Steve Witkoff carried an unusual diplomatic package during his recent meetings with Vladimir Putin. The US special envoy returned to America with a Russian military decoration—the Order of Courage—intended for the family of an American who died fighting for Russia in Ukraine.

The medal went to Juliane Gallina, the CIA’s deputy director for digital innovation, and her husband. Their son Michael Gloss, 21, was killed in April 2024 while serving with Russian airborne forces near Bakhmut, Donetsk Oblast.

Gallina “wept with her husband” when Witkoff presented the decoration, according to a senior administration official who spoke to CNN.

Witkoff, who has lost a son to the opioid epidemic, viewed the gesture through the lens of shared parental grief rather than geopolitics.

For the envoy, the moment “was not about who he fought for, but rather the memories of our children and the overarching message of ‘Let’s end this war,'” the official told CNN.

Witkoff was also present alongside the president Trump at the recent Alaska summit with Putin on 15 August that was aimed at ending the war.

He was disappointed with the US and chose Russia

Michael Gloss had studied human ecology and worked as an environmental activist before traveling to Russia in 2023. His social media posts revealed growing anger toward the United States, declaring that “violence is an integral part of American policy.”

Despite his high-profile American family background—with his father a Navy veteran and his mom a senior CIA official—Russian recruitment authorities failed to detect these connections.

His parents were mostly unaware of his true involvement and only discovered his whereabouts through geolocation data before losing contact with him in March 2024. They were informed of his death two months later.

Russian publication Vazhnye istorii first reported Gloss’s death, revealing he had signed a military contract in September 2023 with the 137th Ryazan Regiment of the Russian Airborne Forces. He told family members he was in Russia “at work,” saving money for a trip to Africa.

The CIA described his case as a private family tragedy rather than a national security issue. Agency spokesperson statements to CNN noted that Gloss “struggled with mental health issues” before his death in Ukraine.

Some of Gloss’s friends suggested he joined Russian forces partly to fast-track citizenship, hoping to pursue environmental projects in Russia.

CBS News had initially reported the decoration as the Order of Vladimir Lenin, but administration officials confirmed it was the Order of Courage.

The CIA issued a statement emphasizing the family’s privacy: “Juliane and her husband shared that ‘we adored our son and grieve his loss every moment. We appreciate privacy at this difficult time.'”

How many foreigners did die fighting for Russia?

The BBC Russian Service confirmed the deaths of 523 foreign nationals fighting for Russia in Ukraine, representing 28 countries and using only open-source verification methods, meaning the actual toll is likely much higher.

Central Asians comprised the largest group, with 72 Tajiks and 66 Uzbeks killed—most recruited from Russian prisons in exchange for sentence cancellation through Wagner Group contracts. Nepal recorded the highest confirmed deaths outside post-Soviet states with 70 fatalities, while North Korea likely has the highest numbers overall but remains unverifiable due to Pyongyang’s secrecy.

President Donald Trump has accused his predecessor Joe Biden of sabotaging Ukraine’s war effort by prohibiting strikes against Russian territory, arguing that defensive-only warfare cannot achieve victory.

Writing on Truth Social, Trump compared the restrictions to “a great team in sports that has a fantastic defense, but is not allowed to play offense,” stating there would be “no chance of winning” under such conditions.

“Crooked and grossly incompetent Joe Biden would not let Ukraine FIGHT BACK, only DEFEND,” Trump wrote. “How did that work out?”

He also claimed the war would never have occurred under his presidency.

Trump accompanied his criticism with a photo collage featuring his recent meeting with Vladimir Putin in Alaska on 15 August, alongside an image from the 1959 “Kitchen Debate” between Vice President Richard Nixon and Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev.

The historical reference points to a Cold War-era exchange about capitalism versus socialism that took place at an American exhibition in Moscow. The parallel isn’t subtle. Trump sees himself following Nixon’s tough-talking tradition with Russia.

Ukrainian officials repeatedly pressed Washington for permission to strike deeper into Russia. Their argument: How do you defeat an enemy you can’t hit where it hurts?

According to Financial Times reporting from July, Trump told Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy that deeper strikes into Russia made sense. The strategy: “make them feel pain” and force Moscow to negotiate.

Since January 2025, Ukrainian long-range drone strikes deep inside Russia caused more than $74 billion in damage—about 4% of Russia’s yearly economy.

Most of the attacks have focused on important targets like oil refineries, storage facilities, pumping stations, ports, and other key infrastructure.

About 39% of strikes were between 500 and 1,000 kilometers inside Russia, with some reaching over 1,000 kilometers, showing Ukraine’s strong reach. These strikes have hurt Russia’s economy that finances the war effort.

Ukrainian security services have arrested a marine brigade officer accused of operating as a Russian intelligence agent while commanding an unmanned aerial vehicle platoon on the southern front, according to the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU).

The platoon commander was passing his own unit’s coordinates to Russian forces. Why? To help them target Ukrainian positions more accurately, the SBU reports.

The officer guided Russian airstrikes against Ukrainian command posts and ammunition warehouses. He knew exactly where neighboring units stored their weapons and where commanders operated from backup locations.

What was his next mission? Recruit more Ukrainian soldiers for Russia’s FSB intelligence network. The SBU says he actively tried convincing other service members to switch sides, reporting his recruitment efforts back to Moscow.

The Russian intelligence service recruited the Ukrainian officer through family members located in occupied areas of Luhansk Oblast. This recruitment method exploits personal connections in territories under Russian control where relatives may also face coercion or pressure.

The evidence tells the story. During his arrest at the marine base, investigators seized a flash drive loaded with classified information ready for transfer to Russian intelligence. Two phones. Direct communication with his FSB handler.

The security service says it documented the suspect’s activities and implemented protective measures for Defense Forces personnel and locations in areas where the FSB maintained agent operations.

The legal consequences are severe. Investigators in Mykolaiv Oblast charged him with high treason during martial law. No bail. Life imprisonment possible if convicted, with complete asset forfeiture.

 

 

Flames consumed 15,000 books at Sumy State University overnight after the Russian missile and drone attack on the city.

The 18 August overnight attack targeted multiple university buildings, with the library in the “N” building suffering significant fire damage, according to Suspilne. 

The destroyed books represented the library’s most recent acquisitions, purchased within the last five to six years.

The latest losses add to devastation from previous strikes. In April, shelling of the university’s congress center resulted in the destruction of 45,000 books, library officials reported. 

Now, the total number of volumes lost to Russian strikes at this university is 60,000.

Scientific equipment damaged

University staff also worked to evacuate valuable scientific equipment from the fire-damaged building, which was flooded during firefighting efforts.

Vice-Rector Anatolia Chornous explained what they were trying to save: scanning electron microscopes, microanalyzers, and other equipment purchased through research grants since 2018.

“We had several grants, and with those funds we bought quite expensive equipment,” Chornous said.

The Center for Collective Use of Scientific Equipment represented years of building research capacity for analytical and materials science work, eliminated in a few moments.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has caused heavy damage to nearly 1,000 libraries and destroyed over 200 million Ukrainian books, according to the date from Ukrainian officials.

In May 2024, a Russian missile hit a printing house in Kharkiv, killing seven workers and burning 50,000 mostly children’s books, making the need for new books even more urgent.

In the Russian-occupied territories, the authorities remove Ukrainian books from local libraries, calling them “extremist” and replacing them with Russian books. 

Ukrainian special operations forces conducted a targeted drone attack against a senior Russian military official, resulting in severe injuries that required amputation of the officer’s arm and leg.

A Ukrainian drone found its target on a dark highway in Russia’s Kursk Oblast near the border with Ukraine. The vehicle carried Lieutenant General Essedulla Abatchev, deputy commander of Russia’s “North” military group.

But who is Abatchev? Ukraine’s Security Service filed charges against him in 2022, documenting his role in combat operations across eastern Ukraine. He commanded forces in Sievierodonetsk, Lysychansk, Kreminna, and Rubizhne—all cities that saw intense fighting in Luhansk Oblast. His career also spans the Chechen wars, Georgia, Syria apart from Luhansk in Ukraine.

Russia’s response to those operations? They awarded Abatchev “Hero of Russia” and “Hero of the LNR” titles for war crimes.

The 17 August strike occurred five kilometers from Rylsk city, according to video footage released by Ukraine’s Special Operations Forces.

The UA_REG TEAM unit tracked Abatchev’s convoy on the Rylsk-Khomutovka highway before launching their attack.

Following the attack, Abatchev was evacuated by military transport aircraft to Moscow’s Vishnevsky Central Clinical Hospital, the Main Intelligence Directorate reported. Emergency amputation followed.

Ukrainian Defense Intelligence emphasized retribution for Russian war crimes, underscoring Ukraine’s capability to conduct precise, high-impact strikes deep into Russian territory

European officials are actively discussing plans to send British and French military personnel to Ukraine as part of security guarantees following any cessation of hostilities, with approximately 10 countries expressing readiness to participate in the initiative.

Bloomberg reports the security package could take shape this week, as officials rush to finalize details before a potential Putin-Zelenskyy meeting initiated by Trump.

But will America participate? President Trump ruled out US boots on the ground, but offered something else – logistics and air support. Not soldiers.

“We’re willing to help them with things, especially — probably you could talk about by air, because there’s nobody that has the kind of stuff we have,” he told Fox News.

Here’s how the European plan would work.

First stage: European troops stationed away from combat zones, focusing on training Ukrainian forces and providing reinforcements. Think military advisors with real backup, not symbolic presence.

Second stage: American intelligence sharing, border surveillance, weapons, and potentially air defense systems. Europe expects the US to keep providing military hardware through European partners, even without direct American deployment.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni also proposed a NATO-like security guarantee—strong allied commitments without actual NATO membership. White House meeting on 18 August gave Trump’s backing for the approach.

Here’s the catch: several European officials remain skeptical about whether any guarantees will actually deter Putin or lead to lasting peace. The plan assumes Russia wants to end the war. That assumption hasn’t been tested.

While European leaders publicly support Trump’s efforts to hold talks with Russia and push for peace in Ukraine, they expect the talks to fail and expose Putin’s true intentions of not willing to end the killings.

 

Why are European leaders backing Trump’s peace negotiations they think will likely prove unsuccessful?

They want Putin’s unwillingness to genuinely end the Ukraine war exposed.

Five diplomats familiar with the discussions revealed to Politico a calculated approach: praise Trump publicly while privately preparing for the talks to reveal Putin’s true intentions.

“It’s clear that if we end up in a situation where Putin proves he doesn’t want to end the war, that will force Trump to act,” one diplomat explained.

