Euromaidan Press: Hello, Peter. Can you tell what the film is about shortly?

Peter Duke:  The film basically tells the story of what we do with the convoy effort, and some of the people—just a few of the people—that are participating, and of course, some of the heroes that we go and help there in Ukraine.

I first joined the convoy in February of 2023. That was my first time. As an American, I was one of the first two that had gone on convoy. So it was a very new thing to myself. I didn’t know what to expect, but the connections that I made there and the people that I met were just heroes through and through. I was so impressed with the abilities of the people who both were organizing the convoy and participating in it, and the ones who were helping get that supply of vehicles and supplies to the troops there in Kyiv.

This has been going on since March of 2022. In April 2025, we’re delivering our 40th convoy to Kyiv. That’s almost 670 trucks full of supplies that we brought.

Euromaidan Press: So it’s not only trucks that you deliver, it’s also some other aid for Ukrainian soldiers. What is it usually?

Peter Duke: The trucks themselves are pretty standardized. They are second-hand but very mechanically sound trucks, and they’re all like a civilian pickup truck—they’re a four-door, four-by-four, diesel pickup truck. Then it’s been outfitted with a night vision camera, a drone jammer, and other things. Some of them are specialized as medevac vehicles as well.

These vehicles go there and they come with a set of street tires that we drive them there on, but also a set of mud tires for each truck because that can be very important in the off-road conditions. But then we fill the trucks up with any other things we’ve got, and that may be everything from medical kits to sleeping bags. We provide a lot of drones—we fundraise and send a lot of FPV and Mavics, things like that. Also, if there’s something special that a unit’s requested, we’ll do our best to fill that request as well.

And then many of the drivers just bring along their own sort of care package. Whether it’s chocolates from Belgium or supplies—I’ve brought a bunch of stuff from the US. Some people will get other donations of everything from trench candles to tourniquets and provide those just to let the troops know that we’re looking out for them. We’re doing everything we can on the home side to provide them with the tools and kit that they need.

Euromaidan Press: And how is it all funded?

Peter Duke: We’ll get the stuff however we can get it. But yeah, we’re a fully volunteer and donation-funded group. We fundraise, we make the social media appeals. I know everyone is very exhausted from giving, frankly. I mean, like this war—people were generous in 2022, they did what they could to give to support the Ukrainians. And then it went into 2023, and some donors got tired or their resources became short through 2024. Here we are in 2025.

That’s both been a marathon of endurance for the donors, but also it’s enabled us to build a pipeline of experience. A track record, so people know, “Hey, these guys are delivering the vehicles. They’re continuing to deliver the supplies. They’ve got proof they’ve been doing it successfully.” And this all continues to build confidence in the donors that their money is going to a good cause. So we’ve been lucky enough to be able to keep up the pace. And yeah, there is definitely fatigue among people who read the news.

Euromaidan Press: Do you also feel this fatigue personally? How do you cope with it? Why should people still care and help Ukraine?

Peter Duke: Yeah, we all get tired. I get tired. We’ve got a busy life. We have families. We have jobs. We have stuff to do. But I remember that every one of these Ukrainians that’s out there sacrificing and fighting and defending is doing it for us. Make no mistake—if Russia is allowed to take Ukraine, they are not going to be satisfied. That will not be the end of it. So this effort is for all of us. All of us in the Western democracies that hope for peace and security need Ukraine to succeed.

And the effort also affects people in the East. Because if this is allowed to continue unopposed, people in Taiwan will pay the price. Maybe Korea’s neighbors to the South will pay the price. Because if it’s not stopped, if people like Putin are not put in their place and stopped, this kind of authoritarianism and this kind of evil will spread.

There have been times of peace in the world and there have been times of turmoil, and we should never take those times of peace for granted. So that thought keeps pushing me forward.

But on a more personal level, whenever I am tired, whenever I get exhausted, whenever I get a little bit overwhelmed, I just think of the people in Kyiv who have to go to sleep and hope that the buzzing sound of a drone doesn’t get louder and louder until it bursts into their apartment wall, or that when they wake up, maybe the power is on. The sacrifices that they continue to make day in and day out pick me up and push me forward.

So anything I can do here in the peace of my country—and all the Europeans who likewise are pushing forward this effort from the peace of their country—should prize that peace and know that this freedom is not free. It comes at a price that the Ukrainians are paying every day.

Euromaidan Press: I read some of your statements about the film and you mentioned that you see parallels between Ukraine’s resistance now and America’s founding in 1776. Can you elaborate more on this connection?

Peter Duke: Oh, man. Yeah, that one is so clear and so obvious to me.

Thinking back to the founding of our own nation in 1776, we wanted to break free from a colonial power that was so powerful that we were not able to break free from it initially. We wanted to break from that power that had been dictating terms to us and sapping our resources for the gain of that empire. And of course, those parallels are very clear with what has been happening with Russia and Ukraine.

Russia for a long time interfered in Ukraine’s affairs. You can go back centuries and Ukraine was, unfortunately, the collision place of Russia and the Western world. Russia finally had that connection broken in the Maidan revolution, and again Ukraine tried to reinstate their own vision of how they wanted to lead their life. And Russia keeps pressing—they just cannot take the hint that this nation wants to be free and lead a future of self-determination.

This is like an ex-boyfriend or ex-husband that just can’t let go of that woman and keeps saying, “No, you belong to me. I’m going to dictate to you. You belong to me.” This is disgusting. These people in Ukraine should not have to put up with Russia constantly pressing on their affairs and trying to make them a part of a Russian empire that they don’t want to be part of.

So in 1776, the Americans had had enough of the British empire dictating terms to us here. And we moved for our independence. And thankfully, at that time, we had the support of France, which enabled us to eventually have that victory. It wasn’t easy, and a lot of life was lost. In 1812, the British returned to try and have a round two of that, and we eventually were able to push this colonial power away. We eventually were able to succeed in that contest and we had our independence.

But it’s a question of who’s going to arise at this time to support Ukraine in this battle, to finally put Russia back behind its border and have the peace that Ukraine deserves. And I think it’s patriots from all over the world that understand that this freedom comes at a cost and they’re going to support Ukraine in this.

Euromaidan Press: In the film, you also show a lot of destruction that Russia brought to Ukraine and you visit memorials in Irpin and Bucha. These are places where Russian soldiers committed war crimes—they killed and tortured civilians. You also said that the film changed you and your perspective on the war. How did it change you and what was your perspective earlier?

Peter Duke: Well, reading about war and seeing the effects of war are two different things. You can look at all the books and you can look at all the newscasts, and the human mind has just a weird way of compartmentalizing things. I’ve seen videos, I’ve seen newscasts, I know the bombs are dropping, I know things are getting blown up and I know there are people dying. But being there and seeing the charred shells of these buildings, and seeing the destruction—the broken machines and the broken men walking around missing limbs and so on—that makes it real.

You have to see these things for your own eyes. I’m sure that when you get closer to this, the human empathy comes forward and pushes past the propaganda and whatever disassociation was happening in your head before, and it becomes black and white.

And that’s why I want to bring viewers a little bit closer to that by seeing it through our eyes, through eyes of average Americans, people who have gone there and seen it so they understand what is really going on. 

And that’s why the convoy is important in one regard—because of the hundreds and hundreds of drivers who have participated in this, they all leave changed. Having been there with their own eyes, having visited some of the places that you mentioned and having seen both the tragedies of war and the warmth and the welcomeness and the gratitude of the Ukrainians we meet, they go back home with that in their heads and their hearts, and they know that supporting Ukraine is the right thing for them, for the Ukrainians, and for the world.

Euromaidan Press: What impact do you think your film can have on viewers?

Peter Duke: You want to affect people and make their hearts and their minds understand what’s happening and make it real for them. So I think a movie is a good medium to do that. It should be more relatable. So hopefully we achieve that goal.

I really think that being there is the best way. And of course, that opportunity is limited because not everyone can take so much time out of their life to go there in person and do it. But hopefully this vehicle will show that many people, regular people like myself, have made that choice, have gone there and have seen this. And I hope that they will take away what their eyes and their ears are telling them—that real people can make a difference in the history that we are writing together.

Euromaidan Press: So people who are who will watch this interview or will watch your film “No Sleep Till Kyiv,” how can they get involved in helping Ukraine? Is it through donations or is it even possible to join this convoy?

Peter Duke: Yes and yes. But the most important thing is that they know in their hearts that this is the right thing to do, because I believe when someone sees this and it comes to them, they’re like, “Wow, I can’t imagine supporting the other side in this—Russia. Certainly the things they are saying that I’ve read on social media or whatever don’t look at all like the situation on the ground. It would be crazy not to support the Ukrainians.”

And despite some of the things you read on social media that may be negative or misinformation, much of that comes from paid bot accounts that are set up by the Russians and their allies. In the real world, something like 70% of Americans support maintaining aid for Ukraine, sending more aid. And they know black from white. They know this is the right thing to do. So I just want to help reaffirm that inner empathy and let people see for themselves what’s going on so that they know this is the right thing.

Euromaidan Press: Have you ever met Americans who are not supportive of Ukraine?

Peter Duke: Of course. I talk to some people. And usually, this is the thing—when you’re having a face-to-face conversation, it’s different. Social media is terrible in that regard because someone will just shoot some rude thing off into the internet and turn around and never think twice about it. And that rude thing can be read by tens of thousands or millions of people and it can affect them. But personal conversations, face-to-face, are much more diplomatic.

Usually what happens is they’ll say something like, “Well, I don’t speak Ukrainian,” and I’m like, “That’s no trouble. English will get you further and it’s appreciated there, but it’s okay. You can speak the tongue you’re comfortable with. That’s the same in Ukraine.”

Or they’ll say something ridiculous like, “Well, Zelenskyy is stealing all the money.” I’m like, “Well, have you seen Putin’s palaces? I mean, do you see how this guy gets around with his entourage? Do you see the huge yachts that his oligarch friends have?” I mean, all the evidence points to them doing what they are accusing others of doing. Meanwhile, Zelenskyy is there doing his work in Kyiv and trying his best to keep his country together. Please, folks, let’s look at some facts here.

And so if I’m calm and have a few sentences with a person and I share these viewpoints, usually the reasoning comes through, and then it’s easy to make them an ally. I don’t meet too many people that are strongly pro-Russia, anti-Ukraine here in the US. And that’s why I think it’s important to share the story with the movie because so many people are either lightly in favor of Ukraine or they’re just kind of on the fence. And it doesn’t take much to make them a believer. So by sharing the message of the movie, that usually is enough to make their mind up.

Euromaidan Press: You delivered aid to Ukraine with volunteers from Estonia, some from Ukraine, some Americans also. Did you feel fully united with them in your vision and values? Or were there some differences in your perception of war and support for Ukraine? What did this international experience teach you as an American?

Peter Duke: It’s important to think about how Americans view the world. And I’m not really sure how to define this well, but it’s different than Europeans. Americans, we’ve normally been much more isolated. It’s normal for a European to speak several languages and have traveled through several countries just by nature of the geography. But here in America, English is all we need. And we just know our own country and the way we think and the way we’ve been told the world works.

So it’s always interesting to speak to my Ukrainian friends and get their viewpoints. It definitely expands the mind some. And also being on the convoy, being together with this common purpose, there’s a sense of camaraderie between the men and women on the convoy, what we are doing. The way we’re feeling together, the experience that we share—it’s very heartwarming. And we all leave changed for the better.

Euromaidan Press: So the movie is called “No Sleep Till Kyiv.” And you mentioned that the road from the capital of Estonia, Tallinn, to the capital of Ukraine, Kyiv, took you over 30 hours. So did you really have no sleep for this long time? Why did you decide to do it?

Peter Duke: Yeah, so we were trying to think of a name and we were like, “We should call the movie ‘The Convoy.'” I don’t know, it’s sort of a generic name.

So as the movie production was happening, we would sit around and talk. And I was talking with a buddy of mine, and we’re like, “Man, what should we call it? We need a better name.” And there’s a song from a group called the Beastie Boys—it’s like a hip hop group. They were popular in the 80s and 90s, early 2000s. And it was called “No Sleep Till Brooklyn.” And so that name is kind of imprinted in the memory of many people of my generation and the generation after me—”No Sleep Till Brooklyn.”

So that catchphrase, probably somewhere in our subconscious, came up. And my buddy is like, “Let’s call it ‘No Sleep Till Kyiv.'” And I was like, “Actually, it’s got a ring to it,” because that’s kind of what we do.

I mean, although no one is stopping and rolling out their bed and taking an actual rest on the convoy, we do take our turns sitting in the passenger seat and kind of dozing for a short spell. But I’ll tell you, basically, for 30-something hours, we get no good sleep. So there’s that part of it—the endurance of the drive, the marathon to Kyiv. And the fact that it has a ring to it. So “No Sleep Till Kyiv” is the name. And for us, there’s going to be no rest until there’s peace for Ukraine. So that’s the name and that’s how it is.

Ukraine’s human rights commissioner Dmytro Lubinets claimed the United Nations had finally accused Russia of the Olenivka prison massacre that killed Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs). The problem? No such UN report exists.

Lubinets posted the news 30 June with obvious satisfaction. “Finally, things are called by their proper names!” he wrote, linking to what he said was a UN investigation proving Russia planned and executed the attack on the correctional colony.

Mysterious international center investigated Olenivka massacre

Journalists at Slidstvo.Info followed Lubinets’ link and found something odd. The source was the Centre for Human Rights in Armed Conflict—an organization that explicitly denies any UN connection. Right on their website: “We are not affiliated with the United Nations or any other intergovernmental or governmental organization.”

The website was created on 22 May 2025, and contains only the single investigation about Olenivka with no other publications or detailed organizational information.

“We conduct thorough investigations into violations of international human rights and humanitarian law during armed conflicts, with a current focus on Ukraine and Gaza, to help establish the truth and bring perpetrators to justice,” the organization’s description on the website states.

Who runs the Centre? Nobody knows. No headquarters, no leadership names, no country of operation listed.

When Slidstvo.Info contacted Lubinets’ office, his team quickly backtracked. “Unfortunately, the Ombudsman’s Secretariat did not conduct proper verification,” they admitted, removing the post and promising “enhanced control over published information.”

The Centre itself later confirmed none of its report authors worked for the UN. They described themselves as “international experts who prefer not to reveal their identities” operating without a permanent headquarters and claiming none of its experts are located in Ukraine or Russia.

UN finds Russia responsible, but avoids public blame

The incident highlights confusion surrounding the actual status of UN investigations into the July 2022 Olenivka attack. According to Associated Press reporting, an internal UN analysis does conclude that Russia was responsible for planning and carrying out the attack, but this 100-page document was never intended for public release and does not constitute an official UN accusation.

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AP: UN investigation finds Olenivka attack planned by Russia

The UN analysis examined 70 open-source images, 20 statements from Russian officials, 16 interviews with survivors broadcast on Russian television, and conducted detailed interviews with 55 released prisoners of war. The analysis determined the missile flew from east to west, contradicting Russian claims that Ukraine struck the facility with HIMARS missiles.

However, the UN dissolved its official investigation mission five months after the tragedy because Russia refused to guarantee expert safety. 

Can Ukraine get justice for Olenivka? Currently, only Ukrainian prosecutors are investigating. No active international probe exists among the tens of thousands of war crimes cases.

Meanwhile, the mysterious Centre for Human Rights in Armed Conflict says it plans to publish reports on civilian casualties in Mariupol and Ukrainian military deaths since the full-scale war began —though their credibility remains questionable after the Olenivka controversy.

Armed forces across Europe are conducting trials of a German-developed HX-2 strike drone that could reshape the continent’s military capabilities, while Ukrainian pilots already fly it against Russian targets.

France, Germany, Britain and other European nations are evaluating the HX-2 strike drone manufactured by German company Helsing, according to the company’s Vice President of Sales Simon Brünjes, as reported by Hartpunkt.

The testing schedule reflects urgent military priorities. The German Bundeswehr aims to complete its evaluation by year-end, positioning itself for potential procurement decisions. Simon Brünjes, Helsing’s sales chief, indicated that Germany has assigned the project high priority compared to other defense initiatives to meet this timeline.

Why the rush? Brünjes won’t say directly. But the company designed the HX-2 as Europe’s answer to Russia’s Lancet drone—a weapon Helsing calls “very effective” against Ukrainian forces.

Ukraine has received initial HX-2 units for qualification testing, with results expected within weeks. The timing aligns with broader European efforts to support Ukraine’s defense capabilities while evaluating systems for their own militaries.

Single operator controls multiple AI drones that navigate without GPS signals

The HX-2 incorporates design elements from both missile systems and traditional drones. Its X-wing configuration enables agile maneuvering while four electric propellers provide 100-kilometer (62 miles) range and loitering capability compared to rocket-powered alternatives.

Terminal speed: 220 kilometers per hour (136 miles/hour).

But the real innovation sits in the software. Helsing’s Altra system gives the drone three capabilities that matter in electronic warfare:

First, it navigates without GPS. A downward camera constantly matches terrain features against stored maps, letting the drone operate even when Russia jams satellite signals.

