He looks just like an ordinary man who shares on social media how he loves and adores his “wifey” and two kids, takes pride in his medical career and celebrates national holidays.

However, this 34-year-old Russian man has a dark secret.

Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs) know him as “Doctor Evil” — a medical professional who systematically shocked them witsh stun guns instead of treating their injuries. Who forced them to bark like dogs. Who refused medical care to dying prisoners.

Social media helps identify Doctor Evil

An investigation by Schemes, the investigative unit of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, traced the identity of Doctor Evil through meticulous research, while Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project translated it into English.

Reporters obtained a list of 177 Ukrainian POWs who had been held at Colony No. 10 from Ukrainian law enforcement sources. Many of them were captured during the siege of Mariupol in 2022 and sent deep into Russia.

Mordovia is a forested region in central Russia known for its extensive network of prisons and detention centers, a legacy of the Soviet gulag system that has made it synonymous with harsh incarceration conditions.

But how do you identify someone when the doctor usually wore masks and prisoners often had bags over their heads? The investigators faced a significant challenge: identifying someone based primarily on voice and behavior, with only brief glimpses of his face.

The breakthrough came from social media. Medical services for Colony No. 10 come from one unit: Medical-Sanitary Unit No. 13. Schemes found their VKontakte [Russian version of Facebook] pages filled with photos from award ceremonies and videos of doctors singing at workplace parties, their faces clearly visible.

As soon as former POW Pavlo Afisov heard the voice in one of the video clips, he started calling reporters before they’d even finished watching, his voice shaking with recognition. “That’s him.” The voice that had haunted him for months—manic, screechy, “indescribable” as prisoners called it—was unmistakable. Another, Yulian Pylypey, cropped a photo and circled a blonde man in a white coat. “The psychopath is the one on the left.”

All fifty former prisoners who agreed to speak identified the same person: Ilya Sorokin, the man they knew as “Doctor Evil.”

“Worse than beatings”: the psychological torture that cut deepest

Prisoners described how Sorokin forced them to perform degrading acts. He made prisoners crawl across the floor and bark like dogs, according to multiple testimonies. One Ukrainian prisoner became known for his barking ability and received special attention that revealed the doctor’s psychological sadism.

“Every time someone passed by, he had to bark. God forbid he didn’t. The doctor would immediately shout: ‘You, bark!'” recalled Yulian Pylypey, who spent 171 days in the colony.

The degradation followed carefully crafted patterns designed to strip away human dignity. Prisoners were forced to mimic roosters: “Cock-a-doodle-doo, guys, cock-a-doodle-doo!” They had to answer commercial jingles like trained animals responding to cues.

“He would shout ‘Yogurt!’ and we would have to shout ‘Danone!'” said Pavlo Afisov, who endured 614 days of this treatment. “Pepsi!” would be met with “Pshhhhh!” and “Who lives under the sea?” required the response “Spongebob SquarePants!”

Why children’s cartoons and advertisements? Former prisoners realized the randomness was precisely the point and that the absurdity amplified the humiliation.

But the most psychologically devastating question came repeatedly, designed to attack their very identity: “His favorite question for all of us was, ‘Who are you?’ We had to reply, ‘Faggots,'” Afisov recalled.

This wasn’t interrogation or even punishment for specific infractions. Former prisoners described recognizing something far more disturbing—pure cruelty without purpose.

“You could see he was a psychopath,” said Nikita Pikulyk, who spent 336 days in the colony. “He got pleasure from this. Normal people, even cruel ones, usually have a reason. But with him, the cruelty was the reason.”

The psychological torture revealed a mind that found satisfaction in the systematic destruction of human dignity, making prisoners understand they were dealing with someone who tortured not because he had to, but because he wanted to.

Sorokin demanded prisoners shout “Glory to Russian medicine!” If they refused, consequences followed. “Best case, you get shocked a few times by the doctor,” said Pylypey. “In the worst cases, special forces would be called into the cell to ‘educate’ the prisoners.”

“Screaming nonsense, reciting poems or songs—to me, it was one of the most degrading things. Honestly, I would rather be hit with a baton 10 times than do that,” Pylypey shared.

Sorokin seemed to understand this. “He gets aesthetic pleasure from the fact that you stand before him on all fours, your hands raised, eyes closed, you have nothing,” Afisov testified.

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Pills replaced by electric shocks

Doctor Evil used his medical position to gain access to prisoners, then administered electric shocks instead of treatment. When prisoners requested medical help, he would order them to extend their hands through cell windows.

“Hand, bitch!” prisoners recalled him shouting. Instead of receiving pills, their outstretched hands would be shocked with a stun gun.

“Now I’ll experiment,” Pylypey remembered Sorokin saying before turning the stun gun to “maximum.”

One former POW Oleksandr Kiriienko described the pattern: “Whoever turned to him, he always carried a stun gun. Yes, the door would open, and whoever had asked for him — he’d hit them with the stun gun and say, ‘Will you ask for a pill again?’ Of course, the answer was ‘no.'”

Sorokin’s denial of medical care extended to life-threatening situations. Prisoners reported being refused basic medical supplies and pain relief for serious conditions.

One prisoner with a rotting tooth that caused “agonizing pain” was denied painkillers, according to testimony.

Another case involved Volodymyr Yykhymenko, who died at the prison. His cellmate, Valentyn Poliansky, told investigators that prisoners asked Sorokin to examine Yykhymenko’s bleeding, swollen ear before his death, but the doctor refused.

“You could absolutely never approach Dr. Evil. He didn’t treat anyone,” Afisov stated.

Deaths in Russian captivity are not rare. Four Ukrainian servicemen died at Colony No. 10—two in 2023, two in 2024. Official causes: pneumonia, exhaustion, malnutrition.

However, former prisoners provided starker details: “My cellmate died in front of me—from dystrophy. He died because his legs were badly rotting and there were heart complaints.”

Another wrote to journalists: “Through systematic torture he died before my eyes.”

Russians turn service dogs into torture tools

The colony staff found new ways to terrorize prisoners as months passed. Service dogs, meant for security, became instruments of torture—with Doctor Evil often present to watch the violence unfold.

During what should have been a routine morning inspection, guards forced prisoners to crawl out of their cells on hands and knees. At that moment, staff released a service dog without a leash or muzzle.

“The dog reacted to sharp movements, and since we were crawling, it tried to grab everyone, bite, switched from one to another. It mostly bit hands and legs,” recalled Nikita Pikulyk. “Because of this, the guys had very terrible injuries—wounds that rot and in such conditions will never heal on their own.”

The attacks followed a sadistic ritual. Pavlo Afisov described how guards would position prisoners on all fours while the dog circled them, sniffing. “The dog begins, while you stand on all fours, sniffing you—legs, butt and so on. And then the doctor just tells it the phrase: ‘Try.’ ‘Try carefully or try as you like.'”

The targeting was deliberate and cruel. “One time I felt this on myself. The dog approached, sniffed, chose a place for itself and bit my buttock,” Afisov recalled. “Someone was bitten, I heard, in the balls. Some were bitten to blood.”

Guards controlled the violence like a twisted game, giving commands that turned medical examinations into torture sessions. The psychological impact matched the physical wounds—prisoners never knew when the next “inspection” would bring teeth instead of routine checks.

“I love my wifey” – the torturer next door

So who is Ilya Sorokin, aka Doctor Evil, when he’s not torturing prisoners? Schemes found years of social media posts. A 34-year-old from Potma village. Married with two daughters. Salary: 680,000 rubles ($8600) annually by 2021.

His posts show a typical provincial Russian. Sorokin participated in May 9 military parades wearing Soviet-era uniforms, visited the Crimean Bridge shortly after its opening in 2018, and posted messages supporting Russia’s military with Z-symbolism.

Professional pride also runs through his online presence. He celebrates Medical Worker Day. Posts comedy skits with nurses. Receives awards as “best paramedic” for “conscientious fulfillment of civic duties.”

This ordinariness reflects what philosopher Hannah Arendt called “the banality of evil” in her study of Nazi official Adolf Eichmann — how perpetrators of systematic atrocities often appear as “terrifyingly normal” bureaucrats rather than obvious fanatics.

Sorokin fits perfectly. An enthusiastic joiner of committees and trade unions. Amateur performer at workplace parties. Devoted family man “I love and adore my wifey!” he writes on his Vkontake page.

Who becomes a torturer? Sometimes, just ordinary people given permission.

Sorokin denies accusations

When Schemes reporters contacted Sorokin directly, the conversation lasted only moments.

“Ukrainian servicemen returning from captivity in Russia, who were held at Penal Colony No. 10, identify you as the person who tortured and beat them,” the journalist stated.

“That can’t be true. I don’t work there,” Sorokin replied before hanging up. He blocked the number after two additional contact attempts.

The Federal Penitentiary Service and Colony No. 10 administration did not respond to requests for comment.

Orders from above: systematic cruelty in Russian prisons

The reporters found that the abuse at Colony No. 10 was not the result of individual initiative but part of coordinated policy. Former prisoners reported that guards explicitly stated they were following orders.

“This is all from their initiative. The ‘guards’ said this repeatedly. Like, we didn’t invent the regime. But it’s an instruction,” one prisoner testified.

Earlier, The Wall Street Journal also reported that elite prison guards received orders that “normal rules” would not apply to Ukrainian prisoners of war, with these guards then circulated to prisons across Russia.

Russian prisons were known for harsh conditions and abuse of their own citizens even before 2022. However, the systematic torture of Ukrainian prisoners of war represents an escalation of these practices under official sanction.

As prisoner rights advocate Olga Romanova noted, prison doctors in Russia become “Federal Penitentiary Service of Russia (FSIN) staff first, and doctors second,” reporting to military rather than medical leadership. This structure enabled medical professionals like Sorokin to abandon their healing mission in favor of systematic torture.

The case of “Doctor Evil” demonstrates how ordinary individuals can become instruments of state-sponsored war crimes when institutional structures provide both permission and protection for such behavior.

Not surprisingly, Sorokin recently joined the Russian army as a company medical instructor. His call sign? “Doctor.” Without the “evil” part.

However, his old job waits for him when the war ends.

How many more “ordinary” people are committing war crimes while planning their return to normal life? The investigation into Colony No. 10 suggests this case isn’t unique—it’s systematic.

Healing after hell: Ukraine opens mental facility for torture survivors

The scale of documented abuse led Ukraine to establish its first mental health facility dedicated specifically to released POWs and torture survivors.

The Saint Leo the Great Mental Health Center opened in Lviv on 24 June, designed to serve approximately 1,000 patients annually. The facility includes 30 beds, individual and group therapy spaces, and art therapy workshops. Patient rooms resemble residential spaces rather than hospital environments—a deliberate choice for people who’ve endured institutional abuse.

The center targets individuals returning from captivity, those recovering from losses, and people managing trauma from wartime experiences. For survivors like those from Colony No. 10, healing means confronting not just physical wounds but the systematic degradation designed to destroy their humanity.

Some carry permanent reminders. Others, like the former prisoners who spoke to Schemes, work to expose their tormentors. All face the long process of rebuilding their psychological health after systematic efforts to break their spirits.

Three Czech citizens who publicly questioned media coverage of the Russo-Ukrainian war and supported Russia’s position have traveled to eastern Ukraine as part of a documentary film project that aimed at showing them the reality of Russian aggression.

The participants, two men and one woman, had previously dismissed the war as a “special operation” and promoted conspiracy theories about media collusion, according to Gromada.

One participant stated at the beginning of the film’s trailer that “pointing a finger at Russia and saying it’s an aggressor and guilty is extraordinary stupidity.”

Another claimed that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy “travels the world and begs for money so someone will finance his war.”

Director Robin Kvapil initiated the project by issuing a public call on social media for skeptics to witness the situation directly. The three volunteers agreed to travel from Prague to Kharkiv and cities in the Donbas region. Reality struck quickly—literally.

Psychiatrist was involved for support when seeing harsh realities of war

The group experienced rocket attacks during filming.

They interviewed wounded civilians in hospitals.

They walked through mass burial sites.

They descended into metro stations converted into underground schools where children study between air raid sirens.

The film crew documented the participants’ reactions throughout these encounters. The production included security analyst Petr Pojman, psychiatrist Petr Pjote, and translator Lucie Řehošíková, who previously directed the Czech Center in Kyiv.

Was the psychological support necessary? Given that participants had spent months believing the war was staged, witnessing actual destruction required professional guidance.

The filming also required coordination with both the Czech Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ukraine’s Security Service due to security concerns.

The Great Patriotic Trip premieres 21 August

The resulting documentary, “Velký vlastenecký výlet” (“The Great Patriotic Trip”), premieres 21 August. The title carries deliberate irony—borrowing Soviet-era language for a journey that challenges Russian propaganda narratives.

Can one trip change minds shaped by months of conspiracy theories? The film will reveal whether firsthand experience trumps social media disinformation.

However, the broader question remains: how many others refuse to believe what’s happening in Ukraine until they see destroyed buildings and grieving families themselves?

Donald Trump’s spiritual advisor Pastor Mark Burns followed a similar trajectory after visiting Bucha on 31 March. The former vocal Ukraine aid opponent called Putin “pure evil” following his tour of war crime sites.

Deeply affected by witnessing evidence of Russian atrocities, destruction of religious sites, and hearing testimonies from religious leaders, Burns called for increased military support for Ukraine and dismissed prior allegations that Ukraine restricts religious organizations.

He stressed that supporting Ukraine is a matter of humanitarian urgency above politics, highlighting Russian attacks on civilians and churches and urging fellow Republicans to reconsider their stance. 

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Keith Kellogg got an uncomfortable look at how Western sanctions on Russia are failing. During his visit to Kyiv, the US Special Representative to Ukraine examined Western-made electronics that Ukrainian intelligence pulled from destroyed Russian weapons—the same components fueling attacks on Ukrainian cities.

The exhibition was coordinated by the War&Sanctions portal of the Main Intelligence Directorate, working alongside the Defense Forces of Ukraine and the Kyiv Research Institute of Forensic Expertise. The display featured components extracted from destroyed or captured Russian weaponry by Ukrainian military intelligence personnel.

Among the items presented to Kellogg were Western elements found in Iranian-Russian Shahed kamikaze drones, also known as “geranium” drones, and Russian “gerbera” drones. These weapons systems have been consistently deployed against civilian targets in Ukraine.

But the problem runs deeper than drone components. Ukrainian analysts identified precision microelectronics critical for manufacturing high-accuracy weapons systems. Russia’s defense industry acquired these through what intelligence officials call “gray schemes”—unofficial networks designed to bypass sanctions.

“The international community must strengthen control over compliance with sanctions imposed on Moscow,” said Cipher, a Main Intelligence Directorate serviceman. “Manufacturers should take a more responsible approach to controlling their products in international markets.”

Head of Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence Kyrylo Budanov also warned Kellogg during their meeting in Kyiv that Russia’s war ambitions extend far beyond Ukraine and are projected to last until 2036, including preparations for a major conflict not only against Ukraine but also NATO. 

Earlier, President Zelenskyy highlighted a significant loophole in international sanctions that allows Russia to continue producing its nuclear-capable Oreshnik intercontinental ballistic missiles using Western technology. 

In 2024, Russia increasingly relied on North Korean KN-23 ballistic missiles to strike Ukraine, while analysis of missile fragments revealed that these weapons contain significant Western-made electronic components, primarily produced by companies from the US, the Netherlands, the UK, and Switzerland, some manufactured as recently as 2023.

These foreign parts include crucial guidance system circuitry without which the missiles could not function, highlighting that the missiles are reliant on imported Western technology despite sanctions.

Experts believe China acts as an intermediary in supplying these components to North Korea, raising concerns about loopholes in export controls and the illicit trade fueling Russian missile capabilities.

Seven months after an Azerbaijan Airlines plane crashed near Kazakhstan, killing 38 people, President Ilham Aliyev has had enough of Russia’s stonewalling.

Azerbaijan is preparing legal documents for international courts, targeting Russia over what Baku calls the deliberate downing of its civilian aircraft. The move escalates a diplomatic crisis that has simmered since 25 December, when flight J2-8243 was went down near Aktau.

Why the dramatic step? Russia’s investigation has produced nothing but bureaucratic delays, according to President Aliyev.

“Azerbaijan’s Prosecutor General keeps writing to Russia’s Investigative Committee,” Aliyev told reporters, as reported by AZERTAC. “The response is always the same: ‘the investigation continues.'”

But Azerbaijan isn’t buying it. “For us, everything is clear. We know what happened, and we can prove it. And we know that Russian officials also know what happened,” Aliyev said bluntly.

Russian air defense most likely led to plane crash

Flight J2-8243 left Baku bound for Grozny, Russia’s republic of Chechnya, that December morning. It never arrived.

Instead, after multiple course changes, the plane crashed hundreds of miles off course near Aktau, Kazakhstan, killing 38 people aboard.

Russian authorities quickly blamed bird strikes and bad weather—fog had closed Grozny airport, they said, forcing the reroute.

The explanation unraveled under scrutiny. Flight tracking data from Flightradar24 showed the plane’s GPS signal had been jammed near Grozny. More damaging: social media photos revealed puncture marks across the aircraft’s tail section that looked suspiciously like shrapnel damage.

OSINT analysts compared the damage patterns to known effects of Pantsir air defense missiles. The same morning, Grozny airport had implemented “Carpet” protocols—emergency closures during Ukrainian drone attacks.

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Earlier, Azerbaijan’s President already stated that the aircraft was damaged by external fire, caused by electronic warfare systems that rendered the plane uncontrollable, and ground fire that severely damaged its tail. 

Aliyev emphasized that the plane was shot down accidentally by Russian air defenses responding to threats in the area, and he condemned the poor coordination and failure to close Russian airspace.

The Azerbaijani president also dismissed Russian explanations that a Ukrainian drone was responsible. “There were two attacks on the aircraft. So imagine: a Ukrainian drone flies in, targets the Azerbaijani aircraft, hits it, falls, and then attacks again. This is a kindergarten story,” he said.

Meanwhile, Ukraine’s intelligence chief Kyrylo Budanov stated flatly that a Russian missile caused the crash, likely fired during anti-drone operations around Grozny.

Azerbaijan ready to wait for years to get justice

Baku has outlined four non-negotiable demands:

• Russia must admit responsibility
• punish those who fired the missile
• compensate victims’ families
• reimburse Azerbaijan Airlines for the lost aircraft.

Russia’s response? More delays.