The goal? Stronger sanctions when negotiations inevitably stall.

The French president isn’t buying Putin’s peace promises

Emmanuel Macron has become the most vocal skeptic. The same leader who once tried preventing war through diplomatic outreach to Putin now calls the Russian president’s bluff directly.

“Do I think that President Putin wants peace? The answer is no. If you want my deepest belief: No. Do I think that President Trump wants peace? Yes,” Macron said before heading to Washington. “I don’t think that President Putin wants peace. I think he wants the capitulation of Ukraine. That’s what he has proposed.”

A second diplomat confirmed to Politico that allies support the American initiative “not because they necessarily thought it would work but because it will be a clear test of Russian intentions.”

A third diplomat emphasized that security guarantees being developed would help Ukraine “negotiate from a position of strength.”

Meanwhile, Putin’s negotiating demands include:

• Ukraine must abandon its plans to join NATO and adopt a neutral status.

• Lifting or easing of some Western sanctions against Russia, including addressing frozen Russian assets in the West.

• Recognition of Russian sovereignty over Crimea, annexed in 2014.

• Ukraine’s withdrawal from Donetsk, Luhansk oblasts, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts.

• Protection and official status for the Russian language in Ukraine.

• Guarantees for the Russian Orthodox Church Moscow Patriarchate in Ukraine.

• Disarmament of Ukraine, including establishing limits on personnel, weapons, and armed forces.

• Holding new elections in Ukraine under martial law lifted after initial troop withdrawals.

What forced Putin to negotiate in the first place?

Sanctions pressure. European sources point to Washington’s tariffs against India over Russian oil purchases as the turning point. Putin agreed to engage with Trump only after feeling economic squeeze.

The next target? China’s trade with Russia.

But here’s the catch: European officials see current talks as preparation for that pressure campaign, not genuine peace prospects.

One diplomat put it bluntly: “Everyone is going through the motions. But we don’t know what Putin’s end game is. What will motivate Putin to give any concessions? I don’t know.”

Where could Putin-Zelenskyy talks actually happen?

Hungary emerges as one possibility for a Putin-Zelenskyy meeting. Macron proposed Geneva as neutral ground. But venue selection assumes the talks will occur. Growing Russian evasiveness suggests otherwise.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov says Moscow won’t reject talks but insists on preparation “step by step, gradually, starting from the expert level.” Putin suggested hosting a summit in Russia.

Trump already doubts Putin’s sincerity

Europeans adjusted their red lines to work with Trump, softening demands for Russian ceasefire commitments before negotiations.

“There was some hope Trump could change his mind back on the ceasefire issue. That didn’t happen,” a fifth diplomat said, expressing concern over the difference in positions. “But overall it was still a good step towards peace.”

But they’re betting on a bigger prize: Trump’s recognition of Putin’s bad faith.

The American president already shows signs of skepticism.

“We’re going to find out about President Putin in the next couple of weeks,” Trump told Fox News. “It’s possible that he doesn’t want to make a deal.”

That admission gives Europeans what they want: justification for the sanctions escalation they’ve planned all along.

Ukraine’s military intelligence revealed that Russia is actively using an unnamed new drone with cellular communication and remote control capabilities.

The drone functions as a reconnaissance platform, a strike weapon, or a decoy designed to overwhelm Ukrainian air defenses with false targets, according to The Main Intelligence Directorate of Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense.

It can transmit live video through cellular towers and receive remote steering commands via LTE networks.

In strike mode, operators can guide the drone directly onto targets using first-person-view principles—essentially turning it into a manually controlled kamikaze weapon with a human pilot watching through the drone’s camera.

New drone characteristics

Ukrainian analysts describe a delta-wing design similar to the infamous Iranian-designed Shahed-131, though smaller. The resemblance isn’t coincidental because both use the same basic aerodynamic concept that’s proven effective for Russia’s drone swarm tactics.

A jam-resistant satellite positioning system uses four patch antennas paired with Chinese-made Allystar modules. This suggests Russia has specifically designed the drone to operate in electronic warfare environments where standard GPS might be blocked or spoofed.

A DLE engine mounted in the nose section makes the aircraft “most similar to the ‘Italmas’ loitering munition produced by the Russian Zala Group,” intelligence officers noted. But kamikaze drones put them up front since the whole aircraft is meant to crash into targets. This design choice signals the drone can switch between spying and suicide missions as needed.

Where do the parts come from? Nearly half the components trace back to Chinese manufacturers, according to the intelligence assessment. The shopping list includes communication modules, a minicomputer, power regulators, and quartz oscillators—all sourced from China’s commercial electronics industry.

Ukrainian intelligence published a detailed 3D model and component breakdown on the War&Sanctions portal, part of their ongoing effort to document and analyze Russian weapons systems. The technical dissection provides insight into how Russia continues adapting commercial technology for military purposes despite international sanctions.

The emergence of this drone variant highlights Russia’s evolving approach to unmanned warfare—combining proven airframe designs with commercially available communication technology to create more flexible and resilient weapons systems.

 

How serious is Russia about peace? While Donald Trump works to arrange a summit between Putin and Zelenskyy to push for a peace agreement, Russian forces launched another wave of attacks against Ukrainian civilians early 20 August morning.

Russian forces fired two Iskander-M ballistic missiles and Iranian-designed 93 Shahed drones across Ukraine, according to Ukrainian Air Force. Ukrainian air defense intercepted one missile and 62 drones, but strikes still hit 20 locations nationwide.

Energy infrastructure targeted in Odesa Oblast

Izmayil, a port city in southern Odesa Oblast, took direct strikes that damaged fuel and energy infrastructure, according to the Odesa Regional Prosecutor’s Office and State Emergency Service.

One person was injured and hospitalized, officials reported. The strikes sparked a massive fire that required 54 rescuers and 16 specialized vehicles to contain. Ukrainian Railways deployed a fire train, while National Guard fire units and local brigades joined the response.

The Izmayil District Prosecutor’s Office opened a war crimes investigation, while prosecutors and police are documenting damage at the scene.

14 civilians injured in Sumy border Oblast

The northern city of Okhtyrka in northeastern Sumy Oblast faced a massive attack that injured 14 people, including three children. Multiple locations were struck simultaneously across the city.

The youngest victim is not even a year old yet. The boy has an acute stress reaction, but there is no threat to his life.

Emergency workers pulled a woman from rubble and transferred her to ambulance crews, according to regional authorities. The strikes damaged an apartment building, 13 private homes, an outbuilding, and a garage. Several cars were destroyed, and fires broke out across impact sites.

Rescue teams extinguished all fires, the State Emergency Service reported. The scale of damage suggests coordinated targeting of residential areas rather than military infrastructure.

Ukrainian soldier Pavlo Pshenychnyi fought Russian-backed forces in Donetsk Oblast in 2019. Six years later, he found himself fighting for Russia against his own countrymen, while Russia launched an explicit full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

How does a Ukrainian war veteran end up in enemy uniform? The answer reveals Russia’s systematic transformation of occupied territories into military recruitment grounds, where residents face a brutal choice: prison or the front lines. And often prison is not something that’s deserved but rather inflicted through fabricated charges and threats.

Pshenychnyi’s account, given in an interview with Ukrainian news agency Hromadske after his capture by Ukraine’s Freedom battalion, exposes the machinery behind Russia’s forced conscription in occupied areas.

His story traces a path from Ukrainian defender to unwilling Russian soldier—a journey thousands may be forced to take if Russia continues to grab new territories.

Before the full-scale invasion: he fights against the Russians

Why did Pshenychnyi join Ukraine’s military in 2018? Simple economics.

“There was no work,” he told Hromadske. His uncle knew someone at the military commissariat who mentioned openings for drivers with commercial licenses.

“Work is work—what’s the difference where you work?” Pshenychnyi reasoned.

His original enlistment in the Ukrainian army had nothing to do with patriotism or defending his homeland. It was purely economic necessity.

Pshenychnyi signed his contract in October 2018. By November, he was manning positions near Avdiivka, where he could see both Donetsk airports from his post. The war felt manageable then. Until 24 February 2019.

That day, Ukrainian snipers from nearby Pisky killed two Russian soldiers, exposing Ukrainian positions. A week later came the response. A Russian sniper’s bullet found Pshenychnyi’s back, killing his fellow soldier Serhiy Luzenko instantly.

Pshenychnyi survived, crawled to safety, and eventually made it home to southern Kherson Oblast with a disability certificate and two military medals.

He thought his war was over.

Ukrainian veteran monitored by Russian occupiers 

When Russian forces occupied Kalanchak, Kherson Oblast, in February 2022, neighbors quickly identified the local veteran.

“These are good neighbors,” Pshenychnyi said with bitter irony. “Although they’re not very good.”

The first occupiers weren’t even Russian but mostly Dagestanis and other nationalities who barely spoke Russian. They knew enough to search his apartment and confiscate his veteran documents, disability certificate, and medals.

What followed was routine intimidation. New occupying units rotated through monthly, each making their presence known.

“They’d come in on their wave, might hit or not hit, walk around the house, stomp around, look around,” Pshenychnyi recalled. “I was constantly in their field of view.”

During one visit, with his newborn daughter sleeping nearby, Russian soldiers fired two shots into his ceiling. Their message was clear: “You killed our people there.”

Failed attempts to run away with wife and infant

Could Pshenychnyi’s family escape? They tried twice.

The first attempt came eight months after his daughter’s birth in June 2022. At the Russian border, guards turned them back. The child had only a medical document from the hospital—no official birth certificate that Russian authorities would accept.

Six months later, Russian police and child services began visiting. They questioned why the child lacked Russian documents and who the parents were to her.

“They even wanted to take the child—just take her and take her somewhere,” Pshenychnyi said.

Terrified of losing their daughter, his wife obtained Russian birth papers for the child. They tried leaving again, this time through Lithuania. But Lithuanian border guards saw the mismatch: Ukrainian passports for the parents, Russian birth certificate for the child. Again, turned back.

They were stuck.

Fabricated drug charges become pathway from prison to front lines

In September 2024, police arrived claiming someone had stolen tools and appliances in the village. They’d heard a truck had delivered items to Pshenychnyi’s house the day before. Could they search?

While Pshenychnyi opened his first basement room for inspection, officers positioned themselves near the second room. “While I was opening the second one, they were already shouting: ‘Oh, found everything. No need to search anymore!'”

What did they find? “They pulled out a huge bag of grass, marijuana, brought it into the house,” Pshenychnyi recalled.

