Day 1259

On 5 August, the biggest updates come from the Kherson direction.

Here, Ukrainian special forces executed a daring amphibious landing on one of Russia’s most exposed positions in Ukraine. Taking out patrols and destroying critical equipment, this raid has now opened the door to a wide variety of naval, aerial, and further special forces operations across the Black Sea and the Crimean peninsula.

Ukraine’s military intelligence service posted footage of how its operatives carried out a naval landing operation on the Tendrivska spit in eastern Kherson. Operatives moved across the Black Sea in rubber boats mounted with radars, electronic warfare systems, and machine guns, similar to boats used by Nato’s naval special forces teams.  Landing on the beaches, the groups quickly disembarked and moved inland past several unmanned Russian coastal fortifications and bunkers. The groups then waited for the cover of night, turned on their night vision goggles, and moved toward their targets.

Their mission: destroying a Russian Rosa radar system and the Zont electronic warfare station protecting it. As they moved toward the targets, they even launched FPV drones to feed live intelligence to the assault groups, and strike any Russian target too dangerous to engage head-on. Before heading back after the successful destruction, they planted the Ukrainian flag on the position, and left a final message for the Russians in the morning: Glory to Ukraine.

The raid was not a detached victory, but a necessary operation that serves a larger strategic purpose. The Tendrivska spit’s topographical setting allows Russians to position radars and electronic warfare equipment that can cover a wide area over the Black Sea as far as possible. Specifically, this allows Russians to detect and disrupt Ukrainian naval and aerial drone strikes, forcing Ukrainians to avoid the coast and creating a more narrow pocket for other Russian air defense assets to monitor.

However, these emplacements are incredibly vulnerable; as they are only connected to the mainland through narrow strips of land, or not at all, forcing Russians to use boats to supply these exposed outposts.

Ukrainians exploited this masterfully, and in the weeks leading up to the operation, they increasingly targeted these outposts, using FPV drones to strike buildings Russians used as barracks situated along the route the assault group would later take.

Ukrainians also used a Bayraktar drone to destroy Russian boats resupplying the outposts and rotating the troops stationed there.

However, Russians didn’t suspect a thing; they understood that these outposts were vulnerable, and likely wrote these events off as acceptable casualties to hold such exposed positions. Notably, Ukrainians likely conducted a second raid on the small settlement of Pokrovske on the Kinburn further north, with another Ukrainian flag appearing raised above the settlement early in the morning.

The disruption of these outposts mean only one thing: Ukrainians are planning an intensification of their operations along this axis. As mentioned previously, one of the operations could be a targeted strike operation against Russian assets in Crimea, with many air defense systems, radars, logistics, and command posts highly likely targets. Notably, such a threat doesn’t even have to be from Ukrainian missiles, as naval drones could now more stealthily pass along the coastline and simply launch waves of FPV drones into the Russian-controlled peninsula.

In the past, the Ukrainian security service has released tons of videos showing such strikes, with strike drones and FPVs flying low, dodging Russian missiles, and taking out targets worth hundreds of millions of dollars.

Alternatively, this amphibious special forces raid could be a part of the broader war in the Black Sea itself; with drilling platforms serving as makeshift castles from where either side can surveil the area, electronically disrupt equipment, lock down airspace with air defense missiles, or launch strikes from. Only recently Ukrainian naval special forces released new footage of a combined assault on one of these platforms, taking out the Russians defending it with FPV drones, and using the new position to fire missiles at Russian fighter jets.

Overall, Ukrainians executed a daring amphibious raid on several vulnerable Russian outposts, launching preparatory strikes for the operations while leaving Russians none the wiser. The successful outcomes of these missions have now opened the door for a wide range of follow-up operations, while Russians are left guessing as to what the next Ukrainian move will be.

In our regular frontline report, we pair up with the military blogger Reporting from Ukraine to keep you informed about what is happening on the battlefield in the Russo-Ukrainian war.

Tulcea county in Romania declared a 90-minute air alert on the night of 6 August as Russian strike drones targeted southern Odesa Oblast across the Danube River.

The Romanian county sits on the opposite bank of the Danube from Ukraine’s southernmost cities. Romanian residents could clearly observe air defense operations and explosions from Ukrainian territory during the Russian drone attack.