Aliyev referenced the decade-long legal battle over Malaysian Airlines flight MH17, which Russia shot down over Ukraine in 2014.

“We are ready to wait ten years, but justice must prevail,” he said.

Only in 2025, after more than ten years, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) issued a historic ruling holding Russia responsible for the downing of MH17, recognizing Russia’s effective control over separatist territories.

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In February 2025, Azerbaijan also officially expelled Rossotrudnichestvo, the main Kremlin propaganda and soft power agency, from its territory, citing the protection of national interests and refusal to tolerate external interference. Azerbaijani authorities took control of the agency’s headquarters in Baku, the so-called Russian House, after discovering it operated without proper registration.

Rossotrudnichestvo, known for orchestrating pro-Russian rallies and suspected intelligence activities, was seen as an instrument of Kremlin influence and disinformation.

Azerbaijan expressed growing tensions and openly criticized Russia, including suspending cultural events linked to Russia and detaining Russian journalists suspected of intelligence activities, so their relations have sharply deteriorated.

German Major General Christian Freuding urged Ukraine to develop more efficient air defense systems, warning that Russia aims to launch 2,000 drones simultaneously in future attacks.

So far, the largest single drone assault by Russia on Ukraine since the start of the full-scale invasion involved 728 Shahed-type and decoy drones, alongside 13 missiles, and occurred on 9 July.

Speaking on the Bundeswehr program “Nachgefragt,” General Freuding highlighted the economic disparity in current defense methods. The former chief military coordinator of German aid to Ukraine noted that using Patriot missiles costing over 5 million euros to intercept Shahed drones worth 30,000 to 50,000 euros represents an unsustainable approach.

“We must consider intelligent countermeasures,” Freuding stated, advocating for defensive systems priced between 2,000 and 4,000 euros per unit.

The general also suggested preemptive strikes targeting Russian aircraft, airfields, and military-industrial facilities as an alternative strategy. Ukraine has already demonstrated this approach works.

In response, Ukraine is rapidly accelerating the development and deployment of low-cost interceptor drones to counter increasingly frequent Russian drone attacks, especially the Iranian-designed Shahed kamikaze UAVs.

They’re capable of shooting down about 70% of incoming threats, nearly doubling the success rate of traditional mobile fire teams.

President Zelenskyy emphasized that while the technology is proven, Ukraine urgently needs international financial support to mass-produce and deploy these interceptors to defend against the escalating drone assaults.

In June, Ukraine received a significant $4 billion boost from the G7 summit to accelerate the mass production of these advanced drone interceptors. Four Ukrainian companies are engaged in developing these interceptors, two showing notable success, with large-scale production agreements secured with Germany and Canada. 

The top Ukrainian UAV commander Robert Brovdi (aka Madiar) stated earlier that the war with Russia will continue beyond 2025, as Russian forces still send more infantry than Ukraine can destroy, while Ukraine faces shortages in mobilization resources and numerical inferiority.

He emphasized that “everyone who wanted to fight is already fighting,” so Ukraine’s strategy is shifting towards replacing infantry with unmanned ground-based drones and constructing a massive, multi-layered “drone wall” to intercept incoming Russian attacks. His Drone Line project aims to create a 10-15 kilometer “kill zone” to prevent enemy advances and includes boosting domestic production of drone munitions.

On the night of 20 July, drones targeted multiple Russian regions, including Moscow, in what officials described as the most significant drone assault on the capital since early May.

Russian air defenses shot down 19 drones over the Moscow Oblast during the overnight assault, with debris igniting vehicles and striking the upper floors of a residential building in the suburb of Zelenograd, according to the Russian Ministry of Defense.

In total, 98 Ukrainian drones were intercepted across eight regions during the 20 July attack.

According to Russian news agency Agentstvo, Telegram channels linked to Russian security forces shared video footage of the burning cars and building damage. However, it remains unclear where the drones were heading exactly before their fragments hit civilian areas.

“There were no serious damages or casualties,” Moscow Mayor Sobyanin stated, according to reports from Russian media outlets.

However, the attack significantly disrupted air traffic across the region, with authorities implementing flight restrictions at four major airports: Domodedovo, Sheremetyevo, Vnukovo and Zhukovsky. Additional restrictions affected airports in Yaroslavl, Nizhny Novgorod and Kaluga. Russian aviation authority Rosaviatsia reported that 134 flights were diverted to alternative airfields due to these safety measures.

According to Russian Telegram channel Astra, passenger crowds formed at Sheremetyevo airport, though Rosaviatsia’s press service disputed claims of significant passenger accumulations at Vnukovo airport.

This marks the ninth day Moscow has faced drone attacks since early July, representing a significant escalation in Ukraine’s aerial campaign against the Russian capital.

Meanwhile, Russian forces launched widespread drone attacks across several Ukrainian regions on the night of 20 July, using 57 Shahed drones and decoy aircraft, resulting in at least one civilian death and several injuries while causing extensive damage to residential areas.

The deadliest incidents occurred in Sumy Oblast, where a 78-year-old woman died and three homes were destroyed, and rescue efforts were hampered by follow-up Russian strikes targeting first responders.

Russian forces conducted widespread drone attacks across multiple Ukrainian regions overnight on 20 July, killing at least one person and injuring several others while causing significant damage to residential areas.

The assault involved 57 Shahed strike drones and decoy aircraft, representing a relatively modest scale compared to Russia’s typical mass drone attacks, which often involve hundreds of aircraft and have reached over 700 drones in a single night.

According to the Air Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Ukrainian air defenses successfully intercepted 18 of the attacking drones, while electronic warfare systems suppressed or caused the loss of seven additional aircraft. The military reported that 32 drones struck targets across 10 locations, with debris from intercepted aircraft falling in six areas. 

Russian strike kills one civilian, destroys three homes

The deadliest impact occurred in northeastern Sumy Oblast near the front line, where a 78-year-old woman was killed during a Russian drone attack on residential areas in Svesa community, according to the State Emergency Service. Four strike drones targeted a village, causing three residential buildings to ignite immediately upon impact.

Rescue operations faced significant delays because Russian forces conducted follow-up strikes on the same locations where emergency workers needed to operate. Despite the dangerous circumstances and intense fire conditions, emergency personnel successfully extinguished all blazes and prevented the fire from reaching two nearby residential buildings.

Residential areas sustain damage

Southern Zaporizhzhia and surrounding areas faced intensive attacks involving at least 14 strike drones and two multiple rocket launcher system strikes, according to Regional Military Administration head Ivan Fedorov. The bombardment damaged seven private residences and caused window and facade damage to apartment buildings, while also sparking multiple fires. A 69-year-old woman sustained injuries in the attacks.

The nearby settlement of Prymorske also came under assault, where a Russian drone directly struck a residential building, injuring two elderly women aged 64 and 73.

Father and daughter injured

In southern Kherson Oblast, Russian forces targeted the settlement of Zymivnyk, resulting in injuries to a 17-year-old girl and her 51-year-old father, both of whom required hospitalization, according to Regional Military Administration head Oleksandr Prokudin.

“As a result of the enemy attack, the 17-year-old girl sustained explosive and traumatic brain injuries, concussion, and shrapnel wounds to the shin. The 51-year-old man sustained explosive trauma, thermal burns to the chest and poisoning from combustion products,” Prokudin reported. Both victims are receiving medical treatment at local hospitals.

Italy faces internal division over an upcoming performance by Russian conductor Valery Gergiev at a state-backed music festival, with critics arguing the event risks legitimizing Kremlin propaganda while supporters defend artistic freedom.

Now, Gergiev, who has maintained close ties to Vladimir Putin since the early 1990s, is scheduled to perform at the Un’Estate da Re festival at the Royal Palace of Caserta on 27 July, according to reports from The Guardian.

The performance marks his first European appearance since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine began in February 2022.

He was dismissed from several European concerts, festivals and theaters, including Milan’s La Scala, for refusing to condemn Putin’s actions. His last Italian performance was at La Scala on 23 February 2022, hours before the invasion began.

Italy, however, just broke a continent-wide boycott of pro-Kremlin artists.

How did this happen? Vincenzo De Luca, president of Italy’s Campania region, invited Gergiev personally. De Luca argues culture “must not be influenced by politics and political logic.”

Opposition to the concert has been led by Yulia Navalnaya, widow of deceased Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny, who died in Russian prison. 

“How is it possible that in the summer of 2025, three years after the start of the conflict in Ukraine, Valery Gergiev, Putin’s accomplice and a person included on the sanctions lists of several countries, was suddenly invited to Italy?” Yulia Navalnaya wrote in La Repubblica on 15 July.

The venue matters too. Gergiev will perform at the Royal Palace of Caserta—a UNESCO World Heritage site and former Bourbon palace. The festival bills his appearance as a summer season highlight.

Ruslan Shaveddinov, longtime Navalny aide, told The Guardian the performance “would serve to normalise Putin’s regime in the eyes of the civilised world.”

He argued that providing a platform for Kremlin figures at prestigious European festivals constitutes “a huge gift to Moscow.”

What’s Italy’s defense? Cultural Minister Gennaro Sangiuliano insists “art must remain free” while simultaneously warning the concert risks “sending the wrong message” amid current tensions.

The concert remains scheduled despite the controversy, with Italian authorities yet to announce any changes to the festival program.

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France will not participate in a new initiative allowing European countries to purchase American weapons for Ukraine, according to French officials familiar with the matter, Politico reports.

The decision reflects Paris’s long-standing position that Europeans should strengthen their own defense industrial base through domestic procurement rather than relying on US suppliers.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz positioned his country as a central player in the initiative, with Rutte noting that Germany is “massively” invested in the plan, according to Politico. German officials privately claim the initiative originated as a German idea, driven by their assessment that Trump’s stated “disappointment” with Russian President Vladimir Putin created an opportunity for enhanced cooperation.

The procurement arrangement represents what German officials describe as a strategic workaround designed to address Trump’s hesitation about directly increasing military aid to Ukraine.

A German government adviser told Politico the strategy “would enable the US administration to increase the pressure on Russia and strengthen its support for Ukraine, while at the same time allowing it to remain one step behind the Europeans.”

European leaders calculated that Trump, who views international relations through the lens of financial transactions, would be more receptive to weapons transfers if Europeans purchased them, allowing the US to profit from the sales. The approach also provides Trump political cover with isolationist elements within his movement who oppose direct American involvement in Ukraine’s defense.

On 15 July, President Trump announced that the first Patriot air defense missiles destined for Ukraine are already being shipped from Germany with an aim to bolster Ukraine’s air defense capabilities amid intense Russian missile and drone attacks on civilians. 

Meanwhile, Rutte identified four Nordic countries along with the United Kingdom and Netherlands as supporting the weapons purchase plan. However, France’s absence from this list reflects broader European divisions over defense procurement strategy.

Two French officials confirmed to Politico that Paris will not join the US weapons buying initiative, citing President Emmanuel Macron’s consistent advocacy for building European defense industrial capacity through local procurement. France’s position is further complicated by budgetary constraints as the government attempts to reduce spending and address its significant deficit.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy responded positively to the announcement, writing on social media platform X that “we appreciate the readiness to provide additional Patriots, and the US, Germany, and Norway are already working together on this.”

Earlier, European Union foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas emphasized the need for the United States to share the financial burden of supplying weapons to Ukraine, pointing out that promising weapons while shifting the cost to others is not true support.

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A 500-kilogram aerial bomb crashed into Dobropillia’s busiest commercial area in frontline Donetsk Oblast on the evening of 16 July. Two people died. Twenty-seven others were wounded.

The bomb struck near the store precisely when workers were heading home, according to Ukrainian human rights commissioner Dmytro Lubinets. The timing and location suggest the strike was designed to maximize civilian casualties in a crowded area.

“Russians again deliberately struck where it’s always crowded—at a shopping center in the city center,” said Vadym Filashkin, head of Donetsk Regional Military Administration.

The pattern is clear: maximum civilian casualties in minimum time.

Russian strike damages stores and apartments

The blast shredded 54 commercial establishments and damaged 304 apartments across 13 residential buildings. Eight cars were destroyed. A two-story store burst into flames, covering 250 square meters before emergency crews extinguished it.

Rescuers pulled a dead woman from the rubble hours after the initial strike. Search teams believe more bodies remain buried.

Civilians flee Donetsk Oblast amid escalating attacks

About 22,600 people remain in Dobropillia despite the escalating attacks. But 980 residents fled the city this month alone, Filashkin reported.

How many attacks have they endured? Thirty-eight separate bombardments since July began. That’s more than one attack per day.

Ukraine also banned civilian traffic between Kramatorsk and Dobropillia just one day before the bombing. The reason: Russia increased FPV drone attacks along that route, making travel too dangerous for civilians.

European Union foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas said that Washington should “share the burden” of arms deliveries to Ukraine rather than expecting European allies to fund American weapons purchases.

“We welcome President Trump’s announcement to send more weapons to Ukraine, although we would like to see US to share the burden. America and Europe are working together,” Kallas said after a Brussels meeting of EU foreign ministers on 15 July.

NATO maintains that Europe now contributes the majority of weapons flowing to Ukraine, countering Trump’s characterization of burden distribution. 

According to Kallas, “If you promise to provide weapons but say someone else will pay for them, then you’re not actually providing them.”

Trump also offered to supply Ukraine with long-range Tomahawk missiles as part of a broader $10 billion NATO-backed military aid package.

However, Ukrainian military intelligence noted that Ukraine lacks the necessary launch platforms such as strategic bombers or combat ships to effectively deploy these missiles. 

Previously, Trump had emphasized supplying only defensive weapons and was cautious about escalating the conflict with Russia. However, growing frustration with Russian President Putin’s rejection of peace efforts and intensifying Russian attacks on civilians appears to have changed his stance.

American Derek Huffman thought he’d found the perfect solution. Move his family from Texas to Russia for “traditional values.” Join the military for fast-track citizenship. Work as a welder, not a fighter.

Instead, he’s heading to Ukraine’s front lines after three weeks of training despite assurances he would serve in a non-combat role.

American wanted to earn respect in Russia via military service

The 46-year-old father of three joined what’s called Tim Kirby’s “American Village” project earlier this year. Kirby, an American media personality living in Russia since 2006, promotes Putin’s agenda to disaffected Americans. The Huffmans documented their journey on social media, appearing in Russian propaganda videos while crowdfunding their new life.

In May, Derek joined the Russian military without prior military experience, expecting to work as a welder. His wife DeAnna explained that Derek was “told he would not be training for two weeks and going straight to the front lines. But it seems as though he is getting one more week of training, closer to the front lines, and then they are going to put him on the front lines.”

Derek’s motivation for enlisting was primarily to secure expedited citizenship for his family, rather than the longer traditional migration process. He also cited the signing bonus and his desire to earn respect in his new country.

“I don’t want anyone here in Russia to say that we don’t belong here, so if I go put my body on the line for Russia, I defend the country, our new country, I’ve earned our place here,” Derek stated in a video filmed last month.

Now his family asks for prayers as he’s being sent to frontlines

Russian recruiters made specific promises. First, Derek would work as a war correspondent. Then as a mechanic in a repair battalion, using his welding skills. No combat role.

Here’s what actually happened: Derek joined a unit of foreigners getting rushed training in Russian before deployment to Ukraine’s front lines.

DeAnna described the situation in her social media appeal, saying Derek “feels like he is being thrown to the wolves right now, and he is kind of having to lean on faith.”

She added that the family is “hoping that he can be utilized for his skills and not be used just as a fighter.”

The deployment also created financial strain for the family. Derek and his unit members were reportedly required to “donate” 10,000 rubles for their own supplies, consuming a substantial portion of his paycheck. DeAnna reported receiving no pay or bonus after one month of Derek’s service.

Can the family reverse this? DeAnna is petitioning unnamed public figures and asking for prayers to get Derek reassigned to a non-combat role.

How many foreign nationals died fighting for Russia? 

Derek isn’t the first American to discover Russia’s military promises don’t match reality. In April 2024, Michael Gloss, the 21-year-old son of a CIA executive, was killed fighting for Moscow in Ukraine.

Despite his American intelligence family background and past idealism focused on humanitarian goals, Michael had become deeply disillusioned with the US and sought to “fight against America,” embodying a radical anti-establishment mindset.

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The CIA official’s son hated America so much he died for Putin. Meet the man who tracked down Michael Gloss

His recruitment exposed glaring security failures in the Russian military, which neglected to thoroughly vet family ties even for high-profile figures. 

The BBC Russian Service and Mediazona conducted a joint investigation, confirming the deaths of 523 foreign nationals from 28 countries who fought for Russia in Ukraine.

A significant portion of these foreign fighters were Central Asians, with Tajikistan (72 deaths) and Uzbekistan (66 deaths) having the highest numbers, many of whom were recruited from Russian penal colonies by groups like Wagner in exchange for sentence cancellation.

Nepal also saw high casualties, with 70 confirmed deaths and about 50 more missing. Other countries with reported casualties include Egypt, Sri Lanka, and the United States.

Around 1,000 North Korean soldiers have also been killed, with additional wounded and missing, fighting alongside Russian forces primarily in the Kursk border region.

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Ukrainian forces capture two Cameroonians who say Russia tricked them into fighting. They signed for 1 million rubles

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy observed that Russia has refrained from bombing Kyiv during the recent visit of Trump’s Special Envoy for Ukraine Keith Kellogg, interpreting this pattern as evidence that Russian President Vladimir Putin fears America.

Kellogg arrived in Kyiv on 14 July for a week-long visit, during which he met with the Ukrainian president. Zelenskyy noted that the capital experienced no massive bombings for two consecutive nights following the envoy’s arrival.

“This is a very interesting example: there were no heavy attacks this night and the previous night, too,” Zelenskyy told Newsmax correspondent Shelby Wilder in an exclusive interview.

He suggested this absence of strikes demonstrates that Russia deliberately targets civilians under normal circumstances but refrains when American officials are present.

The Ukrainian leader said citizens have begun joking about the phenomenon, suggesting they should give Kellogg a Ukrainian passport to keep him in the country permanently and encourage more frequent American visits to reduce Russian bombing.

Zelenskyy argued this behavior pattern reveals Putin’s calculations regarding escalation with the United States.

“He intimidates, blackmails, creates tension, but does not go for a full escalation” when Americans are present, according to the president’s assessment.

“Putin is afraid of America. I’ve been saying this all along, and I’ve also told the president,” Zelenskyy stated, expressing confidence in this conclusion.

