Russian troops have advanced roughly 10 kilometers north of Pokrovsk in Donetsk Oblast, seizing key villages and cutting the Dobropillia–Kramatorsk highway near Novovodiane, according to the Ukrainian monitoring project DeepState. The breakthrough threatens a major supply artery and risks a deeper advance that could split Ukraine’s defensive front in Donetsk.

DeepState reports the attack relied on sustained infantry pressure with superior numbers, allowing Russian units to capture Kucheriiv Yar and Zolotyi Kolodiaz. Both are now being used as staging grounds for further operations. From Kucheriiv Yar, Russian forces also infiltrated Vesele via treelines, with Ukrainian observers counting around two dozen enemy soldiers there in the past 24 hours.

One frontline defender, quoted by DeepState, summed up the risk bluntly:

“The worst part is that if they take these positions, we’ll never get them out.”

Moscow’s demands before peace talks

The advance comes just days before a planned Trump–Putin summit in Alaska on 15 August, where, according to Ukrainian and Western sources, Russia is expected to demand full control of Donetsk Oblast, including areas still under Ukrainian control.

Pokrovsk, the southernmost city in Ukraine’s heavily fortified “fortress belt”—which also includes Sloviansk, Kramatorsk, Druzhkivka, and Kostiantynivka—has been under relentless Russian pressure for over a year. Its fall would threaten to unhinge the entire defensive line from the south.

While military analysts note that taking Sloviansk or Kramatorsk could require years of sustained fighting, bypassing or capturing Pokrovsk could allow Russia to envelop the belt from the west and render its strongest fortifications less relevant.

“This has been building for a long time”

Defense analyst Bohdan Myroshnykov rejects the notion that the offensive is merely timed for political leverage before the summit.

“I don’t believe the enemy threw everything into battle ahead of the Trump talks. This has been building for a long time,” he says.

He points out that Russian forces are approaching their peak operational capacity and have redeployed units from Sumy Oblast to reinforce the Pokrovsk–Dobropillia axis. This groundwork was laid months ago with the capture of Koptyeve and advances near Novoeconomichne—small settlements that drew little public attention but were crucial staging points for today’s breakthrough.

On Ukraine’s side, Myroshnykov cites disruption during the transfer of operational control from an operational-tactical group to corps-level command, creating “chaos in management.” Reinforcements have arrived, he says, but their full effect is still pending.

Matveev: A push to cut the front

Defense analyst Yan Matveev says the Russian advance began from Novotoretske, covering up to 10 kilometers in a single day to reach Kucheriiv Yar and Zolotyi Kolodiaz.

“The goal is to seize Dobropillia and possibly Bilozerske, cut Pokrovsk’s supply routes, and split the Donetsk front in its center,” he warns.

Matveev stresses that the situation in the center of the Donetsk front is becoming increasingly tense and difficult for the Ukrainian Armed Forces.

“They still have a chance for counterattacks — the breakthrough is too narrow. But do they have the forces?”

Such a move could force Ukrainian forces in Pokrovsk to retreat to avoid encirclement, destabilizing defensive lines further north.

Mashovets: The 51st army at the fore

Military analyst Kostiantyn Mashovets identifies the 51st Combined Arms Army of Russia’s Central Grouping of Forces as the main strike formation here. It has been reinforced by the 39th Motor Rifle Brigade from the 68th Army Corps and elements of the 2nd and 8th Combined Arms Armies.

While the main push is toward Rodynske and Krasnyi Lyman, Russian commanders are also using small infiltration groups along the Novotoretske–Kucheriiv Yar line—a tactic they have refined through months of urban fighting.

Rodynske and Krasnyi Lyman remain in Ukrainian hands, but Russian forward units have already reached Novoe Shakhove and Biletske east of Dobropillia.

“If they continue north, they could undermine the defense not only of Dobropillia and Pokrovsk, but Druzhkivka and Kostiantynivka as well,” Mashovets warns. “The corridor they’re using is still thin, but cutting it now would be ideal—if we have the forces.”

Multiple threat axes on Pokrovsk

Even as Russia drives toward Dobropillia, it is tightening pressure directly on Pokrovsk from several directions. From the northeast, Russian forces have taken Suvorove and are assaulting Rodynske. From the southwest, small assault teams are fixing Ukrainian defenders in place and probing city outskirts.

DeepState describes one infiltration attempt in detail: three Russian groups, each 50 soldiers strong, advanced over 10 days from Pishchane toward Zakhysnykiv Ukrainy Street in Pokrovsk. Supplied by drones with food, water, and communications equipment, they moved along pre-planned routes. Ukrainian drone strikes killed 120 of the 150 attackers before they reached their objectives. The survivors briefly occupied several buildings before being eliminated; a few remain unaccounted for.

Fortifications bypassed

Around Zolotyi Kolodiaz and Shakhove, Ukrainian engineers have built heavy fortifications—anti-tank ditches, earthworks, and reinforced positions (VOPs, ROPs). Instead of attacking them head-on, Russian forces have bypassed these defenses, leaving them intact and potentially usable if captured.

This is why the soldier quoted by DeepState warned that retaking such positions would be nearly impossible once occupied.

Drones in command of the battlefield

The opening phase of the offensive relied heavily on drones to establish fire control over Ukrainian supply lines. Now, with the Dobropillia–Kramatorsk highway under Russian control, drones are expected to play an even bigger role in disrupting resupply efforts and troop movements into the threatened area.

Strategic implications

The breach north of Pokrovsk is more than a local setback. Dobropillia’s fall would give Russia a platform to envelop Pokrovsk from the west or north, undermining Ukraine’s fortress belt from its southernmost point.

While Sloviansk and Kramatorsk are formidable objectives that could take years to capture, bypassing them through Pokrovsk and Dobropillia would neutralize much of their strategic value.

DeepState warns that without a timely counterattack, Dobropillia could fall before Pokrovsk, potentially forcing Ukraine into difficult decisions about holding ground versus preserving manpower.

A Ukrainian drone strike has forced the Saratov Oil Refinery—a major facility in southwestern Saratov Oblast owned by state-run Rosneft—to halt crude oil intake, Bloomberg reports, citing people familiar with the matter.

The 10 August attack triggered explosions and a fire on-site, abruptly halting operations at a plant capable of processing around 140,000 barrels of crude per day. Analysts warn that if the shutdown persists, Russia’s domestic gasoline supplies could face pressure just as seasonal demand climbs.

Escalation before high-stakes Alaska talks

The strike comes just five days before a planned 15 August summit in Alaska between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin. The White House has said the meeting could expand into a trilateral peace negotiation if Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy attends, though Kyiv’s participation remains uncertain.

Despite the diplomatic push, fighting has intensified. Both sides are exchanging waves of drones and missiles, with Ukraine stepping up strikes deep inside Russian territory while Russia continues to bombard Ukrainian cities.

Part of a wider campaign against Russian energy infrastructure

The Saratov facility is the latest in a string of Ukrainian drone attacks on Russian refineries this month. On 2 August, strikes disabled the Ryazan and Novokuybyshevsk refineries. Five days later, Ukraine targeted the Afipsky refinery in the Krasnodar Krai, followed by a reported strike on a plant in Russia’s Komi Republic, some 2,000 kilometers from Ukraine.

The Saratov plant’s position along the Volga River makes it a strategic hub for both regional fuel distribution and exports—raising the stakes of its prolonged closure.

In the shadow of Europe’s largest war since World War II, few expected a small Western European nation to become one of Ukraine’s steady military partners. Yet Belgium has stepped up—pledging fighter jets, advanced air defense systems, ammunition, naval support, and a decade-long security pact.

Its influence is amplified by a unique role in Europe’s financial battlefield. Brussels-based Euroclear holds over €180 billion in frozen Russian assets—the largest cache in Europe. Taxes on the interest from these holdings fund much of the EU’s military aid to Ukraine, giving Belgium outsized leverage in sustaining Kyiv’s war effort.

The record, however, has gaps. As of mid-2025, Belgium’s pledge of 30 F-16s—the largest from any single country—remains undelivered. And while Brussels is central to the frozen-assets plan, it opposes full confiscation, limiting Ukraine’s access to the principal sum.

When President Volodymyr Zelenskyy visited Brussels in May 2024, he signed a landmark 10-year bilateral security agreement—the 11th such pact that year, launched after the G7’s 2023 Joint Declaration of Support. For Belgium, it was a promise that its backing would go beyond immediate aid, locking in a decade of military cooperation.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Belgium’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

A quiet but strong hand

From the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022, Belgium’s contributions weren’t always front-page news. Unlike some larger NATO allies, its aid wasn’t accompanied by high-profile announcements or flashy military convoys. But behind the scenes, Belgium was delivering—and planning for the long haul.

That planning came into focus in May 2024, when Belgium and Ukraine formalized their cooperation under a 10-year security deal. The agreement wasn’t symbolic. It came with a promise: €977 million in military aid for 2024 alone, and a further €1 billion annually starting in 2025.

F-16 coalition: Record pledge, slow reality

One of Belgium’s most high-profile commitments is its role in the F-16 fighter jet coalition. Belgium has pledged 30 F-16s by 2028—more than any other single donor. These American-made aircraft symbolize Ukraine’s modernization and its fight to reclaim the skies.

Yet as of mid-2025, none have been delivered. Officially, the delay is due to Belgium’s own transition from F-16s to newer F-35s, creating bottlenecks in the transfer process.

To bridge the gap, Belgium has invested heavily in training. Since 2022, over 3,000 Ukrainian troops have been trained. In spring 2024, 50 flight instructors and two F-16B aircraft were sent to Denmark to prepare Ukrainian pilots, engineers, and mission planners. Meanwhile, Melsbroek airbase hosted intensive aircrew training—ensuring Ukraine’s defenders are ready the moment those jets arrive.

Air defense: Guarding the skies above Ukraine

Protecting Ukraine’s airspace is a matter of survival. Belgium has made air defense a cornerstone of its aid:

• €200 million in 2024 for Germany’s air defense initiative
• €150 million in 2025 via the German-led Integrated Air and Missile Defense (IAAD) coalition
• Deliveries supported by Belgium’s A400M transport aircraft
• 20 modernized Cerberus systems announced in May 2025 to defend against drones and missiles

These systems are critical—but the scale of Russian missile and drone attacks means Ukraine’s needs outpace even the largest contributions. Every air defense battery or missile delivery helps, but the demand is unrelenting.