Second, it tracks targets automatically during final approach. Lose radio contact? The drone still hits what it was aimed at.

Third, it recognizes targets using artificial intelligence (AI). The system identifies and classifies objects using both visual data and context clues.

Helsing’s Altra software makes it possible for a single operator to coordinate swarm attacks while the AI handles navigation, target tracking, and electronic warfare resistance. Each drone carries several kilograms of payload which is enough to destroy tanks, artillery pieces, or infrastructure.

Here’s the catch: Brünjes says the AI could make the kill decision itself, but Helsing programs human oversight into every mission. “For ethical reasons,” he explains, matching Western military requirements for human control.

Europe grows HX-2 drone production

The German manufacturer designed its system specifically for large-scale production to achieve lower unit costs than conventional systems.

Current production stands at 450 units monthly at Helsing’s Resilience Factory in southern Germany, with capacity to expand to 1,000 units through additional personnel training. A planned second factory could bring total monthly output to approximately 2,500 HX-2 drones. The company also plans to build more factories across Europe to scale production rapidly in response to conflicts worldwide.

Compare that to combat consumption. Ukrainian forces have already used “several hundred” of Helsing’s earlier HF-1 drones out of 1,950 delivered, according to Brünjes. Combat video shows these drones destroying both stationary and moving Russian vehicles.

The math matters for European defense planners. Can a single German factory supply multiple armies plus Ukraine’s wartime needs?

Co-founder Gundbert Scherf says they built the HX-2 “from scratch for mass production” to beat the Russia’s Lancet on both performance and price. Ukraine calls the cost “very economical”—helped by Helsing taking zero profit on Ukrainian deliveries.

Europe learns from Ukraine battlefield drone lessons 

In February, Helsing announced 6,000 additional AI-powered HX-2 drones for Ukraine, following a prior order of 4,000 HF-1 drones currently being delivered in cooperation with Ukrainian industry. That’s 10,000 AI-powered strike drones heading to one battlefield.

The HX-2 builds on lessons from Ukraine’s use of the earlier HF-1 model. Same software, different hardware. Where the HF-1 uses conventional wings, the HX-2’s X-shaped design enables sharper maneuvers that are useful when dodging air defenses.

Helsing’s Ukrainian partner handles HF-1 production while the German company provides software. That division of labor gets updated constantly based on combat feedback from the front lines.

The company delivered 1,950 HF-1 units to Ukraine, with several hundred deployed in combat operations against Russian forces.

British forces also demonstrated the HX-2 at Salisbury Plain training facility while preparing for NATO enhanced Forward Presence deployment in Estonia, though Brünjes noted that Britain has not yet made formal procurement commitments.

Will European armies buy what Ukraine is already using? The testing programs underway suggest defense ministries want their own evaluation even when the weapon comes with battlefield validation.

Ukraine’s First Lady Olena Zelenska revealed that more than 80% of Ukrainians are experiencing chronic stress and persistent emotional strain due to war.

Speaking at the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome on 10 July, Zelenska painted a picture of a population ground down by sleepless nights and constant bombardment.

“Our economy continues to function thanks to millions of people who go to work after nights spent in basements,” she said. “The main emotions they experience are fatigue, tension and despair.”

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Why focus on mental health at a reconstruction conference? Zelenska’s answer was direct: “Without people, a country becomes a monument.”

The cases reveal the war’s brutality. Patients arrive with burns, blast wounds, crushed limbs from Russian strikes. “Saving their lives is not enough,” Zelenska said. “We must help them live fully.”

“Destruction is not only a physical concept, but also a social one, which manifests as difficulties, security threats, and psychological suffering,” she explained. “It can spread far beyond the battlefield and affect everyone.”

How is Ukraine building mental health infrastructure during wartime? The country established a Mental Health Coordination Center under the Cabinet of Ministers, according to Zelenska. The goal: getting mental health services into every community across Ukraine.

The challenge requires international help. “Much effort is being made to expand operations so that mental health services are available in every community, and this requires partner support,” Zelenska told conference delegates.

Ukraine now has 11,000 rehabilitation specialists—seven times more than in 2022. These professionals have treated 600,000 Ukrainians injured by combat and enemy strikes over the past 18 months.

But Ukraine isn’t just receiving expertise—it’s sharing it. “We learn from the world’s best clinics, but our own experience has also grown to such a level that we can already share it,” Zelenska said. 

Can a country rebuild while its population remains traumatized? Zelenska invited conference participants to join Ukraine’s medical partnership, suggesting the answer lies in international collaboration on both physical and mental reconstruction.

In June, Ukraine opened its first specialized mental health center in Lviv, targeting survivors of Russian captivity and torture. The Saint Leo the Great Mental Health Center offers residential care with art therapy studios and aims to treat 1,000 patients annually, including former prisoners of war. Belgium’s Flanders region funded the €1.5 million facility to address systematic torture experienced by up to 90% of returned Ukrainian POWs.

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Ukraine opens first rehab center for torture survivors after Russian captivity

Russian state media and other propaganda outlets have altered their rhetoric toward US President Donald Trump following his increasingly critical statements about Vladimir Putin and the emergence of leaked audio recordings, according to Russian news agency Agentstvo Novosti.

The shift in tone represents a departure from previously more favorable coverage of Trump in Russian media.

The Netherlands committed €300 ($350) million for Ukraine’s reconstruction and recovery efforts spanning 2025 and 2026, according to Foreign Affairs Minister Caspar Veldkamp’s announcement at the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome on 10 July.

 According to the Dutch government, the funding allocation includes:

• €52 million – Repairing Ukraine’s energy infrastructure and drinking water supplies in 2025
• €30 million – Supporting Dutch businesses and organizations to set up reconstruction projects through the Ukraine Partnership Facility grant programme
• €4 million – Construction of a new wing at the children’s hospital in the western city of Lviv (partnership with Princess Máxima Center in Utrecht)
• €20 million – Boosting Ukraine’s cyber resilience (€10 million per year for 2025 and 2026)
• €194 million – Remaining funds for other reconstruction and recovery purposes.

Minister Veldkamp outlined the rationale behind the comprehensive support approach, stating that Russia has spent more than three years attempting to destroy Ukraine’s society and economy through continuous attacks on energy infrastructure, water supplies, grain storage facilities, houses and apartments. He emphasized that international community support must extend beyond arms to include financial, economic and social assistance.

“Ukraine’s economy and society must be kept running because that will help the country in its struggle. It is, as it were, another front line,” Veldkamp said, according to the government statement.

The Ukraine Recovery Conference in Rome will also feature the signing of a cooperation agreement between Veldkamp and Ukraine’s First Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy Yuliia Svyrydenko, extending the Ukraine Partnership Facility grant programme established in 2023.

The programme supports Dutch businesses and organizations working on projects in agrofood, sustainable energy, healthcare, water and circular construction sectors that benefit Ukraine’s recovery efforts.

Since the full-scale Russian invasion in 2022, the Netherlands has provided approximately €10 billion in military aid by mid-2025, including the delivery of 24 F-16 fighter jets, Patriot air defense systems, Leopard 2 tanks, CV90 infantry fighting vehicles, artillery, armored vehicles, ammunition, and small arms.

The Netherlands has also supplied 100 drone-detection radars and 20 medical evacuation vehicles as part of a recent €175 million aid package, with €80 million specifically allocated to support drone efforts through an international drone coalition. Additionally, the country committed €500 million to Ukraine’s Drone Line project, supporting domestic production of over 600,000 drones. 

Police and Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) operatives have detained a mother and her 13-year-old daughter in southern city of Odesa for conducting arson attacks on Ukrainian military infrastructure under direction from Russian intelligence services.

The case began when the minor was recruited through a messaging application, according to investigators.

Her assigned role involved coordinating target selection with her Russian handler and providing video documentation of completed attacks as proof of execution.

Law enforcement officials established that in early July, the teenager doused a railway relay cabinet with flammable liquid and set it ablaze. The relay cabinet belonged to Ukrainian Railways infrastructure.

Several days later, the girl received instructions to target a Volkswagen vehicle owned by a female Ukrainian service member. The car had been used at the front lines for evacuating wounded soldiers, investigators determined. Facing this more complex assignment, the teenager approached her 58-year-old mother for assistance.

Rather than declining to participate, the woman agreed to join the operation. The pair carried out the vehicle arson during nighttime hours in the regional center, using similar methods to their previous attack.

Ukrainian prosecutors have classified the actions as attempted sabotage committed during martial law and obstruction of Armed Forces operations during the special period. The adult defendant faces charges under the latter statute, which carries a maximum penalty of eight years imprisonment, according to the prosecutor’s office.

The minor has been transferred to custody and guardianship authorities rather than facing criminal prosecution due to her age. Compulsory educational measures may be applied in her case, officials stated.

Earlier, Ukrainian law enforcement reported that Russian intelligence is conducting a covert sabotage campaign across Ukraine and Europe by recruiting vulnerable individuals, especially elderly Ukrainians, through deceptive phone calls and messaging apps like Viber.

They impersonate Ukrainian security officials, such as the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) or police, to blackmail pensioners with fabricated charges—like alleged collaboration for buying Russian-made medicines—and coerce them into carrying out sabotage tasks or paying money.

Similar recruitment tactics are used in European countries, including the Baltic states, where operatives lure locals with money or blackmail, treating them as expendable pawns. 

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Russia recruits elderly in covert sabotage campaign across Ukraine and Europe

Czechia began its inaugural voluntary military training program for high school students, with 718 participants beginning four weeks of intensive instruction at eight military bases across the country in the first program of its kind.

The initiative represents part of a broader defense strategy aimed at strengthening national security capabilities while providing youth development opportunities.

According to the Ministry of Defense, the program attracted nearly 750 applicants aged 18 to 22 years, with five candidates failing entrance medical examinations and others withdrawing for personal reasons. Female students comprise approximately 20% of the participant cohort, all of whom must be enrolled in secondary education to qualify.

Army General Karel Řehka, Chief of the General Staff of the Czech Armed Forces, stated that the program seeks to “actively reach out to the young generation and introduce them to military service” while “expanding our reserves” through increased societal resilience.

Participants will receive comprehensive military instruction including:

• tactical fundamentals
• small arms training
• grenade handling
• topographical navigation
• engineering preparation
• first aid certification.

The curriculum also incorporates physical conditioning through morning exercises and field maneuvers, culminating in a two-day field exercise under natural conditions.

Can teenagers handle this intensity? The military thinks so. Students who complete the program take a ceremonial oath in their garrison town and receive 40,498 Czech crowns—roughly $1,900—before taxes.

But the money isn’t the real incentive here. The Czech Ministry of Defense frames this as preparation for “crisis situations” while strengthening “the state’s defense capabilities.” 

The initiative coincides with the Czech military’s Reserve Resources 2025 mobilization exercises conducted in June, which focused on emergency and wartime conscription procedures, according to previous ministry announcements.

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) delivered a landmark ruling on 9 July, finding Russia responsible for widespread human rights violations during its war against Ukraine and the 2014 downing of Malaysia Airlines flight MH17.

Why does this matter? It’s the first time an international court has held Moscow accountable for human rights violations since Russia’s invasion began in 2014.

The case combined four separate legal challenges into one massive proceeding. Ukraine filed complaints about systematic abuses in occupied Donetsk and Luhansk, including something particularly disturbing: the kidnapping of children from orphanages and their deportation to Russia. The Netherlands joined with its own application over MH17. Then Ukraine added a fourth complaint covering violations since the 2022 full-scale invasion.

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What did the court actually find? The Russian violations include:

• killings of civilians and Ukrainian soldiers
• torture
• arbitrary detention
• forced displacement through so-called “filtration” camps
• systematic suppression of the Ukrainian language.

But here’s what makes this ruling unprecedented: 26 countries and an international organization joined as third parties. That level of international backing is extraordinary.

Ukrainian judge Mykola Hnatovskyi put it bluntly: this is “probably the largest and most important case in the entire history of the ECHR.”

Ukraine’s lawyers forge unprecedented international case against Russia for decade

Behind this landmark ruling lies years of painstaking legal work. Marharyta Sokorenko, the Commissioner for ECHR Affairs at Ukraine’s Justice Ministry, called the case “the culmination of a long and thorny path of fierce legal confrontation for law and truth.”

How grueling was the process? Sokorenko described it as “the result of more than ten years of complex work, sometimes ‘on the edge’ and ‘this is the last time,’ by the entire team.” She added that Ukrainian lawyers “were pioneers in forming the interstate lawsuit and evidence base.”

For the legal team, this wasn’t just another case. “For each of us, this case goes far beyond official duties,” Sokorenko wrote on Facebook ahead of the ruling.

Russia missile attack killed 298 people in MH17 air crash

On 17 July 2014, Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 was traveling from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur when it was shot down over eastern Ukraine by a Russian-supplied Buk missile. All 298 passengers and crew members died, including 196 Dutch nationals—making it one of the deadliest aviation disasters in Dutch history.

The human cost extends far beyond the immediate tragedy. A decade later, research by Professor Jos de Keijser from the University of Groningen reveals that one in eight families of the victims still struggle with severe, chronic grief. These survivors face insomnia, depression, PTSD, and concentration problems that persist years after the disaster.

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Decade after MH17 disaster: 1 in 8 families of victims still grapple with severe grief 

Russia controlled part of Ukraine where plane was hit

For nearly a decade, families of the 298 people killed when MH17 was shot down over eastern Ukraine waited for justice. Now they have it—sort of.

The European court determined Russia was responsible for downing the Malaysia Airlines flight on 17 July 2014. This marks the first international judicial finding holding Russia accountable for the disaster.

How solid is the evidence? A Joint Investigation Team from five countries spent years building the case. Last November, a Dutch court sentenced three men to life imprisonment: Russians Igor Girkin-Strelkov and Sergey Dubinsky, plus Ukrainian citizen Leonid Kharchenko. They remain out of prison because Russia has refused to extradite its citizens. The court also ordered over €16 million in compensation to victims’ families.

Crucially, during that verdict reading, The Hague District Court also recognized that Russia controlled the self-proclaimed “Donetsk People’s Republic” from at least May 2014—months before MH17 was destroyed.

Netherlands Defense Minister Ruben Brekelmans called the ECHR decision “an important step toward justice.”

“The suffering of the relatives of MH-17 is immense, intensified by Russia’s denial. Now the European Court confirms what we have known for 10 years: Russia is responsible. I hope it contributes to processing the grief,” Brekelmans wrote.

Russia denies involvement. But the evidence trail led investigators to conclude Moscow’s control began well before the tragedy occurred.

Court recognizes Russia wants to destroy Ukraine

The court ordered Russia:

1. to release all people illegally detained in occupied territories
2. cooperate in creating an international mechanism to identify kidnapped children and return them to their families.

Will Russia comply? History suggests no. Moscow has ignored international court rulings before.

But Ukraine’s Justice Ministry sees this differently. They called the ruling “unprecedented” and noted the court satisfied nearly all government complaints. More importantly, the court recognized something Ukrainian officials have argued for years: Russia is conducting “a targeted campaign to destroy the Ukrainian state as a subject of international law.”

The ministry went further, stating that the court found “Russia’s aggression is not limited to Ukraine—it is a global threat that questions the very idea of coexistence of states in the legal field. In particular, Russia demonstrates hostility toward other member states of the Council of Europe.”

Ukrainian judge Hnatovskyi explained why this case stands apart: “No previous conflicts examined showed such unanimous condemnation by the international community of the respondent state’s flagrant disregard for the principles of international legal order established after World War II.”

What’s the broader significance? This ruling doesn’t just address past violations—it creates legal precedent for holding Russia accountable for systematic human rights abuses. The question now is whether international pressure can translate into meaningful consequences for Moscow’s actions.

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ICAO acknowledges Russia’s responsibility for shooting down flight MH17

Two Chinese nationals sit in Ukrainian custody tonight, accused of attempting to steal classified documentation on Ukraine’s Neptune anti-ship missile system. The weapon that sank Russia’s flagship Moskva.

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) says it caught the pair red-handed in Kyiv. A 24-year-old former university student and his father, who resides in China but made periodic visits to Ukraine.

Chinese father-son espionage in Ukraine

The younger suspect studied at a Kyiv technical university until 2023, when he was expelled for poor grades. Instead of returning to China, he stayed in Ukraine. The SBU suggests he used his remaining contacts to target someone with access to advanced weapons development.

His father allegedly traveled to Ukraine to personally coordinate intelligence operations, according to the security service’s investigation. The family business, apparently, was espionage.

The student attempted to recruit a Ukrainian citizen connected to cutting-edge defense projects. The goal: technical documentation on Neptune missile production that could be smuggled back to Chinese intelligence services.

Ukrainian counterintelligence officers say they identified the operation early and arrested the student during a document handover. His father was detained as he prepared to transfer the stolen information to Beijing.

During searches, investigators seized mobile phones containing what they describe as coordination messages between the two suspects.

Both face espionage charges under Ukraine’s Criminal Code. Maximum sentence: 15 years with property confiscation.

Why would China want Neptune missile secrets?