Russia reportedly rejected Trump’s threats with severe economic tariffs unless Moscow agrees to a cease-fire in the next 50 days, with Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov stating that “any attempts to make demands, especially ultimatums, are unacceptable to us.”

Zelenskyy also drew contrasts between the current and previous US administrations’ approaches to the war, which began full-scale in February 2022 under President Joe Biden’s tenure.

“President Biden was not able to end this war. I am confident that President Trump can do it,” he said.

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The Telegraph: Europe plans to use frozen Russian assets to pay for Donald Trump’s $10 billion weapons package for Ukraine

If the United States were to transfer long-range Tomahawk missiles to Ukraine, they would be difficult to deploy, as Ukraine does not have strategic aircraft from which to launch them, according to a Ukrainian military intelligence official.

Major General Vadym Skibitskyi, deputy head of Ukraine’s military intelligence agency HUR, told reporters that Tomahawk missiles are “not easy to use” and require either combat ships or strategic bombers as launch platforms.

“We don’t have any strategic bomber aircraft,” he acknowledged, according to The Guardian.

The deployment reality emerged as Ukraine waits for details about Trump’s 14 July promise of “billions of dollars” in military aid. Speaking alongside NATO’s Mark Rutte, Trump announced a “very big deal” where European allies would buy American weapons and ship them to Ukraine.

But what exactly did Trump promise? Even Ukrainian intelligence isn’t sure.

“We don’t know exactly,” Skibitskyi admitted about Trump’s offer of “17 Patriots.” The number could mean interceptor missiles, launch stations, or complete battery systems.

Ukraine currently operates six functioning Patriot batteries. Each system includes six launchers. Germany promised two systems, the Netherlands one more. That’s 18 launchers across three batteries—close to Trump’s figure of 17.

“Seventeen is a huge number if we are talking about batteries,” Skibitskyi said. “If it’s launchers, that’s possible.”

Tomahawk missiles can reach Moscow

The discussion of Tomahawk missiles stems from a 4 July phone call between Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, during which Trump asked if Ukraine could strike Moscow and St. Petersburg.

Zelenskyy replied: “Yes, absolutely. We can if you give us the weapons.” However, Trump stated on Tuesday that Ukraine should not target Moscow.

Ukraine strikes deep inside Russia to stop the relentless bombing of its cities. By hitting airfields, weapons factories, and drone launch sites, Ukraine aims to cripple Russia’s ability to launch the massive missile and drone attacks that have killed record numbers of Ukrainian civilians.

The precision cruise missiles have a range of 1,600 kilometers (994 miles) and are capable of reaching the Russian capital. Previous Ukrainian requests for Tomahawks were rejected by the Biden administration, and the Trump administration has not agreed to provide them.

How important are these missiles to Ukraine? Important enough that Zelenskyy included them in the classified section of his Victory Plan. When media reports revealed this detail, Zelenskyy expressed frustration, stating that “this means there is nothing confidential between partners.”

The Washington Post reported earlier that Trump was considering providing long-range Tomahawk missiles to Ukraine. However, the US has decided not to do so for now.

Ukraine needs approval for deep strikes inside Russia with western weapons

Despite the deployment challenges, Skibitskyi emphasized the importance of Ukraine’s ability to conduct strikes deep inside Russia against military targets. He said discussions continue with Washington about lifting restrictions on ATACMS missiles, which have a 300-kilometer (186 miles) range and are currently limited to use in Russian-occupied areas of Ukraine rather than Russian territory.

“It’s very important for us to get approval from the US to use long-range missiles,” Skibitskyi said. “We want to destroy and to disrupt, in accordance with NATO procedure.”

The Washington Post reported on 15 July that the Trump administration was likely to allow ATACMS to be used inside Russia at full range and was considering sending additional missiles.

Why does range matter? Russia moved its strategic bases beyond 500 kilometers (310 miles) from Ukraine’s border. Ukrainian kamikaze drones can reach them but carry only 50 kilograms of explosives compared to ATACMS’ 500-kilogram payload.

Following Trump’s announcement, Denmark, Sweden, and the Netherlands expressed interest in participating in the plan for Europe to purchase US weapons for Ukraine.

Zelenskyy also described having a “really good conversation” with Trump about achieving “lasting and just peace” and stopping Russian bombardment of Ukrainian cities.

Russia says it doesn’t care about Trump’s threats

Politicians in Kyiv have welcomed the improved relations with the US, though some expressed frustration that US tariffs and secondary sanctions on Russia have been postponed again, with Trump setting a 50-day deadline.

Meanwhile, Russian officials dismissed Trump’s threats, with former president Dmitry Medvedev writing on X that “Russia didn’t care” about what he called Trump’s “theatrical ultimatum.”

Russian President Vladimir Putin has not publicly responded, reportedly evaluating how to shape the narrative to avoid escalation in September.

Euromaidan Press: Hello, Peter. Can you tell what the film is about shortly?

Peter Duke:  The film basically tells the story of what we do with the convoy effort, and some of the people—just a few of the people—that are participating, and of course, some of the heroes that we go and help there in Ukraine.

I first joined the convoy in February of 2023. That was my first time. As an American, I was one of the first two that had gone on convoy. So it was a very new thing to myself. I didn’t know what to expect, but the connections that I made there and the people that I met were just heroes through and through. I was so impressed with the abilities of the people who both were organizing the convoy and participating in it, and the ones who were helping get that supply of vehicles and supplies to the troops there in Kyiv.

This has been going on since March of 2022. In April 2025, we’re delivering our 40th convoy to Kyiv. That’s almost 670 trucks full of supplies that we brought.

Euromaidan Press: So it’s not only trucks that you deliver, it’s also some other aid for Ukrainian soldiers. What is it usually?

Peter Duke: The trucks themselves are pretty standardized. They are second-hand but very mechanically sound trucks, and they’re all like a civilian pickup truck—they’re a four-door, four-by-four, diesel pickup truck. Then it’s been outfitted with a night vision camera, a drone jammer, and other things. Some of them are specialized as medevac vehicles as well.

These vehicles go there and they come with a set of street tires that we drive them there on, but also a set of mud tires for each truck because that can be very important in the off-road conditions. But then we fill the trucks up with any other things we’ve got, and that may be everything from medical kits to sleeping bags. We provide a lot of drones—we fundraise and send a lot of FPV and Mavics, things like that. Also, if there’s something special that a unit’s requested, we’ll do our best to fill that request as well.

And then many of the drivers just bring along their own sort of care package. Whether it’s chocolates from Belgium or supplies—I’ve brought a bunch of stuff from the US. Some people will get other donations of everything from trench candles to tourniquets and provide those just to let the troops know that we’re looking out for them. We’re doing everything we can on the home side to provide them with the tools and kit that they need.

Euromaidan Press: And how is it all funded?

Peter Duke: We’ll get the stuff however we can get it. But yeah, we’re a fully volunteer and donation-funded group. We fundraise, we make the social media appeals. I know everyone is very exhausted from giving, frankly. I mean, like this war—people were generous in 2022, they did what they could to give to support the Ukrainians. And then it went into 2023, and some donors got tired or their resources became short through 2024. Here we are in 2025.

That’s both been a marathon of endurance for the donors, but also it’s enabled us to build a pipeline of experience. A track record, so people know, “Hey, these guys are delivering the vehicles. They’re continuing to deliver the supplies. They’ve got proof they’ve been doing it successfully.” And this all continues to build confidence in the donors that their money is going to a good cause. So we’ve been lucky enough to be able to keep up the pace. And yeah, there is definitely fatigue among people who read the news.

Euromaidan Press: Do you also feel this fatigue personally? How do you cope with it? Why should people still care and help Ukraine?

Peter Duke: Yeah, we all get tired. I get tired. We’ve got a busy life. We have families. We have jobs. We have stuff to do. But I remember that every one of these Ukrainians that’s out there sacrificing and fighting and defending is doing it for us. Make no mistake—if Russia is allowed to take Ukraine, they are not going to be satisfied. That will not be the end of it. So this effort is for all of us. All of us in the Western democracies that hope for peace and security need Ukraine to succeed.

And the effort also affects people in the East. Because if this is allowed to continue unopposed, people in Taiwan will pay the price. Maybe Korea’s neighbors to the South will pay the price. Because if it’s not stopped, if people like Putin are not put in their place and stopped, this kind of authoritarianism and this kind of evil will spread.

There have been times of peace in the world and there have been times of turmoil, and we should never take those times of peace for granted. So that thought keeps pushing me forward.

But on a more personal level, whenever I am tired, whenever I get exhausted, whenever I get a little bit overwhelmed, I just think of the people in Kyiv who have to go to sleep and hope that the buzzing sound of a drone doesn’t get louder and louder until it bursts into their apartment wall, or that when they wake up, maybe the power is on. The sacrifices that they continue to make day in and day out pick me up and push me forward.

So anything I can do here in the peace of my country—and all the Europeans who likewise are pushing forward this effort from the peace of their country—should prize that peace and know that this freedom is not free. It comes at a price that the Ukrainians are paying every day.

Euromaidan Press: I read some of your statements about the film and you mentioned that you see parallels between Ukraine’s resistance now and America’s founding in 1776. Can you elaborate more on this connection?

Peter Duke: Oh, man. Yeah, that one is so clear and so obvious to me.

Thinking back to the founding of our own nation in 1776, we wanted to break free from a colonial power that was so powerful that we were not able to break free from it initially. We wanted to break from that power that had been dictating terms to us and sapping our resources for the gain of that empire. And of course, those parallels are very clear with what has been happening with Russia and Ukraine.

Russia for a long time interfered in Ukraine’s affairs. You can go back centuries and Ukraine was, unfortunately, the collision place of Russia and the Western world. Russia finally had that connection broken in the Maidan revolution, and again Ukraine tried to reinstate their own vision of how they wanted to lead their life. And Russia keeps pressing—they just cannot take the hint that this nation wants to be free and lead a future of self-determination.

This is like an ex-boyfriend or ex-husband that just can’t let go of that woman and keeps saying, “No, you belong to me. I’m going to dictate to you. You belong to me.” This is disgusting. These people in Ukraine should not have to put up with Russia constantly pressing on their affairs and trying to make them a part of a Russian empire that they don’t want to be part of.

So in 1776, the Americans had had enough of the British empire dictating terms to us here. And we moved for our independence. And thankfully, at that time, we had the support of France, which enabled us to eventually have that victory. It wasn’t easy, and a lot of life was lost. In 1812, the British returned to try and have a round two of that, and we eventually were able to push this colonial power away. We eventually were able to succeed in that contest and we had our independence.

But it’s a question of who’s going to arise at this time to support Ukraine in this battle, to finally put Russia back behind its border and have the peace that Ukraine deserves. And I think it’s patriots from all over the world that understand that this freedom comes at a cost and they’re going to support Ukraine in this.

Euromaidan Press: In the film, you also show a lot of destruction that Russia brought to Ukraine and you visit memorials in Irpin and Bucha. These are places where Russian soldiers committed war crimes—they killed and tortured civilians. You also said that the film changed you and your perspective on the war. How did it change you and what was your perspective earlier?

Peter Duke: Well, reading about war and seeing the effects of war are two different things. You can look at all the books and you can look at all the newscasts, and the human mind has just a weird way of compartmentalizing things. I’ve seen videos, I’ve seen newscasts, I know the bombs are dropping, I know things are getting blown up and I know there are people dying. But being there and seeing the charred shells of these buildings, and seeing the destruction—the broken machines and the broken men walking around missing limbs and so on—that makes it real.

You have to see these things for your own eyes. I’m sure that when you get closer to this, the human empathy comes forward and pushes past the propaganda and whatever disassociation was happening in your head before, and it becomes black and white.

And that’s why I want to bring viewers a little bit closer to that by seeing it through our eyes, through eyes of average Americans, people who have gone there and seen it so they understand what is really going on. 

And that’s why the convoy is important in one regard—because of the hundreds and hundreds of drivers who have participated in this, they all leave changed. Having been there with their own eyes, having visited some of the places that you mentioned and having seen both the tragedies of war and the warmth and the welcomeness and the gratitude of the Ukrainians we meet, they go back home with that in their heads and their hearts, and they know that supporting Ukraine is the right thing for them, for the Ukrainians, and for the world.

Euromaidan Press: What impact do you think your film can have on viewers?

Peter Duke: You want to affect people and make their hearts and their minds understand what’s happening and make it real for them. So I think a movie is a good medium to do that. It should be more relatable. So hopefully we achieve that goal.

I really think that being there is the best way. And of course, that opportunity is limited because not everyone can take so much time out of their life to go there in person and do it. But hopefully this vehicle will show that many people, regular people like myself, have made that choice, have gone there and have seen this. And I hope that they will take away what their eyes and their ears are telling them—that real people can make a difference in the history that we are writing together.

Euromaidan Press: So people who are who will watch this interview or will watch your film “No Sleep Till Kyiv,” how can they get involved in helping Ukraine? Is it through donations or is it even possible to join this convoy?

Peter Duke: Yes and yes. But the most important thing is that they know in their hearts that this is the right thing to do, because I believe when someone sees this and it comes to them, they’re like, “Wow, I can’t imagine supporting the other side in this—Russia. Certainly the things they are saying that I’ve read on social media or whatever don’t look at all like the situation on the ground. It would be crazy not to support the Ukrainians.”

And despite some of the things you read on social media that may be negative or misinformation, much of that comes from paid bot accounts that are set up by the Russians and their allies. In the real world, something like 70% of Americans support maintaining aid for Ukraine, sending more aid. And they know black from white. They know this is the right thing to do. So I just want to help reaffirm that inner empathy and let people see for themselves what’s going on so that they know this is the right thing.

Euromaidan Press: Have you ever met Americans who are not supportive of Ukraine?

Peter Duke: Of course. I talk to some people. And usually, this is the thing—when you’re having a face-to-face conversation, it’s different. Social media is terrible in that regard because someone will just shoot some rude thing off into the internet and turn around and never think twice about it. And that rude thing can be read by tens of thousands or millions of people and it can affect them. But personal conversations, face-to-face, are much more diplomatic.

Usually what happens is they’ll say something like, “Well, I don’t speak Ukrainian,” and I’m like, “That’s no trouble. English will get you further and it’s appreciated there, but it’s okay. You can speak the tongue you’re comfortable with. That’s the same in Ukraine.”

Or they’ll say something ridiculous like, “Well, Zelenskyy is stealing all the money.” I’m like, “Well, have you seen Putin’s palaces? I mean, do you see how this guy gets around with his entourage? Do you see the huge yachts that his oligarch friends have?” I mean, all the evidence points to them doing what they are accusing others of doing. Meanwhile, Zelenskyy is there doing his work in Kyiv and trying his best to keep his country together. Please, folks, let’s look at some facts here.

And so if I’m calm and have a few sentences with a person and I share these viewpoints, usually the reasoning comes through, and then it’s easy to make them an ally. I don’t meet too many people that are strongly pro-Russia, anti-Ukraine here in the US. And that’s why I think it’s important to share the story with the movie because so many people are either lightly in favor of Ukraine or they’re just kind of on the fence. And it doesn’t take much to make them a believer. So by sharing the message of the movie, that usually is enough to make their mind up.

Euromaidan Press: You delivered aid to Ukraine with volunteers from Estonia, some from Ukraine, some Americans also. Did you feel fully united with them in your vision and values? Or were there some differences in your perception of war and support for Ukraine? What did this international experience teach you as an American?

Peter Duke: It’s important to think about how Americans view the world. And I’m not really sure how to define this well, but it’s different than Europeans. Americans, we’ve normally been much more isolated. It’s normal for a European to speak several languages and have traveled through several countries just by nature of the geography. But here in America, English is all we need. And we just know our own country and the way we think and the way we’ve been told the world works.

So it’s always interesting to speak to my Ukrainian friends and get their viewpoints. It definitely expands the mind some. And also being on the convoy, being together with this common purpose, there’s a sense of camaraderie between the men and women on the convoy, what we are doing. The way we’re feeling together, the experience that we share—it’s very heartwarming. And we all leave changed for the better.

Euromaidan Press: So the movie is called “No Sleep Till Kyiv.” And you mentioned that the road from the capital of Estonia, Tallinn, to the capital of Ukraine, Kyiv, took you over 30 hours. So did you really have no sleep for this long time? Why did you decide to do it?

Peter Duke: Yeah, so we were trying to think of a name and we were like, “We should call the movie ‘The Convoy.'” I don’t know, it’s sort of a generic name.

So as the movie production was happening, we would sit around and talk. And I was talking with a buddy of mine, and we’re like, “Man, what should we call it? We need a better name.” And there’s a song from a group called the Beastie Boys—it’s like a hip hop group. They were popular in the 80s and 90s, early 2000s. And it was called “No Sleep Till Brooklyn.” And so that name is kind of imprinted in the memory of many people of my generation and the generation after me—”No Sleep Till Brooklyn.”

So that catchphrase, probably somewhere in our subconscious, came up. And my buddy is like, “Let’s call it ‘No Sleep Till Kyiv.'” And I was like, “Actually, it’s got a ring to it,” because that’s kind of what we do.

I mean, although no one is stopping and rolling out their bed and taking an actual rest on the convoy, we do take our turns sitting in the passenger seat and kind of dozing for a short spell. But I’ll tell you, basically, for 30-something hours, we get no good sleep. So there’s that part of it—the endurance of the drive, the marathon to Kyiv. And the fact that it has a ring to it. So “No Sleep Till Kyiv” is the name. And for us, there’s going to be no rest until there’s peace for Ukraine. So that’s the name and that’s how it is.

Ukraine’s human rights commissioner Dmytro Lubinets claimed the United Nations had finally accused Russia of the Olenivka prison massacre that killed Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs). The problem? No such UN report exists.

Lubinets posted the news 30 June with obvious satisfaction. “Finally, things are called by their proper names!” he wrote, linking to what he said was a UN investigation proving Russia planned and executed the attack on the correctional colony.

Mysterious international center investigated Olenivka massacre

Journalists at Slidstvo.Info followed Lubinets’ link and found something odd. The source was the Centre for Human Rights in Armed Conflict—an organization that explicitly denies any UN connection. Right on their website: “We are not affiliated with the United Nations or any other intergovernmental or governmental organization.”

The website was created on 22 May 2025, and contains only the single investigation about Olenivka with no other publications or detailed organizational information.

“We conduct thorough investigations into violations of international human rights and humanitarian law during armed conflicts, with a current focus on Ukraine and Gaza, to help establish the truth and bring perpetrators to justice,” the organization’s description on the website states.