Naval support: Minehunter and maritime drones

Belgium’s support extends to the seas. In June 2025, it transferred the decommissioned minehunter Narcis—renamed Mariupol in honor of the city destroyed by Russian forces in 2022. Equipped with advanced unmanned underwater drones, the ship will help clear mines from the Black Sea and reopen vital trade routes.

Training has been central to this maritime support. In 2023, Belgium trained Ukrainian operators on 10 R7 underwater drones from ECA Robotics Belgium—later delivered for underwater inspection and maintenance. Training expanded in 2024 to various strike drones, and in 2025 to the Mariupol’s crew and air defense technicians.

Ammunition, armor, and battlefield logistics

When Ukraine’s frontlines started running dangerously low on ammunition, Belgium was one of the nations to step up. In 2024, it joined the Czech-led ammunition coalition, committing €200 million toward purchasing 50,000 artillery shells—each one a lifeline on the battlefield.

That same year, Belgium pledged three Caesar self-propelled howitzers, valued at €12 million, under the artillery coalition. Though delivery delays have been reported, the promise remains.

Belgium has also provided:

• Mistral air defense launchers
• AIM-120 AMRAAM missiles for NASAMS
• Hundreds of Volvo military trucks
• M113 armored personnel carriers
• Lynx tactical armored vehicles

These contributions may lack the headline appeal of fighter jets, but they keep Ukraine’s forces operational under intense pressure.

Building Ukraine’s defense industry

Belgium’s assistance goes beyond delivering equipment to the front. In early 2024, the Ukrainian and Belgian defense ministries signed a Memorandum of Understanding, launching a collaborative effort to co-develop new defense technologies.

One of the first tangible results came from Belgian defense firm John Cockerill, which undertook the modernization of dozens of Bandvagn 206 all-terrain vehicles destined for Ukraine—building on its earlier work upgrading M113 armored personnel carriers before their transfer to the Ukrainian Army.

Belgium is also helping Ukraine expand its own defense manufacturing capacity. In partnership with Thales Belgium, work is underway to co-produce 70mm FZ275 LGR rockets, with a range of up to 3,000 meters. Designed for precision and rapid deployment, these rockets will strengthen Ukraine’s ability to intercept Russian drones and enhance short-range air defense.

Frozen Russian assets: Central role, clear limits

Belgium’s Euroclear holds the largest frozen Russian asset stockpile in Europe—over €180 billion. Since spring 2024, the EU has been transferring interest from these holdings to Ukraine, with the first €1.5 billion going toward air defense, ammunition, and defense industry projects.

By May 2025, Ukraine had received €6 billion via the G7’s Extraordinary Revenue Acceleration (ERA) program, with €35 billion planned for the year.

Belgium, however, opposes full confiscation of the assets, citing legal risks. Instead, it supports keeping them frozen indefinitely—even if some EU states refuse to renew sanctions—so that interest income continues to flow.

Reconstruction and recovery

Belgium’s role in Ukraine’s recovery goes hand in hand with its financial contributions from frozen Russian assets. Through the Belgian development agency Enabel, Ukraine will receive €150 million by 2028 for the comprehensive reconstruction of Chernihiv and Kyiv Oblasts. Funded from the profits of frozen Russian assets held in Belgian jurisdiction, this aid will rebuild schools, healthcare facilities, and energy infrastructure.

Separately, under the Chernobyl International Cooperation Account managed by the EBRR, Belgium contributed over €200,000 at the end of 2024 to restore equipment at the Chernobyl Nuclear Power Plant damaged during Russia’s occupation.

A billion-euro blueprint for stability

In April 2025, the Belgian government unveiled a €1 billion military aid plan for Ukraine, to be renewed every year through 2029. It was one of the most ambitious announcements yet from a European country—and about two-thirds of that funding is being funneled through Belgian companies.

This dual-purpose strategy doesn’t just support Ukraine—it strengthens Belgium’s own defense industrial base, ensuring production remains efficient, scalable, and strategically aligned with EU and NATO goals.

Training, technology, and trust

Belgium’s training efforts go far beyond pilots. In 2023, it trained Ukrainian drone operators, including how to use 10 R7 underwater drones from ECA Robotics Belgium—systems later delivered as part of its military aid and used for inspection, surveillance, and maintenance of underwater infrastructure.

In 2025, that training expanded to include the minehunter crew, drone pilots, and technicians managing air defense systems.

Through the IT Coalition, Belgium has also invested heavily in Ukraine’s cyber and communications infrastructure, contributing to a €1.1 billion effort to modernize command centers, secure communications, and data infrastructure.

Why Belgium’s role matters

Belgium may not have the military scale of the US or economic might of Germany, but it offers something just as vital: reliability and long-term commitment. It is a partner that pairs battlefield support with industrial cooperation, reconstruction aid, and steady financial backing.

With 30 F-16s pledged, €1 billion per year committed, and a unique position at the heart of Europe’s frozen asset system, Belgium’s influence will remain significant as Ukraine’s fight continues.

Europe is “years away” from having the kit, personnel and supply chains to defend Ukraine, The Times warns, despite “bold talk” of protecting it. The paper says the continent “wholly lack[s] the means” to protect Kyiv’s territory, leaving it unable to credibly demand a role in the upcoming Trump–Putin summit in Alaska, which will take place with little or no European participation.

“Had Europe better invested in defense, it might be able to argue for some role in Alaska,” the editorial says. “The bald fact is that Europe is not credible.”

Europe lacks strength to shape or enforce peace

Even if Europe remains diplomatically united, The Times argues it “lacks the strength to back Kyiv in negotiating favourable terms… or enforcing a ceasefire.” Without sustained US backing, “its war effort will buckle.”

Reliance on US support

Instead of leading, Europe depends on American weapons, intelligence, and political will. US Vice-President JD Vance told Fox News that Americans are “sick” of paying for foreign wars and Washington is “done funding” Kyiv.

“If you care so much about this conflict,” he said, “you should be willing to play a more direct… substantial way in funding this war yourself”.

Coalition plan stalls

British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer’s aim for a 64,000-strong “coalition of the willing” has faltered. The Times says “gathering a coalition of even 10,000 soldiers would be difficult… reaching 25,000 might be possible at a stretch.”

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has argued that 200,000 troops are needed to counter Russia’s 800,000-strong army. Lithuania’s defence minister Dovile Sakaliene warned: “If we can’t even raise 64,000 that doesn’t look weak — it is weak.”

“It is notable,” the paper writes, “that Poland… has declined to participate in any coalition.”

Spain and Italy have also refused; Finland fears deployments would “dilute” its own border defences; Estonia may send only a company-sized unit. The Kremlin has warned that any Western troops could “trigger a new world war.”

Aid totals mask dependence

In June, The Times reports, Europe overtook the US as Ukraine’s biggest donor of military aid — about €72 billion (roughly $78 billion) compared with the US’s $65 billion (around €60 billion). But “much of Europe’s aid finances the purchase of US-made weapons,” underscoring its dependence.

Zelenskyy has said “less than 30%” of Ukraine’s arms come from Europe, with “about 40%” from the US and a third produced domestically.

The EU’s €800 billion Readiness 2030 plan to modernise forces is, according to The Times, “too late for playing a credible role in the future of Ukraine.”

Urgent editorial warning

In its editorial, The Times accuses Starmer of focusing “too much on words instead of investment plans” and calls for urgent increases in defence spending. Quoting Stalin’s remark about the Vatican’s lack of “divisions,” it warns that Putin may look towards Europe and “raise the same smug question”:

“The best day to invest in defense was yesterday, the second best is today.”

Russian forces struck the major Ukrainian industrial city of Zaporizhzhia on Sunday evening, hitting its Central Bus Station and a medical university clinic with guided aerial bombs (KABs). The attack injured 20 people and damaged multiple buildings, according to local authorities.

The strikes occurred just days before a high-stakes meeting between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Alaska on 15 August. The summit—expected to address the war in Ukraine—has prompted warnings from Kyiv and European leaders that no peace deal should be negotiated without Ukraine’s direct participation.

Two targets, significant damage

Zaporizhzhia Regional Military Administration head Ivan Fedorov said one KAB hit the Central Bus Station and another exploded near the Zaporizhzhia Medical University clinic. Both locations sustained structural damage. Initial reports suggest no one inside the clinic was hurt.

Russian forces hit Zaporizhzhia’s bus station & a medical clinic with 2 guided bombs, injuring 20.

Strike comes 5 days before the Trump–Putin summit.

Security video captures a glide bomb striking the station.

Video: Ivan Fedorov pic.twitter.com/iJSl2ssfhx

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 10, 2025

Casualties and emergency response

Authorities confirmed 20 civilians were injured, suffering multiple blast wounds to limbs, heads, and abdominal areas. Rescue workers, medics, and police are on the scene.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy condemned the strikes as part of Russia’s ongoing war of destruction:

“Across the entire front line and in our border cities, Russia continues to take lives. They are not seeking peace — they are seeking a way to kill Ukraine. If Russia does not want to stop the war, then its economy must be stopped.”

He called for stronger sanctions and greater international pressure, particularly from the United States and Europe.

Ongoing regional escalation

A day earlier, on 9 August, Russian shelling in Zaporizhzhia Oblast killed three people and wounded another, police said. Over the past 24 hours, Russian forces have attacked 15 settlements, launching nearly 500 strikes with aircraft, artillery, multiple-launch rocket systems (MLRS), and drones.

The United States will no longer finance the war in Ukraine and is determined to push for its swift conclusion, Vice President JD Vance said in a Fox News interview on Sunday.

Just days before a highly anticipated summit scheduled for 15 August in Alaska between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin, Washington is working to explore a ceasefire and potential peace agreement. Trump has openly suggested the discussions may involve “some swapping of territory” — a proposal firmly rejected by Ukraine and its European allies.