Two witnesses emerged from the police car right on cue.

He believes they planted evidence to simply force him into Russian service.

The trial stretched from late 2024 to 29 May 2025. Pshenychnyi faced 12.5 years in prison. But as the judge finished reading the sentence, military commissariat officials entered the courtroom.

“That’s it, here’s your prison. You’re going to the army,” they announced.

Former prisoners train new Russian recruits in deliberately brutal conditions

What’s Russian military training like for forced conscripts? Deliberately brutal.

At the Makiivka training facility, former prisoners, who were pardoned in exchange for surviving combat, served as instructors. These “Storm Z” veterans had already proven themselves expendable and lived to tell about it.

Training focused on basic assault tactics: how to storm buildings, shoot between ruins, apply tourniquets, spot tripwires. But the real lesson was endurance. Twenty-kilometer daily marches in extreme heat, minimal water rations, constant physical stress.

“They don’t give water during walking so you don’t die without water,” Pshenychnyi explained. The logic was twisted but clear: condition soldiers for the deprivation they’d face at the front.

Who else trained alongside him? A mix that revealed Russia’s recruitment desperation. Some volunteers who’d fought in 2014’s separatist militias. Alcoholics who’d signed contracts while intoxicated and didn’t remember agreeing. Residents from other occupied territories facing similar forced choices.

Many were HIV-positive former prisoners serving 20-plus year sentences, identifiable by red armbands on their left arms. Several died during training from heart attacks because their bodies accustomed to Siberian cold couldn’t handle the sudden heat and physical demands.

The most desperate cases served as human mine detectors. Russia would strip reluctant soldiers of body armor and weapons, point to a target, and promise equipment back if they survived the approach.

Among the most shocking elements were the foreign fighters—Somalis and others who displayed an almost inhuman indifference to casualties. Pshenychnyi witnessed this firsthand when a group of 10 Somali fighters walked ahead of his unit.

“Such people that I don’t know what could be told to them that they go like that,” Pshenychnyi said, struggling to explain their behavior.

When a mortar shell killed one of the Somalis directly in front of the group, the others simply stepped around the body and continued their advance without pause or emotion.

“That’s it, he’s dead. They bypassed him, they went further. And generally they don’t care,” he said. “They go specifically there to do the task. That’s it.”

Russian commanders leave wounded soldiers to rot in trenches

After six weeks of training, Pshenychnyi received deployment orders. Officials confiscated phones, bank cards, anything connecting soldiers to their previous lives. Then came the trip to Avdiivka in Donetsk Oblast.

The supply situation was immediately clear.

“They gave very little water – for three people per day maximum one and a half liters, and not always full,” Pshenychnyi said.

Soldiers near villages or rivers could sometimes find additional sources. Those in remote forest positions simply went without.

What were their orders? Hold positions 250 meters apart across forest strips. Shoot anyone approaching unless radio communications specifically cleared their movement.

Russian commanders showed little concern for soldier welfare. Pshenychnyi described radio communications where a territorial defense commander threatened troops under mortar fire:

“I’ll shoot you myself, I’ll get you out of the tank now and shoot you… if you don’t continue movement.”

Wounded soldiers received no evacuation.

“If you’re wounded, you have only one way. Either not to be wounded, or better immediately dead. Because you’ll rot in landings and you won’t have evacuation,” Pshenychnyi explained.

Freedom battalion fighters shocked to capture fellow Ukrainian veteran fighting for Russia

When Ukrainian Freedom battalion fighters approached their forest position near Avdiivka, Pshenychnyi and his partner were following standard orders: shoot anyone who approached their sector unless radio communications specifically cleared them.

His partner immediately grabbed his rifle and aimed at the approaching figures. But Pshenychnyi quickly assessed their situation—they were surrounded and outgunned.

“Put down the rifle, why will all this shooting start now?” he told his companion, recognizing the futility of resistance. “What can I do if they’re already standing with rifles? I won’t even have time to take it, whether they’re ours or not, whoever they are.”

Initially, Pshenychnyi couldn’t tell who was approaching their trench. “Well, maybe ours, maybe they’re coming from somewhere. Russians, I think, what’s the difference?” he recalled thinking.

The soldiers called out something, but he couldn’t immediately recognize their identification marks. Only when he got a clear view of their uniforms did recognition dawn.

“Then I look, pixel camouflage, I say: ‘Oh, Ukraine, give us water!'” he called out.

The Ukrainian soldiers were shocked to discover they’d captured a fellow veteran. One asked directly:

“What do you think your guys you fought with since 2014 would say if they found out you’re here now?”

The way Ukrainian soldiers treated Pshenychnyi as a prisoner of war (POW) surprised him.

“I imagined that I would sit there tied up somewhere, and here it’s completely different. And they give food… And they brew coffee,” he shared. “I was glad that I surrendered—otherwise in a few days I would have simply died of dehydration.”

More people in occupation face forced conscription if Russia is not stopped

How many others face Pshenychnyi’s dilemma? His account suggests thousands.

The recruitment system extends beyond fabricated criminal cases. All men under 30 in occupied territories face conscription for military service in Russia. Some serve domestically, others get sent to combat zones.

Those who initially refuse face calculated deception. They’re allowed to live normally at base for weeks, even permitted shopping trips. Just when they think they’ve escaped combat duty, orders arrive: join the assault units or face consequences.

When asked about the common saying among Ukrainians that “if you don’t serve in your own army, you’ll serve in someone else’s,” Pshenychnyi’s response was stark:

“That’s how it will be. If they capture territories, then there will be no choice for anyone, like here.”

Can residents of occupied territories avoid this fate? Pshenychnyi’s assessment left little hope: “There will be no choice at all.”

Russia isn’t just occupying Ukrainian territory. It’s systematically converting Ukrainian citizens into weapons against their own country, using fabricated criminal cases, manipulations and threats to families. 

European leaders issued a pointed statement that reveals deep concerns about being sidelined in Ukraine peace negotiations after the 15 August Trump-Putin summit in Alaska.

The joint declaration from seven EU leaders—released early 16 August morning—welcomed President Trump’s diplomatic efforts while laying down non-negotiable red lines that could complicate any future deal.

According to the European Union statement, leaders including French President Emmanuel Macron, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz insisted that Ukraine must receive “ironclad security guarantees to effectively defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

The statement reveals European priorities that may not align with whatever Trump and Putin discussed in their three-hour meeting Friday at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Alaska.

“We are clear that Ukraine must have ironclad security guarantees to effectively defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity. We welcome President Trump’s statement that the US is prepared to give security guarantees. The Coalition of the Willing is ready to play an active role.”

European leaders want direct involvement in any future negotiations, declaring they are “ready to work with President Trump and President Zelenskyy towards a trilateral summit with European support.”

The EU statement offers clues about what European leaders fear most. Their insistence that “no limitations should be placed on Ukraine’s armed forces or on its cooperation with third countries” suggests concern that Trump might agree to constraints on Western military aid.

Even more pointed: “Russia cannot have a veto against Ukraine’s pathway to EU and NATO,” the leaders declared—a direct pushback against any deal that would limit Ukraine’s Western integration.

The Europeans also rejected territorial concessions, stating bluntly that “it will be up to Ukraine to make decisions on its territory. International borders must not be changed by force.”

Europe ready for continued pressure on Russia

The EU leaders’ statement reads like diplomatic insurance—an attempt to lock in principles before Trump sits down with Zelenskyy for follow-up talks, scheduled on 18 August in Washington.

Their promise of continued pressure reveals the leverage they’re prepared to use:

“As long as the killing in Ukraine continues, we stand ready to uphold the pressure on Russia. We will continue to strengthen sanctions and wider economic measures to put pressure on Russia’s war economy.”

The leaders want to ensure “unwavering solidarity” with Ukraine while working toward “a peace that safeguards Ukraine’s and Europe’s vital security interests.”

The next phase will reveal whether Trump’s promised meeting with Zelenskyy can bridge the gap between what Russia might accept and what Europe demands.

The Alaska summit may have been bilateral, but any lasting agreement will need to satisfy a much larger coalition—one that Europe just reminded everyone it intends to lead.

Russian Deputy Security Council Chairman Dmitry Medvedev declared that 15 August Trump-Putin summit in Alaska “restored a full-fledged mechanism of meetings” between the two countries at the highest level. But did the three-hour encounter actually produce the breakthrough Moscow claims?

The meeting ended without a concrete agreement on Ukraine, with Trump stating “there’s no deal until there’s a deal” during the joint news conference.

Yet according to Medvedev’s Telegram post, Putin “personally and in detail outlined to the US President” Russia’s conditions for ending the war.

Russian officials celebrate end of isolation

Medvedev writes that the meeting proved “negotiations are possible without preconditions and simultaneously with the continuation of the ‘special military operation.'”

He claimed both sides “directly placed responsibility for achieving future results in negotiations on cessation of military actions on Kyiv and Europe.”

After the talks, Trump urged Zelenskyy to “make a deal” with Russia, emphasizing the need for a direct peace agreement rather than a ceasefire, which often fails to hold.

Why frame it this way? Russian media celebrated what they saw as validation after years of isolation claims, with Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova writing:

“For years they have been talking about the isolation of Russia, and today they saw the red carpet that greeted the Russian president”.

Zakharova separately stated that Russia is “no longer in isolation.”

Journalist: “When will you stop killing civilians?”
Putin pretends not to hear.
Minutes later — he and Trump slip into the presidential Cadillac for talks. pic.twitter.com/z7mrfIfIgl

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 15, 2025

Trump provides red carpet for war criminal

Trump and Putin met for nearly three hours at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson but emerged without taking questions from reporters after their joint briefing.

Trump said he and Putin “made some headway” and “great progress” but offered no specifics about any agreements reached.

The atmospherics favored Moscow. Putin received a red carpet welcome at the Alaska military base despite an International Criminal Court (ICC) war crimes warrant that restricts the Russian leader’s global movements.

In 2023, the Hague’s court found Putin and Russia’s children’s commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova guilty of illegally transferring Ukrainian children from occupied areas.

The First Lady Melania Trump reportedly addressed this humanitarian crisis of Ukrainian children abducted by Russian forces in a letter handed to Putin via Trump.

Russia shows no signs it wants peace

Trump told Fox News there were “one or two pretty significant items” preventing a conclusive peace deal, but declined to specify what they were. He added: “Now it’s really up to President Zelenskyy to get it done.”

The US president also suggested that a future trilateral summit involving himself, Zelenskyy, and Putin could be convened to finalize peace terms, but no specific timeline was given, while Russia denied claims of a planned three-leader meeting.