Who runs the Centre? Nobody knows. No headquarters, no leadership names, no country of operation listed.

When Slidstvo.Info contacted Lubinets’ office, his team quickly backtracked. “Unfortunately, the Ombudsman’s Secretariat did not conduct proper verification,” they admitted, removing the post and promising “enhanced control over published information.”

The Centre itself later confirmed none of its report authors worked for the UN. They described themselves as “international experts who prefer not to reveal their identities” operating without a permanent headquarters and claiming none of its experts are located in Ukraine or Russia.

UN finds Russia responsible, but avoids public blame

The incident highlights confusion surrounding the actual status of UN investigations into the July 2022 Olenivka attack. According to Associated Press reporting, an internal UN analysis does conclude that Russia was responsible for planning and carrying out the attack, but this 100-page document was never intended for public release and does not constitute an official UN accusation.

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AP: UN investigation finds Olenivka attack planned by Russia

The UN analysis examined 70 open-source images, 20 statements from Russian officials, 16 interviews with survivors broadcast on Russian television, and conducted detailed interviews with 55 released prisoners of war. The analysis determined the missile flew from east to west, contradicting Russian claims that Ukraine struck the facility with HIMARS missiles.

However, the UN dissolved its official investigation mission five months after the tragedy because Russia refused to guarantee expert safety. 

Can Ukraine get justice for Olenivka? Currently, only Ukrainian prosecutors are investigating. No active international probe exists among the tens of thousands of war crimes cases.

Meanwhile, the mysterious Centre for Human Rights in Armed Conflict says it plans to publish reports on civilian casualties in Mariupol and Ukrainian military deaths since the full-scale war began —though their credibility remains questionable after the Olenivka controversy.

Armed forces across Europe are conducting trials of a German-developed HX-2 strike drone that could reshape the continent’s military capabilities, while Ukrainian pilots already fly it against Russian targets.

France, Germany, Britain and other European nations are evaluating the HX-2 strike drone manufactured by German company Helsing, according to the company’s Vice President of Sales Simon Brünjes, as reported by Hartpunkt.

The testing schedule reflects urgent military priorities. The German Bundeswehr aims to complete its evaluation by year-end, positioning itself for potential procurement decisions. Simon Brünjes, Helsing’s sales chief, indicated that Germany has assigned the project high priority compared to other defense initiatives to meet this timeline.

Why the rush? Brünjes won’t say directly. But the company designed the HX-2 as Europe’s answer to Russia’s Lancet drone—a weapon Helsing calls “very effective” against Ukrainian forces.

Ukraine has received initial HX-2 units for qualification testing, with results expected within weeks. The timing aligns with broader European efforts to support Ukraine’s defense capabilities while evaluating systems for their own militaries.

Single operator controls multiple AI drones that navigate without GPS signals

The HX-2 incorporates design elements from both missile systems and traditional drones. Its X-wing configuration enables agile maneuvering while four electric propellers provide 100-kilometer (62 miles) range and loitering capability compared to rocket-powered alternatives.

Terminal speed: 220 kilometers per hour (136 miles/hour).

But the real innovation sits in the software. Helsing’s Altra system gives the drone three capabilities that matter in electronic warfare:

First, it navigates without GPS. A downward camera constantly matches terrain features against stored maps, letting the drone operate even when Russia jams satellite signals.

Second, it tracks targets automatically during final approach. Lose radio contact? The drone still hits what it was aimed at.

Third, it recognizes targets using artificial intelligence (AI). The system identifies and classifies objects using both visual data and context clues.

Helsing’s Altra software makes it possible for a single operator to coordinate swarm attacks while the AI handles navigation, target tracking, and electronic warfare resistance. Each drone carries several kilograms of payload which is enough to destroy tanks, artillery pieces, or infrastructure.

Here’s the catch: Brünjes says the AI could make the kill decision itself, but Helsing programs human oversight into every mission. “For ethical reasons,” he explains, matching Western military requirements for human control.

Europe grows HX-2 drone production

The German manufacturer designed its system specifically for large-scale production to achieve lower unit costs than conventional systems.

Current production stands at 450 units monthly at Helsing’s Resilience Factory in southern Germany, with capacity to expand to 1,000 units through additional personnel training. A planned second factory could bring total monthly output to approximately 2,500 HX-2 drones. The company also plans to build more factories across Europe to scale production rapidly in response to conflicts worldwide.

Compare that to combat consumption. Ukrainian forces have already used “several hundred” of Helsing’s earlier HF-1 drones out of 1,950 delivered, according to Brünjes. Combat video shows these drones destroying both stationary and moving Russian vehicles.

The math matters for European defense planners. Can a single German factory supply multiple armies plus Ukraine’s wartime needs?

Co-founder Gundbert Scherf says they built the HX-2 “from scratch for mass production” to beat the Russia’s Lancet on both performance and price. Ukraine calls the cost “very economical”—helped by Helsing taking zero profit on Ukrainian deliveries.

Europe learns from Ukraine battlefield drone lessons 

In February, Helsing announced 6,000 additional AI-powered HX-2 drones for Ukraine, following a prior order of 4,000 HF-1 drones currently being delivered in cooperation with Ukrainian industry. That’s 10,000 AI-powered strike drones heading to one battlefield.

The HX-2 builds on lessons from Ukraine’s use of the earlier HF-1 model. Same software, different hardware. Where the HF-1 uses conventional wings, the HX-2’s X-shaped design enables sharper maneuvers that are useful when dodging air defenses.

Helsing’s Ukrainian partner handles HF-1 production while the German company provides software. That division of labor gets updated constantly based on combat feedback from the front lines.

The company delivered 1,950 HF-1 units to Ukraine, with several hundred deployed in combat operations against Russian forces.

British forces also demonstrated the HX-2 at Salisbury Plain training facility while preparing for NATO enhanced Forward Presence deployment in Estonia, though Brünjes noted that Britain has not yet made formal procurement commitments.

Will European armies buy what Ukraine is already using? The testing programs underway suggest defense ministries want their own evaluation even when the weapon comes with battlefield validation.

Ukraine’s First Lady Olena Zelenska revealed that more than 80% of Ukrainians are experiencing chronic stress and persistent emotional strain due to war.

Speaking at the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome on 10 July, Zelenska painted a picture of a population ground down by sleepless nights and constant bombardment.

“Our economy continues to function thanks to millions of people who go to work after nights spent in basements,” she said. “The main emotions they experience are fatigue, tension and despair.”

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Why focus on mental health at a reconstruction conference? Zelenska’s answer was direct: “Without people, a country becomes a monument.”

The cases reveal the war’s brutality. Patients arrive with burns, blast wounds, crushed limbs from Russian strikes. “Saving their lives is not enough,” Zelenska said. “We must help them live fully.”

“Destruction is not only a physical concept, but also a social one, which manifests as difficulties, security threats, and psychological suffering,” she explained. “It can spread far beyond the battlefield and affect everyone.”

How is Ukraine building mental health infrastructure during wartime? The country established a Mental Health Coordination Center under the Cabinet of Ministers, according to Zelenska. The goal: getting mental health services into every community across Ukraine.

The challenge requires international help. “Much effort is being made to expand operations so that mental health services are available in every community, and this requires partner support,” Zelenska told conference delegates.

Ukraine now has 11,000 rehabilitation specialists—seven times more than in 2022. These professionals have treated 600,000 Ukrainians injured by combat and enemy strikes over the past 18 months.

But Ukraine isn’t just receiving expertise—it’s sharing it. “We learn from the world’s best clinics, but our own experience has also grown to such a level that we can already share it,” Zelenska said. 

Can a country rebuild while its population remains traumatized? Zelenska invited conference participants to join Ukraine’s medical partnership, suggesting the answer lies in international collaboration on both physical and mental reconstruction.

In June, Ukraine opened its first specialized mental health center in Lviv, targeting survivors of Russian captivity and torture. The Saint Leo the Great Mental Health Center offers residential care with art therapy studios and aims to treat 1,000 patients annually, including former prisoners of war. Belgium’s Flanders region funded the €1.5 million facility to address systematic torture experienced by up to 90% of returned Ukrainian POWs.

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Ukraine opens first rehab center for torture survivors after Russian captivity

Russian state media and other propaganda outlets have altered their rhetoric toward US President Donald Trump following his increasingly critical statements about Vladimir Putin and the emergence of leaked audio recordings, according to Russian news agency Agentstvo Novosti.

The shift in tone represents a departure from previously more favorable coverage of Trump in Russian media.

The Netherlands committed €300 ($350) million for Ukraine’s reconstruction and recovery efforts spanning 2025 and 2026, according to Foreign Affairs Minister Caspar Veldkamp’s announcement at the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome on 10 July.

 According to the Dutch government, the funding allocation includes:

• €52 million – Repairing Ukraine’s energy infrastructure and drinking water supplies in 2025
• €30 million – Supporting Dutch businesses and organizations to set up reconstruction projects through the Ukraine Partnership Facility grant programme
• €4 million – Construction of a new wing at the children’s hospital in the western city of Lviv (partnership with Princess Máxima Center in Utrecht)
• €20 million – Boosting Ukraine’s cyber resilience (€10 million per year for 2025 and 2026)
• €194 million – Remaining funds for other reconstruction and recovery purposes.

Minister Veldkamp outlined the rationale behind the comprehensive support approach, stating that Russia has spent more than three years attempting to destroy Ukraine’s society and economy through continuous attacks on energy infrastructure, water supplies, grain storage facilities, houses and apartments. He emphasized that international community support must extend beyond arms to include financial, economic and social assistance.

“Ukraine’s economy and society must be kept running because that will help the country in its struggle. It is, as it were, another front line,” Veldkamp said, according to the government statement.

The Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome will also feature the signing of a cooperation agreement between Veldkamp and Ukraine’s First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy Yuliia Svyrydenko, extending the Ukraine Partnership Facility grant programme established in 2023.

The programme supports Dutch businesses and organizations working on projects in agrofood, sustainable energy, healthcare, water and circular construction sectors that benefit Ukraine’s recovery efforts.

Since the full-scale Russian invasion in 2022, the Netherlands has provided approximately €10 billion in military aid by mid-2025, including the delivery of 24 F-16 fighter jets, Patriot air defense systems, Leopard 2 tanks, CV90 infantry fighting vehicles, artillery, armored vehicles, ammunition, and small arms.

The Netherlands has also supplied 100 drone-detection radars and 20 medical evacuation vehicles as part of a recent €175 million aid package, with €80 million specifically allocated to support drone efforts through an international drone coalition. Additionally, the country committed €500 million to Ukraine’s Drone Line project, supporting domestic production of over 600,000 drones. 

Police and Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) operatives have detained a mother and her 13-year-old daughter in southern city of Odesa for conducting arson attacks on Ukrainian military infrastructure under direction from Russian intelligence services.

The case began when the minor was recruited through a messaging application, according to investigators.

Her assigned role involved coordinating target selection with her Russian handler and providing video documentation of completed attacks as proof of execution.

Law enforcement officials established that in early July, the teenager doused a railway relay cabinet with flammable liquid and set it ablaze. The relay cabinet belonged to Ukrainian Railways infrastructure.

Several days later, the girl received instructions to target a Volkswagen vehicle owned by a female Ukrainian service member. The car had been used at the front lines for evacuating wounded soldiers, investigators determined. Facing this more complex assignment, the teenager approached her 58-year-old mother for assistance.

Rather than declining to participate, the woman agreed to join the operation. The pair carried out the vehicle arson during nighttime hours in the regional center, using similar methods to their previous attack.

Ukrainian prosecutors have classified the actions as attempted sabotage committed during martial law and obstruction of Armed Forces operations during the special period. The adult defendant faces charges under the latter statute, which carries a maximum penalty of eight years imprisonment, according to the prosecutor’s office.

The minor has been transferred to custody and guardianship authorities rather than facing criminal prosecution due to her age. Compulsory educational measures may be applied in her case, officials stated.

Earlier, Ukrainian law enforcement reported that Russian intelligence is conducting a covert sabotage campaign across Ukraine and Europe by recruiting vulnerable individuals, especially elderly Ukrainians, through deceptive phone calls and messaging apps like Viber.

They impersonate Ukrainian security officials, such as the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) or police, to blackmail pensioners with fabricated charges—like alleged collaboration for buying Russian-made medicines—and coerce them into carrying out sabotage tasks or paying money.

Similar recruitment tactics are used in European countries, including the Baltic states, where operatives lure locals with money or blackmail, treating them as expendable pawns. 

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Russia recruits elderly in covert sabotage campaign across Ukraine and Europe

Czechia began its inaugural voluntary military training program for high school students, with 718 participants beginning four weeks of intensive instruction at eight military bases across the country in the first program of its kind.

The initiative represents part of a broader defense strategy aimed at strengthening national security capabilities while providing youth development opportunities.

According to the Ministry of Defense, the program attracted nearly 750 applicants aged 18 to 22 years, with five candidates failing entrance medical examinations and others withdrawing for personal reasons. Female students comprise approximately 20% of the participant cohort, all of whom must be enrolled in secondary education to qualify.

Army General Karel Řehka, Chief of the General Staff of the Czech Armed Forces, stated that the program seeks to “actively reach out to the young generation and introduce them to military service” while “expanding our reserves” through increased societal resilience.

Participants will receive comprehensive military instruction including:

• tactical fundamentals
• small arms training
• grenade handling
• topographical navigation
• engineering preparation
• first aid certification.

The curriculum also incorporates physical conditioning through morning exercises and field maneuvers, culminating in a two-day field exercise under natural conditions.

Can teenagers handle this intensity? The military thinks so. Students who complete the program take a ceremonial oath in their garrison town and receive 40,498 Czech crowns—roughly $1,900—before taxes.

But the money isn’t the real incentive here. The Czech Ministry of Defense frames this as preparation for “crisis situations” while strengthening “the state’s defense capabilities.” 

The initiative coincides with the Czech military’s Reserve Resources 2025 mobilization exercises conducted in June, which focused on emergency and wartime conscription procedures, according to previous ministry announcements.

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) delivered a landmark ruling on 9 July, finding Russia responsible for widespread human rights violations during its war against Ukraine and the 2014 downing of Malaysia Airlines flight MH17.

Why does this matter? It’s the first time an international court has held Moscow accountable for human rights violations since Russia’s invasion began in 2014.

The case combined four separate legal challenges into one massive proceeding. Ukraine filed complaints about systematic abuses in occupied Donetsk and Luhansk, including something particularly disturbing: the kidnapping of children from orphanages and their deportation to Russia. The Netherlands joined with its own application over MH17. Then Ukraine added a fourth complaint covering violations since the 2022 full-scale invasion.

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What did the court actually find? The Russian violations include:

• killings of civilians and Ukrainian soldiers
• torture
• arbitrary detention
• forced displacement through so-called “filtration” camps
• systematic suppression of the Ukrainian language.

But here’s what makes this ruling unprecedented: 26 countries and an international organization joined as third parties. That level of international backing is extraordinary.

Ukrainian judge Mykola Hnatovskyi put it bluntly: this is “probably the largest and most important case in the entire history of the ECHR.”

Ukraine’s lawyers forge unprecedented international case against Russia for decade

Behind this landmark ruling lies years of painstaking legal work. Marharyta Sokorenko, the Commissioner for ECHR Affairs at Ukraine’s Justice Ministry, called the case “the culmination of a long and thorny path of fierce legal confrontation for law and truth.”

How grueling was the process? Sokorenko described it as “the result of more than ten years of complex work, sometimes ‘on the edge’ and ‘this is the last time,’ by the entire team.” She added that Ukrainian lawyers “were pioneers in forming the interstate lawsuit and evidence base.”

For the legal team, this wasn’t just another case. “For each of us, this case goes far beyond official duties,” Sokorenko wrote on Facebook ahead of the ruling.

Russia missile attack killed 298 people in MH17 air crash

On 17 July 2014, Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 was traveling from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur when it was shot down over eastern Ukraine by a Russian-supplied Buk missile. All 298 passengers and crew members died, including 196 Dutch nationals—making it one of the deadliest aviation disasters in Dutch history.

The human cost extends far beyond the immediate tragedy. A decade later, research by Professor Jos de Keijser from the University of Groningen reveals that one in eight families of the victims still struggle with severe, chronic grief. These survivors face insomnia, depression, PTSD, and concentration problems that persist years after the disaster.

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Decade after MH17 disaster: 1 in 8 families of victims still grapple with severe grief 

Russia controlled part of Ukraine where plane was hit

For nearly a decade, families of the 298 people killed when MH17 was shot down over eastern Ukraine waited for justice. Now they have it—sort of.

The European court determined Russia was responsible for downing the Malaysia Airlines flight on 17 July 2014. This marks the first international judicial finding holding Russia accountable for the disaster.

How solid is the evidence? A Joint Investigation Team from five countries spent years building the case. Last November, a Dutch court sentenced three men to life imprisonment: Russians Igor Girkin-Strelkov and Sergey Dubinsky, plus Ukrainian citizen Leonid Kharchenko. They remain out of prison because Russia has refused to extradite its citizens. The court also ordered over €16 million in compensation to victims’ families.

Crucially, during that verdict reading, The Hague District Court also recognized that Russia controlled the self-proclaimed “Donetsk People’s Republic” from at least May 2014—months before MH17 was destroyed.

Netherlands Defense Minister Ruben Brekelmans called the ECHR decision “an important step toward justice.”

“The suffering of the relatives of MH-17 is immense, intensified by Russia’s denial. Now the European Court confirms what we have known for 10 years: Russia is responsible. I hope it contributes to processing the grief,” Brekelmans wrote.

Russia denies involvement. But the evidence trail led investigators to conclude Moscow’s control began well before the tragedy occurred.

Court recognizes Russia wants to destroy Ukraine

The court ordered Russia:

1. to release all people illegally detained in occupied territories
2. cooperate in creating an international mechanism to identify kidnapped children and return them to their families.

Will Russia comply? History suggests no. Moscow has ignored international court rulings before.

But Ukraine’s Justice Ministry sees this differently. They called the ruling “unprecedented” and noted the court satisfied nearly all government complaints. More importantly, the court recognized something Ukrainian officials have argued for years: Russia is conducting “a targeted campaign to destroy the Ukrainian state as a subject of international law.”

The ministry went further, stating that the court found “Russia’s aggression is not limited to Ukraine—it is a global threat that questions the very idea of coexistence of states in the legal field. In particular, Russia demonstrates hostility toward other member states of the Council of Europe.”

