designed to avoid friction with Trump, whose presence at the summit remains unconfirmed.
Ukraine has been invited to the summit, but President Volodymyr Zelensky may reconsider his attendance amid uncertainty over the U.S. delegation, the Guardian reported on June 17.
According to the outlet, some in Kyiv are questioning whether Zelensky's presence at the summit would be worthwhile without a confirmed meeting with Trump.
Many NATO members have cited Russia's ongoing war against Ukraine and Trump's isolationist rhetoric as reasons to accelerate defense spending and prepare for potential future threats.
The Kyiv IndependentMartin Fornusek
Ukraine will neither be invited to join NATO nor mentioned in the final communiqué of next week’s NATO leaders’ summit in The Hague, according to diplomatic sources.
Since Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the full-scale invasion in 2022, Ukraine has made NATO membership a central pillar of its national security strategy. The country’s constitution enshrines this goal, and public support remains strong. NATO first declared in 2008 that Ukraine “will become a member,” and in recent years, Western leaders have repeatedly referred to Ukraine’s “irreversible path” toward the Alliance.
Yet despite three years of full-scale war fought under the banner of Euro-Atlantic integration—and multiple high-level assurances—Ukraine has not been invited to join. Now, it won’t even be mentioned in NATO’s top-level statement.
Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys confirmed that Ukrainian membership is not up for discussion.
“This issue is definitely not on NATO’s agenda, and there have been no expectations of an invitation in The Hague,” Budrys told LRT. “We haven’t heard this from the Ukrainians either.”
According to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, the final communiqué is expected to be unusually brief—likely a single page. While it will identify Russia as a long-term threat, it is not expected to reference Ukraine at all.
Member states are expected to commit to raising defense spending to 5% of GDP by 2032, with a review in 2029. That timeline aligns with the end of a potential second term for Donald Trump, who has supported higher military spending but has questioned NATO’s direction and further expansion.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy will attend a leaders’ working dinner on 24 June, where Trump is also expected. However, he will not participate in the main summit session, and no meeting of the NATO–Ukraine Council at the heads-of-state level is scheduled. Zelenskyy is instead expected to speak at a Defense Industry Forum held on the sidelines.
On 2 June, Zelenskyy confirmed Ukraine had been invited to the summit in some capacity, but the format and prominence of his involvement remain unclear.
On 15 May, Euractiv reported that, for the first time in three years, Zelenskyy would not be invited to participate in NATO’s main discussions—allegedly to avoid provoking Donald Trump. Around the same time, ANSA reported that the US was reportedly opposed to his formal invitation. However, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio later denied these claims, saying the United States had no objection to Zelenskyy’s participation.
Ukrainians and Americans organized an emergency demonstration at Times Square demanding more US action against Russia following a massive Russian attack on Ukraine that killed more than two dozen people on 17 June.
The rally took place on the evening of 17 June, with demonstrators carrying Ukrainian flags and signs reading “Google Kyiv today,” “‘Ceasefire’ – they said,” and “Sanctions against Russia – now,” according to protest participants Vsevolod Myrnyi and Marichka Hlyten.
Myrnyi called on participants to contact their elected officials.
“Call your representatives and senators. Tell them: ‘We demand more sanctions against Russia. We demand air defense systems for Ukraine. We demand more military aid – weapons that help save lives,'” he wrote.
He emphasized that Ukraine is defending itself while Russia targets civilian buildings, and noted that while Congress already has many supporters for Ukraine, constituent voices help drive action.
The demonstration responded to a Russian assault on the night of 17 June that targeted Kyiv and multiple Ukrainian oblasts. Russian forces launched 440 drones and 32 missiles against Ukraine, striking Odesa, Zaporizhzhia, Chernihiv, Zhytomyr, Kirovohrad, Mykolaiv, and Kyiv.
Ukrainian air defenses destroyed most of the incoming targets, but hits were recorded in 10 locations, with debris from downed objects falling in 34 locations. In Kyiv, 28 people died and 134 were injured, with the death toll from a missile strike on a 9-story residential building reaching 23 people.