The resulting fire from the shelling caused panic among Romanian civilians, according to the report. Twenty people called emergency services, believing the blaze was occurring near their location.

“Response forces remained in the area to monitor the situation and intervene if necessary. We again call for calm and remind that Russia’s attack targets are not Romanian territory, and we call on citizens to follow safety measures recommended by authorities,” Romanian fire services reported, according to Digi24.

The attack was also visible from Moldovan territory. Readers reported the incident to local publication Nokta.

This comes as Russian forces launched 45 Shahed-type strike drones and decoy drones of various types from the evening of 5 August. Air defense systems destroyed or suppressed 36 Russian drones across northern, southern, and eastern Ukraine.

Since Russia’s full-scale invasion began, drone debris from attacks on southern Ukrainian targets has repeatedly fallen in border areas of Moldova and Romania. Some projectiles have penetrated deeper into their territories.

Following initial incidents, Romanian authorities began issuing air alerts along the Danube riverbank when Russian attacks occur nearby.

This summer, at least one Russian Shahed-type drone entered Lithuanian airspace through Belarusian territory.

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Two people died and 12 others were injured, including children, when Russian forces struck a recreation base in Zaporizhzhia district in the early hours of 6 August, according to Zaporizhzhia Oblast Governor Ivan Fedorov.

The State Emergency Service later clarified that occupying forces had targeted a recreation base specifically.

At least nine buildings sustained damage in the attack. Emergency services worked at the scene, with rescue workers transporting the wounded and handing them over to emergency medical teams while evacuating other people from the area.

Among the nine hospitalized were two children. “Both are under medical supervision, one is in serious condition,” Fedorov said in a subsequent update.

Emergency responders worked to extinguish fires that broke out in an outbuilding, vehicles, and five separate blazes across open territory. The attack damaged nine single-story holiday cottages at the recreation facility.

The assault formed part of broader overnight Russian attacks across Ukraine. In Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, Russian occupying forces struck Nikopol and Synelnykivsk districts during the night, damaging an enterprise, residential building, and infrastructure, regional head Serhiy Lysak said.

Ukrainian Air Forces reported that Russia launched 45 Shahed-type strike drones and decoy drones of various types from the evening of 5 August. Air defense systems destroyed or suppressed 36 Russian drones across northern, southern, and eastern Ukraine.

Russian forces launched the drones from the directions of Kursk and Primorsko-Akhtarsk in Russia, and from Cape Chauda in temporarily occupied Crimea. Aviation, anti-aircraft missile forces, electronic warfare units, unmanned systems units, and mobile fire groups of Ukraine’s Defense Forces repelled the air attack.

Ukraine’s Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko announced preparations for three joint Ukraine-US projects in the mining sector, with implementation planned to begin within the next 18 months under a bilateral minerals agreement.

Svyrydenko made the announcement on Facebook following negotiations with US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent. The officials discussed creating the American-Ukrainian Investment Recovery Fund, with the first board of directors meeting scheduled for September.

“We are working to expand its mandate so that the fund can also invest in the defense sector. The task is to launch the first three projects within 18 months,” Svyrydenko said.

The talks focused significantly on defense cooperation, including President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s initiative for a potential agreement on production and export of Ukrainian drones, as well as possible procurement of American weapons.

“We also raised the issue of strengthening sanctions pressure and cooperation with international financial organizations,” Svyrydenko added.

The mining projects represent the latest development in expanding Ukraine-US economic ties. On 1 May, Economics Minister Yulia Svyrydenko and the US Treasury Secretary signed a minerals agreement. The following day, the government submitted the Investment Recovery Fund agreement to the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine’s Parliament) for ratification.

The International Policy Committee supported the minerals agreement on 6 May, and the Verkhovna Rada voted to ratify the Ukraine-US minerals agreement on 8 May.

The investment fund’s expanded mandate could potentially channel American capital into Ukraine’s defense industry, marking a significant shift in bilateral economic cooperation beyond traditional reconstruction efforts.

On the night of 3 August, the SBU’s attack drones “visited” Saky airfield, 150 miles from the front line in Russian-occupied Crimea, according to the SBU.

The explosive drones destroyed one Sukhoi Su-30 fighter jet and damaged another—and also damaged three Sukhoi Su-24 bombers, according to the SBU. An aviation depot, potentially containing weapons or fuel, was also hit, the SBU claimed. 