Ukrainian judge Hnatovskyi explained why this case stands apart: “No previous conflicts examined showed such unanimous condemnation by the international community of the respondent state’s flagrant disregard for the principles of international legal order established after World War II.”

What’s the broader significance? This ruling doesn’t just address past violations—it creates legal precedent for holding Russia accountable for systematic human rights abuses. The question now is whether international pressure can translate into meaningful consequences for Moscow’s actions.

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ICAO acknowledges Russia’s responsibility for shooting down flight MH17

Two Chinese nationals sit in Ukrainian custody tonight, accused of attempting to steal classified documentation on Ukraine’s Neptune anti-ship missile system. The weapon that sank Russia’s flagship Moskva.

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) says it caught the pair red-handed in Kyiv. A 24-year-old former university student and his father, who resides in China but made periodic visits to Ukraine.

Chinese father-son espionage in Ukraine

The younger suspect studied at a Kyiv technical university until 2023, when he was expelled for poor grades. Instead of returning to China, he stayed in Ukraine. The SBU suggests he used his remaining contacts to target someone with access to advanced weapons development.

His father allegedly traveled to Ukraine to personally coordinate intelligence operations, according to the security service’s investigation. The family business, apparently, was espionage.

The student attempted to recruit a Ukrainian citizen connected to cutting-edge defense projects. The goal: technical documentation on Neptune missile production that could be smuggled back to Chinese intelligence services.

Ukrainian counterintelligence officers say they identified the operation early and arrested the student during a document handover. His father was detained as he prepared to transfer the stolen information to Beijing.

During searches, investigators seized mobile phones containing what they describe as coordination messages between the two suspects.

Both face espionage charges under Ukraine’s Criminal Code. Maximum sentence: 15 years with property confiscation.

Why would China want Neptune missile secrets?

The weapon has proven its worth in combat. Two Neptune missiles sank the Russian cruiser Moskva in April 2022—the Black Sea Fleet’s flagship and a potent symbol of Russian naval power. In March 2024, another Neptune strike hit the landing ship Konstantin Olshansky at its occupied Crimean base, rendering the vessel incapable of combat. 

The missile itself measures just over five meters long and weighs 870 kilograms (1 918 lbs). Range: up to 280 kilometers (173 miles). It can sink vessels displacing up to 5,000 tons.

Recent modifications expanded the Neptune’s capabilities beyond ships to ground targets that has an extended range of up to 1,000 kilometers (621 miles).

This advancement allows Ukraine to strike deep into Russian territory, including strategic targets such as oil refineries, exemplified by a likely 14 March strike on a refinery in Tuapse about 450 km (279 miles) from the front line. 

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Ukraine says it hit Russia’s stolen Ukrainian ship with Neptune missile in occupied Crimea

Lithuania and Finland are preparing to begin domestic production of anti-personnel landmines next year to supply themselves and Ukraine, according to officials from both NATO member states who spoke to Reuters.

The countries are ready to begin manufacturing once their six-month withdrawal from the Ottawa Convention is complete.

Lithuania shares 274 kilometers (170 miles) of border with Russia and 679 kilometers (421 miles) with Belarus, a key Kremlin’s ally, so they are concerned about the country’s security amid continued Russia’s aggression in Ukraine.

“We are going to spend hundreds of millions of euros on anti-tank mines, but also on anti-personnel mines. It will be a significant amount,” Lithuanian Deputy Defense Minister Karolis Aleksa told Reuters. How many? Tens of thousands, possibly more.

Can they actually produce them? “Our national industry will be one of the sources. Our industry can make these,” Aleksa said.

Helsinki had more than 1 million anti-personnel landmines before joining the Ottawa Convention in 2011. They destroyed them all, following the rules. Now they’re rebuilding that capability as Finland’s border with Russia stretches 1,340 kilometers (832 miles)—longer than any other NATO state.

Both countries have concluded the same thing: when your neighbor stockpiles weapons banned by treaties they never signed, you need every defensive option available.

Other Eastern European countries consider mines production amid Russia’s threat

Three additional NATO and European Union states – Poland, Latvia and Estonia – are also exiting the treaty, citing heightened security concerns about Russia due to its war in Ukraine. While these three countries have not announced production plans, officials in Poland and Latvia indicated they could begin manufacturing quickly if necessary, and Estonia views it as a future possibility.

All five NATO countries say they won’t create minefields during peacetime. Instead, they’ll store the mines for rapid deployment if threatened. Poland has already designated zones that could be mined within days as part of future military fortifications along its eastern frontier.

Ukraine has similarly announced its withdrawal from the 1997 Ottawa treaty to better defend against Russia, which is not a party to the agreement.

This decision comes after nearly two decades of compliance since Ukraine joined the treaty in 2005, but the full-scale Russian invasion and Russia’s ongoing use of mines have forced Ukraine to reconsider its position.

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Ukraine exits global mine ban for self-defense reasons as Russia ignores international law

The Ukrainian government argues that the treaty unfairly restricts its right to self-defense under the UN Charter, especially as Russia cynically employs mines and other weapons without regard for international law. 

Lithuania and Finland plan to supply Ukraine with mines

Vincas Jurgutis, head of Lithuania’s defense industry association, said once production is established, Lithuania would be positioned to supply others including Ukraine.

Finland could also supply landmines to Ukraine, Finnish parliament defence committee chair Heikki Autto said. “It is not only right and our duty to support Ukraine, it is also important for Finland’s own security.”

But here’s the humanitarian concern: Anti-personnel mines detonate when triggered by contact, vibration or tripwires, and can harm civilians as well as combatants. Many remain in the ground long after conflicts conclude.

Anti-mine campaigners have criticized the countries leaving the Ottawa Convention, arguing that reintroducing anti-personnel mine production could be expensive and time-consuming to make fully operational.

Russia’s ambassador to Helsinki said in April that Finland’s decision to quit the Ottawa treaty would create risks only for Finnish residents since its military planned to mine only Finnish territory.

The countries’ governments, however, say any minefields must be marked for post-conflict clearance and regard such munitions as deterrence. “When we have them in storage, that is the best guarantee that they will never have to be used,” Autto said.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz declared that diplomatic solutions to the Russo-Ukrainian war have reached their limits, while committing to maintain Berlin’s assistance to Ukraine, according to Tagesschau and ZDF heute.

Merz promised continued German support “even against the resistance of the political left and the Russia-friendly right here in the house.”

The Chancellor justified the stance by arguing that traditional diplomatic channels no longer offer viable solutions.

“Diplomatic resources have been exhausted,” he told lawmakers, framing the situation as one where “a criminal regime uses military force to openly challenge the right to exist of an entire country and seeks to destroy the political freedom of the entire European continent.”

On defense spending, Merz framed Germany’s military investment as essential European leadership. “We’re taking on the leadership responsibility that Europe expects from us,” he said. The constitutional amendment enabling increased defense spending wasn’t just about Germany—without it, “NATO would probably have fallen apart in the 70th year of our membership.”

The Chancellor’s remarks come as Germany prepares substantial military assistance for 2025. In June, Defense Minister Boris Pistorius announced plans for Berlin to provide €9 billion ($10 billion) in military aid to Ukraine next year, with portions allocated specifically for long-range weapons production financing.

However, contradictions have emerged in Germany’s weapons policy. While Pistorius rejected any current consideration of transferring long-range TAURUS cruise missiles to Ukraine, Chancellor Merz had described such weapons deliveries as possible just one month earlier.

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Bild: Germany’s Ukraine aid promise math doesn’t add up as € 900 million missing from actual budget

The European Union is exploring the establishment of a €100 billion ($117 billion) fund to provide continued financial assistance to Ukraine as the war in its fourth year shows no end in sight, according to Bloomberg. 

The proposed funding mechanism may be incorporated into the EU’s next seven-year budget framework, which is scheduled for presentation on 16 July, the sources told Bloomberg.

If approved by member states during budgetary negotiations, disbursements would begin in 2028 to ensure uninterrupted financial support for Ukraine.

How much has Europe already committed? Nearly €160 billion ($187 billion) since Russia’s invasion began three and a half years ago. That includes a €50 billion ($58 billion) fund providing grants and loans through 2027, plus another $50 billion loan backed by frozen Russian assets.

The new proposal would extend that timeline indefinitely. EU Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis put it simply: the bloc stands “ready to provide all necessary support for Ukraine for as long as it’s needed.”

The European Commission would distribute grants and loans, most tied to governance reforms required for EU membership. Ukraine has been implementing these changes even while fighting a war.

The proposal remains under consideration alongside other alternatives and will undergo further discussion before the Multiannual Financial Framework details are finalized. 

The White House is considering delivering an additional Patriot air-defense system to Ukraine, two officials told the Wall Street Journal. This would mark Trump’s first approval of a major weapons system beyond what Biden had authorized.

The White House has requested options from the Pentagon for sending Ukraine additional weapons, including a Patriot system, one official told the Wall Street Journal. Officials are also examining whether other countries can provide more Patriots to Kyiv.

Previously Axios reported, citing two sources, that Trump has committed to sending ten Patriot interceptor missiles immediately, far fewer than Ukraine needs to defend against constant Russian missile attacks.

Ukraine needs Patriots to save civilian lives

Russian forces launch waves of missiles and drones almost nightly. On the night of 9 July, Russia conducted its largest-ever aerial assault on Ukraine since the full-scale invasion began in 2022, firing a record 741 air targets, including 728 drones and 13 missiles across multiple regions. 

The capital city of Kyiv faces regular bombardment targeting civilian infrastructure. Ukraine’s existing Patriots work around the clock, but they can’t cover the entire country. So Russian missiles hit apartment buildings, schools, and hospitals.

Ukraine has maybe seven Patriot systems total, but only a handful operate simultaneously due to maintenance cycles.

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Trump flips on Ukraine weapons cutoff: “We have to help them”

According to a former Pentagon official cited by the Wall Street Journal, the United States has provided three Patriot systems to Kyiv, Germany has sent another three, and a European consortium has contributed one system. 

Ukraine’s older Soviet-era air defenses can’t match modern Russian cruise missiles and hypersonic weapons. Only advanced Western systems like Patriots can reliably intercept today’s threats. That’s why Ukrainian officials constantly plead for more—each additional system saves hundreds of lives.

“They are getting hit very, very hard. So many people are dying in that mess,” Trump said on 7 July. He’s praised Ukrainian troops for their fight while emphasizing defensive weapons: “Ukraine must have the capabilities to defend itself.”

US hesitates with sanctions on Russia’s energy exports

President Donald Trump, however, stalled a bipartisan US Senate sanctions bill aimed at imposing up to 500% tariffs on Russian energy exports, which had overwhelming support from 82 senators and was designed to choke off Russia’s war economy, particularly its trade with China and India.

Despite the bill’s backing by key Republicans and Democrats, the White House hesitated to move forward, with Trump expressing concerns that harsh sanctions might undermine ongoing peace talks with Russia. Senators Lindsey Graham and Richard Blumenthal, the bill’s authors, criticized Putin’s insincerity in peace negotiations and urged stronger measures, while some lawmakers argued the sanctions would strengthen US leverage.

Can economic pressure work? “Putin sees no reason to stop the war, because the US hasn’t taken action to force him to change his calculus,” said Alina Polyakova from the Center for European Policy Analysis, according to WSJ. 

Ukraine faced its most extensive aerial bombardment since Russia’s full-scale invasion began in 2022, with Russian forces deploying 741 air targets against multiple regions on the night of 9 July. 

The timing matters. This bombardment came as multiple countries pushed for ceasefires and peace talks. Russia’s response? Its biggest terror campaign yet.

Russian forces launched 728 drones of various types and 13 missiles against Ukrainian territory, according to Ukraine’s Air Forces. The drone fleet included over 300 Shahed models alongside other unmanned systems. The missile component consisted of seven X-101 and Iskander-K cruise missiles plus six X-47 Kinzhal aeroballistic missiles.

Ukrainian air defenses intercepted 718 of the incoming targets. Seven cruise missiles were destroyed, while 728 drones were neutralized through direct fire or electronic warfare systems. 

City in western Ukraine takes the worst hit

The western city of Lutsk endured what Mayor Ihor Polishchuk described as “the most massive shelling of the city since the beginning of the full-scale war.” Regional administration head Ivan Rudnytsky reported that the Russian forces targeted the city with five missiles and 50 drones.

The attacks triggered fires at a garage cooperative and an industrial facility, according to Mayor Polishchuk. No fatalities were reported from the Lutsk strikes, though the assault caused significant property damage across the city.

One woman injured in Kyiv Oblast

Beyond Lutsk, Russian projectiles struck targets in central Kyiv and Zhytomyr oblasts and western Ternopil, and Ivano-Frankivsk oblasts. In Kyiv Oblast, strike drones injured one woman who sustained a closed chest fracture, according to regional administration head Mykola Kalashnyk.

Ternopil city came under attack from cruise missiles and strike drones, though officials provided no immediate damage assessment. In Khmelnytskyi Oblast, regional head Serhii Tyurin reported damage to a private residence’s roof and walls.

Zelenskyy calls for stronger sanctions

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy characterized the bombardment as a “telling attack” occurring amid international peace efforts that Russia continues to reject.

“This is a telling attack – and it comes precisely at a time when so many efforts have been made to achieve peace, to establish a ceasefire, and yet only Russia continues to rebuff them all,” he wrote.

Zelenskyy said the attack proved the need for “biting sanctions against oil, which has been fueling Moscow’s war machine with money for over three years of the war.”

The president emphasized that “everyone who wants peace must act,” calling for secondary sanctions against entities purchasing Russian oil and “sponsoring killings.”

Russia was clearly preparing for major attack

The massive 9 July attack followed a notably smaller Russian drone strike on 8 July that brought just a handful of drones against eastern Mykolaiv Oblast. One man was wounded, some fires started, but nothing approaching the scale of what followed.

Russia often scales back daily attacks for 24-48 hours, then unleashes everything at once. The quiet nights aren’t mercy—they’re preparation.

Why stockpile drones? Because mass psychological impact requires mass numbers. A few dozen drones every night becomes routine. But 728 in one assault? That keeps entire populations awake, wondering when the next mega-attack will come.

Ukraine just cleared its first domestically built laser-targeting drone for battlefield use. The R-34-T can now illuminate targets for guided bombs and artillery rounds across Defense Forces units.

Why does this matter? Most precision weapons need someone to “paint” the target with a laser beam. Until now, Ukrainian forces relied on ground teams or imported systems for this dangerous work.

The drone was built specifically for Ukraine’s military and passed all required tests, according to the Ministry of Defense. But what makes it different from commercial drones Ukraine has been using?

The R-34-T carries protected communication links that resist Russian jamming. Its modular design allows quick repairs and upgrades. And it can operate at longer ranges than typical battlefield drones.

Here’s the tactical advantage: Ukrainian artillery and aircraft can now hit targets with surgical precision even when enemy air defenses are active. The laser guidance dramatically improves accuracy at extended distances—exactly what Ukraine needs against dug-in Russian positions.

The Ministry of Defense emphasizes that the system’s resistance to radio-electronic warfare tools represents a key operational advantage.

Ukraine has been pushing to reduce ammunition waste while keeping operators safer. The R-34-T addresses both problems—fewer missed shots mean less exposure time for crews.

The R-34-T now joins combat units nationwide, putting homegrown precision targeting directly into Ukrainian hands.

Armenia formally protested to Russia over what it describes as hostile propaganda targeting the Armenian government on Russian state television.

Armenian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Ani Badalyan confirmed that the Ministry delivered a diplomatic note to the Russian Ambassador expressing “strong dissatisfaction” with coverage on Russian state media channels, Armen Press reports.

According to Badalyan, the Ministry made the note’s contents public because “the issue is of significant concern to Armenian citizens.”

What exactly triggered Armenia’s anger? The note targets “openly unfriendly, often hostile propaganda against the Government of the Republic of Armenia in Russian mass media.” The complaint specifically calls out “offensive language during live broadcasts on Russian state television.”

Here’s where it gets personal. Russian officials criticized Armenia’s recent arrests of alleged coup plotters, with some Russia’s State Duma members calling the crackdown “another unfriendly step by Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.”

The dispute stems partly from Armenia’s prosecution of Archbishop Mikael Ajapakhyan, head of the Shirak Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church, who faces charges based on making public calls to overthrow the government, particularly for being critical of the minister Pashinyan.

When authorities tried arresting the Archbishop, clergy and supporters clashed with security forces at Echmiadzin Monastery. The crowd blocked the arrest, forcing officers to retreat to prevent a possible escalation. The Archbishop later traveled to Yerevan voluntarily and surrendered to investigators.

Armenia’s response was blunt: How is preventing a coup an unfriendly act? The diplomatic note calls such statements “not only absurd” but “gross interference in the internal affairs of the Republic of Armenia.”

What’s Armenia’s theory? The Foreign Ministry suggests this appears “deliberately pursued to undermine democracy, the rule of law, and the constitutional order in Armenia.” Strong words between supposed allies.

The diplomatic note ends with a demand for Russia to take “immediate and effective measures” to stop what Armenia calls unfriendly actions.

Earlier, Armenian Parliament Speaker Alen Simonyan said authorities should “seriously consider” banning Russian TV channels entirely.

US President Donald Trump described his recent phone conversation with Vladimir Putin as “disappointing” while praising his follow-up call with Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelenskyy as “very good and strategic.”

Trump spoke with Zelenskyy on 4 July and told journalists aboard Air Force One that he was pleased with this recent conversation.

Zelenskyy described their discussion as a “very important and fruitful conversation” covering Ukraine’s air defense needs, joint defense production and “mutual procurement and investment.”

Trump echoed the positive tone, telling reporters: “I think it was a very good conversation, a very strategic conversation.”

What did Trump say about continued military aid? Despite the pause, he indicated support would resume: “We have been helping them and will continue to help.” However, it is unclear what kind of support he is referring to here. 

When pressed specifically about Patriot air defense systems, Trump suggested the possibility remained open, responding “Yes, maybe” to questions about future deliveries.

Trump says Putin doesn’t want to end war and killing

The call with Zelenskyy occurred just one day after a disappointing conversation with Russian leader Vladimir Putin that failed to advance Trump’s goal of ending the war.

How badly did that Putin call go?

“I was very disappointed” with the conversation, he told reporters early Friday morning. “I don’t think he [Putin] is looking to stop” the war.

Trump’s frustration showed through repeated criticism. “I was not happy with the conversation,” he said, later adding that Putin “seems he wants to go to the very end and continue killing people. That’s not good. That’s bad. I was dissatisfied.”