“If Europeans want to take the lead and buy weapons from American manufacturers, we’re fine with that — but we won’t be funding it ourselves anymore,” Vance said.

Push for negotiations

Vance confirmed the US is working to coordinate talks between Trump, Putin, and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, though he said a Putin–Zelenskyy meeting before the Trump–Putin summit would likely be unproductive.

“Of course, we condemn the invasion and dislike the current situation, but peace must be achieved — and the only way to do that is to sit down and talk,” he said.

He added that while Trump is skeptical about the chances of success, the President believes talks should be given a chance.

Based on current front lines

Vance emphasized that Washington seeks a settlement based on the existing line of contact, noting that “both sides will likely be unhappy” — a sign, he said, of a real compromise.

Trump has claimed Russia and Ukraine are close to a ceasefire that could end the three-and-a-half-year-old conflict, potentially requiring Ukraine to cede significant territory. Discussions on a possible territorial exchange are expected to continue in the coming days.

Zelenskyy, however, insists Ukraine cannot violate its constitution on territorial matters and that “Ukrainians will not gift their land to the occupiers.”

China sanctions under consideration

Vance also said Trump is considering sanctions against China for importing Russian oil but has not yet made a final decision.

A White House official confirmed that Trump is open to a three-way summit with Putin and Zelenskyy but is currently preparing for the bilateral meeting requested by Putin.

A drone attack struck the Komi Republic, located about 2,000 km from Ukraine’s border, marking the first such incident since Russia’s full-scale invasion began. An air raid alert was declared in Ukhta, local officials confirmed.

The strike unfolded just days before a highly anticipated summit scheduled for 15 August in Alaska between US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin, intended to explore a ceasefire and potential peace agreement. Trump has openly suggested the discussions may involve “some swapping of territory,” a proposal strongly rejected by Ukraine and its European allies.

Oil refinery targeted

Telegram channels and eyewitnesses said the Lukoil-Ukhtaneftepererabotka oil refinery was the target. Residents reported loud explosions, followed by the arrival of fire trucks, ambulances, and other emergency crews. One drone reportedly crashed near the plant, but no fires or hazardous emissions were recorded.

Ukraine hits Komi for the first time — 2,000 km from the front.

Drones struck the Lukoil refinery in Ukhta, damaging fuel tanks & a gas unit supplying Russian forces.

Analyst Yan Matveev notes the UAV had long wings, glider-like, clearly built for range. pic.twitter.com/5jdx6NNUUe

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 10, 2025

Evacuations and service disruptions

The Syktyvkar No. 12 channel reported evacuations at the Yarmarka shopping mall and the nearby refinery. Residents in Ukhta and Syktyvkar experienced mobile internet outages, and flights at Ukhta airport were temporarily restricted, according to Rosaviatsiya. Acting Komi head Rostislav Goldstein said no one was injured.

Ukrainian intelligence claims responsibility

RBC-Ukraine, citing sources at Ukraine’s Main Directorate of Intelligence (HUR), reported the attack was part of a special operation against a facility supplying fuel and lubricants to Russian forces. Ukrainian sources said drones hit a fuel storage tank, causing a spill, and damaged a gas-condensate processing unit used for producing propane-butane and gasoline.

Part of a broader strike pattern

Recent days have seen multiple drone attacks deep inside Russia:

• Krasnodar Krai (Afipsky Refinery) – Damaged in a Ukrainian drone strike confirmed on 8 August, targeting a gas-condensate processing unit.
• Saratov Oblast – Explosions and fire at an oil refinery overnight 10 August.

Komi, until now untouched by the war, has become the latest target in a widening campaign of long-range strikes.

US President Donald Trump is currently speaking by phone with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, multiple sources report. The call comes at a critical moment in ongoing US diplomatic efforts related to the war in Ukraine.

The call follows a meeting in Moscow between Trump’s special envoy, Steve Witkoff, and Russian President Vladimir Putin. This marked Witkoff’s fifth meeting with Putin at the Kremlin. According to the Kremlin, the discussion was “very useful and constructive.”

Trump had earlier issued an ultimatum to the Kremlin, warning that if progress toward peace was not made, the US would impose devastating new sanctions on Russia by 8 August. This adds weight to both the Moscow talks and today’s Trump–Zelenskyy conversation.

Witkoff is now returning to Washington, D.C.

Sanctions decision may depend on ongoing talks

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has indicated that new statements may be made soon regarding possible sanctions against Russia. He confirmed speaking with Witkoff following the envoy’s return from Moscow.

“We’ll have more to say about that later on today,” Rubio told reporters. “It could be positive news — or not,” he added.

Rubio’s remarks signal that decisions on sanctions may depend on the outcomes of the Trump-Zelenskyy call and Witkoff’s diplomatic efforts.

Trump to deliver oval office statement

According to White House correspondent Reena Bhardwaj, President Trump is scheduled to deliver remarks from the Oval Office at 4:30 p.m. local time on 6 August. The statement will follow Witkoff’s return from Moscow and is expected to address the outcome of his meeting with Putin.

The timing of the address—just two days before Trump’s 8 August ceasefire ultimatum—highlights the significance of the moment. The content of the statement has not yet been disclosed.

The first shipments of US-manufactured weapons and ammunition to Ukraine under NATO’s Prioritized Ukraine Requirements List (PURL) will arrive in the coming weeks, a NATO official told European Pravda on condition of anonymity.

Launched by NATO and the United States, PURL is a new funding mechanism that allows Alliance members to finance US weapons for Ukraine. The initiative is seen as a major evolution in how Western military assistance is structured.

First packages funded by the Netherlands, Nordics

The first two PURL assistance packages were financed by:

• The Netherlands ($500 million, including Patriot missile components) – announced 4 August
• Denmark, Finland, and Sweden (jointly contributing approximately $500 million) – announced 5 August

“New aid packages are being prepared quickly and on a regular basis,” the NATO official said. “We expect the first deliveries within weeks.”

More countries expected to join

According to NATO, more countries are set to join PURL soon. At a recent meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group — the Ramstein-format coalition of over 50 countries — seven states expressed interest in funding US weapon purchases for Ukraine. Among them: Canada, Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands, and several Nordic nations.

Delivery speed and artillery supply are key concerns

One of Ukraine’s most urgent challenges is how quickly weapons can be delivered. European nations are expected to send 2 million 155mm artillery shells this year.

With Western-backed domestic production ramping up inside Ukraine, this could partially compensate for declining US munitions exports.

Patriot missiles remain critical

However, air defense is a different story. Ukraine still urgently needs US-made Patriot surface-to-air missiles, which have no fast European substitute.

France and Italy have delivered SAMP/T systems, but deployment and production are slower — and questions remain about their effectiveness compared to Patriot.

Germany has pledged two more Patriot systems, but it’s unclear where additional units will come from. Other European operators of Patriots are hesitant to reduce their own air defenses.

Europe steps in as US role pauses under Trump

The PURL model emerges as the Biden-era military packages continue, but the Trump administration has not announced new aid commitments.

In July, President Trump and NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte unveiled the PURL framework at a Washington meeting. While not a replacement for US government aid, it keeps American weapons flowing to Ukraine via European funding.

European countries have begun increasing their own defense production, but many are turning to US manufacturers like Raytheon and Lockheed Martin to fill urgent gaps, particularly for Patriot systems and munitions.

Long-term viability of PURL in question

A central question remains: Can PURL sustain Ukraine over the long term?

At the NATO summit in The Hague, member states committed to spending 5% of their GDP on defense by 2034. Much of that increased funding is expected to cover weapons bound for Ukraine, placing long-term strategic and financial responsibility squarely on European shoulders.

Looking ahead: More clarity this fall

The next Ramstein meeting this fall may provide clarity on the scale and timeline of future deliveries. There is even consideration of holding the meeting in Ukraine — a symbolic move that would underscore NATO’s long-term support.

Meanwhile, NATO will assess costs based on Ukraine’s detailed “wish list,” which focuses heavily on air defense systems and ammunition.

The current distance between Russian flanks around Pokrovsk has shrunk to less than 15 kilometers, military expert and former Security Service officer Ivan Stupak says.

Ukrainian forces have defended the strategic city in Donetsk Oblast for over a year. But with nearby Dobropillia now under threat, Russian troops may soon complete the encirclement. Capturing Pokrovsk would represent a major advance toward full Russian control of Donetsk, one of Moscow’s key objectives in the war.

“Their objective is clear — to capture Pokrovsk through encirclement, not through costly urban warfare. They’re trying to create a ‘cauldron,’” Stupak told Radio NV.

He noted that Russian advances began as early as August 2024, with an assault expected by September. Yet only now, a year later, has Russia come close to surrounding the city.

Critical decision looms for Ukrainian forces

Stupak warned that if the gap between Russian positions closes further—from 15 km to under 10 kilometers—Ukrainian forces may be compelled to withdraw from Pokrovsk to prevent a catastrophic loss.

“We saw this before in Vuhledar. It could’ve been held longer, but once surrounded on three sides, our troops had to retreat urgently—sometimes abandoning equipment.

During that retreat, Russian shelling from both flanks caused heavy losses. We must avoid repeating that mistake in Pokrovsk.”

Humanitarian access severed

Donetsk Regional Governor Vadym Filashkin confirmed that entry into Pokrovsk is now nearly impossible due to continuous Russian shelling.

“Only 1,370 residents remain in the city. We can only access it with military escorts, and we rely on our defenders to help evacuate civilians,” he said in a national broadcast, as reported by RBC-Ukraine.

Filashkin added that no humanitarian or medical aid can be delivered. Despite the risks, municipal workers and police continue to operate inside the city to assist with evacuations.

A similar situation is unfolding in Kostiantynivka, where 8,261 residents remain under daily shelling.

According to Pokrovsk News, 1,342 people still reside in Pokrovsk, and 470 in nearby Rodynske. With evacuation routes blocked and humanitarian access cut, many civilians are fleeing on foot toward safer areas.

Ukraine denies full encirclement claims

In late July, Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi confirmed that a Russian sabotage group had briefly infiltrated Pokrovsk but was quickly repelled by Ukrainian forces.