The weapon has proven its worth in combat. Two Neptune missiles sank the Russian cruiser Moskva in April 2022—the Black Sea Fleet’s flagship and a potent symbol of Russian naval power. In March 2024, another Neptune strike hit the landing ship Konstantin Olshansky at its occupied Crimean base, rendering the vessel incapable of combat. 

The missile itself measures just over five meters long and weighs 870 kilograms (1 918 lbs). Range: up to 280 kilometers (173 miles). It can sink vessels displacing up to 5,000 tons.

Recent modifications expanded the Neptune’s capabilities beyond ships to ground targets that has an extended range of up to 1,000 kilometers (621 miles).

This advancement allows Ukraine to strike deep into Russian territory, including strategic targets such as oil refineries, exemplified by a likely 14 March strike on a refinery in Tuapse about 450 km (279 miles) from the front line. 

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Ukraine says it hit Russia’s stolen Ukrainian ship with Neptune missile in occupied Crimea

Lithuania and Finland are preparing to begin domestic production of anti-personnel landmines next year to supply themselves and Ukraine, according to officials from both NATO member states who spoke to Reuters.

The countries are ready to begin manufacturing once their six-month withdrawal from the Ottawa Convention is complete.

Lithuania shares 274 kilometers (170 miles) of border with Russia and 679 kilometers (421 miles) with Belarus, a key Kremlin’s ally, so they are concerned about the country’s security amid continued Russia’s aggression in Ukraine.

“We are going to spend hundreds of millions of euros on anti-tank mines, but also on anti-personnel mines. It will be a significant amount,” Lithuanian Deputy Defense Minister Karolis Aleksa told Reuters. How many? Tens of thousands, possibly more.

Can they actually produce them? “Our national industry will be one of the sources. Our industry can make these,” Aleksa said.

Helsinki had more than 1 million anti-personnel landmines before joining the Ottawa Convention in 2011. They destroyed them all, following the rules. Now they’re rebuilding that capability as Finland’s border with Russia stretches 1,340 kilometers (832 miles)—longer than any other NATO state.

Both countries have concluded the same thing: when your neighbor stockpiles weapons banned by treaties they never signed, you need every defensive option available.

Other Eastern European countries consider mines production amid Russia’s threat

Three additional NATO and European Union states – Poland, Latvia and Estonia – are also exiting the treaty, citing heightened security concerns about Russia due to its war in Ukraine. While these three countries have not announced production plans, officials in Poland and Latvia indicated they could begin manufacturing quickly if necessary, and Estonia views it as a future possibility.

All five NATO countries say they won’t create minefields during peacetime. Instead, they’ll store the mines for rapid deployment if threatened. Poland has already designated zones that could be mined within days as part of future military fortifications along its eastern frontier.

Ukraine has similarly announced its withdrawal from the 1997 Ottawa treaty to better defend against Russia, which is not a party to the agreement.

This decision comes after nearly two decades of compliance since Ukraine joined the treaty in 2005, but the full-scale Russian invasion and Russia’s ongoing use of mines have forced Ukraine to reconsider its position.

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Ukraine exits global mine ban for self-defense reasons as Russia ignores international law

The Ukrainian government argues that the treaty unfairly restricts its right to self-defense under the UN Charter, especially as Russia cynically employs mines and other weapons without regard for international law. 

Lithuania and Finland plan to supply Ukraine with mines

Vincas Jurgutis, head of Lithuania’s defense industry association, said once production is established, Lithuania would be positioned to supply others including Ukraine.

Finland could also supply landmines to Ukraine, Finnish parliament defence committee chair Heikki Autto said. “It is not only right and our duty to support Ukraine, it is also important for Finland’s own security.”

But here’s the humanitarian concern: Anti-personnel mines detonate when triggered by contact, vibration or tripwires, and can harm civilians as well as combatants. Many remain in the ground long after conflicts conclude.

Anti-mine campaigners have criticized the countries leaving the Ottawa Convention, arguing that reintroducing anti-personnel mine production could be expensive and time-consuming to make fully operational.

Russia’s ambassador to Helsinki said in April that Finland’s decision to quit the Ottawa treaty would create risks only for Finnish residents since its military planned to mine only Finnish territory.

The countries’ governments, however, say any minefields must be marked for post-conflict clearance and regard such munitions as deterrence. “When we have them in storage, that is the best guarantee that they will never have to be used,” Autto said.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz declared that diplomatic solutions to the Russo-Ukrainian war have reached their limits, while committing to maintain Berlin’s assistance to Ukraine, according to Tagesschau and ZDF heute.

Merz promised continued German support “even against the resistance of the political left and the Russia-friendly right here in the house.”

The Chancellor justified the stance by arguing that traditional diplomatic channels no longer offer viable solutions.

“Diplomatic resources have been exhausted,” he told lawmakers, framing the situation as one where “a criminal regime uses military force to openly challenge the right to exist of an entire country and seeks to destroy the political freedom of the entire European continent.”

On defense spending, Merz framed Germany’s military investment as essential European leadership. “We’re taking on the leadership responsibility that Europe expects from us,” he said. The constitutional amendment enabling increased defense spending wasn’t just about Germany—without it, “NATO would probably have fallen apart in the 70th year of our membership.”

The Chancellor’s remarks come as Germany prepares substantial military assistance for 2025. In June, Defense Minister Boris Pistorius announced plans for Berlin to provide €9 billion ($10 billion) in military aid to Ukraine next year, with portions allocated specifically for long-range weapons production financing.

However, contradictions have emerged in Germany’s weapons policy. While Pistorius rejected any current consideration of transferring long-range TAURUS cruise missiles to Ukraine, Chancellor Merz had described such weapons deliveries as possible just one month earlier.

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Bild: Germany’s Ukraine aid promise math doesn’t add up as € 900 million missing from actual budget

The European Union is exploring the establishment of a €100 billion ($117 billion) fund to provide continued financial assistance to Ukraine as the war in its fourth year shows no end in sight, according to Bloomberg. 

The proposed funding mechanism may be incorporated into the EU’s next seven-year budget framework, which is scheduled for presentation on 16 July, the sources told Bloomberg.

If approved by member states during budgetary negotiations, disbursements would begin in 2028 to ensure uninterrupted financial support for Ukraine.

How much has Europe already committed? Nearly €160 billion ($187 billion) since Russia’s invasion began three and a half years ago. That includes a €50 billion ($58 billion) fund providing grants and loans through 2027, plus another $50 billion loan backed by frozen Russian assets.

The new proposal would extend that timeline indefinitely. EU Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis put it simply: the bloc stands “ready to provide all necessary support for Ukraine for as long as it’s needed.”

The European Commission would distribute grants and loans, most tied to governance reforms required for EU membership. Ukraine has been implementing these changes even while fighting a war.

The proposal remains under consideration alongside other alternatives and will undergo further discussion before the Multiannual Financial Framework details are finalized. 

The White House is considering delivering an additional Patriot air-defense system to Ukraine, two officials told the Wall Street Journal. This would mark Trump’s first approval of a major weapons system beyond what Biden had authorized.

The White House has requested options from the Pentagon for sending Ukraine additional weapons, including a Patriot system, one official told the Wall Street Journal. Officials are also examining whether other countries can provide more Patriots to Kyiv.

Previously Axios reported, citing two sources, that Trump has committed to sending ten Patriot interceptor missiles immediately, far fewer than Ukraine needs to defend against constant Russian missile attacks.

Ukraine needs Patriots to save civilian lives

Russian forces launch waves of missiles and drones almost nightly. On the night of 9 July, Russia conducted its largest-ever aerial assault on Ukraine since the full-scale invasion began in 2022, firing a record 741 air targets, including 728 drones and 13 missiles across multiple regions. 

The capital city of Kyiv faces regular bombardment targeting civilian infrastructure. Ukraine’s existing Patriots work around the clock, but they can’t cover the entire country. So Russian missiles hit apartment buildings, schools, and hospitals.

Ukraine has maybe seven Patriot systems total, but only a handful operate simultaneously due to maintenance cycles.

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Trump flips on Ukraine weapons cutoff: “We have to help them”

According to a former Pentagon official cited by the Wall Street Journal, the United States has provided three Patriot systems to Kyiv, Germany has sent another three, and a European consortium has contributed one system. 

Ukraine’s older Soviet-era air defenses can’t match modern Russian cruise missiles and hypersonic weapons. Only advanced Western systems like Patriots can reliably intercept today’s threats. That’s why Ukrainian officials constantly plead for more—each additional system saves hundreds of lives.

“They are getting hit very, very hard. So many people are dying in that mess,” Trump said on 7 July. He’s praised Ukrainian troops for their fight while emphasizing defensive weapons: “Ukraine must have the capabilities to defend itself.”

US hesitates with sanctions on Russia’s energy exports

President Donald Trump, however, stalled a bipartisan US Senate sanctions bill aimed at imposing up to 500% tariffs on Russian energy exports, which had overwhelming support from 82 senators and was designed to choke off Russia’s war economy, particularly its trade with China and India.

Despite the bill’s backing by key Republicans and Democrats, the White House hesitated to move forward, with Trump expressing concerns that harsh sanctions might undermine ongoing peace talks with Russia. Senators Lindsey Graham and Richard Blumenthal, the bill’s authors, criticized Putin’s insincerity in peace negotiations and urged stronger measures, while some lawmakers argued the sanctions would strengthen US leverage.

Can economic pressure work? “Putin sees no reason to stop the war, because the US hasn’t taken action to force him to change his calculus,” said Alina Polyakova from the Center for European Policy Analysis, according to WSJ. 

Ukraine faced its most extensive aerial bombardment since Russia’s full-scale invasion began in 2022, with Russian forces deploying 741 air targets against multiple regions on the night of 9 July. 

The timing matters. This bombardment came as multiple countries pushed for ceasefires and peace talks. Russia’s response? Its biggest terror campaign yet.

Russian forces launched 728 drones of various types and 13 missiles against Ukrainian territory, according to Ukraine’s Air Forces. The drone fleet included over 300 Shahed models alongside other unmanned systems. The missile component consisted of seven X-101 and Iskander-K cruise missiles plus six X-47 Kinzhal aeroballistic missiles.

Ukrainian air defenses intercepted 718 of the incoming targets. Seven cruise missiles were destroyed, while 728 drones were neutralized through direct fire or electronic warfare systems. 

City in western Ukraine takes the worst hit

The western city of Lutsk endured what Mayor Ihor Polishchuk described as “the most massive shelling of the city since the beginning of the full-scale war.” Regional administration head Ivan Rudnytsky reported that the Russian forces targeted the city with five missiles and 50 drones.

The attacks triggered fires at a garage cooperative and an industrial facility, according to Mayor Polishchuk. No fatalities were reported from the Lutsk strikes, though the assault caused significant property damage across the city.

One woman injured in Kyiv Oblast

Beyond Lutsk, Russian projectiles struck targets in central Kyiv and Zhytomyr oblasts and western Ternopil, and Ivano-Frankivsk oblasts. In Kyiv Oblast, strike drones injured one woman who sustained a closed chest fracture, according to regional administration head Mykola Kalashnyk.

Ternopil city came under attack from cruise missiles and strike drones, though officials provided no immediate damage assessment. In Khmelnytskyi Oblast, regional head Serhii Tyurin reported damage to a private residence’s roof and walls.

Zelenskyy calls for stronger sanctions

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy characterized the bombardment as a “telling attack” occurring amid international peace efforts that Russia continues to reject.

“This is a telling attack – and it comes precisely at a time when so many efforts have been made to achieve peace, to establish a ceasefire, and yet only Russia continues to rebuff them all,” he wrote.

Zelenskyy said the attack proved the need for “biting sanctions against oil, which has been fueling Moscow’s war machine with money for over three years of the war.”

The president emphasized that “everyone who wants peace must act,” calling for secondary sanctions against entities purchasing Russian oil and “sponsoring killings.”

Russia was clearly preparing for major attack

The massive 9 July attack followed a notably smaller Russian drone strike on 8 July that brought just a handful of drones against eastern Mykolaiv Oblast. One man was wounded, some fires started, but nothing approaching the scale of what followed.

Russia often scales back daily attacks for 24-48 hours, then unleashes everything at once. The quiet nights aren’t mercy—they’re preparation.

Why stockpile drones? Because mass psychological impact requires mass numbers. A few dozen drones every night becomes routine. But 728 in one assault? That keeps entire populations awake, wondering when the next mega-attack will come.

Ukraine just cleared its first domestically built laser-targeting drone for battlefield use. The R-34-T can now illuminate targets for guided bombs and artillery rounds across Defense Forces units.

Why does this matter? Most precision weapons need someone to “paint” the target with a laser beam. Until now, Ukrainian forces relied on ground teams or imported systems for this dangerous work.

The drone was built specifically for Ukraine’s military and passed all required tests, according to the Ministry of Defense. But what makes it different from commercial drones Ukraine has been using?

The R-34-T carries protected communication links that resist Russian jamming. Its modular design allows quick repairs and upgrades. And it can operate at longer ranges than typical battlefield drones.

Here’s the tactical advantage: Ukrainian artillery and aircraft can now hit targets with surgical precision even when enemy air defenses are active. The laser guidance dramatically improves accuracy at extended distances—exactly what Ukraine needs against dug-in Russian positions.

The Ministry of Defense emphasizes that the system’s resistance to radio-electronic warfare tools represents a key operational advantage.

Ukraine has been pushing to reduce ammunition waste while keeping operators safer. The R-34-T addresses both problems—fewer missed shots mean less exposure time for crews.

The R-34-T now joins combat units nationwide, putting homegrown precision targeting directly into Ukrainian hands.

Armenia formally protested to Russia over what it describes as hostile propaganda targeting the Armenian government on Russian state television.

Armenian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Ani Badalyan confirmed that the Ministry delivered a diplomatic note to the Russian Ambassador expressing “strong dissatisfaction” with coverage on Russian state media channels, Armen Press reports.

According to Badalyan, the Ministry made the note’s contents public because “the issue is of significant concern to Armenian citizens.”

What exactly triggered Armenia’s anger? The note targets “openly unfriendly, often hostile propaganda against the Government of the Republic of Armenia in Russian mass media.” The complaint specifically calls out “offensive language during live broadcasts on Russian state television.”

Here’s where it gets personal. Russian officials criticized Armenia’s recent arrests of alleged coup plotters, with some Russia’s State Duma members calling the crackdown “another unfriendly step by Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.”

The dispute stems partly from Armenia’s prosecution of Archbishop Mikael Ajapakhyan, head of the Shirak Diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church, who faces charges based on making public calls to overthrow the government, particularly for being critical of the minister Pashinyan.

When authorities tried arresting the Archbishop, clergy and supporters clashed with security forces at Echmiadzin Monastery. The crowd blocked the arrest, forcing officers to retreat to prevent a possible escalation. The Archbishop later traveled to Yerevan voluntarily and surrendered to investigators.

Armenia’s response was blunt: How is preventing a coup an unfriendly act? The diplomatic note calls such statements “not only absurd” but “gross interference in the internal affairs of the Republic of Armenia.”

What’s Armenia’s theory? The Foreign Ministry suggests this appears “deliberately pursued to undermine democracy, the rule of law, and the constitutional order in Armenia.” Strong words between supposed allies.

The diplomatic note ends with a demand for Russia to take “immediate and effective measures” to stop what Armenia calls unfriendly actions.

Earlier, Armenian Parliament Speaker Alen Simonyan said authorities should “seriously consider” banning Russian TV channels entirely.

US President Donald Trump described his recent phone conversation with Vladimir Putin as “disappointing” while praising his follow-up call with Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelenskyy as “very good and strategic.”

Trump spoke with Zelenskyy on 4 July and told journalists aboard Air Force One that he was pleased with this recent conversation.

Zelenskyy described their discussion as a “very important and fruitful conversation” covering Ukraine’s air defense needs, joint defense production and “mutual procurement and investment.”

Trump echoed the positive tone, telling reporters: “I think it was a very good conversation, a very strategic conversation.”

What did Trump say about continued military aid? Despite the pause, he indicated support would resume: “We have been helping them and will continue to help.” However, it is unclear what kind of support he is referring to here. 

When pressed specifically about Patriot air defense systems, Trump suggested the possibility remained open, responding “Yes, maybe” to questions about future deliveries.

Trump says Putin doesn’t want to end war and killing

The call with Zelenskyy occurred just one day after a disappointing conversation with Russian leader Vladimir Putin that failed to advance Trump’s goal of ending the war.

How badly did that Putin call go?

“I was very disappointed” with the conversation, he told reporters early Friday morning. “I don’t think he [Putin] is looking to stop” the war.

Trump’s frustration showed through repeated criticism. “I was not happy with the conversation,” he said, later adding that Putin “seems he wants to go to the very end and continue killing people. That’s not good. That’s bad. I was dissatisfied.”

Trump has long promised to end the war quickly—famously claiming during his campaign he could do so within 24 hours. But the war continues, and Trump appears increasingly frustrated with Putin’s refusal to cooperate in negotiations.

Trump also acknowledged the complexity without offering specifics: “The situation is quite complex. We’ll see what happens next.”