"Red carpet". Ukrainian artist Oleh Shupliaк depicted meeting of US President Trump and Russian President Putin

Russia's war has killed 13,800 civilians, not counting victims in cities such as Mariupol, where thousands may have been killed in Russian attacks
Oleh Shupliaк pic.twitter.com/79vunGbjz7

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 15, 2025

Meanwhile, Putin showed no signs of backing down from Russia’s core demands, saying any deal needs “to consider all legitimate concerns of Russia and to reinstate a just balance of security in Europe and in the world on the whole”.

Russian key demands for Ukraine include:

• Withdrawal from Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts, including areas not fully under Russian control.
• Abandoning NATO membership aspirations.
• Ending martial law in Ukraine and holding elections.
• International legal recognition of Russia’s annexation of Crimea (2014).
• Limitations on the size of the Ukrainian armed forces.
• Recognition of Russian as an official language on par with Ukrainian.

What happens next

Both leaders expressed interest in future meetings, with Putin suggesting “Next time in Moscow”. Trump held a phone call with Zelenskyy on the next day and expects the Ukrainian president’s visit to Washington on 18 August.

Zelenskyy stressed that Europe needs to be involved every step of the way to make sure Ukraine gets solid security guarantees.

The meeting marked Putin’s first visit to a Western country since ordering the full-scale invasion of Ukraine and his first time on US military property as Russian president.

Vladimir Putin signed a decree on 15 August that could enable foreign investors, including US oil major Exxon Mobil, to reclaim their shares in the Sakhalin-1 oil and gas project.

Friday’s announcement serves as a follow-up to Putin’s October 2022 decree that ordered the seizure of the Sakhalin-1 project, Reuters reports.

Exxon previously operated a 30% stake in the project and remains the only non-Russian investor to have exited its position. Other partners—India’s ONGC Videsh and Japan’s SODECO—kept their shares. Only Exxon walked away.

But here’s the catch: Exxon would need to actively work against the very sanctions that pushed it out. The decree requires foreign shareholders to “undertake actions to support the lifting of Western sanctions” if they want back in.

That’s a tall order. Exxon took a $4.6 billion hit to exit Russia after the February 2022 full-scale invasion. Would the company spend resources lobbying against US policy for a project the Kremlin seized?

The mechanics get messier. Foreign investors must also secure contracts for foreign-made equipment and transfer funds to project accounts. Three years after comprehensive sanctions, that equipment pipeline barely exists.

Can Trump deliver? His team has reportedly identified sanctions they could lift quickly with progress on Ukraine. Sakhalin-1 itself hasn’t been directly sanctioned, creating potential wiggle room.

Russia extended the sale deadline for Exxon’s unclaimed stake until 2026 last December. Translation: Moscow still wants that American expertise and technology.

The economics are stark. Russian oil prices have collapsed from $100 to $55 per barrel since the full-scale war began. Budget revenues have plummeted. Russia’s National Welfare Fund could run dry by late 2025, experts estimate.

Oil and gas revenues have been a crucial source of cash for the Kremlin, accounting for a quarter of total federal budget proceeds.

Earlier, Trump also publicly needled Putin about Russia’s economic struggles, saying the Russian leader should focus on rebuilding his country’s finances rather than fighting wars.

The question remains whether any Western company would risk reputational damage to re-enter Russia while the war continues. For now, Putin has opened the door. Whether anyone walks through it depends on factors far beyond oil prices.

 

First Lady Melania Trump sent a personal letter to Russian President Vladimir Putin addressing the deportations of Ukrainian children during the ongoing war, according to Reuters citing White House officials.

Trump hand-delivered the letter during their 15 August summit in Anchorage, Alaska. The officials wouldn’t reveal details beyond confirming it addressed child abductions, Reuters reports.

Why does this matter? Ukraine has documented over 19,000 children illegally removed from their territories. That’s not a disputed number—it’s Ukraine’s official count as of June.

The International Criminal Court took notice. In 2023, judges issued arrest warrants for Putin and Russia’s children’s commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova. The charge: illegally transferring Ukrainian children from occupied areas.

Russia’s position? Moscow says it protects vulnerable children from war zones.

Recovery of deported children is complicated

Some can. The International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children—41 countries plus the Council of Europe—managed to bring back nearly 600 children in 2024 alone.

But the numbers tell a stark story. Nearly 600 returned. Over 19,000 documented as taken but the actual number could be much higher, possibly in the hundreds of thousands.

The deported children include those with and without parents, ranging from infants to 17 years old, many of whom have had their identities changed and been subjected to forced Russification and adoption by Russian families.

Trump rates Putin talks 10 out of 10

The Alaska meeting almost didn’t happen as planned. Initial reports suggested a private conversation between the two leaders. Instead, both sides brought backup.

Trump’s team: Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Special Envoy Steve Witkoff. Putin’s delegation: Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Presidential Assistant Yury Ushakov.

Three hours behind closed doors at Elmendorf-Richardson military base but no ceasefire reached. Trump emerged calling it “constructive” and rating the encounter “10 out of 10.”

Trump outlined potential war resolution terms involving territorial swaps and US security guarantees. But here’s the catch: he placed responsibility for any ceasefire deal squarely on Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

“I think we’re pretty close to the end,” he said, though he added a crucial caveat: “Ukraine has to agree to this.”

Will additional sanctions follow? Not immediately. Trump indicated he would hold off on the “serious consequences”he previously threatened against Russia.

How do you score a three-hour meeting that produces no deal to end a war? If you’re Donald Trump, the answer is simple: 10 out of 10. The president emerged from his Alaska summit with Vladimir Putin declaring total success despite acknowledging that “not all points were agreed upon” and confirming there was “no deal” on ending the Russo-Ukrainian war. His reasoning? “We got along great,” Trump told Fox News. But here’s where it gets interesting. Trump immediately shifted responsibility for any future agreement to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

“Now it’s really up to President Zelenskyy to get it done,” he said, announcing plans for a trilateral meeting between himself, Putin, and the Ukrainian leader.

What actually happened in that room? The 15 August meeting at Elmendorf-Richardson military base started as a planned one-on-one but expanded to include six officials total. Trump brought Secretary of State Marco Rubio and special envoy Steve Witkoff. Putin arrived with Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and presidential assistant Yury Ushakov. The substance? Trump says he and Putin agreed on territorial exchanges and American security guarantees for Ukraine.

“I think those are the points we discussed, and those are the points on which we mostly reached agreement,” he told Fox News, describing the atmosphere as “warm.”

Here’s the catch: Trump refused to detail what’s actually preventing a final deal. He would only say he wanted to “see what we can do.” Why the confidence then? Trump believes momentum is building.

“I think we’re pretty close to the end,” he said, though he added a crucial caveat: “Ukraine has to agree to this.”

For Putin, the direct talks with a US leader offered symbolic validation after years of isolation, though his demands—including Ukraine’s withdrawal from occupied regions, forsaking NATO membership, and sanction relief—amount to Ukraine’s capitulation. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was excluded from the summit, sparking concerns among European allies that Kyiv could be pressured into territorial concessions. The US president wasted no time following up. He called Zelenskyy the morning after his Putin meeting—16 August—in what both the White House and Zelenskyy’s office described as a “lengthy” conversation that included NATO leaders. 

Trump’s advice to the Ukrainian president was blunt: “A deal needs to be made.”

Both sides called the nearly three-hour Alaska session “constructive” without providing specifics. Trump said he achieved “really significant progress” with Putin, whom he described as a “strong guy” and “incredibly tough.”

But there’s a complication. Putin’s assistant Yury Ushakov—the same aide who sat in that Alaska meeting—told Russian media that “the topic of holding a trilateral summit of Putin, Trump and Zelenskyy has not yet been raised.” Russian officials also said they don’t know when Putin and Trump will meet again.

Ukraine’s Security Service head just explained exactly how Ukraine had smuggled attack drones into Russia and hit four military bases simultaneously in their most audacious operation yet.

The 1 June mission—codenamed “Spider Web”— hit 31 and destroyed 21 Russian aircraft worth over $7 billion. That’s roughly a third of Russia’s cruise missile carriers wiped out in a single coordinated strike.

But the real story isn’t the destruction. It’s how Ukrainian intelligence spent 18 months building a fake logistics company inside Russia to pull it off.

Ukrainian spies rent office space next to enemy headquarters

SBU chief Vasyl Maliuk revealed the operation’s mechanics in a recent interview. His agents didn’t just sneak across the border—they set up shop in Chelyabinsk, renting offices and warehouses practically next door to the local FSB headquarters.

Why Chelyabinsk? The industrial city over 2000 km from the front line provided perfect cover for a logistics operation. The Ukrainians bought five cargo trucks, hired Russian drivers, and started moving equipment.

The weapon? What Maliuk calls “hunting lodges”—wooden structures mounted on truck beds, equipped with solar panels and EcoFlow batteries to continuously power concealed drones. Russian customs saw camping gear. Inside were 117 combat drones waiting to strike.

Russians drinking vodka delayed a covert op

The original plan called for a May strike. What went wrong? Russian drinking culture.

“We planned to do this before May 9, but they went on a drinking binge during Easter,” Maliuk explained.

The Ukrainian handlers couldn’t reach their Russian drivers for weeks. “One driver was missing, then another. Then May 1st—their May holidays—and they’re lying around for a week.”

The operation lost an entire month to spring festivities.

The moment everything almost collapsed

Picture this: Ukrainian agents preparing their weaponized hunting lodges when someone accidentally hits the wrong button. The roof opens. A 63-year-old Russian truck driver sees rows of military drones lined up for combat.

Panic. The field agents called headquarters immediately. “We have an emergency situation. What are we going to do?”

Malyuk’s solution? Instant cover story. Tell the driver these are wildlife surveillance drones used to track animal populations and catch poachers. The 63-year-old knew nothing about modern technology. He bought it. A bonus payment helped seal the deal.

The Russian drivers who transported the drones never knew what they were carrying. They’re now in Russian detention centers, according to Maliuk, facing torture for crimes they didn’t know they were committing.

“In reality, they did nothing illegal and there was no intent in their actions,” he said. “We paid them very generously.”

All Ukrainian operatives who organized the mission have been evacuated from Russia with new identities.

Ukraine hit Russian bombers that attack civilians

The targets weren’t random. These aircraft form part of Russia’s nuclear triad—the bombers that have been launching cruise missiles at Ukrainian cities and infrastructure throughout the war.