“The successful special operation of the SBU in Saky is another step towards weakening the enemy’s ability to wage a war of aggression against Ukraine,” the SBU announced. “The occupiers should remember that they will never feel safe on our land!”

What’s especially embarrassing to the Russians is that they’d just finished building at least 12 concrete bunker shelters at Saky to house the aircraft operating from the often-attacked base. “Inside these reinforced shelters, we’ve identified both jets and larger drones, including the Orion,” reported Tatarigami, the head of the Ukrainian Frontelligence Insight analysis group.

The shelters didn’t fully protect the planes at Saky, if the SBU’s claims are accurate.

The Saky raid brings to 27 the number of Russian aircraft Ukrainian drones have destroyed or damaged since 1 June. It’s not the worst month for the Russian air force since Russia widened its war on Ukraine 42 months ago, but it’s close. In all, Russian forces have lost 162 planes and 157 helicopters.

The SBU’s deep-strike campaign, mostly targeting Russia’s own deep-strike assets, dramatically widened this summer. Frustrated in their attempts to intercept Russian aircraft and their munitions in mid-air closer to their targets, Ukrainian forces are increasingly aiming “left of the boom,” to borrow the US Army’s phrasing—and hitting the aircraft and munitions on the ground, before they can launch.

On 1 June, the SBU smuggled long-haul trucks full of explosive first-person-view drones close to five Russian bomber bases.

Around 100 of the tiny FPVs, each weighing just a few pounds, swarmed the bases. Relaying signals back to their operators via Russia’s own cellular phone network, the drones homed in on bombers and other warplanes parked on the bases’ tarmacs.

Bomber massacre

In the immediate aftermath of the 1 June raid, the SBU claimed its drones had struck around 40 warplanes at Dyagilevo, Ivanovo, Olenya, Belaya and Ukrainka air bases—respectively 310, 470, 1,200, 2,700 and 3,700 miles from Ukraine.

But close scrutiny of satellite imagery seemed to confirm just 13 or 14 losses, including seven or eight Tupolev Tu-95 bombers, four Tupolev Tu-22M bombers, a Beriev A-50 radar plane and a transport plane. Alongside Tupolev Tu-160s, the Tu-22Ms and Tu-95s are Russia’s main platforms for long-range cruise missile strikes on Ukrainian cities. 

By eliminating a portion of Russia’s missile-carriers, the 1 June Operation Spider Web could have “significant effect that should dramatically reduce Russia’s ability to launch missiles against Ukrainian cities and kill civilians,” noted Ben Hodges, a retired US Army general. 

On the night of 27 June, the SBU’s long-range attack drones—potentially Ukroboronprom An-196s—“dealt another painful blow to the occupiers,” according to the service. The explosive drones struck the Russian airfield in Kirovske, 130 miles from the front line in southern Ukraine.

“Fire damage was inflicted on the locations of the aviation component, air-defense systems, ammunition storage depots, as well as reconnaissance and strike UAVs of the enemy,” the SBU reported.

The SBU claimed it destroyed Mil Mi-8 and Mi-26 transport helicopters and a Mil Mi-28 attack helicopter as well as a Pantsir air-defense vehicle. A reported secondary explosion may point to Russian ammunition stocks—or parked drones—cooking off.

“The SBU is systematically working to reduce the Russian Federation’s capabilities to deliver air and bomb strikes on the territory of Ukraine,” the service explained. “The occupiers should realize that their expensive military equipment and ammunition are not protected anywhere: neither on the line of combat contact, nor in temporarily occupied territories, nor in the deep rear of the enemy.”

The very same night drones struck Kirovske, the SBU and Ukraine’s special operations command, the SSO, struck a second time—and damaged if not destroyed as many as five Russian air force Sukhoi Su-34 fighter-bombers at Marinovka air base in Volgorod Oblast, 180 miles from the front line. 

The 150 or so Su-34s that are left, after several dozen have been lost over Ukraine, are Russia’s primary platforms for dropping KAB winged glide-bombs on Ukrainian positions. The 1,100- and 2,200-pound KABs range as far as 40 miles. They can be jammed, but the sheer number of KABs raining down on the Ukrainians—thousands per month—makes them among the most damaging munitions in the Russian arsenal.