In Odesa, a 60-year-old woman was killed and 17 people wounded, with damage to residential buildings, an inclusive center, a preschool, and garages.
Meanwhile, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy told G7 leaders that Russia intensified its nightly drone attacks as “the only real change” since Trump returned to the White House, with Moscow now routinely deploying 100 drones per night compared to what would have been shocking levels a year ago.
The Ukrainian leader argued this escalation proves supporters of stronger sanctions are “absolutely right.” While Trump told reporters at the G7 summit he would not approve new sanctions against Russia, citing costs to the US, Zelenskyy called for a $30 per barrel price cap on Russian oil and $40 billion in annual budget support for Ukraine.
The US is currently blocking European efforts to lower the existing $60 per barrel price cap to $45, despite EU and UK pressure to reduce Moscow’s war funding, with Zelenskyy arguing that “Russia blocked all efforts” at ceasefire negotiations and continues military operations without adequate consequences.
Ukraine is preparing to evacuate its citizens from Israel and Iran as hostilities between the two countries intensify, the Foreign Ministry told Ukrainian media outlet NV on June 18.
The move comes as Israel on June 13 launched widespread air strikes against Iran, targeting nuclear facilities and the country's military leadership. Iran responded with missile strikes on Tel Aviv and other cities, killing multiple civilians, including five Ukrainian citizens on June 14.
As of the morning of June 18, 293 Ukrainians in Israel and 85 in Iran have requested evacuation, the ministry said. Ten additional foreign nationals with permanent residency in Ukraine have also asked for assistance to evacuate from Iran.
Ukraine's embassy in Israel has received over 400 calls on its hotline as citizens seek updates on possible evacuation routes. The ministry told NV it is developing evacuation plans, including potential flights organized in cooperation with international partners.
On June 13, Kyiv expressed concern over the security situation in the Middle East, describing Tehran as a "source of problems" in the region and beyond.
Iran is a key supplier of weapons to Russia, including Shahed-type drones and ballistic missiles used in attacks on Ukrainian cities. Israel, which hosts a significant Russian-speaking population, has not joined Western sanctions against Moscow.
Tensions in the region grow as U.S. President Donald Trump is also considering launching U.S. strikes on Iranian nuclear targets, Axios reported on June 17.
On Truth Social, Trump demanded Iran's "unconditional surrender" and threatened Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, while boasting about American control of Iranian airspace.
Trump has also floated Russian President Vladimir Putin as a possible mediator in the conflict.
Putin held separate calls with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on June 13, condemning Israeli strikes and offering to mediate.
Israel has not publicly responded to Russia's proposal, but Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said on June 17 that Tel Aviv appeared unwilling to accept Russian mediation.
Iran's Health Ministry claimed on June 18 that 585 people had been killed by Israeli strikes, with Tehran alleging that 90% of the casualties are civilians.
The figures have not been independently verified.
The Kyiv IndependentAnna Fratsyvir
Today there are a lot of interesting updates from the Russian Federation.
Here, Ukraine has officially unleashed its newly developed bomber drones, marking a major escalation in its ability to strike deep into Russian territory. With advanced precision, extended range, and overwhelming cost-efficiency, these drones are already devastating Russian military infrastructure—setting the stage for a transformative shift in the battlefield dynamic.
Over the weeks, the Ukrainians conducted a series of successful strikes against military and economic targets in Russia, which resulted in damage to over half a hundred military industrial factories, strategic airbases, microelectronics producers, chemical plants, fiber optic facilities, and key logistical routes, including the Kerch bridge.
Recently, Ukrainians presented the new Batyar-S strike drone, which resembles the Russian Shahed and Geranium strike drones, but only on the outside. Designed from scratch, the new Ukrainian drone has an effective flight range of over 800 kilometers (497 miles) while carrying an 18-kilogram explosive warhead.
Additionally, the drone is lighter than Shahed, weighing only 60 kilograms, which allows the Ukrainians to deploy it using trucks as launch platforms, making it easy to quickly and efficiently deploy it for any strikes. On top of that, it features superior optical systems that analyze landscapes and terrain in real-time, combining them with satellite footage to adjust its flight trajectory towards the target, and stay as low as possible to evade radar detection and air defenses.