Trump has long promised to end the war quickly—famously claiming during his campaign he could do so within 24 hours. But the war continues, and Trump appears increasingly frustrated with Putin’s refusal to cooperate in negotiations.

Trump also acknowledged the complexity without offering specifics: “The situation is quite complex. We’ll see what happens next.”

Russia terrorizes civilians in Kyiv right after Trump’s call with Putin

On 4 July, just hours after a phone call between Trump and Putin, Russia launched one of the largest air assaults of the war on Kyiv, deploying a record wave of 550 air attack assets, including 539 Shahed-type drones and multiple ballistic and cruise missiles.

The attack caused widespread destruction across Kyiv and surrounding oblasts, damaging over 30 apartment buildings, educational institutions, and infrastructure, resulting in two deaths and at least 31 injuries, including a 10-year-old girl.

Ukrainian air defenses intercepted 478 aerial threats, but none of the ballistic missiles were stopped, highlighting Ukraine’s depleted missile defense capabilities amid paused US resupplies.

Russian forces launched coordinated strikes across multiple Ukrainian regions on the night of 4-5 July, hitting civilian targets with drones and artillery. The attacks wounded at least 16 people, with children among the casualties.

According to Ukraine’s air force, Russian forces launched 322 strike drones during the night, with Ukrainian air defense forces neutralizing 292 of them.

Kharkiv Oblast: Russian attack injures 13 people

The heaviest damage occurred in Chuhuiv, a city in Ukraine’s eastern Kharkiv Oblast near the frontline, where what officials called a massive drone barrage wounded 11 people, including a 10-year-old boy and 14-year-old girl.

The attack set off a major fire at one unspecified city facility that rescue teams were still fighting hours later, according to the State Emergency Service. Another drone hit the local post office and an abandoned building nearby.

How extensive was the damage? The postal strike sparked a second fire that spread to nearby homes and cars before firefighters contained it. Regional military administration head Oleh Syniehubov confirmed the casualty figures.

But Chuhuiv wasn’t the only target in Kharkiv Oblast. Russian forces also shelled Kupiansk the same day, wounding two more people who are now receiving medical treatment.

Kupiansk saw two apartment buildings hit, along with a school, two private homes, and a store.

Dnipropetrovsk Oblast: Russian attack injures three people 

Overnight, Russian forces also targeted Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, located close to the frontline, with kamikaze drones and artillery, according to regional head Serhii Lysak.

Air defenses shot down five drones, but falling debris still wounded three people in Dnipro district—two women and one man. The debris destroyed five country houses entirely. A 43-year-old man was treated as an outpatient for his injuries.

The strikes damaged an agricultural enterprise, private home, outbuilding, hair salon, and car across the region.

Donetsk Oblast that is largely occupied by Russia faced its own barrage. Russian shelling sparked four separate fires that rescue teams had to extinguish while under constant threat. The strikes damaged a store, an administrative building, and an enterprise facility, while also igniting a fire at a wheat field.

Ukraine conducted a large-scale drone attack against Russian territory on the night of 5 July, targeting multiple military installations across several regions. Russian authorities reported intercepting and destroying 94 Ukrainian drones, while acknowledging strikes on strategic military facilities.

Borisoglebsk: Where Russia trains its fighter pilots

The Ukrainian General Staff confirmed what NASA satellites had already detected—fires burning at Russia’s Borisoglebsk airfield in Voronezh Oblast.

Why target this particular base? It houses Su-34 fighter-bombers, Su-35S air superiority fighters, and Su-30SM multirole aircraft used to attack Ukrainian cities and infrastructure.

The attack resulted in damage to a warehouse containing guided aerial bombs and at least one training combat aircraft, with the General Staff noting that “possibly other aircraft” were also hit.

Regional governor Alexander Gusev acknowledged that security forces detected and destroyed “more than 25 drones” across four districts, while Russia’s Defense Ministry later claimed 34 drones were shot down in the region.

This marks the second major Ukrainian attack on the Borisoglebsk facility this year. Previous strikes in June resulted in the deaths of two Russian servicemen, though regional authorities initially concealed both the attack and the casualties.

Cheboksary: Hitting Russia’s drone defenses

Ukrainian forces struck the VNIIR-Progress facility in Cheboksary, the capital of Russia’s Chuvash Republic, marking the second attack on this strategic defense manufacturer since June.

The head of Chuvashia confirmed the strike, stating that production at the facility “has not been operating since the previous attack in June.”

The VNIIR-Progress plant produces critical military equipment, including “Komet” antennas designed to protect Russian drones from Ukrainian electronic warfare systems, according to Russian Telegram channel Astra. The facility also manufactures navigation equipment for missiles including the Iskander-M and Kalibr systems, as well as components for submarines.

Eyewitness footage showed police blocking access to both the industrial facility and a nearby shopping center following the attack.

A separate fire broke out at the Vutherm water heating boiler factory, located approximately four kilometers from the VNIIR-Progress plant, though the connection between the incidents remains unclear.

Additional strikes across Russian territory

The drone offensive extended to the Saratov region, where governor Roman Busargin reported damage to residential buildings in both Engels and Saratov. However, the Telegram channel Astra, citing local sources, indicated that explosions occurred “in the area of a military airfield,” suggesting the primary targets were military rather than civilian infrastructure.

Social media footage captured fires at various industrial facilities, indicating the scope of the Ukrainian operation extended beyond the officially acknowledged targets. 

“We’ve got a global front that matters to America.” State Department spokeswoman Tammy Bruce delivered that message during a 2 July briefing, as the Pentagon confirmed suspension of critical weapons shipments to Ukraine, including Patriot air defense missiles that protect civilians from constant Russian bombardment. 

Bruce also noted that Washington expects European partners to “chime in” more substantially because of “the fronts that we’re always dealing with around the world.”

For Ukraine, the timing couldn’t be more alarming. Officials in Kyiv are scrambling to understand why US shipments already staged in Poland were abruptly halted, requesting clarification and a phone call between President Zelenskyy and President Trump.

The decision also sparked concern in Europe. French President Emmanuel Macron held his first phone conversation with Vladimir Putin since 2022 this week—a two-hour discussion that yielded no breakthrough but may reflect growing anxiety about America’s shifting priorities.

Dr. Frank Ledwidge, a senior lecturer in War Studies at Portsmouth University in the UK, told Euromaidan Press that these developments mark the inevitable consequence of Europe’s long reliance on US military support.

But while European governments may now face a geopolitical reckoning, it is Ukrainians who are paying the real price, dying under Russian missiles, bombs, and drones. Euromaidan Press set out to examine whether Europe can finally deliver on its promises to “stand with Ukraine” and provide the air defense systems needed to help the country survive.

US halts Ukraine aid without warning

The weapons suspension caught even senior officials off guard—Congress members, State Department officials, and European allies learned about it from news reports, according to Politico. 

Pentagon policy chief Elbridge Colby appears to have driven the decision largely alone. He led an internal review that found US arsenals of artillery rounds, air defense missiles, and precision munitions had dropped to concerning levels. But here’s what didn’t happen: coordination with the rest of the government.

Who got blindsided? The State Department learned from media reports. The US embassy in Kyiv wasn’t consulted. Ukraine envoy Keith Kellogg’s team had no advance notice, Politico reports. 

Amid the chaos, the halted weapons represent Ukraine’s survival kit: Patriot interceptor missiles, 155mm artillery shells, HIMARS rockets, Stinger missiles, and Hellfire missiles. More than two dozen Patriot PAC-3 missiles and over 90 AIM air-to-air missiles were among weapons recalled from Poland, according to the Wall Street Journal. 

For Ledwidge, this decision reflects America’s strategic rebalancing rather than vindictiveness toward Ukraine.

 “The overriding strategic priority for the United States Armed Forces is the Western Pacific,” he notes. “The most effective systems that the Americans currently have are the ones most needed in Ukraine, but they would be very much in demand in the South China Sea and in any Taiwan contingency.”

But the Pacific isn’t America’s only concern. The US has already redirected 20,000 air defense missiles from Ukraine to Middle East operations against Iranian targets and Houthi forces in Yemen—part of what State Department spokeswoman Bruce called America’s “global front.” 

Europe’s air defenses fall short

White House Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly defended the suspension: “The strength of the United States Armed Forces remains unquestioned—just ask Iran.” She referenced recent US military operations against Iranian nuclear sites.

But does the decision contradict that claim? If American military strength were truly unquestioned, why suspend weapons to a critical ally during wartime?

Ledwidge sees a fundamental paradox. “The West has been projecting this idea of strength when, in fact, much of that strength is illusory. The American armed forces do look like a very large and powerful force, and they are. However, they are very broad but in some ways not very deep.”

This depth problem extends across the Atlantic.

The United Kingdom exemplifies this weakness: “We have no Patriots, some ship-based equivalent missiles but no land-based launchers, and no missile defense system at all in Britain.”

The production constraints are stark. Only 20-30 Patriot missiles can be manufactured monthly, while far more are consumed in Ukraine and Middle East operations.

“These systems take a very long time to develop and build up large stocks,” Ledwidge notes, highlighting the gap between political promises and industrial reality.

Trump pushes NATO to pay up

Europe’s predicament stems from decades of what NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte embarrassingly called relying on America as “Daddy.” Trump’s “America First” policy has shattered this arrangement.

The doctrine prioritizes American interests and capabilities above alliance commitments, demanding that allies shoulder greater responsibility for their own security rather than relying on US guarantees.

At the recent NATO summit in The Hague, Trump pushed European nations to spend 5% of GDP on defense, which is a target that doubles most current commitments.

Geography explains European divisions. Eastern European nations—Poland, the Baltic states, Finland—have taken Russian threats seriously. Poland began rearming a decade ago. 

“Only now are we seeing the weapons coming through,” Ledwidge notes, highlighting the long lead times for military modernization.

By contrast, southwestern European countries remain hesitant to embrace substantial defense spending increases. Why should they worry? “Spain and its leaders don’t really face Russia as a problem,” Ledwidge observes.

While Poland builds serious deterrent capabilities and the Baltic states invest heavily despite their small size, major Western European powers continue to prioritize social spending over military readiness.

Here’s the catch: “For the last 30 years, we’ve been paying heavily for social security and other priorities while America has underwritten our defenses. This is why Britain doesn’t have any serious air and missile defense system—why should we when the Americans will defend us?”

The comfortable arrangement is over. European leaders now show what Ledwidge describes as “rather fearful expressions.” Even Macron’s outreach to Putin represents choosing “from a few very poor options available to him” as France lacks military leverage to dictate terms to Russia.

Can decades of underinvestment be reversed quickly?

Russia’s allies deliver, Europe stalls

While Europe struggles with defense spending commitments and America suspends weapons shipments, Russia has built a robust support network.

North Korea plans to send an additional 25,000 to 30,000 troops to assist Russia, tripling its military commitment from the original 11,000 soldiers deployed in November 2024 to Russia’s Kursk Oblast. Over 6,000 North Korean troops have already been killed, wounded, or gone missing in heavy frontline fighting.

Additionally, North Korea has supplied Russia with millions of artillery shells, along with missiles, long-range rocket systems, self-propelled howitzers, and short-range missile systems.

China’s role proves more substantial despite official denials. Chinese manufacturers supply Russia with 80% of critical electronics for Russian drones, according to Ukraine’s Foreign Intelligence Service. Beijing provides machine tools, special chemicals, gunpowder, and components directly to 20 Russian military factories.

“They use so-called shell companies, change names, do everything to avoid being subject to export control,” Ukrainian intelligence explains.

The production numbers tell the story.

Iran adds another layer through its January strategic partnership with Russia, covering defense cooperation and intelligence sharing. The country is most known for providing Russian forces with Shahed-136 attack drones, which Russia has since been able to manufacture independently. 

Compare this coordination to Western hesitation. While Russia receives troops, workers, and industrial components from allies, Ukraine’s Western partners debate long-range strike permissions for months and suspend aid deliveries.

Europe lacks “escalation dominance”—European powers cannot “dictate the levels of force and coercion” necessary to shape outcomes on their terms, Ledwidge believes.

Can Europe replace lost US missiles?

Think of Ukraine’s air defense like a castle’s defenses. Multiple walls protect against different threats.

The first wall: Shoulder-fired MANPADS that soldiers carry. Can Europe replace these? Yes. Poland’s Piorun and France’s Mistral systems work fine as substitutes.

The second wall: Short-range systems protecting tactical areas. Again, European alternatives exist, though in smaller quantities.

The critical third wall: Medium-range coverage that protects entire regions. Here’s where problems start. Ukraine relies heavily on American Patriots, NASAMS, and HAWK interceptors. Germany’s IRIS-T and the French-Italian SAMP-T offer similar capabilities, but “there aren’t as many launchers as there are Patriots,” Ledwidge explains.

The final wall: Long-range interceptors that stop ballistic missiles. This is where Europe falls short completely.

But Ukraine has already shown creativity under pressure. Necessity forced Ukrainian engineers to create hybrid “Franken-Buk” systems—mounting American AIM-7 missiles on old Soviet launchers when original Soviet missiles ran out.

Here’s the real problem: The dependency extends beyond ground systems to fighter aircraft. Ukraine’s F-16s use American AIM-9 and AIM-120 missiles. European nations possess limited stocks of compatible air-to-air munitions.

For HIMARS systems? “Europeans simply can’t backfill those—they’re an American form of munition,” Ledwidge notes.

Ukraine could potentially maintain basic air defense using European systems. But the country would lose much capability against Russia’s most dangerous weapons—ballistic missiles and long-range cruise missiles that require Patriot-level systems.

The timing couldn’t be worse. Russian engineers have systematically upgraded Shahed drones. Newer variants fly at 2,800 meters altitude and reach 550-600 km/h—too high for machine guns, too fast for helicopters. 

Modern Shaheds carry 12-channel navigation systems that resist electronic jamming. Their 90-kilogram (198 lbs) warheads also double earlier destruction potential.

These technological advances create a perfect storm: just as Ukraine loses access to American interceptors, Russian weapons become harder to counter with existing European alternatives.

What’s next for Ukraine’s air defenses?

Ledwidge sees little optimism about European defense commitments. Recent promises of 150 billion euros for EU defense funds and 650 billion in loan facilities “will never be taken up because there isn’t sufficient commitment, particularly from Southern Europe.”

The €150 billion comes from the EU’s newly established Security Action for Europe (SAFE) regulation, approved in May 2025. It provides loans to member states for joint arms procurement and defense technology development. The €650 billion represents loosened fiscal rules allowing countries to increase national defense budgets substantially over the coming years under the ReArm Europe program.

Why does he believe these funds won’t materialize? Sophisticated weapons systems require enormous financial investments and years of development time. The gap between political declarations and actual capability generation reflects deeper structural problems in European decision-making.

His prediction extends beyond the current crisis: “There will be an even bigger panic when the Americans actually start withdrawing troops.”

For Ukraine, that panic has already begun. As Washington delays critical decisions and European rearmament remains mostly on paper, the country continues to fight under daily missile fire, often without the systems it urgently needs. Kyiv is still awaiting a response to its $30–50 billion weapons purchase proposal, a last-ditch effort to secure enough air defense and ammunition to survive the coming months.

While Europe debates fiscal frameworks and timelines, Ukraine is left asking a more immediate question: can its allies deliver real support now—before it’s too late?

Russia just became the first nation to formally recognize the Taliban government in Afghanistan—nearly four years after the group seized power again. 

The recognition came as Russia accepted credentials from Afghanistan’s new ambassador, a move that the Russian Foreign Ministry stated would “give impetus to the development of productive bilateral cooperation between our countries in various fields.”

“We value this courageous step taken by Russia, and, God willing, it will serve as an example for others as well,” said Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi.

Russia seeks trade and economic opportunities from Taliban

The Russian Foreign Ministry outlined concrete benefits: cooperation in security, counter-terrorism, and combating drug crime. More importantly, Moscow sees “significant trade and economic opportunities” in energy, transport, agriculture, and infrastructure.

This isn’t sudden diplomacy. Russia has been quietly building economic ties with the Taliban for years. Since 2022, Afghanistan has imported gas, oil, and wheat from Russia. 

Russia’s approach required reversing its previous position, as the Taliban had been designated a terrorist movement in Russia since 2003 until the ban was lifted in April this year.

Will other countries recognize Taliban?

Several nations have already moved partway. China, the United Arab Emirates, Uzbekistan, and Pakistan appointed ambassadors to Kabul—steps toward recognition without full diplomatic acknowledgment, according to Reuters.

But Western governments remain firmly opposed. Their position centers on one issue: women’s rights. The Taliban has banned girls and women from high schools and universities. Women cannot move freely without male guardians. Western diplomats say broader recognition won’t happen until these policies change.

The Taliban justifies these restrictions under its interpretation of Islamic law. That creates a fundamental standoff with Western expectations.

The decision also comes as Russia faces security challenges from militant groups operating across the region. President Vladimir Putin described the Taliban last year as an ally in fighting terrorism, a characterization that gained relevance following the March 2024 attack on a Moscow concert hall that killed 149 people, which US officials attributed to the Afghan branch of Islamic State.

Western isolation strategy crumbles

Russia’s recognition carries particular weight given Moscow’s bloody history in Afghanistan. Soviet forces invaded in 1979, fought for a decade against the Mujahideen insurgents, and withdrew in 1989 after losing approximately 15,000 soldiers. Putin is now embracing the group that emerged from that conflict’s aftermath.

Meanwhile, the US has frozen billions in Afghanistan’s central bank assets and maintains sanctions on Taliban leaders. Russia’s move could encourage other countries to break ranks, potentially undermining the Western isolation strategy.

For the Taliban, this represents their biggest diplomatic victory since taking power. They’ve broken the wall of non-recognition that has defined their international status for nearly four years.

Ukraine and Russia conducted another prisoner exchange on 4 July, with both countries releasing military personnel under 25 years old, wounded and seriously ill defenders, and civilians.

How many prisoners came home this time? Ukrainian officials aren’t saying yet, but say they’ll announce the exact numbers once all exchange phases wrap up.

The released Ukrainians included some of the war’s youngest defenders—soldiers barely out of their teens alongside seasoned veterans. The youngest freed defender was just 20 years old. The oldest: 59.

Who exactly came back? Soldiers from Ukraine’s Armed Forces, National Guard, border guards, and transport security services. But this exchange also freed civilians—people caught up in Russia’s detention system who weren’t combatants at all.