The strike hit A-50 early warning aircraft and Tu-95, Tu-22M3, and Tu-160 strategic bombers across four bases: Belaya, Dyagilevo, Olenya, and Ivanovo. The operation required coordination across three time zones.

At the predetermined moment, the hunting lodge roofs opened remotely. The drones emerged and flew to their targets.

Lessons from drug cartels

How did Ukrainian intelligence learn to smuggle military equipment past Russian customs? They studied international drug cartels, Maliuk said in the interview.

Russian customs corruption made the mission possible, he believes. His agents had to navigate what he called “seven circles of hell” due to international sanctions, but corrupt officials provided the opening they needed.

Maliuk also noted the parallels between this operation and the 2022 Crimean Bridge attack, where Ukraine used a truck loaded with 21 tons of explosives.

“If you read between the lines and look professionally, I think many noticed certain parallels.”

Ukrainian prosecutors have concluded their investigation into the forced deportation of children from an occupied special school, gathering evidence that will be used in both domestic and international legal proceedings.

Fifteen children from the Novopetrivka special school in southern Mykolaiv Oblast were tracked, seized, and shipped to Russia through a carefully orchestrated route across occupied territories, according to the Prosecutor General’s Office.

The children included ten without parental care, two orphans, two placed due to difficult circumstances, and one girl who had been adopted by US citizens but remained at the school when the full-scale invasion began in 2022.

Ukraine concluded a war crimes investigation proving Russia deported 15 children from a special school and subjected them to forced cultural conversion — Prosecutor's Office.

The children were forced to sing Russia's anthem, attend pro-Russian events, and were banned from… pic.twitter.com/A2xjknbiMY

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 14, 2025

Russian soldiers storms the school, forcibly remove kids

Russian soldiers weren’t subtle. From day one of occupying Novopetrivka village, they showed up at the school. Regular visits. Head counts. Making sure every child stayed put.

The school director watched this pattern for months. July 2022 rolled around, and she’d seen enough. Time to get these kids out—quietly move them to Ukrainian-controlled territory where they’d be safe.

Someone talked.

Armed Russians stormed the school. They grilled the director. What was she planning? Where were the children going? Then they posted guards. No one leaves.

Twenty soldiers arrived the next morning. Children, director, her husband—everyone loaded up. Destination: Stepanivka village, deep in occupied Kherson Oblast nearby. Three months of waiting. For what?

Two collaborators threatened violence to organize the children’s transport through a complex route: from Stepanivka to occupied Crimea and then to Anapa in Russia’s Krasnodar Oblast.

Ukrainian children are forced into cultural conversion

Ukrainian investigators asked the obvious question. Did these children need evacuation?

No medical emergencies. No additional health screening required. The school had a functioning bomb shelter, food stocks, medicine, hygiene supplies. The village remained stable throughout.

So why move them?

The Prosecutor General’s Office reported that the children faced daily ideological pressure, including forced participation in singing Russia’s anthem, attending pro-Russian events, prohibition of Ukrainian language use, and bans on Ukrainian symbols. Fifteen children became test subjects in forced cultural conversion.

Russia also incorporates thousands of Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories into its military-patriotic youth movement called Yunarmia (Youth Army). This youth army, under the Russian Ministry of Defense, teaches children military skills like assembling assault rifles and marching, as well as propagates anti-European sentiments and portrays Ukraine as the enemy.

The militarization and assimilation efforts by Russia are likened to historical fascist youth indoctrination, with the aim of creating obedient future soldiers for the Russian regime. Ukrainian authorities and international observers have condemned these practices as war crimes and acts of genocide against Ukrainian identity and society.

Ukraine documents systematic Russian war crimes

The charges qualify the actions as war crimes under international humanitarian law, specifically citing violations of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 regarding forcible displacement of civilians from occupied territory. 

The children? All rescued through coordinated efforts between Ukrainian law enforcement, international partners, and volunteer networks. Every single one now lives safely abroad. The adopted girl reunited with her American family.

Exclusives

Putin came for the summit. Trump brought the white flag. For six months, Trump has found excuses for Putin, punished allies instead of adversaries, and now arrives at the table already conceding the game.

As sanctions bite, Russia’s war chest nears empty by Christmas. The Russian economy is not collapsing, but it is stagnant and suffering high inflation. And this economic decline could be a tipping point, because Russia may run out of liquid reserves, prompting the Kremlin to cut public expenditures.

Ukraine’s new Privet-299 drone spies on Russians where FPVs can’t reach — and bombers can’t fly. The recently revealed Privet-299 drone could help extend the robotic kill zone by tens of kilometers from the front line.

Top 7 must-have gadgets for modern college students. Seven practical, everyday gadgets that help students stay on track, get around, and make the most of campus life

The West is losing the information war because it won’t fight dirty. Facts don’t defeat fascists. Fear does.

Military

50-kilometer fortress: Why Ukraine’s Donetsk defense belt matters more than territory. Eleven years of Ukrainian military investment in Donetsk Oblast’s primary defense network could face elimination through diplomatic concessions rather than military defeat, the ISW reported

Zelenskyy: Ukrainian Armed Forces will not leave Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts on their own. Ukraine faces the prospect of a “third war” if its forces abandon Donbas territories either voluntarily or under international pressure, Zelenskyy said three days before Trump-Putin meeting

Drones attack refineries in Sloviansk-on-Kuban and Volgograd, fire reported

. Russian oil refineries in two regions came under drone attack overnight, with debris from intercepted aircraft damaging a residential building in Volgograd

Intelligence and technology

FT: European defense plant space tripled since 2021. Three years after Russia invaded Ukraine, Europe has constructed an industrial war machine spanning 7 million square meters of new weapons facilities, marking the continent’s largest defense buildup since World War II.

Ukrainian Intel: North Korean troops remain in Kursk Oblast. 11,000 North Korean soldiers remain stationed across four brigades in Russia’s Kursk and Belgorod oblasts, with an additional 6,000 personnel expected for infrastructure and support operations.

Norwegian intelligence considers Russia the biggest threat to country. The Norway’s top spy said that Russia poses the biggest threat to Norwegian security, even as Moscow’s cyber operatives target the nation’s dams.

International

Court orders Ukrainian airline to pay beyond $180,000 limits to families of victims in Tehran plane crash. Canadian court found UIA failed to assess risks before flying 167 passengers and 9 crew members from Tehran on the same day in 2020 Iran retaliated against the US for assassinating general Qasem Soleimani.

The Telegraph: Russia is racing to seize as much Ukrainian territory as possible ahead of peace talks with Trump. Small Russian reconnaissance groups have infiltrated Ukrainian defenses in eastern Donetsk, forcing Kyiv to deploy special forces units to prevent further territorial losses before scheduled peace negotiations in Alaska

Norway’s domestic intelligence suspects Russian trace in cyber sabotage of dam. Norwegian intelligence officials blame pro-Russian hackers for a cyber attack that kept dam gates open for four hours in April, releasing 500 liters per second.

Merz meets Zelenskyy in his office in Berlin. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy arrived by helicopter at the German chancellery for a videoconference with Donald Trump and European leaders, one day before the US president’s planned summit with Vladimir Putin in Alaska

Belarus confirms nuclear weapons training drills with Russia this September

. Belarus will practice planning nuclear weapons deployment alongside Russia during military exercises next month, Defense Minister Viktor Krenin announced

The Telegraph: Ukraine may agree to cede already occupied territory but reject further concessions as Trump-Putin talks near. Russia currently occupies roughly 20% of Ukrainian territory, but Zelenskyy cited intelligence Monday showing Moscow “moving their troops and forces in such a way as to launch new offensive operations.”

Humanitarian and social impact

Russian terror continues: drones hit civilian cars, then ambulance. Three people died in two different locations.

Read our earlier daily review here.

What happens if Putin refuses to end the war? Donald Trump isn’t saying. But the consequences will be “very serious.”

The warning came during a White House briefing this week, Sky News reports. When pressed by journalists for specifics, Trump declined to elaborate.

“I don’t need to say. There will be very serious consequences.”

Why the cryptic threat now? Trump and Putin are set to meet 15 August in Anchorage, Alaska. The stakes couldn’t be higher.

Trump expects this to be just the beginning. A second meeting could happen within days, he told reporters, possibly including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

“There’s a very high probability that we’ll have a second meeting that will be more productive than the first, because in the first one I’m going to find out where we are and what we’re doing.”

The president was blunt about his track record. When asked whether he believes he can persuade Putin to stop shelling Ukrainian civilians, Trump acknowledged failure. He’d raised the issue before “but it didn’t happen.”

Here’s what’s driving the Alaska talks: Washington and Moscow are pursuing an agreement that would let Russia keep occupied territories. The Wall Street Journal says Putin has already presented Trump’s team with a ceasefire proposal.

The price? Ukrainian territorial concessions.

Trump has suggested any peace deal would require “some territorial exchange for the benefit of both sides.” Russia demands: Ukraine withdraws troops from all of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts, parts of which are not even occupied. 

Ukraine’s response was swift.

Zelenskyy declared Ukraine “will not give away its lands to anyone.” European Union leaders echoed that position, insisting Ukraine must shape any peace framework.

The timing matters. On 13 August, just two days before the Alaska meeting, Zelenskyy and European leaders arranged their own session with Trump. Their goal: coordinate positions before Trump sits down with Putin.

What emerges from Alaska could reshape the war’s trajectory. Putin arrives with territorial demands. Trump brings unspecified threats. Ukraine and Europe are scrambling to ensure their voices aren’t drowned out.

The consequences, as Trump says, could indeed be serious.

 

A Ukrainian Orthodox priest was running spies for Moscow. Right from his pulpit in Zaporizhzhia, a city close to the front line in southern Ukraine.

The The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) reported that the network was run by an abbot from a Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) parish who used his religious position to identify and recruit pro-Russian sympathizers. The priest used Sunday sermons to scout for recruits, justifying Russia’s invasion to identify sympathizers in his congregation.

How did Ukrainian counterintelligence find him? They caught a Russian spotter operating in the city first. Under interrogation, he gave up the priest. This led to surveillance of the priest’s activities and the discovery of the broader network.

The cleric had recruited a 41-year-old Ukrainian soldier deployed to a local base. The man was feeding Moscow detailed intelligence about Ukrainian positions, troop numbers, and equipment along the Zaporizhzhia front lines. He photographed classified documents showing new Armed Forces deployments and reported on his own battalion’s activities.

But the network went higher. Both the priest and soldier answered to a handler from Russia’s 316th reconnaissance center—part of the GRU military intelligence service. Ukrainian investigators identified this controller as a former Ukrainian police officer who fled to occupied territory and switched sides.