The 27 June strikes capped a painful month for the Russian air force. The 3 August raid extended the costly summer into early August.

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Finland won’t join NATO’s new weapons procurement program for Ukraine, opting instead to rely on its own defense industry. Finnish Defense Minister Antti Häkkänen has announced that his country is focusing on a domestic industrial program, Yle reports. 

“We have allocated our resources to an internal industrial program, under which we place orders for Ukraine from companies across Finland,” he states.

A decision to back local industry — and still help Ukraine

Häkkänen emphasizes that the program was developed in cooperation with Ukraine to provide “maximum support” and that other countries understand Finland’s approach, especially given its shared border with Russia.

“We continue to support Ukraine with strong commitment and energy, but now we are prioritizing production by domestic companies,” he adds.

Different approaches within NATO with one common goal

Earlier, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said that Sweden, Norway, and Denmark had allocated over $500 million to buy weapons for Ukraine through NATO’s new procurement mechanism. Finland has chosen a different vector, but its support remains consistent and strategically vital.

NATO is preparing to act swiftly. During an official visit to the NATO Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine (NSATU) headquarters, General Alexus Grynkewich, Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR), declared that the Alliance is ready to address Ukraine’s weapon needs promptly. 

“We’re going to move as quickly as we can,” he emphasized.

NSATU coordinates international support for Ukraine, providing ongoing training and logistics. Under this initiative, over 300 personnel from 28 NATO countries work closely with the Ukrainian Armed Forces.

Poland’s logistics hub — a lifeline for uninterrupted support

A key role in delivering military aid to Ukraine is played by the Logistics Enabling Node-Poland (LEN-P). Each month, this hub manages the shipment of about 18,000 tons of military equipment to Ukraine.

NATO’s representation in Ukraine notes that LEN-P is one of the most critical components of the training headquarters’ operations.

NATO warns: the war is close

Earlier, at the LANDEURO symposium in Wiesbaden, General Grynkewich stressed that “the war is already at our doorstep,” and NATO’s response must be rapid and resolute. 

Russia is losing petrodollars. In July 2025, Russia suffered a significant financial blow: oil-related budget revenues dropped by nearly 33% compared to the previous year, according to Bloomberg.

A official Russian Finance Ministry says that the country collected only $8.9 billion in oil-related taxes. Combined oil and gas revenues fell by 27%.

Price spike didn’t save profits from falling

Despite a short-term 71% increase in the price of Russian export oil in July, the first such jump in five months, petrodollars flowing into the budget declined. Global crude prices spiked sharply at that time due to warfare in the Middle East.

Benchmark oil prices, however, have dropped year-on-year, as Trump’s trade policies threaten to slow the global economy while OPEC+ ramps up production faster than expected.

The strengthening of the ruble also contributed to lower revenues, as revaluation means oil companies receive fewer rubles per barrel they pump and sell. In June, the ruble hit its strongest exchange rate in two years: 78.71 per dollar. This means oil and gas companies earn less in rubles for exports. In 2024, they earned 6,127 rubles per barrel, now only 4,711.

Subsidies slashed as budget runs short

However, lower global prices for crude and refined oil products have allowed the government to cut subsidies paid to Russian refineries.

These subsidies partially compensate for the price difference between domestic and export fuel, aiming to boost domestic gasoline and diesel supply. In July, the budget allocated 58% less for this purpose compared to the previous year.

Ukraine’s army is holding the line. Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, General Oleksandr Syrskyi, has released staggering figures for Russian army losses in the first seven months of 2025 — 267,460 troops.

“Due to the coordinated and professional work of Ukraine’s Defense Forces, enemy losses since the beginning of the year total 267,460 personnel,” Syrskyi reveals.

In July alone, Russia lost more than 33,200 troops.

The war continues

As of 5 August, fighting rages in Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and other fronts. Battles were ongoing in Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, Kherson, and Chernihiv oblasts. Ukrainian forces are eliminating approximately per day:

• 1,120 occupiers
• 2 tanks
• 12 armored vehicles
• 28 artillery systems
• 169 drones

Putin defies Trump’s ultimatum, escalates threats to Europe

Meanwhile, Russian President Vladimir Putin shows no intention of complying with the US ultimatum to end the war in Ukraine. He insists on controlling Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson and demands that Ukraine renounce NATO membership and adopt neutral status.