Soldiers who spent three years in captivity finally home

Among those walking free were defenders of Mariupol, the port city that became synonymous with Ukrainian resistance. These soldiers had been in Russian custody since 2022, when the city finally fell after months of siege.

How long had most been held? More than three years, according to the Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War. The released fighters had defended positions across Ukraine’s eastern and southern fronts—Donetsk, Kharkiv, Luhansk, and Kherson.

Russia creates fake diplomatic progress

The freed Ukrainians will undergo medical screening and receive rehabilitation support, both physical and psychological. They’ll also get back pay covering their entire time in captivity.

Will the Istanbul approach continue? Both sides appear committed to the framework, which has produced more regular exchanges than previous negotiation attempts. The focus on categories rather than raw numbers seems to have broken through earlier deadlocks.

Meanwhile, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy accused Russia of weaponizing prisoner exchanges to create fake diplomatic progress that delays new sanctions and weakens US support for Ukraine.

He warns Moscow uses these swaps and prolonged talks like those in Istanbul to buy time while continuing military operations, exploiting a major sanctions loophole that lets Russia keep producing nuclear-capable “Oreshnik” intercontinental ballistic missiles through unsanctioned companies. 

Ben Burgess came to Ukraine believing the country deserved freedom. He died fighting for it.

The 33-year-old former British Army soldier was killed 20 June while operating drones in Andriivka, a contested village in northern Sumy Oblast just three miles from Russia’s border, where Russian forces are actively advancing. Local reports confirmed his death during combat operations with the 78th Air Assault Regiment.

How did a Portsmouth native end up flying military drones in Ukraine’s most dangerous zones?

Burgess, known by his call sign “Budgie,” volunteered in 2022 when Russia’s full-scale invasion began. He started with artillery units in Zaporizhzhia before moving to medical evacuations in Donetsk—work that meant retrieving wounded soldiers under fire, the Telegraph reports.

But drones became his specialty. First-person-view (FPV) drones, specifically—the kind that require split-second decisions and nerves most people don’t possess.

“He was among the best pilots we had,” said his fellow soldier “Azrael,” one of the last foreign fighters in their regiment. “He came to Ukraine because he truly believed in its freedom. And he died fighting for that.”

I’ve lost many friends in this war—he’s my biggest loss

Forty people gathered at Kyiv’s main crematorium 30 June to say goodbye, according to Kyiv Post. Mourners laid sunflowers and roses on his coffin as Ukraine’s national anthem played. Later, they planted a flag in his honor at Maidan Square among hundreds of other memorials.

The messages left on his flag tell the story: “Thank you for protecting.” “Love you brother, until we meet again.” “Ben was a true Cossack.”

Burgess left behind a girlfriend in Odesa but no children. For his friend Azrael, the loss cuts deeper than professional respect.

“We were the last two foreign fighters in our regiment,” he said. “He was my family here. I’ve lost many friends in this war—he’s my biggest loss.”

A Foreign Office spokesman confirmed Britain is supporting Burgess’s family and coordinating with Ukrainian authorities.

Vladimir Putin appears to have abandoned his narrowed military objectives in favor of conquering all of Ukraine, according to recent statements and battlefield developments.

 “All of Ukraine is ours,” he told an economic forum in St. Petersburg last week. “Wherever the Russian soldier treads is ours.”

The declaration came as Russian forces attempted to push into Sumy, a region Putin never bothered to annex in 2022. Why the shift?

After failing to capture Kyiv in 2022, he pulled back and focused on four eastern and southern regions: Luhansk, Donetsk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia. He annexed them in September 2022, signaling narrower, more achievable goals.

His original strategy isn’t working, the Telegraph reports. Nearly three years later, he still doesn’t fully control even one of those regions.

Russia claims full control of Luhansk after three years

However, Russian forces claimed Monday they captured the final sliver of Luhansk Oblast after controlling 99% of it for years. If confirmed, Luhansk becomes the first Ukrainian region to fall completely since Putin seized Crimea in 2014. However, so far there has been no independent verification from the Russian Defense Ministry or Ukrainian authorities. 

But three years to capture one region? That’s not the lightning campaign Putin promised.

Ukraine rejects penetration of Russian forces into Dnipropetrovsk Oblast

Multiple Russian Telegram channels also claimed forces seized their first village in Dnipropetrovsk oblast, bordering Donetsk Oblast.

Ukraine’s General Staff disputed this, saying a small Russian reconnaissance group penetrated Dachne village, took photos with a Russian flag, then died.

“The invaders managed to take photos with the Russian tricolor, but this was their last activity: Ukrainian soldiers destroyed the occupiers,” military officials stated.

Explore further

ISW: Russian forces advance to Dnipropetrovsk Oblast border

Ukrainian military officials said information about establishing a bridgehead in Dnipropetrovsk region does not correspond to reality, and that Ukrainian units continue to contain pressure from Russian forces attempting to cross the administrative border between Donetsk and Dnipropetrovsk regions without success.

Still, the attempt matters. In over a decade of war, Ukraine never had to defend Dnipropetrovsk from ground invasion. The flat terrain and sparse settlements could allow swift Russian advances—if they can establish a foothold.

Tens of thousands of Russian troops are also massing around Sumy and Kharkiv, which are bordering Russia on the northeast. Both regions were early war targets Putin failed to capture.

Meanwhile, North Korea plans to significantly increase its military support for Russia in the war against Ukraine by sending an additional 25,000 to 30,000 troops, tripling its current deployment of about 11,000 soldiers initially sent in November 2024. 

North Korean troops were involved in helping Russian soldiers to push back Ukrainian forces which occupied a part of Russia’s Kursk Oblast, which borders Sumy. As of 2025, Russia regained control over most of the region.

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60 Sumy border settlements completely abandoned amid intensified Russian attacks and offensive threat

Putin believes he captures “historical Russian cities”

Angelica Evans from the Institute for the Study of War traced Putin’s expanded ambitions to his May visit to Kursk. There, he ordered creation of a “buffer zone” along Ukraine’s border.

“That was a light way to introduce that into the information space,” Evans told The Telegraph. “First, it’s a buffer zone, it’s just 30km to protect Russians. Then you’re not that far from major regional cities, so why not take those?”

The logic follows Putin’s historical claims. If these are “historic Russian cities,” why not seize them?

The expanded operations coincide with increased strikes on civilian targets. Recent attacks killed 18 people in a Kyiv apartment building and 17 passengers on a civilian train in Dnipropetrovsk region.

Evans suggested these strikes serve multiple purposes:

“A lot of these strikes are about undermining Ukrainian morale and for some of these settlements, that are closer to the frontline, an effort to convince people to leave and to make it easier in the future to seize these places.”

Peace talks dead in the water

Meanwhile, peace negotiations have stalled following two rounds of direct talks in May and June that yielded only agreements on prisoner exchanges and repatriation of the dead. Putin has stated that talks are “nowhere close” to success after efforts by Donald Trump failed to progress.

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Ukraine and Russia to exchange prisoners of war this weekend — only result of Istanbul peace talks

During Istanbul peace talks in May, Russian officials reportedly warned Ukraine that Moscow could sustain its war effort for 21 years. Vladimir Medinsky, who led the Russian delegation, said Moscow wanted peace but would fight “however long it takes” and threatened to annex Sumy and Kharkiv if Ukraine rejected Putin’s demands.

Keith Kellogg, Trump’s special envoy for Russia and Ukraine, blamed Russia for derailing negotiations.

“Russian claims that it is the US and Ukraine stalling peace talks are unfounded,” Kellogg said. “We urge an immediate ceasefire and a move to trilateral talks to end the war. Russia cannot continue to stall for time while it bombs civilian targets in Ukraine.”

Russia is expanding its military training infrastructure to include motorcycle programs as part of efforts to formalize new assault tactics developed during the war in Ukraine, according to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW).

The Russian Ministry of Defense published footage on 27 and 28 June showing officials visiting the Novosibirsk Higher Military Command School and a new military training ground in Krasnodar Krai, highlighting the creation of motorcycle training programs at these facilities.

Defense Minister Andrei Belousov ordered Ground Forces Commander Andrei Mordvichev to equip training facilities with motorcycles and All-terrain vehicles (ATVs) for what they’re calling “modern tactics.”

Russia has already modernized over 200 training centers based on what they’ve learned in Ukraine. The Krasnodar training ground now features dedicated tracks for motorcycles, ATVs, and quad bikes.

Who’s behind this tactical shift?

Ground Forces Commander Andrei Mordvichev appears to be the architect. Russian sources claim he pioneered motorcycle and ATV use in late 2024 during pushes toward Pokrovsk in Donetsk Oblast. By June 2025, his forces had developed formal operating procedures—now being rolled out across other front sectors.

But here’s the current reality: most Russian soldiers still get their motorcycles from volunteers or buy them personally. Mordvichev wants to change that through centralized procurement and stockpiling.

How many motorcycles is Russia buying?

The numbers vary dramatically depending on the source. Russian military channels report the country purchased over 40,000 Chinese-made motorcycles in 2024, with forces receiving 20,000 so far.

Future plans? One military source claims Russia wants 120,000 motorcycles, 30,000 ATVs, and 12,000 buggies by year’s end. Another source suggests an even more ambitious target: up to 200,000 motorcycles and 60,000 other light vehicles in 2025.

Do motorcycle assaults actually work?

Here’s where Russian confidence meets battlefield reality. A former Storm Z instructor painted a grim picture on 30 June: motorcycles and ATVs are sitting ducks for Ukrainian FPV drones. Worse, motorcycle assaults create higher killed-to-wounded ratios than traditional infantry attacks.

The instructor identified a potential solution—coordinating motorcycle units with heavy air support, drone coverage, and electronic warfare. But that level of coordination remains theoretical.

What’s the current impact? According to the Institute for the Study of War, motorcycles have marginally improved Russian forces’ ability to navigate contested areas and evade some drone strikes. The catch: Russia’s advance rate hasn’t meaningfully accelerated despite integrating these faster vehicles.

The Pentagon decided to halt shipments of certain air defense missiles and precision munitions to Ukraine right as Russia unleashes its heaviest bombardments on Ukrainian civilians in months.

The decision came from Pentagon policy chief Elbridge Colby after a stark internal review, Politico reports. Three sources familiar with the move say US arsenals of artillery rounds, air defense missiles, and precision munitions have dropped to concerning levels. The initial call was made in early June, but implementation waited until now.

Which weapons are affected? The list reads like Ukraine’s shopping list for survival:

• Patriot interceptor missiles
• 155mm artillery shells
• HIMARS rockets
• Stinger missiles
• Hellfire missiles 

PBS correspondent Nick Schifrin reported the Pentagon also halted AIM-7 air-to-air missiles and GMLRS rockets for Ukraine’s most effective long-range systems.

The timing couldn’t be worse. Ukraine faces some of Russia’s largest missile and drone barrages targeting civilians in Kyiv and beyond. Each intercepted Russian missile requires an American-made interceptor that now won’t be replaced.

Why did this happen? A Pentagon insider reveals the agency has been sorting munitions by criticality since February, partly because of heavy weapons use in Yemen operations. An action memo sat on Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s desk for months during personnel turnover. The plan: redirect artillery shells, tank rounds, and air defense systems back to the US homeland or Israel.

But wasn’t Trump just promising more Patriots? He was. After meeting Zelenskyy at the NATO summit, Trump said Ukraine could get additional Patriot systems.

“They do want to have the anti-missile missiles, as they call them, and we’re going to see if we can make some available,” he told reporters. “They’re very hard to get.”

The White House defended the suspension through Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly.

“This decision was made to put America’s interests first following a DOD review of our nation’s military support and assistance to other countries across the globe. The strength of the United States Armed Forces remains unquestioned — just ask Iran,” Kelly said.

Congressional allies aren’t buying it. Rep. Marcy Kaptur, who co-chairs the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus, warned that halting shipments “will surely result in the imminent death of many Ukrainian military and civilians.” She called Patriot systems “the centerpiece of Ukraine’s defenses” that “save lives every day.”

Is this legal? The suspension echoes Trump’s 2019 freeze of $214 million in Ukraine aid. The Government Accountability Office ruled that move violated the Impoundment Control Act—policy disagreements aren’t grounds to block congressionally appropriated funds. If the current freeze follows the same pattern, it risks the same legal violations.

How critical are these weapons? Tom Karako from the Center for Strategic and International Studies put it simply: “Air defense won’t win a war for you—but the absence of it will lose one fast.”

The suspended weapons come from two funding streams established under Biden. Some represent drawdowns from current US stockpiles, with Congress providing money to replenish them. Others come through the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, where the US funds direct purchases from American defense firms.

Can Ukraine buy replacements? Zelenskyy says Ukraine stands ready to purchase a “large aid package” from the United States, estimated between $30 to $50 billion. Kyiv has submitted its wish list and awaits Washington’s response.

The question now: Will those interceptors arrive before Russia’s next barrage?

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Ukraine submits multibillion-dollar  weapons purchase list to US as Trump halts new aid for months

Russian forces hit a hospital in Kherson and destroyed a mail depot in Donetsk Oblast during widespread drone attacks that injured at least 14 civilians across three regions.

Ukraine’s air defenses shot down 79 of 118 incoming threats on the night of 2 July. Russian forces launched 4 S-300 missiles and 114 Iranian-designed Shahed drones, according to Ukraine’s Air Forces. Enemy drones found their targets at 14 locations.

Kherson: Artillery hits hospital late in the evening

Russian gunners targeted Kherson Regional Hospital during evening hours when patients would be sleeping. The 11 p.m. artillery strike wounded eight people—five patients recovering from other conditions, plus three nurses on duty.

A 44-year-old hospital worker took shrapnel to the chest and needed surgery. Two other medical staff, ages 54 and 44, were treated and released. Four patients remain hospitalized: men aged 58 and 60, women aged 64 and 57. All suffered blast injuries and shrapnel wounds.

The building tells the story. More than 100 windows blown out. Patient wards destroyed. Facade cracked from the explosion.

Oleksandr Prokudin, who runs Kherson’s regional administration, reported 10 people wounded across the area in 24 hours. Russian forces hit apartment buildings, private homes, farms, and vehicles throughout the day.

Donetsk Oblast: Mail service disrupted in Sloviansk

Shahed drones leveled Nova Poshta’s sorting facility in Sloviansk, eliminating 300 packages but sparing 5,000 others. No workers died as the terminal was likely empty during night operations.

“We are restructuring package sorting and logistics, but delays in shipments from Sloviansk are possible,” Nova Poshta announced. The company will pay compensation to affected customers.

Here’s the broader impact: Sloviansk serves as a logistics hub for eastern Ukraine. Disrupting mail delivery affects everything from medicine shipments to family communications.

Kharkiv: Drones torch agricultural targets

Russian operators steered drones into farm buildings in two villages near the front line. Warehouse fires erupted in Borivske and Volska Balakliia after direct hits on agricultural enterprises.

Why target farms? Ukraine feeds much of the world. Destroying grain storage and farming equipment creates food shortages months later.

Three people were injured in the agricultural strikes, according to preliminary reports.

In Kharkiv city itself, a drone hit an abandoned building that caught fire across 300 square meters. The blast damaged a car repair shop, apartment building, and bus stop nearby. No casualties reported there.

Russia continues targeting civilian infrastructure, such as hospitals, postal services, and farms, rather than military positions. The strategy appears designed to make daily life unbearable for Ukrainian civilians.

A Russian nurse approached the wounded Ukrainian prisoner of war lying in his hospital bed and told him not to worry. “When you get home, you can remove it or get a tattoo over it,” she said.

At first, the soldier had no idea what she was talking about until he lifted his head from the pillow and looked at his stomach. There, burned into his skin, were the words “Glory to Russia.”

On 28 June, United24 released a YouTube interview with the soldier himself. Andrii, a paratrooper from Ukraine’s 79th Air Assault Brigade, was exchanged in May as a result of Istanbul negotiations that did not, however, yield a ceasefire.

Ukrainian serviceman, who was captured following severe combat injuries, described systematic torture during more than 15 months in Russian captivity and detailed how a Russian surgeon branded the inscription onto his body using medical equipment during surgery.

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He asked Russian captors to “finish him off”

Andrii’s unit faced relentless Russian assaults in eastern Ukraine. His position had been reduced to rubble—”not even tree stumps” remained, he said. They held one dugout with an entrance barely two meters wide, repelling two or three attacks daily. Then came the grenade that changed everything.

“I heard the sound of a grenade pin being pulled. It landed right next to me,” he shared. “I knew that that was it. There was an explosion, then silence and darkness.”

He woke up paralyzed from the waist down, convinced his legs were gone. When he reached down, they were still there but completely numb. Russian soldiers were already dragging him from the dugout. They seemed surprised he survived—no pulse, no breathing, no heartbeat when they first checked. The blast also shredded his buttock and caused severe internal injuries that would require multiple surgeries. But he was alive, barely, and now their prisoner.

Unable to walk, he was carried on a stretcher to Russian positions. That’s when his 15 months of captivity began and when he repeatedly asked his captors to “finish me off” rather than face what lay ahead.

Andrii said that Russian forces brought him to a hospital after interrogation and torture that included electric shocks applied directly to his open wounds. Medical staff operated on him while he was unconscious, and he only discovered the marking a week later when transferred to a regular hospital room.

“I had no idea what she was talking about. I lifted my head from a pillow just to look at my stomach. And there it was. ‘Glory to Russia,'” he said in the interview. “As far as I know, it was burned to my skin with a medical cautery tool.”

When asked who performed the procedure, he identified the surgeon who had operated on him. “It was the surgeon who operated on me. The very first one,” he stated.

Ukrainian doctors are now working to eraze what the Russian surgeon left behind. The “Unburnt” national program provides free treatment for war-related injuries and has begun procedures to remove the inscription.

The process started with polynucleotide injections to stimulate tissue regeneration. Maksym Turkevych, the program’s director, expects the multi-stage treatment will leave only minimal traces visible within months.

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But this case raises bigger questions about what’s happening to Ukrainian prisoners.

Systematic torture in Russian captivity

The soldier’s account aligns with documented patterns of abuse against Ukrainian prisoners of war. According to Ukraine’s Security Service, over 96,000 criminal proceedings have been opened under Article 438 of the Criminal Code since the full-scale invasion began in 2022, representing war crimes cases.

Andrii described repeated torture sessions that included electric shocks applied to wounds, beatings with filled water bottles, and use of devices called “tapik” – old phones with electrical wires that deliver increasing levels of electric current based on numbers dialed.