The Ukrainian General Staff rejected claims of full encirclement, stating that troops still control defensive lines around the Pokrovsk–Myrnohrad urban zone and that measures have been taken to reinforce the sector.

Russian focus shifts to Rodynske

According to DeepState analysts, Russian forces are now concentrating efforts on Rodynske, a town positioned behind Myrnohrad and Pokrovsk. Capturing Rodynske would open a new axis of attack, potentially accelerating the encirclement.

Thanks to your incredible support, we’ve raised 70% of our funding goal to launch a platform connecting Ukraine’s defense tech with the world – David vs. Goliath defense blog. It will support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and we are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support.

We’re one final push away from making this platform a reality.

Join us in building this platform on Patreon

In a notable editorial convergence, The Telegraph has published two pieces suggesting a striking possibility: India may hold the key to ending the war in Ukraine.

As peace negotiations remain stalled, US President Donald Trump is pursuing a new strategy — one that aims to cut off Russia’s oil income, the financial lifeline that allows Moscow to continue its military campaign. The logic is simple but consequential: as long as countries keep buying Russian oil, Russia can keep funding its war. And two of the biggest buyers are India and China.

One Telegraph report, by Senior Foreign Correspondent Adrian Blomfield and Data Journalist Meike Eijsberg, details Trump’s sharp pivot. After months of shielding Putin from serious consequences, the president is now threatening 100% tariffs on nations that continue to purchase Russian oil — a move aimed squarely at throttling Russia’s war economy.

Yet despite China being Russia’s top energy customer, Trump has refrained from criticizing Beijing. Instead, he has singled out India, the second-largest buyer.

“They’re fuelling the war machine, and if they’re going to do that, then I’m not happy,” Trump told CNBC, vowing further penalties for Delhi’s oil purchases.

According to the Global Trade Research Initiative, India’s Russian oil imports surged from near-zero pre-war to 2.15 million barrels per day by mid-2023, now making up around 45% of its total supply. That translated to $51 billion in revenues for Russia last year alone.

Telegraph column: India may be forced to reassess old alliances

In a separate opinion column, Colonel Tim Collins, former British Army officer, builds on this geopolitical moment. He argues that India’s decades-old strategic relationship with Russia — forged during the Cold War — is coming under pressure from new realities, particularly China’s growing regional dominance.

“India sees itself increasingly surrounded by potential enemies,” Collins writes, citing China’s rising influence in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Pakistan, including military cooperation and infrastructure encroachment.

India’s military, still heavily reliant on Russian-made equipment, has been tested — most recently in the brief “100-hour war” with Pakistan. According to Collins, that conflict exposed drone capability gaps and other vulnerabilities, many linked to Chinese support for Pakistan.

These military setbacks have pushed India to diversify its defense partnerships, turning to US, French, and Israeli suppliers while accelerating domestic arms production. Yet its longstanding relationship with Russia has made any meaningful cooperation with Ukraine politically off-limits.

The strategic dilemma: Russia’s oil or Western security?

Taken together, The Telegraph’s reporting outlines a core question: Can India keep buying Russian oil while preparing for a future aligned with Western powers?

India’s balancing act is becoming harder. As a member of The Quad (with the US, Japan, and Australia), India is seen as a critical counterweight to China. Yet its energy dependence on Russia has, in Trump’s view, become a liability to the West — and a lifeline to Putin.

“If energy goes down enough, Putin is going to stop killing people,” Trump said last week. “If you get energy down another $10 a barrel, he’s going to have no choice.”

Despite this, Trump has avoided confronting China, which buys even more Russian oil — about 47% of Moscow’s exports. Instead, The Telegraph suggests India has become the central target of Trump’s pressure campaign — and potentially a decisive lever in ending the war.

Pragmatism vs. principle: Which way will Modi lean?

According to both reports, the direction of travel may ultimately depend on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s calculation — between old loyalties to Moscow and new strategic needs.

“Perhaps a Trump charm offensive may be more decisive in the short term as opposed to any form of coercion or strong words,” Collins writes.

At stake is not just the global oil market or India’s own security posture, but possibly the trajectory of the war in Ukraine itself.

As The Telegraph implicitly argues, if India cuts or significantly reduces Russian oil imports — whether due to US pressure, regional insecurity, or long-term strategic shifts — the financial strain on the Kremlin could force a change in Putin’s calculus.

Russian state media confirmed that a meeting between US special envoy Steve Witkoff and President Vladimir Putin is currently underway at the Kremlin, just 48 hours before the expiration of Donald Trump’s ceasefire ultimatum.

Witkoff arrived in Moscow early Wednesday and was later seen walking through Zaryadye Park with Kirill Dmitriev, the Kremlin’s investment envoy. This marks Witkoff’s fifth visit to Moscow this year and fourth known face-to-face meeting with Putin.

Witkoff has emerged as Trump’s most visible backchannel to the Kremlin, with more face time with Putin this year than any other known American official.

Steve Witkoff — the American who’s met with Putin more than anyone this year — is back in Moscow for round 5.

Will Russia offer anything to avoid sanctions?

Trump’s ceasefire deadline: Friday, 8 August. pic.twitter.com/9FyHy4mFXv

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 6, 2025

Trump’s warning: Ceasefire or sanctions

President Trump has issued a 10-day deadline demanding that Russia agree to a ceasefire in Ukraine—or face sweeping sanctions. Originally a 50-day window, Trump cut the deadline in half during a recent visit to Scotland.

“We have a meeting with Russia tomorrow. Let’s see what happens,” Trump told CNBC on Tuesday night. “We’ll make that determination at that time.”

According to The Telegraph, Trump is also considering tariffs up to 100% on countries buying Russian energy—specifically India and China—to target those “fueling Russia’s war machine.”

“I never said a percentage,” Trump said, “but we’ll be doing quite a bit of that.”

Deputy White House Press Secretary Anna Kelly said:

“The President has made it clear: if Putin refuses to end the war, there will be severe sanctions. We won’t get ahead of the President by discussing details.”

Moscow floats “air truce” as concession

According to reporting by Bloomberg and The Telegraph, Putin may propose a limited ceasefire focused on halting missile and drone strikes—an “air truce”—as a gesture toward de-escalation. The offer would depend on Ukrainian agreement and fall short of a full ceasefire.

“Russian officials believe Mr Witkoff’s appearance in the Russian capital will provide Putin with an opportunity to restart talks with the US and head off threats of sanctions,” reported The Telegraph.

The idea was reportedly discussed during a meeting between Putin and Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko last Friday. Lukashenko later told reporters:

“As for an air ceasefire. I say, yes, Russia is interested in this, President Putin, but you don’t want it,” referring to US envoy Gen. Keith Kellogg. “Tell Zelenskyy to go along with it.”

Zelenskyy welcomes pressure, warns of Russian stalling

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has publicly welcomed the threat of new US sanctions, saying Russia would only pursue peace when it “begins to run out of money.”

“Their economy continues to decline, and that’s exactly why Moscow is so sensitive to this prospect and President Trump’s resolve,” Zelenskyy said on his recent call with the US President.

The Ukrainian leader also confirmed a “productive” call with Trump this week. They discussed defense cooperation and a new European arms deal, where countries like the Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark pledged over $1 billion to fund air defenses and ammunition for Kyiv.

Russia keeps attacking: Energy infrastructure hit overnight

While peace is discussed in Moscow, Russia continues large-scale attacks on Ukraine. On Wednesday, Zelenskyy said a gas facility in Odesa Oblast had been struck by Russian missiles overnight, targeting the village of Novosilske near the Romanian border.

“This was a deliberate blow to our preparations for the heating season—absolutely cynical,” he wrote on Telegram. “Like every Russian blow to the energy sector.”

The area houses the Orlovka interconnector, a key gas transit point from the Transbalkan pipeline, used to import gas into Ukraine.

Meanwhile, the Kyiv City Military Administration confirmed the death toll from last week’s missile strike had risen to 32—the deadliest attack on the capital since the war began.

Why this meeting matters

This fifth Putin–Witkoff meeting is seen as the final diplomatic window before Trump enacts potentially devastating measures.

“If Witkoff returns empty-handed, Trump will be furious,” a Financial Times source said.

Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov commented briefly:

“We consider such meetings to be very important, but we don’t comment on them in advance.”

Behind the scenes, Reuters reports that Putin remains doubtful fresh US sanctions would do serious damage, given the existing restrictions already in place. While he’s said to recognize the potential for improving ties with Washington, his military priorities continue to take precedence.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has officially appointed Lieutenant General Anatoliy Kryvonozhko as the new Commander of the Ukrainian Air Forces.

The appointment comes as peace talks with Russia remain stalled and missile and drone attacks on Ukrainian cities intensify. Hundreds of strikes in recent weeks have overwhelmed air defenses, damaged infrastructure and killed civilians, putting the Air Forces at the center of Ukraine’s defense strategy.

A year as acting commander

Kryvonozhko has been acting commander since 30 August 2024, following the dismissal of Mykola Oleschuk.

Zelenskyy removed Oleschuk a day after the Air Forces reported that on 26 August 2024, during a massive Russian attack, Ukrainian pilot Oleksii “Moonfish” Mes was killed—the first time Ukraine lost an F-16 fighter jet. As of August 2025, open sources report that four F-16s have been lost: three pilots killed and one who managed to eject.

In January 2025, after controversy over reassignment of Air Force specialists to infantry units, Zelenskyy instructed Kryvonozhko to ensure that the Air Forces retained all essential personnel.

His official confirmation was announced on Air Forces Day, a symbolic gesture intended to recognize the importance of those defending Ukraine’s skies.

Zelensky’s call for stronger air defense

Announcing the appointment, Zelenskyy emphasized closer coordination between all branches of Ukraine’s defense:

“It’s crucial that Ukrainian combat aviation and air defense develop in a coordinated way with the military, partners and experts who want strength and victory for Ukraine,” Zelenskyy said.

Who is Anatoliy Kryvonozhko?

• Commanded “Center” Air Command since 2015
• Hero of Ukraine: Awarded the Golden Star by Zelenskyy after Russia’s full-scale invasion
• Proven record: Oversaw the downing of hundreds of Russian missiles and drones

His experience managing air defenses during some of the heaviest Russian strikes of the war has made him a key figure in Ukraine’s military leadership.