Russia terrorizes civilians in Kyiv right after Trump’s call with Putin

On 4 July, just hours after a phone call between Trump and Putin, Russia launched one of the largest air assaults of the war on Kyiv, deploying a record wave of 550 air attack assets, including 539 Shahed-type drones and multiple ballistic and cruise missiles.

The attack caused widespread destruction across Kyiv and surrounding oblasts, damaging over 30 apartment buildings, educational institutions, and infrastructure, resulting in two deaths and at least 31 injuries, including a 10-year-old girl.

Ukrainian air defenses intercepted 478 aerial threats, but none of the ballistic missiles were stopped, highlighting Ukraine’s depleted missile defense capabilities amid paused US resupplies.

Russian forces launched coordinated strikes across multiple Ukrainian regions on the night of 4-5 July, hitting civilian targets with drones and artillery. The attacks wounded at least 16 people, with children among the casualties.

According to Ukraine’s air force, Russian forces launched 322 strike drones during the night, with Ukrainian air defense forces neutralizing 292 of them.

Kharkiv Oblast: Russian attack injures 13 people

The heaviest damage occurred in Chuhuiv, a city in Ukraine’s eastern Kharkiv Oblast near the frontline, where what officials called a massive drone barrage wounded 11 people, including a 10-year-old boy and 14-year-old girl.

The attack set off a major fire at one unspecified city facility that rescue teams were still fighting hours later, according to the State Emergency Service. Another drone hit the local post office and an abandoned building nearby.

How extensive was the damage? The postal strike sparked a second fire that spread to nearby homes and cars before firefighters contained it. Regional military administration head Oleh Syniehubov confirmed the casualty figures.

But Chuhuiv wasn’t the only target in Kharkiv Oblast. Russian forces also shelled Kupiansk the same day, wounding two more people who are now receiving medical treatment.

Kupiansk saw two apartment buildings hit, along with a school, two private homes, and a store.

Dnipropetrovsk Oblast: Russian attack injures three people 

Overnight, Russian forces also targeted Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, located close to the frontline, with kamikaze drones and artillery, according to regional head Serhii Lysak.

Air defenses shot down five drones, but falling debris still wounded three people in Dnipro district—two women and one man. The debris destroyed five country houses entirely. A 43-year-old man was treated as an outpatient for his injuries.

The strikes damaged an agricultural enterprise, private home, outbuilding, hair salon, and car across the region.

Donetsk Oblast that is largely occupied by Russia faced its own barrage. Russian shelling sparked four separate fires that rescue teams had to extinguish while under constant threat. The strikes damaged a store, an administrative building, and an enterprise facility, while also igniting a fire at a wheat field.

Ukraine conducted a large-scale drone attack against Russian territory on the night of 5 July, targeting multiple military installations across several regions. Russian authorities reported intercepting and destroying 94 Ukrainian drones, while acknowledging strikes on strategic military facilities.

Borisoglebsk: Where Russia trains its fighter pilots

The Ukrainian General Staff confirmed what NASA satellites had already detected—fires burning at Russia’s Borisoglebsk airfield in Voronezh Oblast.

Why target this particular base? It houses Su-34 fighter-bombers, Su-35S air superiority fighters, and Su-30SM multirole aircraft used to attack Ukrainian cities and infrastructure.

The attack resulted in damage to a warehouse containing guided aerial bombs and at least one training combat aircraft, with the General Staff noting that “possibly other aircraft” were also hit.

Regional governor Alexander Gusev acknowledged that security forces detected and destroyed “more than 25 drones” across four districts, while Russia’s Defense Ministry later claimed 34 drones were shot down in the region.

This marks the second major Ukrainian attack on the Borisoglebsk facility this year. Previous strikes in June resulted in the deaths of two Russian servicemen, though regional authorities initially concealed both the attack and the casualties.

Cheboksary: Hitting Russia’s drone defenses

Ukrainian forces struck the VNIIR-Progress facility in Cheboksary, the capital of Russia’s Chuvash Republic, marking the second attack on this strategic defense manufacturer since June.

The head of Chuvashia confirmed the strike, stating that production at the facility “has not been operating since the previous attack in June.”

The VNIIR-Progress plant produces critical military equipment, including “Komet” antennas designed to protect Russian drones from Ukrainian electronic warfare systems, according to Russian Telegram channel Astra. The facility also manufactures navigation equipment for missiles including the Iskander-M and Kalibr systems, as well as components for submarines.

Eyewitness footage showed police blocking access to both the industrial facility and a nearby shopping center following the attack.

A separate fire broke out at the Vutherm water heating boiler factory, located approximately four kilometers from the VNIIR-Progress plant, though the connection between the incidents remains unclear.

Additional strikes across Russian territory

The drone offensive extended to the Saratov region, where governor Roman Busargin reported damage to residential buildings in both Engels and Saratov. However, the Telegram channel Astra, citing local sources, indicated that explosions occurred “in the area of a military airfield,” suggesting the primary targets were military rather than civilian infrastructure.

Social media footage captured fires at various industrial facilities, indicating the scope of the Ukrainian operation extended beyond the officially acknowledged targets. 

“We’ve got a global front that matters to America.” State Department spokeswoman Tammy Bruce delivered that message during a 2 July briefing, as the Pentagon confirmed suspension of critical weapons shipments to Ukraine, including Patriot air defense missiles that protect civilians from constant Russian bombardment. 

Bruce also noted that Washington expects European partners to “chime in” more substantially because of “the fronts that we’re always dealing with around the world.”

For Ukraine, the timing couldn’t be more alarming. Officials in Kyiv are scrambling to understand why US shipments already staged in Poland were abruptly halted, requesting clarification and a phone call between President Zelenskyy and President Trump.

The decision also sparked concern in Europe. French President Emmanuel Macron held his first phone conversation with Vladimir Putin since 2022 this week—a two-hour discussion that yielded no breakthrough but may reflect growing anxiety about America’s shifting priorities.

Dr. Frank Ledwidge, a senior lecturer in War Studies at Portsmouth University in the UK, told Euromaidan Press that these developments mark the inevitable consequence of Europe’s long reliance on US military support.

But while European governments may now face a geopolitical reckoning, it is Ukrainians who are paying the real price, dying under Russian missiles, bombs, and drones. Euromaidan Press set out to examine whether Europe can finally deliver on its promises to “stand with Ukraine” and provide the air defense systems needed to help the country survive.

US halts Ukraine aid without warning

The weapons suspension caught even senior officials off guard—Congress members, State Department officials, and European allies learned about it from news reports, according to Politico. 

Pentagon policy chief Elbridge Colby appears to have driven the decision largely alone. He led an internal review that found US arsenals of artillery rounds, air defense missiles, and precision munitions had dropped to concerning levels. But here’s what didn’t happen: coordination with the rest of the government.

Who got blindsided? The State Department learned from media reports. The US embassy in Kyiv wasn’t consulted. Ukraine envoy Keith Kellogg’s team had no advance notice, Politico reports. 

Amid the chaos, the halted weapons represent Ukraine’s survival kit: Patriot interceptor missiles, 155mm artillery shells, HIMARS rockets, Stinger missiles, and Hellfire missiles. More than two dozen Patriot PAC-3 missiles and over 90 AIM air-to-air missiles were among weapons recalled from Poland, according to the Wall Street Journal. 

For Ledwidge, this decision reflects America’s strategic rebalancing rather than vindictiveness toward Ukraine.

 “The overriding strategic priority for the United States Armed Forces is the Western Pacific,” he notes. “The most effective systems that the Americans currently have are the ones most needed in Ukraine, but they would be very much in demand in the South China Sea and in any Taiwan contingency.”

But the Pacific isn’t America’s only concern. The US has already redirected 20,000 air defense missiles from Ukraine to Middle East operations against Iranian targets and Houthi forces in Yemen—part of what State Department spokeswoman Bruce called America’s “global front.” 

Europe’s air defenses fall short

White House Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly defended the suspension: “The strength of the United States Armed Forces remains unquestioned—just ask Iran.” She referenced recent US military operations against Iranian nuclear sites.

But does the decision contradict that claim? If American military strength were truly unquestioned, why suspend weapons to a critical ally during wartime?

Ledwidge sees a fundamental paradox. “The West has been projecting this idea of strength when, in fact, much of that strength is illusory. The American armed forces do look like a very large and powerful force, and they are. However, they are very broad but in some ways not very deep.”

This depth problem extends across the Atlantic.

The United Kingdom exemplifies this weakness: “We have no Patriots, some ship-based equivalent missiles but no land-based launchers, and no missile defense system at all in Britain.”

The production constraints are stark. Only 20-30 Patriot missiles can be manufactured monthly, while far more are consumed in Ukraine and Middle East operations.

“These systems take a very long time to develop and build up large stocks,” Ledwidge notes, highlighting the gap between political promises and industrial reality.

Trump pushes NATO to pay up

Europe’s predicament stems from decades of what NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte embarrassingly called relying on America as “Daddy.” Trump’s “America First” policy has shattered this arrangement.

The doctrine prioritizes American interests and capabilities above alliance commitments, demanding that allies shoulder greater responsibility for their own security rather than relying on US guarantees.

At the recent NATO summit in The Hague, Trump pushed European nations to spend 5% of GDP on defense, which is a target that doubles most current commitments.

Geography explains European divisions. Eastern European nations—Poland, the Baltic states, Finland—have taken Russian threats seriously. Poland began rearming a decade ago. 

“Only now are we seeing the weapons coming through,” Ledwidge notes, highlighting the long lead times for military modernization.

By contrast, southwestern European countries remain hesitant to embrace substantial defense spending increases. Why should they worry? “Spain and its leaders don’t really face Russia as a problem,” Ledwidge observes.

While Poland builds serious deterrent capabilities and the Baltic states invest heavily despite their small size, major Western European powers continue to prioritize social spending over military readiness.

Here’s the catch: “For the last 30 years, we’ve been paying heavily for social security and other priorities while America has underwritten our defenses. This is why Britain doesn’t have any serious air and missile defense system—why should we when the Americans will defend us?”

The comfortable arrangement is over. European leaders now show what Ledwidge describes as “rather fearful expressions.” Even Macron’s outreach to Putin represents choosing “from a few very poor options available to him” as France lacks military leverage to dictate terms to Russia.

Can decades of underinvestment be reversed quickly?

Russia’s allies deliver, Europe stalls

While Europe struggles with defense spending commitments and America suspends weapons shipments, Russia has built a robust support network.

North Korea plans to send an additional 25,000 to 30,000 troops to assist Russia, tripling its military commitment from the original 11,000 soldiers deployed in November 2024 to Russia’s Kursk Oblast. Over 6,000 North Korean troops have already been killed, wounded, or gone missing in heavy frontline fighting.

Additionally, North Korea has supplied Russia with millions of artillery shells, along with missiles, long-range rocket systems, self-propelled howitzers, and short-range missile systems.

China’s role proves more substantial despite official denials. Chinese manufacturers supply Russia with 80% of critical electronics for Russian drones, according to Ukraine’s Foreign Intelligence Service. Beijing provides machine tools, special chemicals, gunpowder, and components directly to 20 Russian military factories.

“They use so-called shell companies, change names, do everything to avoid being subject to export control,” Ukrainian intelligence explains.

The production numbers tell the story.

Iran adds another layer through its January strategic partnership with Russia, covering defense cooperation and intelligence sharing. The country is most known for providing Russian forces with Shahed-136 attack drones, which Russia has since been able to manufacture independently. 

Compare this coordination to Western hesitation. While Russia receives troops, workers, and industrial components from allies, Ukraine’s Western partners debate long-range strike permissions for months and suspend aid deliveries.

Europe lacks “escalation dominance”—European powers cannot “dictate the levels of force and coercion” necessary to shape outcomes on their terms, Ledwidge believes.

Can Europe replace lost US missiles?

Think of Ukraine’s air defense like a castle’s defenses. Multiple walls protect against different threats.

The first wall: Shoulder-fired MANPADS that soldiers carry. Can Europe replace these? Yes. Poland’s Piorun and France’s Mistral systems work fine as substitutes.

The second wall: Short-range systems protecting tactical areas. Again, European alternatives exist, though in smaller quantities.

The critical third wall: Medium-range coverage that protects entire regions. Here’s where problems start. Ukraine relies heavily on American Patriots, NASAMS, and HAWK interceptors. Germany’s IRIS-T and the French-Italian SAMP-T offer similar capabilities, but “there aren’t as many launchers as there are Patriots,” Ledwidge explains.

The final wall: Long-range interceptors that stop ballistic missiles. This is where Europe falls short completely.

But Ukraine has already shown creativity under pressure. Necessity forced Ukrainian engineers to create hybrid “Franken-Buk” systems—mounting American AIM-7 missiles on old Soviet launchers when original Soviet missiles ran out.

Here’s the real problem: The dependency extends beyond ground systems to fighter aircraft. Ukraine’s F-16s use American AIM-9 and AIM-120 missiles. European nations possess limited stocks of compatible air-to-air munitions.

For HIMARS systems? “Europeans simply can’t backfill those—they’re an American form of munition,” Ledwidge notes.

Ukraine could potentially maintain basic air defense using European systems. But the country would lose much capability against Russia’s most dangerous weapons—ballistic missiles and long-range cruise missiles that require Patriot-level systems.

The timing couldn’t be worse. Russian engineers have systematically upgraded Shahed drones. Newer variants fly at 2,800 meters altitude and reach 550-600 km/h—too high for machine guns, too fast for helicopters. 

Modern Shaheds carry 12-channel navigation systems that resist electronic jamming. Their 90-kilogram (198 lbs) warheads also double earlier destruction potential.

These technological advances create a perfect storm: just as Ukraine loses access to American interceptors, Russian weapons become harder to counter with existing European alternatives.

What’s next for Ukraine’s air defenses?

Ledwidge sees little optimism about European defense commitments. Recent promises of 150 billion euros for EU defense funds and 650 billion in loan facilities “will never be taken up because there isn’t sufficient commitment, particularly from Southern Europe.”

The €150 billion comes from the EU’s newly established Security Action for Europe (SAFE) regulation, approved in May 2025. It provides loans to member states for joint arms procurement and defense technology development. The €650 billion represents loosened fiscal rules allowing countries to increase national defense budgets substantially over the coming years under the ReArm Europe program.

Why does he believe these funds won’t materialize? Sophisticated weapons systems require enormous financial investments and years of development time. The gap between political declarations and actual capability generation reflects deeper structural problems in European decision-making.

His prediction extends beyond the current crisis: “There will be an even bigger panic when the Americans actually start withdrawing troops.”

For Ukraine, that panic has already begun. As Washington delays critical decisions and European rearmament remains mostly on paper, the country continues to fight under daily missile fire, often without the systems it urgently needs. Kyiv is still awaiting a response to its $30–50 billion weapons purchase proposal, a last-ditch effort to secure enough air defense and ammunition to survive the coming months.

While Europe debates fiscal frameworks and timelines, Ukraine is left asking a more immediate question: can its allies deliver real support now—before it’s too late?

Russia just became the first nation to formally recognize the Taliban government in Afghanistan—nearly four years after the group seized power again. 

The recognition came as Russia accepted credentials from Afghanistan’s new ambassador, a move that the Russian Foreign Ministry stated would “give impetus to the development of productive bilateral cooperation between our countries in various fields.”

“We value this courageous step taken by Russia, and, God willing, it will serve as an example for others as well,” said Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi.

Russia seeks trade and economic opportunities from Taliban

The Russian Foreign Ministry outlined concrete benefits: cooperation in security, counter-terrorism, and combating drug crime. More importantly, Moscow sees “significant trade and economic opportunities” in energy, transport, agriculture, and infrastructure.

This isn’t sudden diplomacy. Russia has been quietly building economic ties with the Taliban for years. Since 2022, Afghanistan has imported gas, oil, and wheat from Russia. 

Russia’s approach required reversing its previous position, as the Taliban had been designated a terrorist movement in Russia since 2003 until the ban was lifted in April this year.

Will other countries recognize Taliban?

Several nations have already moved partway. China, the United Arab Emirates, Uzbekistan, and Pakistan appointed ambassadors to Kabul—steps toward recognition without full diplomatic acknowledgment, according to Reuters.

But Western governments remain firmly opposed. Their position centers on one issue: women’s rights. The Taliban has banned girls and women from high schools and universities. Women cannot move freely without male guardians. Western diplomats say broader recognition won’t happen until these policies change.

The Taliban justifies these restrictions under its interpretation of Islamic law. That creates a fundamental standoff with Western expectations.

The decision also comes as Russia faces security challenges from militant groups operating across the region. President Vladimir Putin described the Taliban last year as an ally in fighting terrorism, a characterization that gained relevance following the March 2024 attack on a Moscow concert hall that killed 149 people, which US officials attributed to the Afghan branch of Islamic State.

Western isolation strategy crumbles

Russia’s recognition carries particular weight given Moscow’s bloody history in Afghanistan. Soviet forces invaded in 1979, fought for a decade against the Mujahideen insurgents, and withdrew in 1989 after losing approximately 15,000 soldiers. Putin is now embracing the group that emerged from that conflict’s aftermath.