The evidence was everywhere. During raids, the SBU found phones and computers packed with incriminating communications. In the priest’s possession: a Russian passport, Kalashnikov ammunition, and knives.

Why did the priest risk everything? The SBU says he used his religious position systematically, weaving pro-Russian propaganda into sermons before approaching potential recruits privately.

Both men now face five criminal charges, including high treason during martial law. The most serious carry potential life sentences.

A Polish man attempted to join Putin’s army by swimming across an Estonian river on an inflatable mattress. Estonian border guards stopped him. Now he is arrested.

The 49-year-old was caught last week trying to cross the Narva River, which separates Estonia from Russia, according to RMF24. His plan? Float across on a mattress and enlist in Russian forces fighting Ukraine, according to prosecutors.

The Polish citizen had traveled to Estonia from Serbia and was carrying items that demonstrated support for Russian military actions in Ukraine—possibly a St. George ribbon or the letter “Z” that Russian supporters display.

Can foreigners just decide to join Russia’s military? Not through Estonia. The country’s internal security service treats this as a criminal act under national law.

“Joining the army of the Russian Federation indirectly threatens the security of Estonia, as well as all European Union member states,” prosecutor Gardi Anderson told reporters.

The Viru district court ordered two months detention. Why so long? Prosecutors argued the man might flee or try crossing again if released immediately.

Estonian Internal Security Service spokesperson Marta Tuul explained their approach:

“To prevent such actions, we also prosecute citizens of other states who try to support Russia’s military actions through Estonia.”

What happens next? The Polish citizen faces charges under Estonian law that criminalizes participation in foreign acts of aggression. His case could set precedent for how Baltic states handle similar attempts to reach Russian military recruiters.

 

Can an airline walk away from a tragedy by invoking international payment caps? Not this time.

Ontario’s Superior Court just delivered a crushing blow to Ukraine International Airlines, upholding a ruling that strips the carrier of its right to limit compensation for the 176 people killed when flight PS752 was shot down over Tehran, Iran, in 2020.

The court’s reasoning? UIA acted negligently because it “failed to assess the risks associated with operating flights from Tehran.” That single finding changes everything for the families seeking justice.

Here’s why this matters. Under international aviation law, airlines typically pay up to $180,000 per passenger when fault is proven. But when negligence enters the picture? Those caps disappear. 

This determination allows victims’ families to seek compensation beyond the standard international aviation limits.

The Ontario Court of Appeal wasn’t buying UIA’s challenge either. “I dismiss the appeal, ordering court costs to be paid by the appellant in favor of the defendants,” the court stated. 

What actually happened that January morning?

January 8, 2020. Tehran’s airport. A Boeing 737-800 climbs into the dawn sky carrying 176 people on board—11 Ukrainians, plus citizens from Iran, Canada, Britain and Afghanistan, all of them died.

Minutes later, Iranian forces shoot it down. 

Why? They mistook the civilian aircraft for a hostile military target. Iran initially denied responsibility, then admitted what officials called a “catastrophic mistake” three days later.

The timing tells the story. Hours earlier, Iran had launched missile strikes on US military bases in Iraq, retaliating for the assassination of Iranian general Qasem Soleimani. Tensions were sky-high.

Could this have been prevented?

That’s the million-dollar question the Canadian court answered with a resounding yes.

French investigators decoded both flight recorders in July 2020. The data confirmed what Ukraine suspected: the aircraft was functioning normally when the missile struck. No mechanical failure. No pilot error.

The plane was fine. The decision to fly wasn’t.

Why is Iran’s investigation controversial?

The Iranian probe has drawn fire from multiple countries. In February 2021, UN special rapporteurs accused Iran of violating international law and conducting a non-transparent investigation riddled with “inaccuracies.”

Ukraine joined that criticism. So did other affected nations.

Iran did sentence 10 military personnel in April, according to reports. But details? Those remain classified.

What happens now?

UIA can no longer hide behind international treaty provisions that would have capped compensation payments. The airline faces potentially massive financial exposure.

For the families, this ruling represents more than money. It’s acknowledgment that their loved ones died because of preventable negligence—not just Iranian missiles, but Ukrainian miscalculation.

Two people died when a Russian drone hit their car on a highway in Kherson Oblast on 13 August morning. But that wasn’t the end of it.

When police arrived to help, Russian forces struck again. Three officers were wounded in the second attack.

Russian drones hunted civilian cars in broad daylight across southern and eastern Ukraine, killing three people and then striking again when rescuers arrived.

The city of Kherson and part of its region was liberated from the Russians in 2022 but another part east of the Dnipro… pic.twitter.com/xBRwZI6uFR

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 13, 2025

Why target rescue workers? Ukrainians authorities describe this pattern as what appears to be a coordinated campaign to cause terror among the civilian population.

Three separate attacks, same target – civilians

Russian forces hit civilian vehicles in three locations on 13 August. In another part of Beryslav district, a drone killed one person and wounded a woman in a passenger car. Emergency crews pulled out the dead and got the injured woman to medical care.

Then came the ambulance strike. Russian forces hit the emergency vehicle directly, sparking a fire that local firefighters had to extinguish, the State Emergency Service reported.

Over in Donetsk region? Same story, different location. A Russian drone slammed into a car carrying three people, sending it careening into a roadside ditch. Police pulled two men from the wreckage while rescue teams freed the third passenger and handed him to medics.

Ukraine documents more Russian war crimes

The Beryslav prosecutor’s office isn’t treating this as random violence. They’ve opened a war crimes investigation under Article 438 of Ukraine’s Criminal Code—the section that covers war crimes resulting in death.

What makes this a war crime? Deliberately targeting civilians. And the follow-up strike on police during rescue operations? That crosses another line entirely.

Will Ukraine give up land to end the war? According to The Telegraph, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has quietly signaled yes—but only territory Russia already holds.

European diplomats and Western officials told the newspaper that Zelenskyy acknowledged this position in conversations with European leaders. The catch? Ukraine would reject any deal requiring it to surrender additional territory.

Why the shift now? Trump and Putin set to meet in Anchorage, Alaska on 15 August.

The White House described the meeting as a “listening exercise” for Trump to better understand how to potentially bring the war to an end.

The timing matters. European leaders worry Trump might negotiate over Ukraine’s head. “I have many fears and a lot of hope,” Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk said Monday.

Zelenskyy emphasized that any peace deal must include Ukraine’s involvement and that Ukrainian territorial integrity is non-negotiable. Trump, however, hinted that any agreement might involve territorial concessions, a point strongly opposed by Zelenskyy. 

What exactly would Ukraine accept? Freezing current front lines. Russia would keep de facto control of occupied areas in Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, Kherson and Crimea—roughly 20% of Ukraine’s internationally recognized territory.

But there’s a constitutional problem. Ukraine’s constitution requires a nationwide referendum for territorial concessions.

Trump criticized this constraint Monday: “I was a little bothered by the fact that Zelenskyy was saying, ‘Well, I have to get constitutional approval’. I mean, he’s got approval to go into war and kill everybody, but he needs approval to do a land swap?”

Trump to find out if he can make a deal with Putin

Can Trump deliver on his promises? The US president said Monday he would try recovering Ukrainian territory during his Putin meeting. “Russia has occupied a big portion of Ukraine. We’re going to try to get some of that territory back for Ukraine.” There would be “some swapping, some changes to land.”

Trump described Friday as a “feel-out meeting.” His confidence? “Probably in the first two minutes, I’ll know exactly whether or not a deal can be made because that’s what I do. I make deals.”

Europe warns no more Ukrainian concessions

Here’s what Europe thinks. Six major powers—the European Commission, France, Italy, the UK, Poland, and Finland—issued a joint declaration stating “the current line of contact should be the starting point of negotiations.”

Translation: No more Ukrainian concessions.

France’s Emmanuel Macron and Germany’s Friedrich Merz backed this hardline approach over the weekend. Their message to Trump: territorial exchanges are a “red line.”

Russia prepares to launch more offensives, not ready to stop war

Is Russia actually ready for peace? Zelenskyy doesn’t think so. Monday evening he cited intelligence reports showing Russia “moving their troops and forces in such a way as to launch new offensive operations.”

The Institute for the Study of War agrees. Russia still seeks Ukraine’s “full capitulation”—toppling the Western-facing government, blocking NATO membership, and forcing demilitarization.

Why can’t Ukraine afford to lose more territory? Geography. Ceding additional areas in Donetsk would let Russian forces bypass fortifications built since the 2014 Donbas war. Ukraine would lose strategic defensive positions it’s held for years.

What about those Kursk bargaining chips? Gone. Ukraine had controlled parts of Russia’s Kursk region, potentially useful for prisoner swaps or negotiations. But Moscow’s forces broke Ukrainian control of that border area.

Ukraine emphasizes security guarantees in any peace deal

Therefore, Zelenskyy insists on clear and reliable security guarantees from Western countries before agreeing to any peace deal with Russia. He emphasizes Russia’s history of repeatedly violating ceasefires since 2014.

He also highlights the importance of starting peace efforts with confidence-building measures like the release of thousands of Ukrainian prisoners and stresses that Ukraine deserves not only to join the EU but also receive NATO security guarantees. 

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte framed the central challenge: “How to deal with the factual situation that the Russians are holding, at this moment, Ukrainian territory.” His distinction? Russia may control land factually, but this can never be accepted legally—”in a de jure sense.”

Will Ukrainian voters accept territorial losses? European officials believe Zelenskyy has room to maneuver. A growing number of Ukrainians might stomach surrendering Russian-held land as the price for ending the war.

Trump plans to call Zelenskyy first “out of respect,” then European leaders after meeting Putin. But the constitutional referendum requirement means any territorial deal would need approval from war-weary Ukrainian voters.

The stakes couldn’t be higher. Friday’s Alaska meeting will test whether Trump’s deal-making confidence can bridge the gap between Russia’s maximalist demands and Ukraine’s red lines.

Davyd Chychkan, a Ukrainian artist known for his anarchist political views and socially engaged artwork, died 9 August from wounds sustained while repelling a Russian infantry assault in southern Zaporizhzhia Oblast. He was 39 years old.

Why was an anarchist artist on the front lines? Chychkan had his reasons.

When Russia launched its full-scale invasion, European cultural institutions offered him thousands of euros monthly to relocate and continue his work abroad. He refused. Making money off Ukraine’s war while safely abroad struck him as morally bankrupt, according to military colleague Mykyta Kozachynskyy.

Instead, Chychkan volunteered for a mortar crew.