Why this appointment matters

With Russian airstrikes intensifying and diplomatic negotiations stalled, the confirmation of a permanent Air Forces commander strengthens Ukraine’s ability to respond. The Air Forces will continue to play a decisive role in protecting civilian infrastructure and countering missile and drone attacks as the war enters another challenging phase.

Kyiv woke up to horror on 31 July after a night of massive Russian drone and missile strikes. In one of the war’s most dramatic and heartbreaking stories, 23‑year‑old Veronika miraculously survived being blown out of her ninth‑floor apartment when a Russian Iskander missile struck a residential building in the Sviatoshyn district. Sixteen people have been confirmed dead so far, and rescue operations continue.

After more than three years of war, as peace talks remain stalled, Russia is intensifying attacks on civilians. Ukrainian cities are increasingly vulnerable despite extensive air defense efforts – a reality Kyiv experienced again during this latest overnight assault.

Thrown from the 9th Floor – and survived

As rescue teams combed through the rubble, the story of Veronika stunned even experienced emergency workers.

“I heard an explosion, and a second later I was on the ground,” she told Ukrainian TV channel 1+1.

The blast was so strong it hurled her – still in bed – straight out of her ninth-floor window. She landed outside the building with a broken leg, a concussion, and severe shock. Doctors described her survival as “nothing short of a miracle.”

Hospital director Serhiy Dubrov told Reuters:

“It’s extraordinary. Falling from the ninth floor and sustaining only relatively minor injuries… But she is in deep psychological distress and does not yet know the fate of her parents.”

Her parents were later confirmed dead, their bodies recovered from the debris.

Night of terror in Kyiv

While Veronika’s survival is extraordinary, the wider destruction across Kyiv is overwhelming.

The missile that destroyed her building was part of a massive overnight Russian attack. One Iskander missile evaded air defenses and hit the high‑rise in Sviatoshyn, collapsing an entire section.

• At least 16 people are confirmed dead, including two children.
• More than 130 are injured, 14 of them children.

Mayor Vitali Klitschko said it was “the highest number of injured children in one night in Kyiv since the start of the full‑scale war.”

Reuters and ABC News published the moment of Russian strikes on Kyiv overnight on 31 July

As a result of the attack, 16 people were killed and 155 were injured, including 16 kids. Rescue operations in Kyiv are still ongoing

ABC pic.twitter.com/4KGmJpujvd

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 31, 2025

Day of mourning

1 August has been declared a day of mourning in Kyiv. Flags will be lowered, and memorial events will be held.

But as many Ukrainians quietly admit, in a country under everyday bombing, every day is a day of mourning.

Ongoing rescues

Rescuers worked through the morning, often tunneling through concrete to reach survivors. A man trapped between floors was freed after three hours, and several others were pulled out alive.

A five-month-old baby was also wounded. “The Russians hit her directly,” said Tymur Tkachenko of the Kyiv City Military Administration.

Victims and damage

Among the dead are:

• 6-year-old karate student Matvii Marchenko
• Senior police lieutenant Liliya Stepanchuk

The strike damaged more than 100 sites across Kyiv, including schools, kindergartens, hospitals, and a mosque. Other districts reported burning cars, shattered windows, and collapsed buildings.

Scale of the Attack

According to Ukraine’s Air Force:

• Russia launched 309 Shahed drones and 8 cruise missiles overnight.
• 288 drones and 3 missiles were intercepted.
• Five missiles hit their targets, including the deadly strike in Kyiv.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy wrote:

“Missile strike. Direct hit on a residential building. People are under the rubble.”

A glimmer of hope

As rescue teams continue to clear debris, Veronika’s miraculous survival has become a symbol of resilience amid devastation.

From the ninth floor to the ground – she lived. But Kyiv, once again, pays a terrible price.

Ukraine’s Parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, voted to restore the independence of its main anti-corruption bodies — the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) — by passing presidential draft law No. 13533.

The bill passed with 331 votes and was immediately signed in the chamber by Speaker Ruslan Stefanchuk and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

For a week leading up to the vote, thousands of Ukrainians across Kyiv, Lviv, Dnipro and Odesa took to the streets — demanding the reversal of controversial changes even under martial law restrictions on public gatherings. It became the largest wave of protests since Russia’s full‑scale invasion.

Although the effectiveness of these anti-corruption bodies has often been questioned, the earlier law that weakened them was widely condemned at home and abroad as authoritarian and unacceptable, concentrating power in the President’s Office and threatening Ukraine’s reform commitments.

“This is a guarantee of the proper independent functioning of our state’s anti-corruption bodies and all law enforcement agencies. This is the right decision,” Zelenskyy wrote on Telegram.

Mass protests force a U-turn

The debate in the chamber was heated, with shouting, accusations, and visible anger.

MPs insisted that the Speaker and President sign the new law immediately, without delay, to quickly cancel the controversial changes adopted a week earlier.

Outside Parliament, in Mariinskyi Park, protesters gathered to listen to the live broadcast of the vote. When the result was announced, they cheered and shouted: “Power belongs to the people!”

Despite martial law restrictions on public gatherings, police did not disperse the rallies that took place in several Ukrainian cities, and the authorities seemed unprepared for such large‑scale resistance to the new law.

For the first time since the start of Russia’s full‑scale invasion, the session of the Verkhovna Rada was broadcast live on the Rada TV channel — a move widely seen as a concession to public pressure and a demand for transparency.

International pressure grows

After the vote, European Commission spokesperson Guillaume Mercier confirmed that the EU has no plans to freeze financial aid for Ukraine.

EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos welcomed the move but noted on X:

“Today’s law restores key safeguards, but challenges remain. The EU supports the Ukrainian citizens’ demands for reform.”

Brussels emphasized that Ukraine must continue to strengthen reforms as part of its EU accession process.

What triggered the crisis

In July, the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) arrested a NABU detective on charges of spying for Russia, alleging that classified information had been passed to Russian intelligence. Critics said these arrests were used as a pretext to attack and weaken independent anti-corruption agencies.

Anti‑corruption activists further accused President Zelenskyy of retaliating against NABU and SAPO because they had investigated figures close to him, including former Deputy Prime Minister Oleksii Chernyshov and businessman Timur Mindich, a long‑time associate and former partner in Zelenskyy’s media company Kvartal 95.

Soon after, on 22 July, Parliament passed law No. 12414, originally about missing persons. At the last minute, MPs added amendments that made NABU and SAPO dependent on the Prosecutor General, granting that office the power to seize cases, close investigations, and weaken the agencies’ independence.

The move provoked protests and drew sharp criticism from the US and EU. Despite the backlash, Zelenskyy signed the law the same day.

Reversal under pressure

A week later, under public pressure, threats to cut foreign funding, and continuing protests, Zelenskyy introduced draft law No. 13533, restoring NABU and SAPO’s full powers.

The bill was fast-tracked and adopted in full on 31 July.

Harsh words in Parliament

Before the vote, former Speaker Dmytro Razumkov criticized his colleagues:

“Aren’t you tired of eating excrement in this chamber and feeding it to people??!”

Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze of the opposition party European Solidarity said Parliament is “run like a collective farm from the President’s Office.”

Yulia Tymoshenko, leader of Batkivshchyna, opposed the bill and claimed Ukraine is under “external control.” Meanwhile, Dmytro Kostiuk, a member of the presidential party Servant of the People, announced he was leaving the faction because of the previous controversial vote.

Other members of Zelenskyy’s Servant of the People party admitted mistakes and even held up protest-style posters inside the chamber.

The episode also highlighted the growing centralization of power in the President’s Office in Kyiv. With elections suspended due to the war with Russia, Parliament is widely seen as following instructions from the presidential administration rather than acting as an independent branch of government.

What the new law changes

The new law cancels the 22 July amendments and returns NABU and SAPO to full independence.
It adds one condition: NABU staff with access to state secrets must pass a polygraph, carried out by NABU’s own internal control unit rather than the SBU.

According to NABU, more than 200 such tests were already conducted in 2024. NABU and SAPO said they took part in drafting the new law, are satisfied with its provisions, and strongly supported its swift adoption.

Criticism of NABU and SAPO

Ukraine’s anti‑corruption system includes NABU, SAPO, the National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NACP) and the High Anti‑Corruption Court (HACC).

Despite significant funding and Western support, their effectiveness remains debated. Critics point out that these bodies are costly, operate in a grey constitutional area, lack independent audits, and have brought few senior officials to justice in almost ten years.

Supporters argue that these problems cannot be solved by a single, quickly adopted law, but require long‑term reforms, stronger oversight and real political independence.

The creation of these institutions was one of the EU’s key conditions for granting Ukraine a visa‑free regime and a requirement for Western financial aid. Western partners helped launch and fund them after concluding that Ukraine’s “old” police and prosecution services had failed to eradicate top‑level corruption.

Ukraine turned wartime desperation into rapid defense innovation, fielding drones and autonomous systems at unprecedented speed. But the West isn’t learning fast enough, warns American investor Deborah Fairlamb, who co-founded Green Flag Ventures in Kyiv during the war.

Lacking long-range missiles and jets, Ukraine improvised an industry that rapidly designs, builds and fields everything from FPV drones to sea drones—closing capability gaps Russia once held.

“The lessons of success are being lost on or ignored by the US and NATO allies,” Fairlamb told The War Zone.

Battlefield innovation at breakneck speed

Fairlamb described how Ukraine’s defense ecosystem has evolved from almost nothing in 2022 to a network of small workshops and startups producing vast numbers of drones.

“The speed of iteration of everything is just extraordinary,” she said. “The Ukrainians have really had this incredible focus on homegrown drones… It’s navigation systems. It’s resistance to electronic warfare. It’s the ability to fly in GPS-denied environments.”

Unlike Western programs, these systems are created alongside soldiers at the front: build, test; build, test; build, test. By the time the Ministry of Defense sees them, they are already combat-proven. Procurement that once took years now takes three to four months.