Putin also confirmed plans to deploy new “Oreshnik” intercontinental missile systems in Belarus in the second half of 2025, a looming threat to both Ukraine and Europe.

Ukraine’s allies will spend millions of dollars for weapons for Kyiv. Sweden, Norway, and Denmark have jointly allocated over $500 million to purchase American weapons for Ukraine, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announces.

“Plus $500 million — the total amount from our friends in Northern Europe… This will be implemented under NATO coordination,” Zelenskyy says.

According to the new mechanism, Ukraine compiles a list of priority needs in packages of approximately $500 million. Then, the partner countries can:

• provide their own weapons from the list and immediately purchase the US equivalent — bypassing bureaucracy,
• or order weapons directly from the US or through NATO.

This approach significantly speeds up logistics and replenishment of allied arsenals.

Unity of arms and action

The Ukrainian president has thanked the prime ministers of Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte for their concrete support that “increases Ukraine’s capacity to protect lives.”

“This will be a good example for other NATO countries… to guarantee protection against Russian strikes,” Zelenskyy emphasizes.

The PURL initiative becomes a new bridge between America and Europe in the defense sector, and another signal to Moscow: Western support is not weakening but growing.

More than deliveries

The Ukrainian president has stressed that such projects strengthen Ukraine’s own defense production as well as joint defense initiatives with partners. This builds a new architecture of European security based on powerful cooperation.

“Russia will never turn Europe into a continent of war… we guarantee that peace will prevail,” Zelenskyy states.

In just two days, Ukraine received nearly $1 billion in international arms aid — after €500 million from the Netherlands, another half a billion came from Northern Europe.

Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence “Timur” Special Unit has crashed Russia’s advance on Sumy Oblast. The fighters have eliminated eight Russian companies in Sumy Oblast, the agency reports. 

“The enemy’s advance has been halted. Their food and ammunition supply lines have been cut,” explains Ukraine’s military intelligence.

The operation involved 11 combat detachments under the Timur Special Unit. As a result of the mission: 

• At least 334 Russian troops were eliminated
• Over 550 were wounded

Russians refuse to fight

According to the Defense Intelligence, Ukrainian soldiers executed a series of swift raids deep into Russian-controlled territory, effectively deploying FPV drones, artillery, grenade launchers, and small arms in close-quarters combat.

“Based on intercepted communications, Russian soldiers gave fabricated excuses to avoid storming positions within the Timur Unit’s area of operation,” says the agency.

A retaliatory strike against terror: Sumy under constant attack

In early August, Russia intensified its assaults on the Sumy front, launching frequent artillery, missile, and air strikes. In July alone, 23 civilians were killed, and over 140 were wounded, according to Oleh Hryhorov, head of the Sumy Regional Military Administration.

“In July, there were 2,700 Russian attacks on Sumy Oblast, with more than 800 air-dropped bombs, 250 kamikaze drone strikes, and 52 missile strikes,” Hryhorov says.

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Amid the growing threat from Russia, the German government is launching an ambitious rearmament program. But a recent poll shows: nearly 60% of Germans say they would “probably” or “definitely” not defend Germany in the event of an attack, The Telegraph reports. 

Only 16% expressed full willingness to bear arms, while another 22% said they would “probably” defend the country, according to a survey commissioned by broadcaster RND. 

These figures come as a blow to Defense Minister Boris Pistorius, who is spearheading a large-scale reform of the Bundeswehr in hopes of transforming it into a pillar of European security after decades of chronic underfunding.

Berlin changes its defense approach

In July, Pistorius presented a plan to recruit 40,000 young people annually until 2031. Under the proposal, all 18-year-old males would receive mandatory questionnaires, followed by medical examinations to assess their fitness for service.

The goal: increase the Bundeswehr’s size from 182,000 to at least 260,000 soldiers by 2035, and expand the military reserve from 60,000 to 200,000. Without internal motivation among citizens, this initiative may prove futile. 

The Russian threat is real: Germany has no time for doubt

German intelligence chief Bruno Kahl has also warned of Russian provocations and Moscow’s ambition to push NATO back to its 1990s borders. Against this backdrop, the unwillingness of German citizens to defend their country may pose serious concerns in Berlin.