The decision fit his philosophy.

“True anarchists must share the most difficult hardships that their people experience,” the Resistance Committee—an organization of anarchist fighters—quoted him saying. 

The group confirmed his death after he suffered severe injuries during combat on 8 August. His death was also confirmed by his wife Anna Wtikenwneider.

Artist’s exhibitions were attacked or canceled

Chychkan’s political views had been causing trouble for years.

His exhibitions faced repeated attacks. In 2017, more than a dozen people broke into a venue showing his work, assaulted a security guard, destroyed the exhibition, and stole four paintings.

This January, Odesa National Art Museum canceled his planned exhibition “With Ribbons and Flags” after critics claimed he equated Ukrainian and Russian soldiers.

Why the hostility? Chychkan was an anarcho-syndicalist who saw art as a tool for working-class liberation.

Born into an artistic family in 1986, he was largely self-taught and worked across graphics, posters, painting, street art, and performance. His pieces often featured political messaging that challenged conventional patriotic narratives.

“Anarchist convictions are my escapism, a wonderful world and a pillow into the existential pit, to fall more softly,” he once explained his political philosophy that advocated for decentralization and solidarity.

Russian anarchist fights alongside Ukrainian forces with hope of bringing revolution to Russia

Devoted to his comrades and his country

BBC defense correspondent Jonathan Beale met Chychkan last December near Kupiansk in eastern Kharkiv Oblast. The encounter stuck with him.

“In many ways, he didn’t seem like an archetypal soldier,” Beale recalled. Chychkan’s unit was an eclectic mix—the artist fought alongside a vegan chef, software developer, and engineer.

But Chychkan’s commitment was clear. He shared his artwork with fellow soldiers and spoke passionately about politics and social justice.

“I didn’t know David very well, but he seemed sensitive and thoughtful to me. In many ways, he didn’t seem like an archetypal soldier, if such a thing exists. But he was clearly devoted to his comrades and his country,” Beale noted.

During their meeting, Chychkan was eagerly awaiting his son’s birth. “It pains me greatly that he won’t be with Anna to watch him grow up,” Beale said.

What he left behind

Chychkan’s wife Anna described him as someone who “loved life very much, but gave it for Ukraine, for the democratic, truly social country he dreamed of.”

Her Facebook post revealed both grief and anger—grief for the husband and father who won’t see his son grow up, anger at those who “persecuted him, insulted him, disrupted exhibitions and threatened him.”

The Resistance Committee remembered him differently than his critics did. They described someone who “always approached any work conscientiously, never hid behind others’ backs or behind his own social capital” and shared “deep thoughts about politics, ethics, and social justice” with fellow soldiers.

At the Odesa Museum of Modern Art, staff noted that visitors consistently lingered at Chychkan’s exhibits during the city’s Biennale. His art, they said, was dedicated to “the fight for freedom”—a fight he ultimately joined with more than brushes and paint.

Soldiers of Song: documentary on how Ukraine’s musicians battle Russian “cultural genocide” through music

Eight Nordic and Baltic nations just told Donald Trump exactly what they won’t accept in any Ukraine peace deal.

Their message, released four days before Trump meets Vladimir Putin in Alaska on 15 August, clearly states — don’t trade Ukrainian territory for a ceasefire.

According to Leaders of the Nordic-Baltic Eight, any diplomatic solution must protect the security interests of both Ukraine and Europe. The statement, published on the Swedish government website on 10 August, includes Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, and Sweden.

The statement emphasizes that “peace will only come through a combination of determined diplomacy, unwavering support for Ukraine, and consistent pressure on the Russian Federation to halt its unlawful war.”

The countries assert that talks can only occur within the context of a ceasefire and that Ukraine must receive “robust and credible security guarantees” to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The statement reaffirms that “international borders must not be changed by force.”

“No decisions on Ukraine without Ukraine, and no decisions on Europe without Europe,” their joint statement declares.

This position aligns with President Zelenskyy’s stated readiness for peace talks conducted with full respect for Ukrainian sovereignty and right to determine its own future.

Earlier, other EU leaders, including France, Germany, Italy, Poland, and Britain also warned Trump against pressuring Ukraine into making territorial concessions and emphasized their commitment to maintaining military support for Ukraine regardless of any such pressure.

But why do these countries even care?

The Nordic-Baltic countries have provided billions in military aid to Ukraine and maintain some of Europe’s most advanced defense industries.

Their assistance includes financial aid, training and equipment for Ukrainian brigades. They also uphold sanctions against Russia and work closely with the US and other partners to maintain strong diplomatic pressure on Russia to end the conflict.

Moreover, Finland shares an 830-mile border with Russia and the Baltic states lived under Soviet occupation for five decades so they are threatened by a potential future Russian attack.

Can Trump ignore these appeals?

Technically, yes. Practically, much harder. Any sustainable peace deal needs European buy-in for reconstruction funding, security guarantees, and long-term deterrence.

The Nordic-Baltic countries are betting Trump understands this. Their statement commits to continued military aid and sanctions against Russia while offering to help diplomatically—if their conditions are met.

 

Azerbaijan condemned Russian attacks on Azerbaijan’s energy infrastructure in Ukraine and ordered $2 million in humanitarian assistance to Kyiv.

The announcement follows a phone conversation on 10 August between Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, during which the Ukrainian president reported on Russian strikes against energy facilities.

The next day, Aliyev signed a decree directing Azerbaijan’s Energy Ministry to spend $2 million from the presidential reserve fund on electrical equipment manufactured in Azerbaijan. The decree cited “principles of humanism” but the timing sent a different message.

According to the presidential administration, Ukraine considers these attacks “a deliberate attempt by Russia to block pathways that guarantee energy independence for Ukraine and other European countries.”

Aliyev’s office stated that he specifically condemned Russian airstrikes on an oil depot belonging to Azerbaijani state company SOCAR and a gas compressor station that transports Azerbaijani gas to Ukraine. Russian forces struck the compressor station on the night of 6 August and the SOCAR oil depot on the night of 8 August.

The timing of these attacks is significant as Ukraine had recently begun receiving gas from Azerbaijan via the Trans-Balkan corridor for the first time. Despite the strikes, Aliyev emphasized that the attacks “will in no way lead to a suspension of energy cooperation between Azerbaijan and Ukraine.”

Why does this matter to Azerbaijan? The country spent years building energy partnerships with Europe to reduce dependence on Russian transit routes. Russia’s missiles effectively targeted Azerbaijan’s strategic pivot away from Moscow.

The condemnation may signal a broader shift in Azerbaijan’s support for Ukraine. Azerbaijani Telegram channels close to President Aliyev’s circle report that authorities may lift restrictions on transferring weapons from Azerbaijani stockpiles to Kyiv if Russian strikes on Azerbaijan-related energy facilities continue.

Russian military bloggers are already reporting that Baku has started producing 122mm and 155mm artillery shells for Ukraine.

The energy infrastructure attacks occur against a backdrop of deteriorating relations between Moscow and Baku.

On 27 June, representatives of the Azerbaijani diaspora were detained in Russia’s Yekaterinburg, with two people dying. In response, Baku detained and arrested approximately two dozen Russian citizens, including journalists from the pro-Kremlin agency “Sputnik Azerbaijan,” whose license was revoked in February. Some detainees face charges of drug smuggling and cyber fraud.

Aliyev also previously advised Ukraine to “not accept” Russian occupation of its territories. Now he’s putting resources behind those words.

Will NATO abandon Ukraine if Trump and Putin shake hands in Alaska on 15 August?

Not happening, says NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte.

“NATO has not abandoned its commitment to provide Ukraine with everything necessary so that it remains in the fight,” Rutte told CBS News. 

The weapons deliveries continue regardless of whatever emerges from the Trump-Putin summit, Rutte claims.

But why meet Putin at all? Trump’s calculation is simple: test whether the Russian leader actually wants peace talks or just more stalling time.

“It’s really crucial that a meeting takes place,” Rutte explained. “President Trump is making sure that Putin is serious.”

The stakes couldn’t be clearer. If Putin proves he’s genuinely interested in negotiations, talks expand to include Ukraine and European allies. If not? “Then it will stop there,” Rutte said.

Ukraine gets left out—for now

Here’s the immediate controversy: Ukraine won’t have a seat at Friday’s table. Putin specifically requested the bilateral format, and Trump agreed to “start off with Russia” before potentially bringing in Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy later.

Does this worry NATO? Rutte brushes off the concern. Ukraine “will have to be—and will be—involved” when discussions turn to territory, security guarantees, and actual peace frameworks. The Friday meeting isn’t meant to decide Ukraine’s fate. It’s meant to figure out if serious negotiations are even possible.

Europe pays, America arms Ukraine

Meanwhile, the military support machine keeps churning. Trump’s Priority Ukraine Requirements List system—where European allies buy American weapons for Ukraine—has unlocked hundreds of millions in new commitments. The Netherlands ponied up 500 million euros. Denmark, Norway, and Sweden jointly matched that figure.

Why this matters: European allies are essentially funding American defense contractors to arm Ukraine. It’s politically genius for Trump—he can claim Europeans are paying while keeping American weapons factories humming.

Rutte credits Trump with “opening the floodgates” on weapons deliveries and breaking diplomatic deadlock through direct Putin engagement. Not exactly the criticism many expected from NATO leadership.

The territorial deadlock persists

Can any deal actually work? Here’s where things get complicated fast.

Trump has floated a controversial territorial swap proposal—Ukraine gives up some occupied land to Russia while potentially regaining other territory. The idea aims to break the current stalemate through mutual concessions.

Zelenskyy’s response? Absolutely not. The Ukrainian president firmly rejected any land concessions, stating that Ukrainians will not cede territory to occupiers. Ukraine’s constitution declares its territory “indivisible and inviolable”—making any swap legally problematic even if Zelenskyy wanted to consider it.

The proposal sparked outrage across Ukraine, with many viewing territorial concessions as outright betrayal. Yet polling reveals growing war fatigue: some Ukrainians show slight increased tolerance for territorial compromises following military setbacks in 2023.

Rutte threads this needle carefully. Russian occupation can never be legally recognized, he insists. But negotiations might address “how to deal with the factual situation that the Russians are holding, at this moment, Ukrainian territory.”

European allies echo this tension—supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty while recognizing that frozen conflicts might be the only path to stopping active warfare.

What Trump-Putin meeting actually tests

The 15 August Alaska meeting won’t solve anything definitively. Zelenskyy hasn’t confirmed whether he’ll attend any subsequent talks, adding another layer of uncertainty.