What Ukraine does differently

Fairlamb pointed to four battlefield-proven practices that Western defense establishments are ignoring:

• Rapid adaptation – systems change monthly, not yearly
• Decentralized production – thousands of small shops making parts
• Mass, low-cost systems – FPV drones cost $500–$1,000 instead of $100,000+
• Empowering units – frontline units buy directly from vetted suppliers

A model the West isn’t following

Fairlamb believes this speed is something the United States and NATO need to copy – and soon.

“The speed at which things are happening is just completely and utterly incompatible with the processes that exist in most Western systems,” she warned. “This is how Russia and China are going to fight. It is going to be just vast numbers of relatively low-price-point things that are extremely destructive.”

Instead, she sees allies trapped in slow cycles, expensive platforms, and outdated assumptions about war.

Copying without learning

Fairlamb also described a more troubling pattern from early in the war: Western companies arriving in Ukraine under the pretext of partnership, only to walk away and later release similar technology of their own.

“There have been instances… yes, there are Western companies that have come to Ukraine under the guise of: ‘hey, we would like to invest. We would like to partner. Can we spend a couple of days with you, learning what you’re doing?’ … And then they would essentially disappear. And six months later, they would come out with something that was very, very similar to what they wanted to partner with a company about,” Fairlamb said.

She said she personally knows of at least four examples.

Low cost, high impact

The tools Ukraine has built are cheap and expendable. Most FPV drones cost between $500 and $1,000; larger fixed-wings cost a few thousand dollars. These drones are printed, assembled, modified and sent out in weeks, with new versions appearing on the front every month.

Fairlamb contrasted that with Western military systems, where a single drone might cost hundreds of thousands of dollars and require years to reach the field. That, she said, will not work against adversaries who are willing to mass-produce millions of small, smart, disposable machines.

A final warning

“The speed at which this technology is evolving, and that the US, Europe and NATO are all really slow,” she said. “There are a lot of very scary scenarios that are out there that I am not seeing a lot of response to yet.”

For Ukraine, drones have become the answer to weapons it does not have. For the West, Fairlamb’s warning is clear: pay attention, or risk falling behind in a kind of war that is already here.

Portugal is the most geographically distant EU country from Ukraine, yet in the past year, it has become a steady partner. On 28 May 2024, the two nations signed a bilateral Security Cooperation Agreement, outlining how Portugal would support Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression and rebuilding after the war. This pact was the 12th in a series of bilateral agreements Ukraine began concluding in early 2024.

That series grew out of the G7 Joint Declaration of Support of 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation. Some commitments come directly from Portugal, while others are delivered through EU-wide programs that Portugal supports collectively.

The agreement with Portugal is broad, extending far beyond the battlefield. It includes support for weapons and training, strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry, sanctioning Russia and using frozen Russian assets, humanitarian aid, and work to hold Moscow’s leadership accountable.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Portugal’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

Portugal’s commitments

At the time of signing, Portugal pledged at least €126 million in military aid for 2024, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s air and naval capabilities. Beyond this financial support, the agreement also envisaged:

• Participation in the EU training mission EUMAM
• Cooperation in defense industry development
• Using frozen Russian assets to help fund Ukraine’s defense
• Humanitarian support, including demining and reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure
• Joint efforts to prosecute Russia’s crimes

In essence, it laid out a ten-point roadmap that blends military, political, and humanitarian support.

A year of implementation

The first year proved that this partnership is much more than a statement. Portugal overdelivered on its military commitments while also supporting Ukraine’s defense production, reconstruction, and the pursuit of justice.

Key achievements between May 2024 and May 2025:

• €226 million in military aid, nearly double the initial pledge
• Helicopter deliveries: six Ka‑32 and eight SA‑330 Puma aircraft
• €100 million to the Czech-led initiative for artillery shells
• €52 million to the Drone Coalition to produce drones in Portugal
• Opening of a Tekever branch in Ukraine to expand drone support
• €6 billion from frozen Russian assets channeled to Ukraine through EU programs (collective funding)
• Training for tens of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers through EUMAM and the F‑16 pilot coalition
• Active support for four new EU sanction packages
• Reconstruction efforts including rebuilding schools and funding Superhero Schools
• Participation in coalitions for a special tribunal and the return of deported children

Military aid beyond expectations

Instead of the pledged €126 million, Portugal allocated €226 million to Ukraine in 2024. Early in the year, €100 million went to the Czech-led procurement of 155mm artillery shells, while €52 million funded drone production for Ukraine through the Drone Coalition.

Equipment followed as well. In September 2024, Ukraine received six Ka‑32 helicopters for transport and search-and-rescue missions. At the end of the year, eight SA‑330 Puma helicopters arrived, equipped with systems that allow them to launch Exocet anti-ship missiles.

Earlier contributions included M113 armored vehicles, three Leopard 2A6 tanks, five medical vehicles, 105mm howitzers, and ammunition. For 2025, Portugal has already pledged another €220 million.

Since 2022, Portugal has also joined three multinational “capability coalitions”—on armored vehicles, aviation, and naval power—each aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defenses. Unlike many partners, however, it has not joined the IT Coalition (IT, communications, cybersecurity) or the Demining Coalition, which is the largest by number of participants.

Strengthening technological capabilities

Since 2022, Ukraine has worked closely with Tekever, a Portuguese company producing AR3 and AR5 reconnaissance drones. The AR5 model can fly longer and carry up to 50 kg of payload. These drones have already caused over $4 billion in losses to Russian forces, including the destruction of two S‑400 systems.

In April 2025, Tekever announced the opening of an office in Ukraine to speed up drone servicing and operator training.

Frozen assets turned into support

Portugal also supports the EU plan to direct profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine. These ERA funds are EU-level resources, not Portugal’s national budget, but Portugal backed these measures as part of the collective effort.

The first €1.5 billion tranche arrived in mid‑2024, funding air defense, ammunition, and defense-industry investment.

By May 2025, €6 billion had been transferred through the ERA program. On 9 May 2025, in Lviv, EU leaders committed an additional €1 billion, part of a €1.9 billion package for weapons, artillery, and air defense.

In total, €35 billion is expected to be delivered during 2025 under ERA and the Ukraine Facility, with Portugal participating in these collective decisions.

Training Ukrainian forces

Portugal contributes actively to the EUMAM mission, which has trained over 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers since 2022.

The country also belongs to an 11-country coalition preparing Ukrainian pilots and crews for F‑16 fighter jets, with Norwegian instructors conducting the training on Portuguese Air Force bases.

Sanctions and political pressure

In the year following May 2024, the EU adopted four new sanctions packages, all backed by Portugal. These measures targeted Russia’s military and energy industries, over 340 shadow fleet ships, propaganda outlets, and senior officials, including those linked to the bombing of the Okhmatdyt children’s hospital in Kyiv.

They also extended restrictions to countries helping Russia evade sanctions or supplying drones and missiles, including China, North Korea, India, the UAE, Singapore, Uzbekistan, Iran, Türkiye, Kazakhstan, and Serbia.

Humanitarian and reconstruction support

Portugal has also helped Ukraine on humanitarian and reconstruction fronts.

Since 2023, it has contributed €7 million to the Grain from Ukraine Initiative to stabilize the global food supply. Economic ties have also grown through Portugal’s AICEP agency, which in 2024 ran programs to attract investment and support Ukrainian business.

In November 2024, at the third Joint Economic Cooperation Commission, both sides agreed to expand trade and involve Portuguese companies in rebuilding efforts.

Portugal is already involved in rebuilding schools in Zhytomyr, including School No. 25 destroyed in 2022, and in 2024 invested €160,000 to create Superhero Schools in Chernihiv and Cherkasy, allowing hospitalized children to continue their education.

Justice and accountability

Portugal is part of the Coalition for a Special Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression, which finalized draft statutes in May 2025 for a tribunal in The Hague. In June 2025, Ukraine and the Council of Europe signed an agreement to formally establish this Special Tribunal. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders—including Vladimir Putin—even in absentia.

Portugal also participates in the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, which in 2024 helped return almost 600 deported children. And in 2023, it contributed €75,000 to the International Criminal Court and sent an expert to help gather evidence of war crimes.

One year on, the Portugal–Ukraine security agreement has grown into a partnership that reaches well beyond geography. Portugal may be Europe’s far west, but its support—especially in military aid, training, sanctions, and justice—has brought it close as a committed ally.

Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching the David vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.

Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.

On 27 May 2024, a historic handshake in Madrid sealed a new chapter in Ukraine’s struggle for survival. That day, Ukraine and Spain signed a 10‑year bilateral security agreement, a pact that committed Spain to stand by Ukraine during its fight against Russia’s full‑scale invasion.

A year later, that signature has proved to be more than words. Spain has become one of Ukraine’s most consistent allies, delivering weapons, training thousands of soldiers, investing in rebuilding projects, and helping create legal mechanisms to hold Russia accountable.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Spain’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

A tenth agreement that mattered

This agreement was not a one‑off act. It became the tenth in a series of security agreements Ukraine began after the G7 Joint Declaration of Support in 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements in total — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation.

Yet the Spanish pact stands out because of its broad scope.

Under this agreement, Spain committed to:

• Deliver weapons and military equipment
• Train Ukrainian military personnel
• Cooperate with Ukraine’s defense industry
• Provide humanitarian support and reconstruction aid
• Join sanctions and legal actions against Russia

And in 2024 alone, Spain pledged €1 billion for military aid, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s artillery, air defenses, armored forces, and maritime security.

Weapons that protect lives

The first visible results came from the skies. In the spring of 2024, Spain sent batches of MIM‑104 Patriot missiles, strengthening Ukraine’s air defenses. Then in November, a full HAWK air defense battery – six launchers – arrived in Ukraine, designed to shoot down Russian missiles and drones.

On land, Spain has been no less active. Nineteen Leopard 2A4 tanks, once left unused in Zaragoza, were overhauled at the Santa Bárbara Sistemas plant. Ten of them were delivered to Ukraine in July 2024, with the rest planned for September.

Since the beginning of the full‑scale war, Spain has repaired and modernized 29 Leopard tanks for Ukraine and provided M113 armored personnel carriers. Between May 2024 and May 2025, Spain also delivered 155‑mm artillery shells, counter‑drone systems, surveillance optics, and modern combat turrets, giving Ukraine more tools to defend itself.