However, one of its biggest advantages is that the Batyar-S drone costs approximately 4 times less than the Ukrainian strike drones currently in use, meaning that Ukrainians will be able to produce four times as many drones and strike 4 times the targets.
As the Ukrainians focus their development on drone technology for various purposes, they have also developed a new bomber drone, the B-1. B-1 drones are ultralight bomber drones designed to destroy concentrations of manpower, trucks, armored vehicles, and military strongholds on the frontline and in the rear.
Bomber drones are designed to carry repurposed drone-droppable hand grenades, artillery shells, or other explosives on Russian positions as they fly over their target. The light weight of the drone and its low-noise engine allow it to fly towards Russian lines almost unnoticed, while the drone itself can stay in the air for several hours.
Early frontline reports suggest the drone is extremely resilient against Russian electronic warfare, making it a deadly precision weapon that can hit targets far beyond the range of pre-existing Ukrainian bomber drones like the Vampire hexacopter, already nicknamed the Baba Yaga by both Russian and Ukrainian soldiers for its deadliness.
The newly developed drone technologies will massively enhance Ukrainian strike capabilities against Russian targets on the frontline and in the deep rear. Ukrainian strikes have already damaged and destroyed production facilities, essential for rebuilding Russia’s strategic bomber fleet after they lost a third of them during Operation Spiderweb.
Ukrainians have also crippled direct Russian production of weapons and ammunition manufacturing, with strikes on long range drone and fiber optic facilities, ammunition factories, and chemical and technical facilities producing rockets and missiles. Now, with the new drones, Ukrainians will be able to strike four times more targets, and much more effectively, promising death and destruction for the Russian frontline and the rear.
Overall, the Ukrainians effectively maximized the results of their precision strikes against targets in Russia, while developing new drones based on the experience gained from these strikes. These new variants will be able to hit Russia like never before and seriously undermine the Russian summer offensive; as the Russians go all-in for this summer, so are the Ukrainians, promising a decisive military campaign over the next few months, which might well decide the outcome of the war in Ukraine.
In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.
Russia on June 18 warned the world is "millimetres away from catastrophe" due to Israeli strikes on Iran's nuclear infrastructure, just four months after one of its own drones struck the Chornobyl nuclear site in Ukraine.
Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova accused Israel of escalating the risk of a nuclear incident in the Middle East, despite Russia's own record of repeatedly placing nuclear facilities at risk during its full-scale invasion, and threatening the use of nuclear weapons.
On Feb. 14, Russian forces struck the Chornobyl nuclear facility with a Shahed drone, hitting the protective sarcophagus that encases Reactor No. 4, site of the 1986 nuclear disaster.
Damage was limited, and no radiation leakage occurred, but the act was widely condemned as a deliberate provocation timed to coincide with the Munich Security Conference.
President Volodymyr Zelensky called the attack on the Chornobyl plant "a terrorist threat to the whole world." Ukrainian officials and nuclear security experts said the strike was unlikely to cause significant radioactive contamination but served as a warning of Russia's willingness to weaponize fear of nuclear disaster.
Russia has also intensified strikes near other nuclear facilities in Ukraine, including infrastructure connected to the occupied Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant, which Moscow's forces have used as a military base since early in the war.
Analysts view the attacks as part of a broader campaign of intimidation aimed at pressuring Kyiv and its allies into a settlement.
Zakharova's comments follow growing international concern over the rising tensions between Israel and Iran. Russia has positioned itself as a potential mediator in the conflict, though European leaders have dismissed the Kremlin's neutrality due to its deepening military ties with Tehran and ongoing aggression in Ukraine.
Russian President Vladimir Putin "cannot be trusted" to mediate peace in the Middle East while launching mass strikes on Ukrainian cities, EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said on June 17. Her remarks came after a Russian missile attack killed at least 28 civilians in Kyiv and injured over 130.
Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said Israel has so far rejected Moscow's mediation offer. U.S. President Donald Trump said over the weekend that Putin had expressed willingness to help mediate.
Russia continues to receive military support from Iran, including drones and missiles used in attacks across Ukraine.
The Kyiv IndependentYuliia Taradiuk
The Slovak police sought to detain ex-Defense Minister Jaroslav Nad over alleged misconduct during the donation of ammunition to Ukraine in 2022, the Slovak newspaper Dennik N reported on June 18, citing two undisclosed sources.
According to his social media, Nad is currently vacationing in Canada. The Slovak police reportedly also seek to detain a former Defense Ministry official and have detained an ex-head of the Konstrukta Defense state company in a move denounced by Nad's opposition Democrats party as politically motivated.
The police operation reportedly concerns 120 mm rounds that Slovakia donated to Ukraine at the onset of Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022. The Slovak Defense Ministry allegedly initially sold the obsolete ammunition to a private company, only to later purchase it through Konstrukta Defense for a higher price for swift deliveries to the war-torn nation.
Nad was the defense minister between 2020 and 2023, during which time Slovakia decisively supported Ukraine against Russian aggression and provided substantial military aid.
Bratislava's foreign policy radically shifted after the election victory of left-nationalist Robert Fico in September 2023, who halted military aid from Slovak military stocks, adopted more hostile rhetoric toward Kyiv, and sought close energy ties with Russia.
Nad dismissed the allegations as a "theater," portraying it as the government's attempt to distract the public from internal problems.
"Today's theater didn't shock or upset me in the slightest," Nad said on Facebook.
"I'll keep reminding myself of how proud I am of the support we gave to Ukraine. I'd make the same decision again — without hesitation."
Fico has long criticized Western military aid to Ukraine and the defense assistance provided to Kyiv under the previous Slovak government. In a separate case last year, Slovak Defense Minister Robert Kalinak denounced last year a decision to send MiG-29 jets to Ukraine as "treason."
The Kyiv IndependentYuliia Taradiuk
© Copyright 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.
US Special Representative for Ukraine Keith Kellogg is planning to visit Belarus in the coming days to meet with President Alexander Lukashenko, according to Reuters citing four sources briefed on the matter.
If the visit occurs, Kellogg would become the highest-ranking American official to visit Belarus in years. Two sources told Reuters that Kellogg has privately described the trip as a step that could help restart peace talks aimed at ending Russia’s war against Ukraine.
The meeting’s precise agenda remains unclear and planning for such visits requires careful negotiation. The trip could potentially be canceled or modified at the last minute, the sources indicated.
The last high-level US official visit to Belarus was in 2020 when then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo traveled there. Since then, visits have been limited to lower-ranking officials, such as the February 2025 trip by Deputy Assistant Secretary Christopher W. Smith, aimed at securing the release of political prisoners.
The potential visit represents a shift in US-Belarus relations. The US suspended operations at its embassy in Belarus in 2022 after it became clear that Minsk would support Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The Biden administration had distanced itself from Belarus following the 2020 election, which international observers condemned as neither free nor fair, and the subsequent crackdown on street protests.
One US official told Reuters that the Trump administration has internally discussed ways to pull Minsk away from Moscow’s influence, even if only marginally. However, Western diplomats have expressed skepticism about US efforts to court Belarus, which maintains strong alignment and economic ties with Russia.
Kellogg’s visit comes after two recent Istanbul meetings between Ukrainian and Russian delegations that were focused on trying to find an end to the war. Both of the resulted mainly in massive prisoner exchanges but little progress on a ceasefire.
During Istanbul talks on 2 June, Russia presented Ukraine with a memorandum outlining its conditions for peaceful settlement. These demands include:
Ukraine rejected these demands, insisting on its sovereign right to choose alliances and strong Western security guarantees.
In contrast, Ukraine presented its own ceasefire proposals, as reported by Financial Times journalist Christopher Miller.
These include:
Australia has, for the first time, imposed sanctions on Russia's so-called "shadow fleet" of oil tankers, targeting 60 vessels used to circumvent international sanctions and sustain the Kremlin's war effort in Ukraine, the Australian government said on June 18.