Instead, Friday probes a fundamental question: Does Putin want to end this war or just reset it on better terms?

If Putin arrives ready for genuine concessions, talks could expand quickly. If he’s fishing for sanctions relief while planning more offensives, Trump will likely walk away and let the weapons deliveries speak for themselves.

Either way, NATO’s position is locked: Ukraine gets armed until this ends, regardless of what happens between the world’s two most unpredictable leaders in an Alaskan conference room.

On the night of 11 August, drones reportedly struck the Arzamas Instrument-Making Plant in Russia’s Nizhny Novgorod Oblast, over 1000 km away from Ukraine’s border.

The targeted plant manufactures equipment for aviation and aerospace industries, producing gyroscopic instruments, control systems, onboard computers, steering mechanisms, and testing equipment. The facility also produces flow measurement devices and medical equipment.

The regional governor Gleb Nikitin described the strike as aimed at “industrial facilities” and said the casualties occurred among plant workers. He reported that the attack killed one worker and injured two others.

Drones attacked Russia overnight, striking a sanctioned defense plant in Nizhny Novgorod Oblast, over 1000 km away from Ukraine's border.

The attack targeted the Arzamas Instrument-Making Plant that produces critical military equipment for Russia's war machine.

The facility… pic.twitter.com/vx5R5Xc9Ty

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 11, 2025

According to Russian news Telegram channels Astra and Mash, local residents reported hearing explosions throughout the city, with social media posts including video footage of the moments during the attack on the facility.

Ukrainian Telegram channels claimed responsibility for the strike on the Arzamas plant.

[UPDATE] Ukraine’s Security Service confirmed responsibility for the drone strike, with an informed SBU source telling Ukrainian news agency Hromadske that the attack specifically targeted the plant’s production of components for X-32 and X-101 cruise missiles.

“Russian defense industry enterprises that work for the war against Ukraine are absolutely legitimate military targets,” the SBU source stated, adding that the service continues efforts to demilitarize facilities that produce weapons used to attack Ukrainian cities.

Astra also established that the targeted facility positions itself as “one of the leading enterprises of the country’s defense-industrial complex.” Astra’s investigation revealed that 20% of the plant is owned by the Almaz-Antey Air Defense Concern and that the facility operates under US and European Union sanctions. The channel also noted that the plant received the national “Golden Idea” award in 2020 for military-technical cooperation, and that as recently as Sunday, the facility had acquired new equipment.

Meanwhile, the Russian Ministry of Defense reported that air defense systems intercepted 32 Ukrainian drones overnight, according to their official statement, though this figure could not be independently verified.

Just a day before, Ukrainian military intelligence (HUR) conducted a historic drone strike on the Lukoil-Ukhta oil refinery in Russia’s Komi Republic, approximately 2,000 km from the Ukrainian border.

The attack targeted and damaged a petroleum tank causing a spill, as well as a gas and gas condensate processing plant producing propane, butane, and gasoline. This refinery supplies fuel and lubricants to Russian forces, making it a strategic target in Ukraine’s efforts to degrade Russia’s war capabilities. 

Dozens of parliamentarians from various countries staged a coordinated walkout during a speech by Russian Federation Council Chairwoman Valentina Matvienko at the World Conference of Speakers of Parliaments in Switzerland on 30 July.

Why the mass walkout? According to Ukrainian Parliament Vice-Speaker Olena Kondratiuk, it sent a clear message about Russian aggression.

“This is a walkout against the aggressor,” Kondratiuk said, describing tears in her eyes as she watched international colleagues leave.

The half-empty hall, she argued, showed exactly how democratic parliaments view Russia.

Czech Parliament’s Chamber of Deputies Speaker Marketa Pekarova Adamova also made her reasoning explicit. She refused to be “a prop in the lies on which the criminal Kremlin regime is based.”

“She herself bears personal responsibility for the crime of aggression and all subsequent Russian atrocities after publicly approving the use of armed forces on Ukrainian territory,” Adamova wrote.

Better to spend time with colleagues “who support Ukraine in its fight for freedom and democracy,” she added.

But why was Matvienko allowed into Geneva at all? Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry had called her conference participation “disgraceful.” Spokesman Heorhii Tykhyi put it bluntly: her place should be “in the dock, not at international conferences.”

Here’s the problem: Matvienko appears on EU sanctions lists related to Russia’s invasion. So does much of the Russian delegation. Switzerland honors these sanctions—with one exception. The country permits sanctioned individuals to enter when visiting international organizations based there.

What had Matvienko been saying? Two days earlier, she invited international parliamentarians to visit occupied Ukrainian territories and see the “Alley of Angels.” This is a memorial in Donetsk that Russian forces erected allegedly commemorating children killed by Ukrainian forces in the conflict, which is considered a Russian propaganda narrative as there is no independent proof and convincing evidence. 

Earlier, Ukraine’s Security Service charged Matvienko in absentia in 2024 under multiple articles. According to investigators, she signed parliamentary decisions authorizing Russian troop deployment in Ukraine. She also approved ratification agreements for annexing occupied Ukrainian territories. She faces additional charges including incitement to wage aggressive war, for which Ukraine plans to prosecute her at a Special Tribunal.

A pilot trusted with Ukraine’s most sensitive air operations was secretly feeding targeting data to Russian intelligence, Ukraine’s Security Service says.

The major worked as a flight instructor in an air brigade responsible for shooting down Russian missiles and drones. His unit also conducted ground strikes supporting Ukrainian army operations. Perfect access.

What was he selling? Coordinates of F-16 and Mirage 2000 airbases. Flight schedules. Aircraft tail numbers. Even pilot names.

The Security Service of Ukraine announced the arrest on 30 July, revealing how military counterintelligence tracked the officer as he prepared to pass another batch of classified information to Russia’s GRU military intelligence service.

But the betrayal went deeper than basic intelligence gathering.

The major authored analytical reports for his Russian handlers, outlining specific tactics for combined missile and drone strikes designed to penetrate Ukrainian air defenses. Essentially providing a how-to guide for destroying the aircraft he was supposed to protect.

How did he communicate with Moscow? Anonymous email channels and encrypted messaging apps, according to investigators.

The timing matters. Ukraine has been integrating Western fighters including F-16s and Mirage 2000s into its air force operations. Russia has repeatedly targeted these aircraft with long-range strikes, making the intelligence particularly valuable.

The major faces life imprisonment with property confiscation under Ukraine’s wartime treason laws. The Security Service in western Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast is handling the investigation.

 

Ten days. That’s how long Donald Trump gave Vladimir Putin to end the war in Ukraine before facing new American punishment.

But will Congress wait that long?

Senator Richard Blumenthal thinks not. The Connecticut Democrat wants an immediate vote on sweeping Russia sanctions legislation, telling Suspilne News that Putin “does not deserve additional time.”

Blumenthal and his Republican co-author Lindsey Graham have been pushing the sanctions bill since April. Eighty-one senators support it. Yet it sits in limbo while Trump experiments with presidential ultimatums.

“Everything the president is doing is in the right direction, but I strongly advocate for sanctions to be 500%, not 100%,” Blumenthal said. 

Blumenthal emphasized the importance of demonstrating unity between the executive branch and Congress on Ukraine policy.

Republican Senator Roger Marshall offered a different perspective, telling Suspilne News that Trump should be given “maximum flexibility” during the 10-day period. However, Marshall acknowledged that “Putin is not responding to anything” and advocated for comprehensive sanctions including potential banking sector measures and secondary sanctions.

Graham takes a harder line. If Putin won’t negotiate, Trump should target China and India—Russia’s biggest oil customers.

“He can do this through an executive order or through legislative initiative in Congress,” Graham told Suspilne News.

Can they actually pass this thing? The numbers look good. Blumenthal counts 85 Senate supporters and believes they can reach 90 votes if needed.

Despite this backing and failed ceasefire negotiations in Istanbul, Trump had previously stated in May that Washington would not impose additional Russia sanctions.

Moscow’s response? Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov acknowledged the deadline but said Russia’s “special military operation” continues and negotiations require momentum from both sides.

This stance reflects their determination to sustain the war despite international pressure and economic measures intended to weaken Russia. 

Meanwhile, Ukraine keeps destroying Russian military assets faster than Moscow can replace them. The senators argue economic pressure should match that pace.

Graham puts it simply: “The president will increase pressure on Russia’s clients to get Putin to the negotiating table.”

Whether that pressure comes through congressional action or Trump’s executive measures may depend on how the next few days unfold. Putin’s silence on Trump’s deadline suggests he’s betting the president won’t follow through.

Ukrainian special forces landed on a Russian-controlled island in the Black Sea on 28 July night and wiped out the entire garrison without any Ukrainian casualties.

The target? Tendrivska Spit, a 65-kilometer sliver of land jutting into the Black Sea near occupied Kherson. Why this particular piece of sand and scrub?

The Russians had turned it into an electronic warfare hub. Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate says their commandos destroyed a “Zont” jamming complex and a “Rosa” radar station along with the troops manning them.

Here’s what makes this operation notable: Tendrivska Spit sits in contested waters where both sides have been trading blows for months. The narrow island—barely 1.8 kilometers wide at its broadest point—gave Russian forces eyes and electronic ears across a significant chunk of the northern Black Sea.

Not anymore. Ukrainian intelligence released footage showing their blue and yellow flag flying over the position.

Ukraine captures strategic island in the Black Sea after eliminating the entire Russian garrison in a daring nighttime raid — Ukraine's intelligence.

The special forces assault on Tendrivska Spit destroyed sophisticated Russian electronic warfare equipment—including a "Zont"… pic.twitter.com/88rs6vhbfo

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 30, 2025

How did they pull it off? The operation relied on boats funded through a private initiative called “Boats for HUR,” run by the Ukrainian Diana Podolyanchuk Charitable Foundation. International donors helped pay for the watercraft that carried the assault team to their target.

The timing matters. Ukrainian forces have been systematically targeting Russian positions on isolated islands and coastal areas, using their advantage in small boat operations. Each successful raid forces Russia to commit more resources to defending scattered outposts.

Can Russia replace what they lost? The electronic warfare equipment destroyed in the raid represents sophisticated gear that takes months to produce and deploy. The radar station gave Russian forces advance warning of Ukrainian naval movements—a capability now gone.

The operation signals Ukraine’s growing confidence in conducting amphibious raids deep behind Russian lines. Previous strikes hit Zmiinyi (Snake) Island and other Black Sea positions, but Tendrivska Spit sits closer to the Ukrainian mainland, suggesting expanded operational reach.