Building a defense industry together

Spain’s assistance has not stopped with shipments. It is also helping Ukraine develop the capacity to produce and modernize its own weapons.

The Leopard tanks overhauled in 2024 are one example. At the same time, Ukrainian armored vehicles – including the Kozak‑5 – were equipped with Guardian combat modules from Spanish company Escribano Mechanical & Engineering.

In May 2025, Ukroboronprom signed a memorandum with Escribano to jointly develop weapons and localize Spanish module production inside Ukraine. Another partnership followed: Ukrainian company Praktyka signed an agreement with Spain’s Tecnove to begin licensed production of Dzura and Kozak armored vehicles in Spain, opening access to the European market.

Financial backing through frozen Russian assets

Support has also come through the European Union, where Spain, together with other EU members, takes part in the collective effort to redirect profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine.

• July 2024: the EU transferred the first tranche of €1.5 billion
• By May 2025: four tranches in total, amounting to €6 billion
• May 9, 2025: the EU announced another €1 billion, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry

Passing on knowledge: Training Ukrainian soldiers

Weapons and funding are critical, but training saves lives. Spain is part of the EU’s EUMAM mission, which has already trained more than 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers. About 7,000 of them have trained in Spain.

There, soldiers learn to operate Patriot and HAWK air defense systems, maintain artillery, and master combined‑arms tactics. Most of these programs are run at the Toledo Training Coordination Centre (TTCC).

Beyond air defense, Spain has also been training Ukrainian troops on the very equipment it has supplied since the start of the full‑scale war — from OTO Melara Mod 56 towed howitzers and Aspide air defense systems to M113 armored personnel carriers and Leopard 2A tanks.

In March 2025, Ukraine and Spain signed a new agreement to expand training, ensuring more soldiers will benefit from Spanish expertise.

Support beyond the battlefield

While the frontlines define much of this partnership, Spain has been active on other fronts too:

• Sanctions and cyber defense: Spain supports EU sanction packages that have targeted Russia’s military industries, energy companies, and individuals involved in war crimes. It also joined the IT Coalition in September 2024, which raised €482 million to strengthen Ukraine’s secure communications and cyber defenses.
• Humanitarian demining: In 2024, the demining coalition – with Spain among its members – allocated over €50 million for clearing mines. Ukraine received hundreds of specialized vehicles and equipment, and over 4,000 engineers completed NATO‑standard training. Spain added €3 million to these efforts, bringing its total to €4.5 million, and co‑funded a UNDP project using trained dogs for mine detection.
• Restoring energy: Spain delivered 17 large generators, invested €4.5 million in the Ukraine Energy Support Fund, and financed a new solar power plant in Chornobyl in April 2025.
• Humanitarian and reconstruction aid: Spain provided $3 million for the HEAL Ukraine healthcare project, welcomed over 150 wounded Ukrainians for medical care, and supported the creation of a rehabilitation center in Barcelona. Since 2022, Spain has delivered more than €100 million in humanitarian aid and €400 million for reconstruction.

Seeking justice

Spain has also joined two major international coalitions. The first led to the June 2025 signing of an agreement between Ukraine and the Council of Europe to establish a Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders, including Vladimir Putin, even in absentia.

The second coalition focuses on the return of deported Ukrainian children; in 2024, nearly 600 children were brought home through these joint efforts.

One year in review

From Patriot missiles to solar power, from tanks to hospitals, Spain’s support has been comprehensive and steady.

One year after that handshake in Madrid, Spain has gone far beyond promises. Its help now shows in the skies above Ukraine, on the ground in training centers, in rebuilt power plants, and in the return of Ukrainian children.

It is a partnership built on solidarity – a partnership that continues to shape Ukraine’s resilience and its hope for victory and peace.

Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching the David vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.

Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.

Ukrainian forces have retaken the village of Kindrativka in the Khotyn community of Sumy Oblast, a settlement that has been under pressure since Russia opened a new front in the north. The Kursk military grouping officially confirmed the liberation, adding that “stabilization measures are underway.”

Why the Sumy front matters

In late May 2025, Russian troops launched a cross-border offensive from Kursk into northern Sumy Oblast. Moscow described the push as an attempt to create a “buffer zone,” hoping to pull Ukrainian forces away from the eastern and southern fronts.

According to Ukrainian and Western estimates, around 50,000 Russian troops are concentrated in Kursk Oblast just across the border, serving as a staging force for these attacks. Despite weeks of assaults, Russia has been unable to make significant breakthroughs around key villages such as Yunakivka.

Early reports and enemy losses

The analytical outlet DeepState first reported Kindrativka’s liberation on 25 July.

“The 225th Separate Assault Battalion has completed the clearing and securing of Kindrativka,” DeepState said.

They added that this is the second village the unit has liberated in the region and that “the enemy suffered heavy losses during both operations.”

“Sweat, blood and courage” behind the advance

Military analyst Bohdan Myroshnykov described the scale of effort behind the gains.

“Our troops freed Kindrativka in Sumy Oblast a few days ago,” he wrote.

He stressed that these successes have been followed by smaller, localized advances, but at a very high cost.

“Behind every liberated settlement, behind every recaptured position, there is an entire story – a story of hard‑won success, sweat, blood, and courage,” Myroshnykov explained.

He noted that bit by bit, Ukrainian soldiers are cutting through the enemy’s flanks along the main axis of the Russian assault in Sumy Oblast.

“The occupiers still haven’t fully captured Yunakivka. It’s hard to say how many weeks their infantry has been throwing itself against a brick wall there,” he added.

A gradual but determined push

While retaking Kindrativka marks an important step, the fighting in Sumy Oblast remains intense. Ukrainian troops continue to erode Russian positions, holding ground despite relentless pressure from across the border.

Russian troops have made new advances on the front between Kostiantynivka and Pokrovsk in Donetsk Oblast, said Viktor Trehubov, spokesperson for Ukraine’s Khortytsia operational group, during a broadcast on Suspilne.

Pokrovsk is one of the main strongholds of Ukraine’s defense in Donetsk. For more than a year, Russian forces have been trying to capture the city because its loss would open the way for deeper advances, cut key supply routes, and expose Kostiantynivka and other Ukrainian-held towns to direct threat.

According to Trehubov, Russian units are now trying to bypass Pokrovsk from the east to put the city in a partial encirclement rather than storming it head‑on.

“There has been some movement on the Pokrovsk front — a partial penetration between Pokrovsk and Kostiantynivka. They are trying to expand this foothold, while our forces focus on inflicting maximum losses in manpower and equipment, slowing their advance and pushing them back,” Trehubov said.

Encirclement instead of direct assault

Russian forces, he said, are avoiding a direct assault and aiming instead to isolate Pokrovsk. Military analyst Yan Matveev explains that the Russian plan is to pin down Ukrainian units inside the city, sever their supply lines, and, if possible, surround and destroy them.

Two axes of fighting

Combat is currently active on two main fronts:

• The southwestern outskirts of Pokrovsk
• The northeast, around Rodynske, Suvorove and Nikanorivka

Small Russian infantry groups are also infiltrating through Zverevo and Pervomaiske. Their task is to slip into the outskirts, unsettle Ukrainian defenses from the rear, and prepare the ground for larger forces.

Supply lines under threat

At the same time, Russian units are attempting to seize Rodynske or bypass it from the north, which would allow them to cut Pokrovsk’s two main supply roads. Drones and ground attacks are being used to make these supply routes impassable while defenders are pinned down on the city’s edge.

“For Russian forces, synchronization is crucial,” Matveev said. “If supply lines remain intact, their losses will be heavy. If Ukrainian troops are free to maneuver, they can avoid encirclement.”

Broader concerns from analysts

Military analyst Kostyantyn Mashovets warns that the danger goes beyond Pokrovsk itself and reflects a broader weakening of Ukrainian positions along several stretches of the front.

“What worries me most now is the way the front is starting to give way in several areas, at least at the tactical level,” Mashovets wrote. “If the country’s military and political leadership keeps focusing on anything other than the war itself, the consequences could be extremely serious.”

Mashovets outlines a stark scenario if the situation does not change:

• Pokrovsk could fall before autumn.
• Kostiantynivka and Kupiansk could be at risk in the autumn.
• By the end of the year, Russian forces might reach the approaches to Zaporizhzhia, a major industrial city of roughly one million people, and once again threaten the Sloviansk–Kramatorsk agglomeration, which serves as the administrative and logistical hub for Ukrainian defenses in Donetsk.

He points to two factors driving these risks:

1. Russia’s considerable — “multiple,” as he puts it — advantage in combat-ready infantry across several operational directions.
2. The growing likelihood that Russia will move from voluntary recruitment to a system of forced mobilization. Mashovets warns that this shift is becoming more and more real and must be addressed as quickly as possible.

Ukraine’s difficult choices

The failure to hold the defensive line along the Kazennyi Torets River has left Pokrovsk more vulnerable. Analysts now see only two options:

1. Withdraw from Pokrovsk (considered unlikely)
2. Defend the city and its northern approaches at the same time, holding out as long as possible and counterattacking if reserves are available.

“If Syrskyi — who commands Ukraine’s Armed Forces — has mechanized reserves,” Matveev adds, “this is the time to use them.”

A longer timeline than it seems

Not all analysts see Pokrovsk as the most immediate danger.

While some experts emphasize the urgency of holding the city, military analyst Bohdan Myroshnykov argues that Russian operations around Pokrovsk and Kostiantynivka are still in a preparatory phase rather than ready for a full-scale assault.

“The Kostiantynivka axis is only beginning,” he says. “The enemy is creating the conditions for an encirclement or an assault, and this will not be resolved in a month—or even in three.”

According to Myroshnykov, around Pokrovsk these conditions are already about 75% in place, but the main phase—the attempt to storm the entire Pokrovsk–Myrnohrad agglomeration—is still months away.

“Even by the end of the year they will still be setting up for that,” he adds, “and it is far from certain they will meet their own timetable.”

He notes that Russian units are now close to Pokrovsk’s outskirts, but says this is not yet enough for a full assault. In his assessment, other sectors of the front—Novopavlivka, Kupiansk and Siversk—pose a more immediate concern because Ukrainian forces there have less clarity and fewer resources to stabilize the situation.