Meanwhile, the US has frozen billions in Afghanistan’s central bank assets and maintains sanctions on Taliban leaders. Russia’s move could encourage other countries to break ranks, potentially undermining the Western isolation strategy.

For the Taliban, this represents their biggest diplomatic victory since taking power. They’ve broken the wall of non-recognition that has defined their international status for nearly four years.

Ukraine and Russia conducted another prisoner exchange on 4 July, with both countries releasing military personnel under 25 years old, wounded and seriously ill defenders, and civilians.

How many prisoners came home this time? Ukrainian officials aren’t saying yet, but say they’ll announce the exact numbers once all exchange phases wrap up.

The released Ukrainians included some of the war’s youngest defenders—soldiers barely out of their teens alongside seasoned veterans. The youngest freed defender was just 20 years old. The oldest: 59.

Who exactly came back? Soldiers from Ukraine’s Armed Forces, National Guard, border guards, and transport security services. But this exchange also freed civilians—people caught up in Russia’s detention system who weren’t combatants at all.

Soldiers who spent three years in captivity finally home

Among those walking free were defenders of Mariupol, the port city that became synonymous with Ukrainian resistance. These soldiers had been in Russian custody since 2022, when the city finally fell after months of siege.

How long had most been held? More than three years, according to the Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War. The released fighters had defended positions across Ukraine’s eastern and southern fronts—Donetsk, Kharkiv, Luhansk, and Kherson.

Russia creates fake diplomatic progress

The freed Ukrainians will undergo medical screening and receive rehabilitation support, both physical and psychological. They’ll also get back pay covering their entire time in captivity.

Will the Istanbul approach continue? Both sides appear committed to the framework, which has produced more regular exchanges than previous negotiation attempts. The focus on categories rather than raw numbers seems to have broken through earlier deadlocks.

Meanwhile, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy accused Russia of weaponizing prisoner exchanges to create fake diplomatic progress that delays new sanctions and weakens US support for Ukraine.

He warns Moscow uses these swaps and prolonged talks like those in Istanbul to buy time while continuing military operations, exploiting a major sanctions loophole that lets Russia keep producing nuclear-capable “Oreshnik” intercontinental ballistic missiles through unsanctioned companies. 

Ben Burgess came to Ukraine believing the country deserved freedom. He died fighting for it.

The 33-year-old former British Army soldier was killed 20 June while operating drones in Andriivka, a contested village in northern Sumy Oblast just three miles from Russia’s border, where Russian forces are actively advancing. Local reports confirmed his death during combat operations with the 78th Air Assault Regiment.

How did a Portsmouth native end up flying military drones in Ukraine’s most dangerous zones?

Burgess, known by his call sign “Budgie,” volunteered in 2022 when Russia’s full-scale invasion began. He started with artillery units in Zaporizhzhia before moving to medical evacuations in Donetsk—work that meant retrieving wounded soldiers under fire, the Telegraph reports.

But drones became his specialty. First-person-view (FPV) drones, specifically—the kind that require split-second decisions and nerves most people don’t possess.

“He was among the best pilots we had,” said his fellow soldier “Azrael,” one of the last foreign fighters in their regiment. “He came to Ukraine because he truly believed in its freedom. And he died fighting for that.”

I’ve lost many friends in this war—he’s my biggest loss

Forty people gathered at Kyiv’s main crematorium 30 June to say goodbye, according to Kyiv Post. Mourners laid sunflowers and roses on his coffin as Ukraine’s national anthem played. Later, they planted a flag in his honor at Maidan Square among hundreds of other memorials.

The messages left on his flag tell the story: “Thank you for protecting.” “Love you brother, until we meet again.” “Ben was a true Cossack.”

Burgess left behind a girlfriend in Odesa but no children. For his friend Azrael, the loss cuts deeper than professional respect.

“We were the last two foreign fighters in our regiment,” he said. “He was my family here. I’ve lost many friends in this war—he’s my biggest loss.”

A Foreign Office spokesman confirmed Britain is supporting Burgess’s family and coordinating with Ukrainian authorities.

Vladimir Putin appears to have abandoned his narrowed military objectives in favor of conquering all of Ukraine, according to recent statements and battlefield developments.

 “All of Ukraine is ours,” he told an economic forum in St. Petersburg last week. “Wherever the Russian soldier treads is ours.”

The declaration came as Russian forces attempted to push into Sumy, a region Putin never bothered to annex in 2022. Why the shift?

After failing to capture Kyiv in 2022, he pulled back and focused on four eastern and southern regions: Luhansk, Donetsk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia. He annexed them in September 2022, signaling narrower, more achievable goals.

His original strategy isn’t working, the Telegraph reports. Nearly three years later, he still doesn’t fully control even one of those regions.

Russia claims full control of Luhansk after three years

However, Russian forces claimed Monday they captured the final sliver of Luhansk Oblast after controlling 99% of it for years. If confirmed, Luhansk becomes the first Ukrainian region to fall completely since Putin seized Crimea in 2014. However, so far there has been no independent verification from the Russian Defense Ministry or Ukrainian authorities. 

But three years to capture one region? That’s not the lightning campaign Putin promised.

Ukraine rejects penetration of Russian forces into Dnipropetrovsk Oblast

Multiple Russian Telegram channels also claimed forces seized their first village in Dnipropetrovsk oblast, bordering Donetsk Oblast.

Ukraine’s General Staff disputed this, saying a small Russian reconnaissance group penetrated Dachne village, took photos with a Russian flag, then died.

“The invaders managed to take photos with the Russian tricolor, but this was their last activity: Ukrainian soldiers destroyed the occupiers,” military officials stated.

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Ukrainian military officials said information about establishing a bridgehead in Dnipropetrovsk region does not correspond to reality, and that Ukrainian units continue to contain pressure from Russian forces attempting to cross the administrative border between Donetsk and Dnipropetrovsk regions without success.

Still, the attempt matters. In over a decade of war, Ukraine never had to defend Dnipropetrovsk from ground invasion. The flat terrain and sparse settlements could allow swift Russian advances—if they can establish a foothold.

Tens of thousands of Russian troops are also massing around Sumy and Kharkiv, which are bordering Russia on the northeast. Both regions were early war targets Putin failed to capture.

Meanwhile, North Korea plans to significantly increase its military support for Russia in the war against Ukraine by sending an additional 25,000 to 30,000 troops, tripling its current deployment of about 11,000 soldiers initially sent in November 2024. 

North Korean troops were involved in helping Russian soldiers to push back Ukrainian forces which occupied a part of Russia’s Kursk Oblast, which borders Sumy. As of 2025, Russia regained control over most of the region.

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Putin believes he captures “historical Russian cities”

Angelica Evans from the Institute for the Study of War traced Putin’s expanded ambitions to his May visit to Kursk. There, he ordered creation of a “buffer zone” along Ukraine’s border.

“That was a light way to introduce that into the information space,” Evans told The Telegraph. “First, it’s a buffer zone, it’s just 30km to protect Russians. Then you’re not that far from major regional cities, so why not take those?”

The logic follows Putin’s historical claims. If these are “historic Russian cities,” why not seize them?

The expanded operations coincide with increased strikes on civilian targets. Recent attacks killed 18 people in a Kyiv apartment building and 17 passengers on a civilian train in Dnipropetrovsk region.

Evans suggested these strikes serve multiple purposes:

“A lot of these strikes are about undermining Ukrainian morale and for some of these settlements, that are closer to the frontline, an effort to convince people to leave and to make it easier in the future to seize these places.”

Peace talks dead in the water

Meanwhile, peace negotiations have stalled following two rounds of direct talks in May and June that yielded only agreements on prisoner exchanges and repatriation of the dead. Putin has stated that talks are “nowhere close” to success after efforts by Donald Trump failed to progress.

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During Istanbul peace talks in May, Russian officials reportedly warned Ukraine that Moscow could sustain its war effort for 21 years. Vladimir Medinsky, who led the Russian delegation, said Moscow wanted peace but would fight “however long it takes” and threatened to annex Sumy and Kharkiv if Ukraine rejected Putin’s demands.

Keith Kellogg, Trump’s special envoy for Russia and Ukraine, blamed Russia for derailing negotiations.

“Russian claims that it is the US and Ukraine stalling peace talks are unfounded,” Kellogg said. “We urge an immediate ceasefire and a move to trilateral talks to end the war. Russia cannot continue to stall for time while it bombs civilian targets in Ukraine.”

Russia is expanding its military training infrastructure to include motorcycle programs as part of efforts to formalize new assault tactics developed during the war in Ukraine, according to the Institute for the Study of War (ISW).

The Russian Ministry of Defense published footage on 27 and 28 June showing officials visiting the Novosibirsk Higher Military Command School and a new military training ground in Krasnodar Krai, highlighting the creation of motorcycle training programs at these facilities.

Defense Minister Andrei Belousov ordered Ground Forces Commander Andrei Mordvichev to equip training facilities with motorcycles and All-terrain vehicles (ATVs) for what they’re calling “modern tactics.”

Russia has already modernized over 200 training centers based on what they’ve learned in Ukraine. The Krasnodar training ground now features dedicated tracks for motorcycles, ATVs, and quad bikes.

Who’s behind this tactical shift?

Ground Forces Commander Andrei Mordvichev appears to be the architect. Russian sources claim he pioneered motorcycle and ATV use in late 2024 during pushes toward Pokrovsk in Donetsk Oblast. By June 2025, his forces had developed formal operating procedures—now being rolled out across other front sectors.

But here’s the current reality: most Russian soldiers still get their motorcycles from volunteers or buy them personally. Mordvichev wants to change that through centralized procurement and stockpiling.

How many motorcycles is Russia buying?

The numbers vary dramatically depending on the source. Russian military channels report the country purchased over 40,000 Chinese-made motorcycles in 2024, with forces receiving 20,000 so far.

Future plans? One military source claims Russia wants 120,000 motorcycles, 30,000 ATVs, and 12,000 buggies by year’s end. Another source suggests an even more ambitious target: up to 200,000 motorcycles and 60,000 other light vehicles in 2025.

Do motorcycle assaults actually work?

Here’s where Russian confidence meets battlefield reality. A former Storm Z instructor painted a grim picture on 30 June: motorcycles and ATVs are sitting ducks for Ukrainian FPV drones. Worse, motorcycle assaults create higher killed-to-wounded ratios than traditional infantry attacks.

The instructor identified a potential solution—coordinating motorcycle units with heavy air support, drone coverage, and electronic warfare. But that level of coordination remains theoretical.

What’s the current impact? According to the Institute for the Study of War, motorcycles have marginally improved Russian forces’ ability to navigate contested areas and evade some drone strikes. The catch: Russia’s advance rate hasn’t meaningfully accelerated despite integrating these faster vehicles.

The Pentagon decided to halt shipments of certain air defense missiles and precision munitions to Ukraine right as Russia unleashes its heaviest bombardments on Ukrainian civilians in months.

The decision came from Pentagon policy chief Elbridge Colby after a stark internal review, Politico reports. Three sources familiar with the move say US arsenals of artillery rounds, air defense missiles, and precision munitions have dropped to concerning levels. The initial call was made in early June, but implementation waited until now.

Which weapons are affected? The list reads like Ukraine’s shopping list for survival:

• Patriot interceptor missiles
• 155mm artillery shells
• HIMARS rockets
• Stinger missiles
• Hellfire missiles 

PBS correspondent Nick Schifrin reported the Pentagon also halted AIM-7 air-to-air missiles and GMLRS rockets for Ukraine’s most effective long-range systems.

The timing couldn’t be worse. Ukraine faces some of Russia’s largest missile and drone barrages targeting civilians in Kyiv and beyond. Each intercepted Russian missile requires an American-made interceptor that now won’t be replaced.

Why did this happen? A Pentagon insider reveals the agency has been sorting munitions by criticality since February, partly because of heavy weapons use in Yemen operations. An action memo sat on Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s desk for months during personnel turnover. The plan: redirect artillery shells, tank rounds, and air defense systems back to the US homeland or Israel.

But wasn’t Trump just promising more Patriots? He was. After meeting Zelenskyy at the NATO summit, Trump said Ukraine could get additional Patriot systems.

“They do want to have the anti-missile missiles, as they call them, and we’re going to see if we can make some available,” he told reporters. “They’re very hard to get.”

The White House defended the suspension through Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly.

“This decision was made to put America’s interests first following a DOD review of our nation’s military support and assistance to other countries across the globe. The strength of the United States Armed Forces remains unquestioned — just ask Iran,” Kelly said.

Congressional allies aren’t buying it. Rep. Marcy Kaptur, who co-chairs the Congressional Ukrainian Caucus, warned that halting shipments “will surely result in the imminent death of many Ukrainian military and civilians.” She called Patriot systems “the centerpiece of Ukraine’s defenses” that “save lives every day.”

Is this legal? The suspension echoes Trump’s 2019 freeze of $214 million in Ukraine aid. The Government Accountability Office ruled that move violated the Impoundment Control Act—policy disagreements aren’t grounds to block congressionally appropriated funds. If the current freeze follows the same pattern, it risks the same legal violations.

How critical are these weapons? Tom Karako from the Center for Strategic and International Studies put it simply: “Air defense won’t win a war for you—but the absence of it will lose one fast.”

The suspended weapons come from two funding streams established under Biden. Some represent drawdowns from current US stockpiles, with Congress providing money to replenish them. Others come through the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, where the US funds direct purchases from American defense firms.

Can Ukraine buy replacements? Zelenskyy says Ukraine stands ready to purchase a “large aid package” from the United States, estimated between $30 to $50 billion. Kyiv has submitted its wish list and awaits Washington’s response.

The question now: Will those interceptors arrive before Russia’s next barrage?

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Russian forces hit a hospital in Kherson and destroyed a mail depot in Donetsk Oblast during widespread drone attacks that injured at least 14 civilians across three regions.

Ukraine’s air defenses shot down 79 of 118 incoming threats on the night of 2 July. Russian forces launched 4 S-300 missiles and 114 Iranian-designed Shahed drones, according to Ukraine’s Air Forces. Enemy drones found their targets at 14 locations.

Kherson: Artillery hits hospital late in the evening

Russian gunners targeted Kherson Regional Hospital during evening hours when patients would be sleeping. The 11 p.m. artillery strike wounded eight people—five patients recovering from other conditions, plus three nurses on duty.

A 44-year-old hospital worker took shrapnel to the chest and needed surgery. Two other medical staff, ages 54 and 44, were treated and released. Four patients remain hospitalized: men aged 58 and 60, women aged 64 and 57. All suffered blast injuries and shrapnel wounds.

The building tells the story. More than 100 windows blown out. Patient wards destroyed. Facade cracked from the explosion.

Oleksandr Prokudin, who runs Kherson’s regional administration, reported 10 people wounded across the area in 24 hours. Russian forces hit apartment buildings, private homes, farms, and vehicles throughout the day.

Donetsk Oblast: Mail service disrupted in Sloviansk

Shahed drones leveled Nova Poshta’s sorting facility in Sloviansk, eliminating 300 packages but sparing 5,000 others. No workers died as the terminal was likely empty during night operations.

“We are restructuring package sorting and logistics, but delays in shipments from Sloviansk are possible,” Nova Poshta announced. The company will pay compensation to affected customers.

Here’s the broader impact: Sloviansk serves as a logistics hub for eastern Ukraine. Disrupting mail delivery affects everything from medicine shipments to family communications.

Kharkiv: Drones torch agricultural targets

Russian operators steered drones into farm buildings in two villages near the front line. Warehouse fires erupted in Borivske and Volska Balakliia after direct hits on agricultural enterprises.

Why target farms? Ukraine feeds much of the world. Destroying grain storage and farming equipment creates food shortages months later.

Three people were injured in the agricultural strikes, according to preliminary reports.

In Kharkiv city itself, a drone hit an abandoned building that caught fire across 300 square meters. The blast damaged a car repair shop, apartment building, and bus stop nearby. No casualties reported there.

Russia continues targeting civilian infrastructure, such as hospitals, postal services, and farms, rather than military positions. The strategy appears designed to make daily life unbearable for Ukrainian civilians.

A Russian nurse approached the wounded Ukrainian prisoner of war lying in his hospital bed and told him not to worry. “When you get home, you can remove it or get a tattoo over it,” she said.

At first, the soldier had no idea what she was talking about until he lifted his head from the pillow and looked at his stomach. There, burned into his skin, were the words “Glory to Russia.”

On 28 June, United24 released a YouTube interview with the soldier himself. Andrii, a paratrooper from Ukraine’s 79th Air Assault Brigade, was exchanged in May as a result of Istanbul negotiations that did not, however, yield a ceasefire.

Ukrainian serviceman, who was captured following severe combat injuries, described systematic torture during more than 15 months in Russian captivity and detailed how a Russian surgeon branded the inscription onto his body using medical equipment during surgery.

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He asked Russian captors to “finish him off”

Andrii’s unit faced relentless Russian assaults in eastern Ukraine. His position had been reduced to rubble—”not even tree stumps” remained, he said. They held one dugout with an entrance barely two meters wide, repelling two or three attacks daily. Then came the grenade that changed everything.