The move aligns Canberra with similar measures introduced by the United Kingdom, Canada, and the European Union.
Australia's Foreign Ministry said the sanctioned vessels operate under "deceptive practices, including flag-hopping, disabling tracking systems and operating with inadequate insurance," enabling illicit Russian oil trade that undermines international sanctions.
"Russia uses these vessels to circumvent international sanctions and sustain its illegal and immoral war against Ukraine," the ministry said in a statement.
With this move, Australia has now sanctioned more than 1,400 Russian individuals and entities since Moscow's full-scale invasion of Ukraine began in February 2022, the government said.
The step comes amid the continued operation of Russia's shadow fleet. According to a recent study by the Kyiv School of Economics (KSE), Russia currently operates 435 tankers outside the control of Western regulators to evade sanctions such as the G7-EU price cap on Russian oil.
These vessels are typically un- or underinsured and pose a rising environmental risk due to their age and operational opacity.
KSE estimates that as of April 2024, 83% of Russia's crude oil and 46% of its petroleum product exports were shipped using shadow fleet tankers. The study warns that this undermines the effectiveness of Western sanctions and increases the likelihood of maritime disasters, as many of these ships fall outside international safety and insurance standards.
The EU formally adopted its 17th sanctions package against Russia in May, sanctioning nearly 200 vessels tied to the shadow fleet. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said the new measures also target hybrid threats and human rights violations, with more sanctions under consideration.
Some EU member states and observers have criticized the package for lacking stronger provisions to disrupt Russia's sanction evasion schemes.
Now, the EU seeks to approve its 18th sanctions package, which will add 77 more shadow fleet vessels to comply with the cap to prevent Russia from circumventing sanctions and propose imposing a ban on imports of petroleum products made from Russian oil.
The United States has signaled reluctance to pursue additional sanctions despite Moscow's continued aggression in Ukraine and rejection of ceasefire proposals supported by Western allies.
The Kyiv IndependentAnna Fratsyvir
Sergei Shoigu says North Korean workers will help repair damage from Ukrainian incursion in Kursk
© EPA
Speaking at the G7 summit, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy argued that Russia intensified its nightly aerial campaigns as the primary tactical adjustment since Donald Trump returned to the White House, with drone swarms becoming routine rather than exceptional.
According to Zelenskyy, Russia now routinely deploys 100 drones per night against Ukrainian targets, a scale that would have been shocking a year ago.
“If last year the use of 100 ‘Shaheds’ in one night caused real shock, now it already seems unusual if fewer than 100 drones are used in one attack,” the Ukrainian leader stated.
The president characterized this intensification as “the only real change in Russia’s behavior after the change of US president,” suggesting Moscow has adapted its military strategy to the new political landscape in Washington.
“And it proves that those who support new and stronger sanctions against Russia are absolutely right,” Zelenskyy added.
Meanwhile, during the G7 leaders meeting in Canada, Trump told reporters he would not approve new sanctions against Russia, citing them as costly for the US and still expressing hope for a potential peace deal.
The Ukrainian president, however, addressed stalled diplomatic efforts, noting that while the US and President Trump had proposed ceasefires and negotiations, “Russia blocked all efforts.” He urged continued pressure on Trump to leverage his influence with Putin to end the war.
Zelenskyy argued that Russia continues its military operations without facing adequate consequences, making the case for stronger international sanctions.
He specifically called on G7 members to work with the United States to implement a $30 per barrel price cap on Russian oil and to maintain $40 billion in annual budget support for Ukraine.
“Together, we must make this painful for Russia. The EU’s 18th round of sanctions should also hit Russia’s energy and banking sectors,” Zelenskyy said.
The United States, however, is blocking European efforts to lower the G7 price cap on Russian oil from $60 to $45 per barrel, despite EU and UK pressure to reduce Moscow’s war funding. The proposed reduction is part of Europe’s latest sanctions package aimed at cutting deeper into Russian oil profits used to finance the Ukraine invasion, but the final decision rests with President Trump, who has shown no flexibility on the issue.
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