“They ripped off the bandage and started electrocuting me right there, directly into the wound,” he said. “That went on for about 40 minutes.”

Why does Russia do this systematic torture of POWs? The pattern suggests coordinated policy rather than isolated incidents. Prisoners held in different facilities report identical torture methods and injuries.

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What kept him alive?

The soldier lost 16 kilograms (35 lbs) during captivity—dropping from 90 (198 lbs) to 74 (163 lbs) kilograms. He spent months in overcrowded prison cells designed for six people but holding twelve.

Guards forced prisoners to memorize the Russian national anthem. Those who failed faced severe beatings.

“The guards would come in and ask us to recite the Russian national anthem. That was mandatory everywhere in hospitals, in prisons,” he said. “Those who didn’t know it, they got beaten severely. Beaten until they couldn’t get up.”

What sustained him? A promise to his nine-year-old daughter.

“I promised her that no matter what condition I’d be in, even without arms, without legs, I’d still come back,” he said. “Every single day, I kept telling myself, I will come back.”

Andrii was exchanged on 22 May 2025 after spending months in a Russian prison colony. He described the moment of crossing back into Ukrainian territory as overwhelming relief after prolonged uncertainty.

“We could finally smoke, drink some water, take photos. That’s when it really started to feel easier, like a huge weight lifted,” he said.

His reunion with his nine-year-old daughter proved particularly emotional. The child initially did not recognize her father, who had lost so much weight. 

“At first, she didn’t recognize me, but I recognized her right away. She’s grown so much. She looks older now,” he explained.

He wants to return to fighting

Andrii wants to return to military service. That depends on upcoming surgeries and whether doctors clear him for combat duties, such as carrying heavy loads and wearing body armor.

His photos that went viral and his testimony represent evidence of systematic Russian war crimes, especially in captivity. While Ukrainian prosecutors are collecting and building these cases, the challenge, however, lies in holding perpetrators accountable while the war continues and they remain safely in Russia.

For now, Ukrainian doctors work to erase what Russian surgeons burned into Andrii’s skin. The inscription will fade. The evidence of what happened will not.

In June 2025, Ukraine also opened its first mental health facility specifically for released prisoners of war and torture survivors. The Saint Leo the Great Mental Health Center in Lviv has specialized therapy spaces and art spaces designed to help people recover from captivity trauma.

The facility expects to serve around 1,000 patients annually. Rather than resembling a hospital, the 17 patient rooms look like residential spaces. There’s an art therapy building with pottery workshops and studios where survivors can weave, sing, or make music.

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Three years after Russian forces captured Mariupol, something strange is happening on social media. Pro-Russia influencers are posting glossy videos of a rebuilt city where life looks normal again.

But what’s actually happening on the ground?

The BBC tracked down more than half a dozen people—some still trapped in the occupied city, others who recently escaped—to find out. Their accounts reveal a city where appearance and reality couldn’t be further apart.

Most of Mariupol still in ruins

“What they’re showing on Russian TV are fairy tales for fools,” said John, a Ukrainian still living in occupied Mariupol. The BBC changed his name to protect him from Russian authorities. “Most of Mariupol still lies in ruins.”

According to residents, Russian authorities have focused reconstruction efforts on main thoroughfares where cameras document progress. However, areas beyond these showcase routes remain largely destroyed. Many residents continue living in severely damaged apartments with compromised structural integrity.

“Rubble and emptiness. Many people still live in half-destroyed apartments with their walls barely standing,” John said.

Russians don’t separate out dead bodies from rubble

Olha Onyshko, 66, escaped Mariupol late last year and now lives in Ternopil, western Ukraine. She watched this reconstruction theater firsthand. The cleanup process was particularly grim.

“They cleared the debris, but they didn’t even separate out the dead bodies. They were just loaded onto trucks with the rubble and carried out of the city,” she shared.

Can you even drink the water in Mariupol?

The city faces critical infrastructure challenges, particularly with water supply. The Siverskyi Donets–Donbas Canal, which previously supplied the city, was damaged during fighting.

Residents report intermittent water service, with supply flowing for one to two days before stopping for three-day periods. When available, the water appears yellow and requires boiling before consumption.

Some residents say the water looks like Coca-Cola.

Serhii Orlov, Mariupol’s deputy mayor in exile, ran the numbers. “Only one reservoir was left supplying water to Mariupol. For the current population, that would’ve lasted about a year and a half. Since occupation has lasted longer than that, it means there is no drinking water at all.”

Power outages also occur frequently, while residents report high food prices and limited access to essential medications. Diabetics struggle to obtain insulin, which has become prohibitively expensive when available.

The BBC contacted Mariupol’s Russian administration about these shortages. No response.

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What are Russian occupiers teaching the children?

Beyond physical hardships, residents express particular concern about education policies imposed by Russian authorities. School curricula now teach that multiple Ukrainian regions, including Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, and others, belong to Russia. Only Crimea is occupied fully, while other regions are occupied partially or not at all. 

Special lessons called “Conversations about Important Things” present Russia’s 2022 invasion as “liberating” Russian-speaking populations from Nazis.

“Teachers who refuse to take these lessons are intimidated or fired. It’s like they are reprogramming the minds of our children,” another resident explained.

Resistance in Russian occupation

Despite risks, some Ukrainians maintain resistance activities within the occupied territory. These groups collect intelligence on Russian military movements and equipment, transmitting information to Ukrainian forces through secure channels. Resistance members also conduct small-scale sabotage operations, including attacks on railway infrastructure.

The work carries significant personal risk. One former resistance member fled after noticing a Russian soldier showing his photograph to local merchants. Daily life requires constant vigilance, with residents regularly deleting phone messages and avoiding calls to Ukraine due to surveillance concerns.

“Every day you delete your messages because your phone can be checked at checkpoints,” James says. “You’re afraid to call your friends in Ukraine in case your phone is being tapped.”

His neighbor was arrested right off the street after someone reported he was allegedly passing information to the Ukrainian military. “Your life is like a movie—constant tension, fear, distrust.”

“We want liberation” from Russian occupation

As diplomatic discussions continue about potential territorial concessions that Russia insists on, resistance members have a clear message.

“Giving away territory for a ‘deal with Russia’ will be a betrayal,” John says. “Dozens risk their lives every day to pass information to Ukraine, not so that some diplomat in a suit will sign a paper that will ‘hand us over.'”

His final words: “We don’t want ‘peace at any cost.’ We want liberation.”

A Russian soldier who executed Ukrainian prisoners of war in Kharkiv Oblast now sits in a Ukrainian jail cell. He alone was captured after Ukrainian forces wiped out his entire unit.

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) announced charges against 36-year-old Sergey Tuzhilov, a rifleman from Russia’s 69th motorized rifle division. The case reveals the systematic nature of Russian war crimes—and occasionally, battlefield justice.

What happened in Vovchansk?

Tuzhilov participated in fighting near Vovchansk in June 2024. During an assault on a local factory, he and another Russian soldier captured three Ukrainian troops. Then they executed them.

The evidence is specific. According to the SBU investigation, Tuzhilov “personally fired a shot from his service automatic rifle into the back of the head of a bound Ukrainian soldier.” He also selected execution sites for two other prisoners and stood guard during the killings.

Before the executions? The Russians tortured their captives by tying them to posts.

How was he caught?

Ukrainian forces destroyed Tuzhilov’s unit in subsequent fighting. He was the only survivor—and became a prisoner himself. The SBU gathered evidence while he sat in custody, building a case that could send him to prison for life.

Who is Tuzhilov? A career criminal turned soldier. The SBU says he has two prior convictions for robbery and drug trafficking before joining Russia’s military.

Tuzhilov faces charges under multiple articles of Ukrainian criminal law, including war crimes committed by conspiracy and cruel treatment of prisoners combined with premeditated murder. If convicted, he faces life imprisonment.

The bigger picture of POW executions 

This case represents one thread in a much larger pattern. The Office of the Prosecutor General reports Russian forces have killed at least 268 Ukrainian prisoners of war since the full-scale invasion began in 2022.

The numbers tell a grim story. In 2022, prosecutors documented 57 execution cases. That jumped to 149 cases in 2024. This year? Already 51 cases in just six months.

Why the increase? The pattern suggests Russian forces kill prisoners to avoid detention logistics and break Ukrainian morale.

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Two men from Cameroon sit in Ukrainian custody, telling a story that’s becoming disturbingly familiar. They came to Russia for work and tourism and ended up on the front lines.

Metugena Una-na Jean Pafe thought he was getting a job at a shampoo factory. Anatol Frank needed dental work and planned an 18-day trip to Moscow in 2024. Both claim they traveled to Russia for civilian purposes but were forced into military service against their will, according to video by the 20th separate unmanned systems regiment K-2.

“I wanted to leave the airport, but they [Russians] called me,” Pafe told his Ukrainian captors. “They checked my passport and took me to an office.This was all under coercion.”

Frank’s experience followed a similar pattern. Moscow’s migration service took his fingerprints and jaw impressions, then told him what to do. When he refused, they blocked his departure.

Both men ended up signing military contracts worth 1.1 million rubles (over $14,000). Why sign? Ukrainian forces note this amount represents substantial money in Cameroon, even though it’s less than Russia offers its own citizens.

The military training moved them across Russia. Pafe spent two weeks in Moscow, one week in Rostov, then a month in occupied Luhansk. Frank also trained in Rostov before deployment.

How long did their combat service last? Not long.

Pafe’s bunker came under fire almost immediately. Six days after reaching the front, Ukrainian forces captured him. Frank got lost on his first mission, unable to understand orders in Russian. He wandered for three days in the rain, at one point hiding under a bush, before following voices that led to Ukrainian troops.

“While I was walking, there were drones above. It rained for three days,” Frank recounted.

During Frank’s nighttime evacuation, a Russian drone wounded two Ukrainian soldiers and Frank himself.

Both prisoners say they never killed anyone. They acknowledge Russia as the aggressor and want to return to Cameroon, where they have families. One prisoner has two sons waiting at home.

Are they alone? Far from it.

The regiment indicates this represents part of a broader pattern of foreign recruitment, with the prisoners claiming that Chinese, Zimbabwean, and Bangladeshi nationals are also present on the Siversk front, Donetsk Oblast.

Ukrainian forces previously also captured a Yemeni fighter. In early April, they captured Chinese nationals fighting for Russia—the first known case of Chinese military personnel in the war. President Zelenskyy says Ukrainian intelligence counts at least 155 Chinese citizens in Russian ranks.

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Russia also deploys North Korean soldiers, particularly in Kursk Oblast, adding another layer to its international recruitment.

How widespread is this recruitment? An investigation by Important Stories found foreign mercenaries from at least 48 countries fighting for Russia. Moscow recruited over 1,500 foreigners between April 2023 and May 2024 in the capital alone. Most come from South and East Asia, with Nepal providing the largest contingent.

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Besides Nepal, fighters arrive from India and African nations including the Republic of Togo. Such recruitment cases became more frequent at the end of last year.

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Russia is also luring young African women with promises of vocational training and jobs in Europe, then trapping them in drone factories to build weapons for the war in Ukraine. Women from Uganda, Mali, Cameroon, Sierra Leone, Botswana, Zimbabwe, and South Sudan arrive at Russia’s Alabuga facility expecting education or legitimate work, but instead face grueling assembly-line shifts building Shahed attack drones under constant surveillance.

They work long hours exposed to harmful chemicals, endure racism and punitive management, while their wages are withheld and communications monitored, with some reports suggesting sexual exploitation as well.

The Russian Ministry of Defense finances this operation through fraudulent recruitment via social media and embassies, effectively turning vulnerable women into forced laborers for Moscow’s war machine. 

The International Legion of the Main Intelligence Directorate of Ukraine just announced production of “Legit”—a tracked robot that can haul supplies or launch grenades. 

The machine itself is compact but versatile. Attach a trailer and it becomes a pack mule, ferrying ammunition and food to troops. Swap that for a combat module and you get two grenade launchers ready to support assault teams or hit enemy bunkers.

There’s a third option: load it with explosives and send it toward enemy positions as a one-way weapon.

But why build robots when Ukraine already has drones? Ground systems solve different problems. They can carry 500 kilograms (1102 lbs)—far more than aerial drones. They work when skies are contested. And they keep soldiers away from minefields and enemy fire.

The Ministry of Defense recently approved another ground drone called “Muraha” [Ant] that proves the point. It hauls heavy loads across long distances while shrugging off electronic warfare jamming through multiple control channels.

Can these robots change battlefield dynamics? Early evidence suggests yes. Both systems target the same persistent problem: getting supplies and firepower to troops without exposing human operators to enemy fire.

For example, in April 2025, Ukrainian military engineers successfully used an Ardal ground drone to evacuate three severely wounded soldiers who had been stranded for a month near Russian positions, after all conventional evacuation attempts failed due to intense fighting and dangerous terrain.

Ukraine is walking away from a treaty that prohibits anti-personnel mines. Why abandon an agreement designed to protect civilians?

Because Russia never signed it—and has been laying mines across Ukrainian territory for over two years.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the withdrawal decree on June 29. Parliament must still approve the move, but the message is clear: Ukraine needs every defensive tool available.

What exactly is Ukraine leaving behind?

The Ottawa Convention banned anti-personnel landmines worldwide. Since 1999, it has drawn 164 countries committed to destroying their mine stockpiles and clearing contaminated land, as mines can cause severe injuries and deaths among civilians.

Ukraine joined in 2005, dutifully following the rules for nearly two decades. The country destroyed its mines and cleared old minefields.

But here’s the problem: Russia, China, and the United States never signed on. Neither did India or Pakistan. The world’s major military powers kept their mines.

Why break the promise now?

“Ukraine found itself in an unequal and unfair situation,” the Foreign Ministry stated. The treaty limits Ukraine’s right to self-defense under UN Charter Article 51.

When Ukraine joined in 2005, Russian tanks weren’t rolling toward Kyiv. The full-scale invasion changed everything.

“We are convinced that this step is both necessary and proportionate to the level of threats, as it concerns the survival and preservation of Ukraine as a sovereign, independent, and free state,” the Ministry stated.

Zelenskyy put it bluntly: Russia uses mines “extremely cynically,” not just against Ukraine but wherever it fights. Chemical weapons, ballistic missiles, landmines—Moscow deploys whatever kills.

What’s Ukraine supposed to do? Fight by rules Russia ignores?

“Anti-personnel mines are an instrument that very often has no alternative for defense,” Zelenskyy explained. Especially for countries sharing borders with Russia.

Who else is rethinking the ban?

Ukraine isn’t alone in this calculation. Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Poland, and Finland have all decided to leave the treaty.

Notice the pattern? Every country borders Russia or sits within striking distance. The Baltic states remember Soviet occupation. Poland knows Russian history. Finland fought Stalin’s army.

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This decision was also driven by Russia’s increasing military threat to NATO’s eastern flank with some reports claiming Russia might attack NATO within the next five years.

Each of these countries concluded the same thing: when facing Russia, defensive options matter more than international agreements Moscow never joined.

Slovakia’s foreign minister dropped a diplomatic bombshell 29 June, proposing that Russia be forgiven for its actions in Ukraine to achieve peace. Juraj Blanár told Slovak television the West and Russia might need to “forgive each other for everything that happened.”

Speaking on Slovakia’s STVR television broadcast, Blanár argued that the war has no military solution and called for a return to respecting international law while seeking dialogue with the Russian Federation, according to reports by Aktuality and Dennik.

“We must find a way to cooperate with Russia,” he said.

Here’s the contradiction: Blanár simultaneously announced Slovakia would beef up its military warehouses, stating that while the country opposes war preparation, it cannot afford to deter opponents with inadequate defense capabilities.

“We cannot simply watch as we go to deter an opponent with empty warehouses,” he explained.

Why the mixed signals? Blanár fears escalation.

“We don’t want a war to arise between Russia and NATO, because that would be World War III. We want the conflict to be settled peacefully.”

However, Blanár’s position faced immediate criticism from both Slovak and Ukrainian officials. Deputy Chairman of Slovakia’s Foreign Parliamentary Committee Tomáš Valášek warned that opening negotiations with Russia would not end the war, arguing that Moscow has no genuine interest in peace.

 “As long as Russia is successful on the battlefield, it will continue to kill, rape and abduct children,” Valášek said, referencing international arrest warrants against Putin.

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha also fired back within hours:

“It’s naive to expect a criminal to stop if their crime is forgiven instead of punished. Russia will hit your other cheek as well. And those who have lost no one in this war have no right to make such statements,” Sybiha wrote.

On the night of 30 June, a Russian massive drone assault on Ukraine injured eight civilians in eastern Kharkiv Oblast and caused structural damage in multiple Ukrainian regions.

The assault primarily concentrated on Ukraine’s eastern regions, with Donetsk, Kharkiv, and Dnipropetrovsk Oblasts bearing the brunt of the offensive.

Ukrainian air defense systems successfully intercepted 74 of the 107 incoming drones, representing a 69% success rate against the coordinated attack, according to the country’s Air Forces.

Russia launches dozens or hundreds of drones simultaneously from multiple directions, overwhelming Ukrainian air defenses that can track only a limited number of targets at once, making interception much harder.

Additionally, Russia has begun deploying wooden decoy drones that generate false radar signatures, tricking Ukrainian systems into wasting expensive munitions on fake targets.

Russia injures eight people in Kharkiv Oblast

The most significant civilian casualties occurred in Kharkiv Oblast, where a drone struck a vehicle service station, injuring eight people, including one child, in the city of Pisochyn, according to the State Emergency Service.

Additional drone attacks in the region targeted infrastructure in Derhachi, where fires erupted at both a private enterprise warehouse and an agricultural facility, though these incidents resulted in no reported casualties.

Rural areas also faced bombardment, with the village of Kurortne in Chuhuiv district experiencing damage to a sanatorium cafeteria building, which subsequently caught fire following the Russian strike.

Agricultural infrastructure damaged in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast

Dnipropetrovsk region also faced overnight attacks, with Russian forces deploying drones against agricultural infrastructure in Synelnykivskyi district. Regional Military Administration head Serhii Lysak reported that air defenses shot down four UAVs over the region, but strikes still occurred.

“In Synelnykivskyi district, an agricultural enterprise was damaged, tractors were destroyed. A fire occurred,” Lysak stated on Telegram.

Russian forces also conducted artillery bombardment and FPV drone attacks against Nikopol district, targeting four communities and damaging a private house and gas pipeline, though no casualties were reported.