“I heard the sound of a grenade pin being pulled. It landed right next to me,” he shared. “I knew that that was it. There was an explosion, then silence and darkness.”

He woke up paralyzed from the waist down, convinced his legs were gone. When he reached down, they were still there but completely numb. Russian soldiers were already dragging him from the dugout. They seemed surprised he survived—no pulse, no breathing, no heartbeat when they first checked. The blast also shredded his buttock and caused severe internal injuries that would require multiple surgeries. But he was alive, barely, and now their prisoner.

Unable to walk, he was carried on a stretcher to Russian positions. That’s when his 15 months of captivity began and when he repeatedly asked his captors to “finish me off” rather than face what lay ahead.

Andrii said that Russian forces brought him to a hospital after interrogation and torture that included electric shocks applied directly to his open wounds. Medical staff operated on him while he was unconscious, and he only discovered the marking a week later when transferred to a regular hospital room.

“I had no idea what she was talking about. I lifted my head from a pillow just to look at my stomach. And there it was. ‘Glory to Russia,'” he said in the interview. “As far as I know, it was burned to my skin with a medical cautery tool.”

When asked who performed the procedure, he identified the surgeon who had operated on him. “It was the surgeon who operated on me. The very first one,” he stated.

Ukrainian doctors are now working to eraze what the Russian surgeon left behind. The “Unburnt” national program provides free treatment for war-related injuries and has begun procedures to remove the inscription.

The process started with polynucleotide injections to stimulate tissue regeneration. Maksym Turkevych, the program’s director, expects the multi-stage treatment will leave only minimal traces visible within months.

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But this case raises bigger questions about what’s happening to Ukrainian prisoners.

Systematic torture in Russian captivity

The soldier’s account aligns with documented patterns of abuse against Ukrainian prisoners of war. According to Ukraine’s Security Service, over 96,000 criminal proceedings have been opened under Article 438 of the Criminal Code since the full-scale invasion began in 2022, representing war crimes cases.

Andrii described repeated torture sessions that included electric shocks applied to wounds, beatings with filled water bottles, and use of devices called “tapik” – old phones with electrical wires that deliver increasing levels of electric current based on numbers dialed.

“They ripped off the bandage and started electrocuting me right there, directly into the wound,” he said. “That went on for about 40 minutes.”

Why does Russia do this systematic torture of POWs? The pattern suggests coordinated policy rather than isolated incidents. Prisoners held in different facilities report identical torture methods and injuries.

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What kept him alive?

The soldier lost 16 kilograms (35 lbs) during captivity—dropping from 90 (198 lbs) to 74 (163 lbs) kilograms. He spent months in overcrowded prison cells designed for six people but holding twelve.

Guards forced prisoners to memorize the Russian national anthem. Those who failed faced severe beatings.

“The guards would come in and ask us to recite the Russian national anthem. That was mandatory everywhere in hospitals, in prisons,” he said. “Those who didn’t know it, they got beaten severely. Beaten until they couldn’t get up.”

What sustained him? A promise to his nine-year-old daughter.

“I promised her that no matter what condition I’d be in, even without arms, without legs, I’d still come back,” he said. “Every single day, I kept telling myself, I will come back.”

Andrii was exchanged on 22 May 2025 after spending months in a Russian prison colony. He described the moment of crossing back into Ukrainian territory as overwhelming relief after prolonged uncertainty.

“We could finally smoke, drink some water, take photos. That’s when it really started to feel easier, like a huge weight lifted,” he said.

His reunion with his nine-year-old daughter proved particularly emotional. The child initially did not recognize her father, who had lost so much weight. 

“At first, she didn’t recognize me, but I recognized her right away. She’s grown so much. She looks older now,” he explained.

He wants to return to fighting

Andrii wants to return to military service. That depends on upcoming surgeries and whether doctors clear him for combat duties, such as carrying heavy loads and wearing body armor.

His photos that went viral and his testimony represent evidence of systematic Russian war crimes, especially in captivity. While Ukrainian prosecutors are collecting and building these cases, the challenge, however, lies in holding perpetrators accountable while the war continues and they remain safely in Russia.

For now, Ukrainian doctors work to erase what Russian surgeons burned into Andrii’s skin. The inscription will fade. The evidence of what happened will not.

In June 2025, Ukraine also opened its first mental health facility specifically for released prisoners of war and torture survivors. The Saint Leo the Great Mental Health Center in Lviv has specialized therapy spaces and art spaces designed to help people recover from captivity trauma.

The facility expects to serve around 1,000 patients annually. Rather than resembling a hospital, the 17 patient rooms look like residential spaces. There’s an art therapy building with pottery workshops and studios where survivors can weave, sing, or make music.

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Three years after Russian forces captured Mariupol, something strange is happening on social media. Pro-Russia influencers are posting glossy videos of a rebuilt city where life looks normal again.

But what’s actually happening on the ground?

The BBC tracked down more than half a dozen people—some still trapped in the occupied city, others who recently escaped—to find out. Their accounts reveal a city where appearance and reality couldn’t be further apart.

Most of Mariupol still in ruins

“What they’re showing on Russian TV are fairy tales for fools,” said John, a Ukrainian still living in occupied Mariupol. The BBC changed his name to protect him from Russian authorities. “Most of Mariupol still lies in ruins.”

According to residents, Russian authorities have focused reconstruction efforts on main thoroughfares where cameras document progress. However, areas beyond these showcase routes remain largely destroyed. Many residents continue living in severely damaged apartments with compromised structural integrity.

“Rubble and emptiness. Many people still live in half-destroyed apartments with their walls barely standing,” John said.

Russians don’t separate out dead bodies from rubble

Olha Onyshko, 66, escaped Mariupol late last year and now lives in Ternopil, western Ukraine. She watched this reconstruction theater firsthand. The cleanup process was particularly grim.

“They cleared the debris, but they didn’t even separate out the dead bodies. They were just loaded onto trucks with the rubble and carried out of the city,” she shared.

Can you even drink the water in Mariupol?

The city faces critical infrastructure challenges, particularly with water supply. The Siverskyi Donets–Donbas Canal, which previously supplied the city, was damaged during fighting.

Residents report intermittent water service, with supply flowing for one to two days before stopping for three-day periods. When available, the water appears yellow and requires boiling before consumption.

Some residents say the water looks like Coca-Cola.

Serhii Orlov, Mariupol’s deputy mayor in exile, ran the numbers. “Only one reservoir was left supplying water to Mariupol. For the current population, that would’ve lasted about a year and a half. Since occupation has lasted longer than that, it means there is no drinking water at all.”

Power outages also occur frequently, while residents report high food prices and limited access to essential medications. Diabetics struggle to obtain insulin, which has become prohibitively expensive when available.

The BBC contacted Mariupol’s Russian administration about these shortages. No response.

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What are Russian occupiers teaching the children?

Beyond physical hardships, residents express particular concern about education policies imposed by Russian authorities. School curricula now teach that multiple Ukrainian regions, including Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, and others, belong to Russia. Only Crimea is occupied fully, while other regions are occupied partially or not at all. 

Special lessons called “Conversations about Important Things” present Russia’s 2022 invasion as “liberating” Russian-speaking populations from Nazis.

“Teachers who refuse to take these lessons are intimidated or fired. It’s like they are reprogramming the minds of our children,” another resident explained.

Resistance in Russian occupation

Despite risks, some Ukrainians maintain resistance activities within the occupied territory. These groups collect intelligence on Russian military movements and equipment, transmitting information to Ukrainian forces through secure channels. Resistance members also conduct small-scale sabotage operations, including attacks on railway infrastructure.

The work carries significant personal risk. One former resistance member fled after noticing a Russian soldier showing his photograph to local merchants. Daily life requires constant vigilance, with residents regularly deleting phone messages and avoiding calls to Ukraine due to surveillance concerns.

“Every day you delete your messages because your phone can be checked at checkpoints,” James says. “You’re afraid to call your friends in Ukraine in case your phone is being tapped.”

His neighbor was arrested right off the street after someone reported he was allegedly passing information to the Ukrainian military. “Your life is like a movie—constant tension, fear, distrust.”

“We want liberation” from Russian occupation

As diplomatic discussions continue about potential territorial concessions that Russia insists on, resistance members have a clear message.

“Giving away territory for a ‘deal with Russia’ will be a betrayal,” John says. “Dozens risk their lives every day to pass information to Ukraine, not so that some diplomat in a suit will sign a paper that will ‘hand us over.'”

His final words: “We don’t want ‘peace at any cost.’ We want liberation.”

A Russian soldier who executed Ukrainian prisoners of war in Kharkiv Oblast now sits in a Ukrainian jail cell. He alone was captured after Ukrainian forces wiped out his entire unit.

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) announced charges against 36-year-old Sergey Tuzhilov, a rifleman from Russia’s 69th motorized rifle division. The case reveals the systematic nature of Russian war crimes—and occasionally, battlefield justice.

What happened in Vovchansk?

Tuzhilov participated in fighting near Vovchansk in June 2024. During an assault on a local factory, he and another Russian soldier captured three Ukrainian troops. Then they executed them.

The evidence is specific. According to the SBU investigation, Tuzhilov “personally fired a shot from his service automatic rifle into the back of the head of a bound Ukrainian soldier.” He also selected execution sites for two other prisoners and stood guard during the killings.

Before the executions? The Russians tortured their captives by tying them to posts.

How was he caught?

Ukrainian forces destroyed Tuzhilov’s unit in subsequent fighting. He was the only survivor—and became a prisoner himself. The SBU gathered evidence while he sat in custody, building a case that could send him to prison for life.

Who is Tuzhilov? A career criminal turned soldier. The SBU says he has two prior convictions for robbery and drug trafficking before joining Russia’s military.

Tuzhilov faces charges under multiple articles of Ukrainian criminal law, including war crimes committed by conspiracy and cruel treatment of prisoners combined with premeditated murder. If convicted, he faces life imprisonment.

The bigger picture of POW executions 

This case represents one thread in a much larger pattern. The Office of the Prosecutor General reports Russian forces have killed at least 268 Ukrainian prisoners of war since the full-scale invasion began in 2022.

The numbers tell a grim story. In 2022, prosecutors documented 57 execution cases. That jumped to 149 cases in 2024. This year? Already 51 cases in just six months.

Why the increase? The pattern suggests Russian forces kill prisoners to avoid detention logistics and break Ukrainian morale.

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Two men from Cameroon sit in Ukrainian custody, telling a story that’s becoming disturbingly familiar. They came to Russia for work and tourism and ended up on the front lines.

Metugena Una-na Jean Pafe thought he was getting a job at a shampoo factory. Anatol Frank needed dental work and planned an 18-day trip to Moscow in 2024. Both claim they traveled to Russia for civilian purposes but were forced into military service against their will, according to video by the 20th separate unmanned systems regiment K-2.

“I wanted to leave the airport, but they [Russians] called me,” Pafe told his Ukrainian captors. “They checked my passport and took me to an office.This was all under coercion.”

Frank’s experience followed a similar pattern. Moscow’s migration service took his fingerprints and jaw impressions, then told him what to do. When he refused, they blocked his departure.

Both men ended up signing military contracts worth 1.1 million rubles (over $14,000). Why sign? Ukrainian forces note this amount represents substantial money in Cameroon, even though it’s less than Russia offers its own citizens.

The military training moved them across Russia. Pafe spent two weeks in Moscow, one week in Rostov, then a month in occupied Luhansk. Frank also trained in Rostov before deployment.

How long did their combat service last? Not long.

Pafe’s bunker came under fire almost immediately. Six days after reaching the front, Ukrainian forces captured him. Frank got lost on his first mission, unable to understand orders in Russian. He wandered for three days in the rain, at one point hiding under a bush, before following voices that led to Ukrainian troops.

“While I was walking, there were drones above. It rained for three days,” Frank recounted.

During Frank’s nighttime evacuation, a Russian drone wounded two Ukrainian soldiers and Frank himself.

Both prisoners say they never killed anyone. They acknowledge Russia as the aggressor and want to return to Cameroon, where they have families. One prisoner has two sons waiting at home.

Are they alone? Far from it.

The regiment indicates this represents part of a broader pattern of foreign recruitment, with the prisoners claiming that Chinese, Zimbabwean, and Bangladeshi nationals are also present on the Siversk front, Donetsk Oblast.

Ukrainian forces previously also captured a Yemeni fighter. In early April, they captured Chinese nationals fighting for Russia—the first known case of Chinese military personnel in the war. President Zelenskyy says Ukrainian intelligence counts at least 155 Chinese citizens in Russian ranks.

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Russia also deploys North Korean soldiers, particularly in Kursk Oblast, adding another layer to its international recruitment.

How widespread is this recruitment? An investigation by Important Stories found foreign mercenaries from at least 48 countries fighting for Russia. Moscow recruited over 1,500 foreigners between April 2023 and May 2024 in the capital alone. Most come from South and East Asia, with Nepal providing the largest contingent.

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Three more Nepalese mercenaries killed fighting for Russia against Ukraine

Besides Nepal, fighters arrive from India and African nations including the Republic of Togo. Such recruitment cases became more frequent at the end of last year.

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Another Indian national killed in Ukraine serving in Russian army

Russia is also luring young African women with promises of vocational training and jobs in Europe, then trapping them in drone factories to build weapons for the war in Ukraine. Women from Uganda, Mali, Cameroon, Sierra Leone, Botswana, Zimbabwe, and South Sudan arrive at Russia’s Alabuga facility expecting education or legitimate work, but instead face grueling assembly-line shifts building Shahed attack drones under constant surveillance.

They work long hours exposed to harmful chemicals, endure racism and punitive management, while their wages are withheld and communications monitored, with some reports suggesting sexual exploitation as well.

The Russian Ministry of Defense finances this operation through fraudulent recruitment via social media and embassies, effectively turning vulnerable women into forced laborers for Moscow’s war machine. 

The International Legion of the Main Intelligence Directorate of Ukraine just announced production of “Legit”—a tracked robot that can haul supplies or launch grenades. 

The machine itself is compact but versatile. Attach a trailer and it becomes a pack mule, ferrying ammunition and food to troops. Swap that for a combat module and you get two grenade launchers ready to support assault teams or hit enemy bunkers.

There’s a third option: load it with explosives and send it toward enemy positions as a one-way weapon.

But why build robots when Ukraine already has drones? Ground systems solve different problems. They can carry 500 kilograms (1102 lbs)—far more than aerial drones. They work when skies are contested. And they keep soldiers away from minefields and enemy fire.

The Ministry of Defense recently approved another ground drone called “Muraha” [Ant] that proves the point. It hauls heavy loads across long distances while shrugging off electronic warfare jamming through multiple control channels.

Can these robots change battlefield dynamics? Early evidence suggests yes. Both systems target the same persistent problem: getting supplies and firepower to troops without exposing human operators to enemy fire.

For example, in April 2025, Ukrainian military engineers successfully used an Ardal ground drone to evacuate three severely wounded soldiers who had been stranded for a month near Russian positions, after all conventional evacuation attempts failed due to intense fighting and dangerous terrain.

Ukraine is walking away from a treaty that prohibits anti-personnel mines. Why abandon an agreement designed to protect civilians?

Because Russia never signed it—and has been laying mines across Ukrainian territory for over two years.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy signed the withdrawal decree on June 29. Parliament must still approve the move, but the message is clear: Ukraine needs every defensive tool available.

What exactly is Ukraine leaving behind?

The Ottawa Convention banned anti-personnel landmines worldwide. Since 1999, it has drawn 164 countries committed to destroying their mine stockpiles and clearing contaminated land, as mines can cause severe injuries and deaths among civilians.

Ukraine joined in 2005, dutifully following the rules for nearly two decades. The country destroyed its mines and cleared old minefields.

But here’s the problem: Russia, China, and the United States never signed on. Neither did India or Pakistan. The world’s major military powers kept their mines.

Why break the promise now?

“Ukraine found itself in an unequal and unfair situation,” the Foreign Ministry stated. The treaty limits Ukraine’s right to self-defense under UN Charter Article 51.

When Ukraine joined in 2005, Russian tanks weren’t rolling toward Kyiv. The full-scale invasion changed everything.

“We are convinced that this step is both necessary and proportionate to the level of threats, as it concerns the survival and preservation of Ukraine as a sovereign, independent, and free state,” the Ministry stated.

Zelenskyy put it bluntly: Russia uses mines “extremely cynically,” not just against Ukraine but wherever it fights. Chemical weapons, ballistic missiles, landmines—Moscow deploys whatever kills.

What’s Ukraine supposed to do? Fight by rules Russia ignores?

“Anti-personnel mines are an instrument that very often has no alternative for defense,” Zelenskyy explained. Especially for countries sharing borders with Russia.

Who else is rethinking the ban?

Ukraine isn’t alone in this calculation. Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Poland, and Finland have all decided to leave the treaty.

Notice the pattern? Every country borders Russia or sits within striking distance. The Baltic states remember Soviet occupation. Poland knows Russian history. Finland fought Stalin’s army.

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Warsaw joins Baltic States in exiting Ottawa landmine treaty, struggles to find new supply

This decision was also driven by Russia’s increasing military threat to NATO’s eastern flank with some reports claiming Russia might attack NATO within the next five years.

Each of these countries concluded the same thing: when facing Russia, defensive options matter more than international agreements Moscow never joined.

Slovakia’s foreign minister dropped a diplomatic bombshell 29 June, proposing that Russia be forgiven for its actions in Ukraine to achieve peace. Juraj Blanár told Slovak television the West and Russia might need to “forgive each other for everything that happened.”

Speaking on Slovakia’s STVR television broadcast, Blanár argued that the war has no military solution and called for a return to respecting international law while seeking dialogue with the Russian Federation, according to reports by Aktuality and Dennik.

“We must find a way to cooperate with Russia,” he said.

Here’s the contradiction: Blanár simultaneously announced Slovakia would beef up its military warehouses, stating that while the country opposes war preparation, it cannot afford to deter opponents with inadequate defense capabilities.

“We cannot simply watch as we go to deter an opponent with empty warehouses,” he explained.

Why the mixed signals? Blanár fears escalation.

“We don’t want a war to arise between Russia and NATO, because that would be World War III. We want the conflict to be settled peacefully.”

However, Blanár’s position faced immediate criticism from both Slovak and Ukrainian officials. Deputy Chairman of Slovakia’s Foreign Parliamentary Committee Tomáš Valášek warned that opening negotiations with Russia would not end the war, arguing that Moscow has no genuine interest in peace.

 “As long as Russia is successful on the battlefield, it will continue to kill, rape and abduct children,” Valášek said, referencing international arrest warrants against Putin.

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha also fired back within hours:

“It’s naive to expect a criminal to stop if their crime is forgiven instead of punished. Russia will hit your other cheek as well. And those who have lost no one in this war have no right to make such statements,” Sybiha wrote.

On the night of 30 June, a Russian massive drone assault on Ukraine injured eight civilians in eastern Kharkiv Oblast and caused structural damage in multiple Ukrainian regions.

The assault primarily concentrated on Ukraine’s eastern regions, with Donetsk, Kharkiv, and Dnipropetrovsk Oblasts bearing the brunt of the offensive.

Ukrainian air defense systems successfully intercepted 74 of the 107 incoming drones, representing a 69% success rate against the coordinated attack, according to the country’s Air Forces.

Russia launches dozens or hundreds of drones simultaneously from multiple directions, overwhelming Ukrainian air defenses that can track only a limited number of targets at once, making interception much harder.

Additionally, Russia has begun deploying wooden decoy drones that generate false radar signatures, tricking Ukrainian systems into wasting expensive munitions on fake targets.

Russia injures eight people in Kharkiv Oblast

The most significant civilian casualties occurred in Kharkiv Oblast, where a drone struck a vehicle service station, injuring eight people, including one child, in the city of Pisochyn, according to the State Emergency Service.

Additional drone attacks in the region targeted infrastructure in Derhachi, where fires erupted at both a private enterprise warehouse and an agricultural facility, though these incidents resulted in no reported casualties.

Rural areas also faced bombardment, with the village of Kurortne in Chuhuiv district experiencing damage to a sanatorium cafeteria building, which subsequently caught fire following the Russian strike.

Agricultural infrastructure damaged in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast

Dnipropetrovsk region also faced overnight attacks, with Russian forces deploying drones against agricultural infrastructure in Synelnykivskyi district. Regional Military Administration head Serhii Lysak reported that air defenses shot down four UAVs over the region, but strikes still occurred.

“In Synelnykivskyi district, an agricultural enterprise was damaged, tractors were destroyed. A fire occurred,” Lysak stated on Telegram.

Russian forces also conducted artillery bombardment and FPV drone attacks against Nikopol district, targeting four communities and damaging a private house and gas pipeline, though no casualties were reported.

A nearly one billion euro gap has emerged between German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius’s public promises of Ukraine military aid and the actual budget allocations approved by Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s cabinet, according to Bild.

The discrepancy has raised questions about whether the minister miscalculated or misrepresented Germany’s commitment to Ukrainian defense.

The controversy centers on a 900 million euro shortfall between promised aid of 9.2 billion euros and the 8.3 billion euros actually allocated in the government’s 2025 budget draft for states attacked in violation of international law, Bild reports.

The dispute began during Pistorius’s 12 June visit to Kyiv, where he met with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. The Federal Ministry of Defense subsequently announced that Pistorius had promised Ukraine an additional 1.9 billion euros, primarily for long-range missiles. The ministry stated that if approved by parliament, total Ukraine support would reach around 9 billion euros for the year.

Six days later, the Defense Ministry reinforced this message, explaining that Germany would provide 7.3 billion euros in already-approved military aid for 2025, with an additional 1.9 billion euros planned pending parliamentary approval, totaling up to 9.2 billion euros.

However, Bild reports that when the Federal Finance Ministry distributed its 2025 budget draft on 23 June, the document listed only 8.3 billion euros for aid to states attacked in violation of international law, which primarily benefits Ukraine.

Defense ministry denies miscalculation

When questioned by Bild about this discrepancy, the Defense Ministry denied any miscalculation. A ministry spokesperson stated that the government would support Ukraine with around 9 billion euros as promised, noting that Finance Minister Klingbeil and Pistorius had agreed on this figure during budget negotiations.

The spokesperson attempted to reconcile the numbers by claiming that “the 1.9 billion that we will use, among other things, to finance the Long Range Fires, is included in the 8.3 billion euros.” This explanation contradicts the ministry’s previous public communications, which had presented a simple calculation of 7.3 billion plus 1.9 billion equaling 9.2 billion euros.

According to government sources, the Defense Ministry had consistently registered only 8.3 billion euros for Ukraine aid during budget negotiations, not the 9.2 billion figure communicated publicly.

To bridge this gap, the Defense Ministry referenced “co-funding revenues and fund returns from the EPF (European Peace Facility)” that would theoretically bring the total to around 9 billion euros through these additional funding mechanisms.

This means the ministry hopes to secure an additional 900 million euros outside the federal budget, with the alternative being either additional tax funding or reduced aid to Ukraine.

Ukraine needs concrete support

Green Party budget politician Sebastian Schäfer expressed concern about the transparency of these calculations.

“From the budget draft, it’s not comprehensible how the Defense Ministry arrives at the sums it puts in the shop window,” Schäfer told Bild.

He called for the government to quickly submit a proposal to parliament for releasing additional funds, stating that “Ukraine doesn’t need announcements, but concrete support.”

Military units from Germany, Britain, the Netherlands, and Italy successfully completed a large-scale river crossing operation on 28 June as part of ongoing joint military exercises in Germany.

The operation, dubbed the “Great Crossing,” took place at Kalkar, Germany, where forces transported troops and heavy equipment across the Rhine River using specially constructed ferry systems, according to dpa news agency.

The German Bundeswehr reports that approximately 1,200 soldiers and 500 units of military equipment are participating in the two-week training exercise, which began earlier this month and will conclude by the end of next week.

The core of the operation centered on the German-British 130th Bridge-Building Battalion from Minden, which was reinforced by Dutch and Italian company units.

According to military officials, the crossing required several days of detailed preparation and reconnaissance work before forces could construct the ferry crossing points using their own engineering systems.

The exercises will continue with a second major crossing planned over the Weser River near Hamelin in Lower Saxony in the coming days. The Bundeswehr issued safety advisories to civilian observers, instructing them to maintain safe distances from military vehicles during the operations.

The German exercises coincide with broader NATO training activities across Europe. Poland is currently preparing its own multinational military exercises with NATO partners, specifically designed as a response to large-scale Russian-Belarusian military maneuvers known as “West,” which have historically signaled heightened military activity near NATO’s eastern borders and preceded major escalations, such as the 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

Meanwhile, Finland recently concluded hosting the trilateral Arctic Trident exercises from 16-27 June, marking the first time the Nordic country has hosted such operations involving air forces from three major NATO nations since joining the alliance in 2023. 

Russia began deploying Soviet-era T-62 tanks from the 1960s, as the country faces mounting equipment losses in its war against Ukraine, according to Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate.

The intelligence agency reports that Russian forces have exhausted much of their 1970s-era tank inventory and are now turning to even older models to maintain their armored capabilities. This shift represents a significant departure from Russia’s initial reliance on more modern systems like the T-90M and T-72B3M main battle tanks.

The restoration work is centered primarily at the 103rd Armored Repair Plant in Atamanovka, Trans-Baikal Territory of Siberia. Ukrainian intelligence documented the transfer of 21 T-62 tanks from the eastern region to western part on 27 June.

The condition of these reactivated vehicles presents significant challenges. According to the intelligence report, most tanks have been stored outdoors for decades without proper maintenance, resulting in unsatisfactory technical condition.

Despite these limitations, Russia continues deploying the aging armor due to what Ukrainian intelligence characterizes as an acute shortage of modern battle tanks. 

The T-62, originally designed in the early 1960s, represents a significant technological step backward from contemporary main battle tanks, lacking modern fire control systems, armor protection, and battlefield management capabilities that define current-generation vehicles.

Pope Leo XIV expressed solidarity with Ukrainian families suffering from the Russian aggression during a Vatican service, prompting President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to request papal help in bringing home Ukrainian prisoners of war and deported children.

The Pope participated in a pilgrimage led by His Beatitude Sviatoslav, the head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church on 28 June, according to Vatican News. Following the service, Leo XIV published a statement of support in Ukrainian on social media platforms.

“The faith of your people is now being put to a difficult test. Believing does not mean having all the answers, but trusting that God is with us and gives us His grace, that He will speak the final word, and that life will triumph over death,” the Pope added.

Ukrainian President Zelenskyy responded by thanking the Pope for his sympathy and made a specific request for Vatican assistance. He called on Leo XIV to help secure the return of Ukrainians held in Russian captivity, including both adults and children detained against their will.

On 26 April, the Vatican also became the site of a significant meeting between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and US President Donald Trump. During the funeral of Pope Francis, the two leaders met privately for about 15 minutes inside St. Peter’s Basilica.

Both sides described the discussion as positive and potentially historic, focusing on issues such as a ceasefire, civilian protection, and the possibility of a lasting peace.

This encounter was notable as it followed a previously contentious Oval Office meeting earlier in the year after which US-Ukraine relations worsened.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz ruled out telephoning Russian President Vladimir Putin in the foreseeable future, citing a pattern of escalated attacks following diplomatic outreach attempts, according to an interview with Süddeutsche Zeitung.

Merz pointed to two examples where diplomatic engagement with Putin appeared to coincide with intensified Russian military actions, Süddeutsche Zeitung reports.

He referenced Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s visit to Moscow in July 2024, which was followed by heavy bombardments of Kyiv including the Okhmatdyt children’s hospital.

Similarly, after Olaf Scholz’s phone conversation with Putin in November 2024, Russian forces launched a massive attack on Ukraine and also bombed a children’s hospital.

“If this is the result of such phone calls, I would refrain from them for a long time,” Merz told the German newspaper.

This represents a shift from Merz’s position in May, when he had not excluded the possibility of direct negotiations with Putin. At that time, Western leaders including Merz were assessing whether Russia might agree to a ceasefire suggested for a discussion during Istanbul talks. The German chancellor had indicated he would be “ready to do a lot” if it would help end the war.

Regarding US President Donald Trump’s approach to Russia, Merz suggested he has observed changes in the American leader’s stance. The German chancellor characterized Trump as showing “growing skepticism” and becoming “more critical” toward Moscow.

Merz described this as part of an ongoing process, noting that Europe maintains a unified assessment of the war.

“I believe that President Trump is approaching this assessment,” he said.

The White House recommended terminating US funding for nearly two dozen programs that conduct war crimes and accountability work globally, including the crimes committed by Russia against Ukraine, according to Reuters.

The recommendation from the White House Office of Management and Budget does not constitute a final decision to eliminate the programs, as the State Department retains the option to file an appeal by 11 July. However, two American officials who spoke with Reuters expressed skepticism that Secretary of State Marco Rubio would advocate for continued funding for most programs.

One source indicated that Rubio could potentially make arguments in favor of preserving funding specifically for war crimes investigations in Ukraine.

According to three sources, the White House recommended cutting funding for Global Rights Compliance, a program that assists in collecting evidence of sexual violence and torture during the Russo-Ukrainian war. Another program facing recommended termination is Legal Action Worldwide, a legal aid group that handles cases against Russian military personnel.

A $18 million State Department grant for Ukraine’s Prosecutor General’s Office, implemented by Georgetown University’s International Criminal Justice Initiative, is also recommended for termination.

Other programs facing termination include accountability work on Myanmar’s army atrocities against Rohingya minorities and persecution of Christians and other minorities by Syria’s ousted former president Bashar al-Assad.

Ukraine has opened more than 140,000 war crime cases since Russia’s February 2022 full-scale invasion. Russia consistently denies war crimes have been committed by its forces in the war. While the programs do not directly impact Ukraine’s frontline defense efforts, supporters argue they represent the best opportunity to document reported battlefield atrocities in Europe’s largest conflict since World War Two.

Program that tracks deported Ukrainian children also lost funding, faces closure

Another US Yale-led research program, The Ukraine Conflict Observatory, that tracks the deportation of over 30,000 Ukrainian children by Russia, is facing imminent shutdown after the Trump administration cut its funding, leaving it with only about two weeks of resources as of June 2025.

The program, launched in May 2022 with State Department support, has been instrumental in documenting war crimes, aiding six ICC indictments including those related to child abductions, and compiling a unique database on forced deportations, reeducation camps, and identity erasure of Ukrainian children.

Despite temporary funding reinstatements and congressional efforts to restore support, the observatory plans to lay off staff by 1 July, creating a significant intelligence gap since no other entity tracks these abductions at comparable scale or detail.

Russian President Vladimir Putin announced his country’s willingness to engage in a third round of negotiations with Ukraine, while also acknowledging fundamental disagreements between the two sides.

Speaking after the Eurasian Economic Union summit in Minsk, Belarus, Putin characterized the Russian and Ukrainian memorandums on ending the war as “absolutely opposite” and suggested this divergence was expected, arguing that negotiations exist specifically to find common ground between conflicting positions.

The Russian president declined to elaborate on specific details of the proposed talks.

“I wouldn’t want to go into details, because I consider it inappropriate, even harmful to preempt the negotiations themselves,” Putin stated.

According to Putin, recent prisoner exchanges and the return of deceased soldiers’ remains have established a foundation for continued diplomatic contact. He indicated both sides had previously agreed to proceed with a third negotiating round following the completion of these humanitarian measures.

Earlier, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan also revealed that US President Donald Trump has expressed willingness to participate in potential Ukraine-Russia leadership meetings, contingent on Putin’s attendance.

Putin emphasized that logistical details including timing and final venue selection still require coordination between the parties. According to the Russian president, negotiating teams are “in constant contact, constantly calling each other” to advance preparations.

He also suggested the upcoming talks should focus on reconciling the opposing memorandums each side has prepared.

Russian demands for ending the war include: 

• Ukrainian military withdrawal from four occupied regions
• written guarantees from Western leaders to halt “NATO’s eastward expansion”, effectively excluding Ukraine, Georgia, and other former Soviet states from membership
• Ukraine adopting a neutral status and limitations on Ukraine’s armed forces
• partial lifting of Western sanctions from Russia
• resolution of frozen Russian assets abroad
• protections for Russian speakers in Ukraine
• holding of Ukrainian presidential elections because Moscow doesn’t recognize Zelenskyy as a legitimate leader

Ukraine rejected these conditions, insisting on its sovereign right to choose alliances and strong Western security guarantees.

In contrast, Ukraine presented its own ceasefire proposals, including: 

• complete cessation of hostilities 
• return of deported children and prisoner exchanges
• security assurances
• rejection of any forced neutrality or restrictions on its military capabilities and alliances, including NATO membership
• maintaining Ukrainian sovereignty. 

Additionally, during Istanbul peace talks on 16 May, Russian presidential aide Vladimir Medinsky reportedly told the Ukrainian delegation that Russia is prepared to fight for “a year, two, three—however long it takes,” invoking Russia’s historical 21-year war with Sweden to emphasize its willingness for prolonged conflict.

Despite Russia’s claim of not wanting war, Medinsky warned that some participants might lose more loved ones and that Russia is ready to fight indefinitely.

“And it’s hard, I can barely look at these photos. It’s very difficult for me right now,” Valeriia said.

Her iPhone still suggests photo memories of Mariia—images too painful to view of a girl who will never grow up, whose drawings will remain forever unfinished.

The waiting continues in a different form now—waiting for sleep that won’t come, for appetite that has vanished, for acceptance of a reality too cruel to comprehend.

“I haven’t even accepted the fact yet, I haven’t even realized it yet. Doctors give me various sedatives because I can’t sleep, I can’t eat.”

The girl had recently experimented with independence, dyeing and cutting her own hair in a crooked, endearing way that made her sister smile.

“She always looked up to me. It was very nice,” Valeriia recalled, her voice breaking as she described their bond. “A few weeks ago she bought paint and dyed her hair herself and cut it very funny, crooked. She was very funny. And very beautiful. Cheerful. Sincere.”

Born in 2014, Mariia knew no world without war, yet she was a curious, bright child and pursued drawing since early childhood.

 “She was talented, loved to draw, she was radiant, her eyes shone, she was bright, positive, and responsible,” said Maryna, her art teacher.

The sisters were preparing for a summer adventure together—a Plast scout camp in the western Carpathian Mountains that would never come now.

Russia kills mother and daughter in their home

For three days, Ukrainian rescuers were clearing the rubble and uncovering bodies of people at the site where a Russian missile demolished an ordinary apartment building in Kyiv on 23 June. Among them were a mother and her daughter.

According to Suspilne news, approximately 100 people gathered near the damaged building to pay respects to 11-year-old Mariia and her mother Svitlana on 26 June, bringing flowers and children’s toys. Mariia’s father Andrii and older sister Valeriia attended the ceremony. They weren’t home when the Russian missile struck. 

The morning of 23 June began for Valeriia with a phone call that shattered everything. At 5 a.m., she received word from their aunt who lived nearby and rushed to find her father already waiting by the ruins.

“Where they were digging, there were my child and wife. I was at work,” Andrii said, his words heavy with disbelief. “It seems to me that this is just a dream.”

The first entrance where the family lived was completely destroyed down to the basement. Valeriia and Andrii waited 11 hours at the scene, hoping to see their loved ones alive but to no avail. 

 “It was hell. We waited 11 hours and I sincerely prayed that they would be alive,” Valeriia shared.

Their mother Svitlana was described by those who knew her as a woman who balanced demanding work responsibilities with unwavering dedication to her children’s wellbeing and dreams.

“Mom always invested a lot in work and in us,” her surviving daughter Valeriia remembered.

On 26 June, the State Emergency Service confirmed the conclusion of rescue efforts that resulted in the recovery of nine victims and 13 injured people.

“Coalition of killers”: Missile Russia used was likely North Korean

The overnight 22-23 June attack marked one of the largest recent air raids on Kyiv, according to Ukraine’s Air Force. Russian forces deployed 159 Shahed drones and 16 ballistic and cruise missiles, likely exported from North Korea, targeting the capital and surrounding oblasts. 

One Russian ballistic missile struck the residential building, where Mariia and Svitlana lived, with such force that it penetrated to the basement, with the explosion damaging cars 200-300 meters from the impact site. 

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky attributed such attacks to what he termed a “coalition of killers” comprising Russia, Iran, and North Korea.

“Everyone in countries bordering Russia, Iran, and North Korea should ask themselves whether they could protect lives if this coalition of killers survives and continues spreading terror,” he stated.

Yurii Ihnat, head of the Air Force Communications Department, explained on Radio NV that despite the missile being intercepted, the falling debris still caused substantial destruction of the building.

“Of course, if it had been a direct hit, there would have been significantly worse, greater consequences,” he stated, urging citizens to use shelters always.

The deadly gamble of ignoring air raid sirens in wartime Ukraine

After more than three years of full-scale war, air raid sirens have become as routine as city noise for many Ukrainians, sounding tens of thousands of times since the full-scale invasion began.

This constant exposure has led to alarm fatigue and a psychological adaptation where some people develop a fatalistic belief that survival depends more on luck than seeking shelter.

The mental toll of prolonged conflict, marked by anxiety, depression, and war weariness, can leave people emotionally exhausted and less responsive to repeated warnings, especially when combined with practical barriers like locked or inaccessible shelters.

While shelters and metro stations in cities like Kyiv can provide life-saving protection from missile strikes and debris—unlike in frontline areas where attacks happen too quickly—factors such as the time of day, family circumstances, shelter accessibility, and simple hope that “it won’t hit here” influence split-second decisions.

For little Mariia and her mom Svitlana, like many civilians caught in nighttime attacks, the decision not to seek shelter likely reflected this complex reality of wartime life. 

The Netherlands will fund German defense giant Rheinmetall’s production of 20 Ermine tactical vehicles destined for Ukrainian forces. The deliveries are scheduled for 2026.

The contract, signed during the NATO summit in The Hague on 24 June, represents the first order for the tactical platform, making Ukraine the first country worldwide to receive the Ermine system.

Rheinmetall Defence Nederland developed the vehicles primarily for frontline evacuation missions, with the light tactical systems designed to provide rapid, maneuverable transport for wounded personnel in combat zones. 

The manufacturer describes the Ermine as a “lightweight tactical system that combines the robustness of a diesel unit with many advantages of an electric drive.”

Key Ermine vehicle characteristics:

• Hybrid diesel-electric drivetrain with “Silent Move & Silent Watch” capabilities
• Four modular configurations: 4×4 quad, 4×4/6×6 buggy, or Unmanned Ground Vehicle
• Range up to 1,200 kilometers (745 miles) with one-tonne payload capacity
• electrical powertrain allows nearly silent operation: 50km (31 miles) quiet travel off-road, 100km (62 miles) on roads
• Built-in charging points for soldier equipment in the field

“The system offers its users significant tactical advantages in avoiding enemy reconnaissance,” according to Rheinmetall.

The vehicle supply forms part of a broader Dutch military aid package to Ukraine valued at approximately €175 million ($205 million). This package includes 100 drone-detection radars to help identify incoming drones and 20 medical evacuation vehicles. Of the €175 million, €80 million ($93 million) is allocated for drone support through an international drone coalition. 

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán released results from a nationwide survey indicating alleged overwhelming opposition to Ukraine joining the European Union.

The Voks 2025 survey allegedly found that 95% of respondents opposed Ukraine’s EU membership, while only 5% voted in favor, Telex reports.

Despite the large participation numbers (2.28 million total participants), only 29% of Hungary’s eligible voters participated in the consultation, leaving more than 5 million adult Hungarian citizens without expressing an opinion.

Questions over survey methodology and legitimacy

The survey results carry no legal binding power and function solely as a political instrument, according to Telex. Concerns about the reliability of participation numbers and response data have emerged, with evidence showing individuals could submit multiple votes through different email addresses in online questionnaires.

Government spokesperson Gergely Gulyás addressed these concerns by stating that printed ballots are verified by notaries and cannot be manipulated, while online voting is also authenticated by notaries.

However, Gulyás could not confirm whether the system filters out cases where someone voted both on paper and online. He attempted to minimize this issue by noting that online votes represent only about 10% of the total 2 million ballots.

Propaganda campaign portrays Ukraine as security threat

The Hungarian government deployed extensive resources to maximize participation in Voks 2025.

The consultation was promoted through:

• nationwide billboard campaigns
• advertised during soccer matches on public television
• sent to vaccination information email lists
• promoted in free newspapers for pensioners
• government ministries encouraged their employees to participate through circular letters.
• Even military personnel received encouragement to complete the government political initiative.

The campaign messaging portrayed Ukraine as a security threat, claiming EU membership would flood Hungary with infectious diseases, Ukrainian criminals, and poor-quality food products.

Government communications warned that the additional pension would disappear, cheap energy would be lost, and Hungary would lose EU agricultural subsidies while being forced into war.

“There is no solution on the battlefield, only destruction and death, ceasefire and peace are needed. We don’t want to die for Ukraine, we don’t want our sons to come back in coffins. We don’t want an Afghanistan next door,” Orbán declared at a Patriots rally in France.

The campaign notably shifted from Orbán’s initial economic arguments in March to more emotional appeals featuring artificial intelligence-generated videos showing bloodied Hungarian soldiers and rooms filled with coffins.

Hungary obstructs EU support for Ukraine

Orbán announced the survey following an emergency EU leaders’ summit in Brussels where Hungary stood as the sole member state refusing to endorse a joint statement supporting military aid to Ukraine. The timing coincides with ongoing EU discussions about Ukraine’s accession conditions, additional sanctions packages, and European defense policy.

The European Union is also considering suspending Hungary’s voting rights due to Orbán’s persistent obstruction of support for Ukraine, including vetoing the release of €6 billion in funds meant to reimburse EU countries providing military aid to Kyiv and blocking EU sanctions against Russia.

Ukrainian officials view this referendum on Ukraine’s EU membership as a political maneuver to distract Hungarian voters from domestic economic difficulties such as rising inflation and prices

Since 2010, Orbán’s administration has conducted multiple national consultations on various policy issues, ranging from migration to LGBTQ+ rights. These consultations involve mailing questionnaires to all eligible voters, typically offering simple response options such as “yes” or “no.”

Opposition groups and civil society organizations have criticized these consultations as propaganda mechanisms. While the results lack legal authority, the government uses them to reinforce its positions on disputed policy matters.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan revealed that US President Donald Trump expressed willingness to participate in high-level peace negotiations between Ukraine and Russia, contingent on Vladimir Putin’s attendance.

Speaking to journalists during his return flight from the NATO summit in The Hague, Erdogan provided direct quotes from his conversation with Trump, the Turkish CNN service reports.

“He [Trump] said: ‘If Russian leader Vladimir Putin comes to Istanbul or Ankara to solve the problem, I will come to Istanbul or Ankara.’ We will hold the necessary meetings and, hopefully, meet as soon as possible,” Erdogan shared.

The Turkish president also emphasized his country’s unwavering commitment to ending the war, stating:

“We say with absolute determination that ‘This war must end.’ The region can no longer bear this.”

The Turkish leader described the previous Istanbul discussions as having “opened the door to peace” and committed to continued mediation efforts.

“Our ultimate goal is to hold a meeting at the leaders’ level in our country and build the desired peace,” he stated.

Erdogan described productive discussions with the US president covering bilateral relations, NATO partnership, and regional issues.

“We will work to bring the parties together again,” Erdogan pledged. “Even if it requires digging a well with a needle for a solution, we will do it.”

During the June negotiations in Istanbul, Ukraine and Russia exchanged position papers outlining their respective visions for ending the war.

Russian demands include: 

• Ukrainian military withdrawal from four occupied regions (some parts of which are not even occupied fully) – Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia oblasts.
• written guarantees from Western leaders to halt “NATO’s eastward expansion”, effectively excluding Ukraine, Georgia, and other former Soviet states from membership
• Ukraine adopting a neutral status and limitations on Ukraine’s armed forces.
• partial lifting of Western sanctions
• resolution of frozen Russian assets abroad
• protections for Russian speakers in Ukraine
• holding of Ukrainian elections under terms favorable to Moscow.

Ukraine rejected these demands, insisting on its sovereign right to choose alliances and strong Western security guarantees.

In contrast, Ukraine presented its own ceasefire proposals, including: 

• complete cessation of hostilities 
• return of deported children and prisoner exchanges
• security assurances
• rejection of any forced neutrality or restrictions on its military capabilities and alliances, including NATO membership
• direct talks between Zelenskyy and Putin
• maintaining Ukrainian sovereignty. 

Russian forces continue their daily terror attacks on the frontline regions, causing civilian casualties and damaging or destroying homes, schools, and hospitals.

On the night of 26 June, Russia launched deployed 41 Shahed strike drones and other unmanned aircraft, with Ukrainian air defenses intercepting 24 of them, according to Ukraine’s Air Forces.

Eight drones were destroyed by conventional weapons, while 16 others were either lost through location tracking or neutralized using electronic warfare systems. Despite the defensive efforts, enemy drones struck seven locations across Ukraine.

Russia hits residential building in Donetsk Oblast

The most severe incident occurred at 2:00 a.m. on 26 June in Bilozerske, Donetsk Oblast, where a Russian Geran-2 drone struck a five-story residential building, according to the Donetsk Oblast prosecutor’s office. The impact ignited a fire and wounded five civilians, including a teenager.

Medical personnel diagnosed the casualties with blast injuries, bruises, shrapnel wounds, closed fractures and abrasions, and all received medical treatment.

The attack damaged three apartment buildings and seven vehicles in the settlement.

Shelling in frontline Kherson never stops

In Kherson, Russian forces shelled the Dniprovskyi district, injuring a 64-year-old woman whose condition medical officials characterized as light, according to the regional military administration.

Separate morning shelling in Kherson’s Korabelny district damaged a city council building, educational institutions and medical facilities.

Kherson also experiences “drone safari” when the Russians hunt and attack civilians using drones that drop grenades, bombs, and antipersonnel landmines.

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Russian drones terrorize Kherson civilians with “human safari”

Death toll from Dnipro attack climbs again

Meanwhile, casualty figures continued rising from a 24 June Russian missile attack on Dnipropetrovsk Oblast. The head of the Dnipropetrovsk Oblast military administration announced that fatalities from the strikes had increased to 22 people, with 20 deaths in Dnipro city and two additional deaths in Samar.

The attack targeted infrastructure, educational and medical institutions, administrative buildings, emergency services facilities and a passenger train carrying over 500 people in Dnipro.

Dnipro mayor Borys Filatov described the assault as “probably one of the most brazen strikes” on the city during the full-scale war.

On 26 June, Russian forces also conducted sustained attacks on the Nikopol district of Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, employing heavy artillery, FPV drones, and aerial munitions dropped from unmanned aircraft.

The attacks ignited a fire at a local cafe and caused damage to critical infrastructure, an industrial facility, three private residences, two farm buildings, and a vehicle. Explosions were also reported in the Dniprovskyi district, where damage occurred at a recreational area.

Despite the extensive property damage across both districts, authorities confirmed no civilian casualties resulted from the overnight attacks.

Ukraine established its first mental health facility in the western city of Lviv dedicated to supporting released prisoners of war (POWs) and torture survivors after the Russian captivity, according to Lviv Mayor Andrii Sadovyi. 

The Saint Leo the Great Mental Health Center opened on 24 June with an aim to provide psychological and rehabilitation services to individuals who experienced captivity, torture, and psychological trauma during the war with Russia, according to the Lviv city administration.

The facility includes 17 patient accommodation rooms designed to resemble residential spaces rather than hospital environments.

Infrastructure includes:

• outpatient and inpatient care areas
• individual and group therapy spaces
• 30 beds for extended rehabilitation programs
• a separate building for art therapy with a pottery workshop on the ground floor and an art studio on the second floor.

 “If someone wants to weave, sing, or engage in music, we will adapt. The main thing is to give a person freedom and an environment where they can recover,” Mayor Sadovyi stated.

The facility expects to serve approximately 1,000 patients annually, targeting individuals returning from captivity, those recovering from losses, and people managing trauma from wartime experiences.

As of May 2025, the Coordination Headquarters for Prisoners of War Affairs reported that Ukraine has returned 5,757 citizens since the full-scale war began, with an additional 536 Ukrainians returning through non-exchange mechanisms.

However, following recent Istanbul peace talks between Ukraine and Russia in June 2025, over a thousand more prisoners were exchanged, especially those who are severely ill or wounded and under the age of 25. 

The Flanders government (a region of Belgium) provided complete funding for the center through a 1.5 million euro ($1.7 million) grant, according to city officials.

The Deputy Head of the President’s Office Iryna Mudra characterized the center as part of Ukraine’s humanitarian infrastructure development.

“Restoring justice is not only about judicial processes. It is also the state’s ability to respond to the pain of every person who suffered from aggression,” she stated.

The United Kingdom has committed to providing Ukraine with 350 ASRAAM air defense missiles worth £70 million ($95 million), funded through interest generated from seized Russian assets.

“Russia, not Ukraine, should pay the price”

 “Russia, not Ukraine, should pay the price for Putin’s barbaric and illegal war, so it is only right we use the proceeds from seized Russian assets to ensure Ukraine has the air defense it needs,” Starmer stated.

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the UK has frozen over £25 billion ($34 billion) worth of Russian assets, including funds belonging to individuals and entities designated under the sanctions regime. These assets remain frozen, but the UK government has implemented the Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) scheme, which allows the interest accrued on these frozen funds to be used for specific purposes, such as financing military aid to Ukraine.

British missiles will protect Ukrainian cities from attacks

ASRAAM air defense missiles, originally designed for air-to-air use, were rapidly adapted by British engineers to be launched from the ground via the UK-developed RAVEN mobile air defense system, which is already deployed in Ukraine. The delivery will expand Ukraine’s mobile air defense capability, helping protect against Russian missile and drone attacks on civilians. 

By June 2025, Ukraine has received and operationally deployed eight Raven systems in its air defense units, with an additional five systems confirmed for future delivery.

UK Defense Secretary John Healey also warned that diverting global focus to the Israel-Iran conflict serves Putin’s interests.

“It is crucial that we continue to focus on Ukraine,” Healey told a panel discussion at the summit. He noted that defending Ukraine remains a bipartisan issue in Britain with strong public support.

Britain develops defense amid Russia threat

The announcement comes as Britain has begun preparing for possible Russian attacks, citing increasing cases of sabotage.

Earlier, the UK has also announced plans to join NATO’s nuclear mission using F-35A fighters with nuclear capabilities. This marks the first time since the Cold War that the Royal Air Force will have a nuclear role, complementing the UK’s independent submarine-based nuclear deterrent.

On 23 June, Ukraine and the United Kingdom also launched their first joint military-industrial drone production program. This three-year “mega-project” involves Britain financing the procurement of Ukrainian-designed drones that will be produced on British soil, with all drones manufactured during the ongoing war directed to support Ukraine’s Defense Forces, however, after the war ends, the drones will be shared between the two countries.