What lies ahead

Without a major counteroffensive to clear its flanks, Pokrovsk could eventually fall. Whether that happens within weeks or the city holds out for several more months hangs in the balance.

Matveev identifies the Poltavka – Nova Poltavka – Vozdvyzhenka axis as the most promising route for a Ukrainian counterattack. Such an operation might sever the Russian salient, alleviate pressure on Kostiantynivka, and restore supply access along the T‑0504 highway.

Pokrovsk also marks the southernmost point of Ukraine’s “fortress belt” in Donetsk Oblast—a chain of fortified cities that stretches north through Sloviansk, Kramatorsk, Druzhkivka, and Kostiantynivka. Its loss would weaken defenses along the entire belt and allow Russian forces a strong foothold for further operations north and west.

Whether Ukraine has the manpower, mechanized reserves, and strategic support to mount a counterattack along that axis—and to hold the fortress belt—remains a critical question in the weeks ahead.

US-German software company Auterion will send 33,000 AI-powered drone “strike kits” to Ukraine before the end of the year under a new Pentagon contract, the Financial Times reports.

The announcement comes as peace talks remain stalled and Russia steps up its aerial campaign, modernizing its Shahed drones to cause as much damage as possible and scaling up their production. Ukraine has been scrambling to find an answer as these massed swarms increasingly breach air defences.

Auterion’s Chief executive Lorenz Meier said the new commitment was “10 times in scale” compared to previous deliveries:

“So we’ve shipped thousands and we’re now shipping tens of thousands,” Meier told the FT, describing the expansion as “unprecedented.”

How the Skynode “strike kits” work

Auterion’s Skynode miniature computers — which come with a camera and radio — can transform manually controlled drones into “AI-powered weapons systems” that cannot be jammed.
These systems can track a moving target from as far as 1km, according to Meier.

Part of Pentagon security assistance

The new $50 million contract with the Pentagon is part of US security assistance to Ukraine, Meier said.
It is not part of a separate “mega-deal” that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said he is discussing with US President Donald Trump.

Meier highlighted Auterion’s co-operation with Ukrainian drone production:

“It’s basically acknowledging that the battle-hardening that has happened in Ukraine of drone products is relevant. That it’s a way to support Ukraine, but it’s also technology that … NATO countries want to get their hands on.”

Escalating Russian drone strikes

Russia’s air campaign has intensified in recent weeks, with Ukrainian officials reporting that swarm attacks now breach defenses more often. Strikes are hitting targets at roughly three times the usual rate.

Zelenskyy said that Ukrainian companies producing interceptor drones are struggling to expand production:

“So far, they have only manufactured individual units, and they lack the money for this,” adding that the total cost of scaling up domestic drone production stands at $6 billion.

Future of AI-driven warfare

Auterion, which has offices in Virginia and Munich, sees Ukraine as a testing ground for next-generation drone technology.

“What we are providing is leapfrogging what’s on the battlefield right now, which is to go to AI-based targeting and swarming,” Meier said, adding that humans would always select the targets.

As Russia ramps up missile and drone attacks, Ukraine is set to strengthen its air defenses with new Western support: five Patriot missile systems and 220,000 rounds for Gepard anti-aircraft guns.

Announced during the latest Ramstein-format meeting, the pledge marks a significant upgrade to Ukraine’s layered air defense network.

BBC explores how these deliveries could shift the balance—and why speed and supply will be key.

Patriots: Expanding missile shield, but time matters

The US-made Patriot system is Ukraine’s main defense against ballistic and cruise missiles. According to New York Times reports, Ukraine currently has eight Patriot batteries, though only six were operational as of May 2025. The new systems could increase that number to 13.

Each battery includes:

• Missile launchers
• Radar
• Command unit
• PAC-3 interceptors, capable of downing advanced ballistic threats

But timelines remain uncertain. Germany’s Spiegel reports the first new system may not arrive before March 2026. President Zelenskyy has said 25 Patriots are needed to secure the country—meaning even after this delivery, Ukraine remains far from that goal.

There’s also a shortage of PAC-3 missiles, raising concerns about sustaining the new systems once deployed.

Gepards reloaded: Short-range defense gets ammo

Ukraine’s Gepard anti-aircraft guns have proven essential for shooting down Shahed drones and low-flying missiles. The country operates about 100 Gepards, each armed with twin 35mm cannons and radar.

The new shipment of 220,000 rounds will allow for three full reloads across the fleet.

Ammo had become a bottleneck after Switzerland blocked re-exports, citing neutrality. Germany’s Rheinmetall stepped in, restarting production to fill the gap.

Military analysts estimate a single Shahed can often be downed with just 7–30 rounds, meaning this batch could neutralize thousands of drones—a crucial upgrade as Russia continues near-nightly drone assaults.

A layered strategy for a shifting threat

Russia’s aerial tactics are evolving. Drones now fly extremely low or at high altitudes to avoid detection, testing Ukraine’s defenses.

Kyiv is responding with a layered air defense approach:

• Patriots for long-range missiles
• Gepards for drones and close-range threats
• Mobile air defense and electronic warfare to fill the gaps

Even with 13 Patriot systems, Ukraine cannot cover its entire airspace. But together, these tools help protect cities, infrastructure, and military sites more effectively.

BBC verdict: A critical step, not a final answer

This package—five Patriots and 220,000 Gepard shells—is one of the most impactful pledges yet. But delays in delivery and limited missile stocks could slow its effect.

Ukraine has the plan. The tools are arriving. But the outcome will depend on how fast systems are delivered, how well they’re supplied—and whether support continues as the threat evolves.

President Volodymyr Zelensky has approved a new draft law aimed at restoring the independence of Ukraine’s anti-corruption institutions, following days of nationwide protests, international criticism, and revelations of a Russian spy network operating within law enforcement agencies.

The new draft bill, submitted to Parliament on Thursday, is intended to replace the widely criticized Law No. 12414, which shifted control over key anti-corruption bodies—the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO)—to the Prosecutor General’s Office.

“We need real tools, full independence for NABU and SAPO, and zero Russian influence,” Zelenskyy stated.

Although the full text of the bill has yet to be published, the president said it would guarantee the independence of anti-corruption institutions and strengthen Ukraine’s justice system during wartime.

Law No. 12414 sparks backlash

Passed on 22 July and signed into law two days later, Law No. 12414 allows the Prosecutor General to reassign investigations, close high-level cases, and override SAPO’s jurisdiction. Critics say it effectively places independent bodies under executive control, undermining judicial reform and Ukraine’s commitments to the EU.

Even some lawmakers from Zelenskyy’s own Servant of the People party expressed alarm. MP Anastasia Radina, head of the anti-corruption committee, warned the law could “destroy the country’s anti-corruption infrastructure.”

Protests and international alarm

Thousands of Ukrainians took to the streets in Kyiv, Lviv, and Dnipro, demanding the repeal of the law. The European Commission voiced concern, warning the law threatens Ukraine’s progress on transparency and could affect future EU assistance.

“These institutions are vital to fighting corruption and maintaining public trust,” said EU spokesperson Guillaume Mercier.

Spy scandal and high-level raids

The crisis escalated when Ukraine’s Security Service (SBU) and State Bureau of Investigations (SBI) uncovered a Russian spy network within anti-corruption and law enforcement bodies.

On 21 July, authorities conducted over 70 raids targeting current and former NABU employees:

• Ruslan Magamedrasulov, a senior detective, was arrested for allegedly leaking classified case materials to Russian intelligence and facilitating illegal exports to Russia.
• Viktor Husarov, a member of NABU’s elite D-2 unit, was charged with treason for allegedly passing sensitive files to Russia’s FSB via former Yanukovych-era official Dmytro Ivantsov. He remains in custody without bail.
• Authorities also issued charges against fugitive ex-MP Fedir Khrystenko, accused of coordinating sabotage efforts within NABU on behalf of the Kremlin.

NABU criticized the raids as excessive and legally questionable, warning that investigators from the SBU and SBI may have accessed confidential materials. Transparency International and G7 ambassadors condemned the actions as pressure on Ukraine’s last independent anti-corruption institution.

Concerns about legitimacy and effectiveness

Despite playing a central role in Ukraine’s reform narrative, anti-corruption bodies have faced longstanding criticism:

• Constitutional challenges: Between 2020 and 2022, the Constitutional Court struck down key provisions related to the formation and leadership of NABU, raising doubts about the legal basis for their operations.
• Limited outcomes: Although these agencies have pursued high-profile investigations, actual convictions—especially of senior officials—remain few.
• Jurisdictional overlap: Conflicts among NABU, SAPO, the National Agency for Corruption Prevention (NACP), and other institutions frequently lead to inefficiency and turf battles.
• Political influence: While these bodies are formally independent, their activities often reflect political dynamics—through control over appointments, budgets, and informal coordination by the Presidential Office or government.

These concerns don’t erase the institutions’ achievements but underscore the urgent need for deeper reform and stronger protections from political interference.

Zelenskyy’s course correction

Zelenskyy’s pivot toward a new legislative solution has been welcomed by NABU and SAPO, who pledged to assist in drafting a law that meets rule-of-law standards and reinforces institutional safeguards.

“We support legal solutions that enhance justice and eliminate legal risks,” NABU stated, also thanking civil society and international partners for ongoing support.

What comes next

Parliament is expected to review the new draft in the coming days. Whether it can undo the political fallout from Law No. 12414—and restore public trust—remains uncertain.

With active espionage threats and high stakes for Ukraine’s EU accession path, the independence and resilience of its anti-corruption architecture face a defining test.

A Russian airstrike using guided aerial glide bombs (KABs) struck central Kharkiv, injuring 33 people, including an infant, according to regional officials.

The assault follows a third round of Russia–Ukraine peace talks in Istanbul, which ended without major breakthroughs. As diplomatic progress stalls, Russian aerial attacks have intensified, increasingly targeting urban centers with drones and missiles.

Just hours after peace talks in Istanbul yielded little, Russian warplanes bombed central Kharkiv.

33 were injured, including a 10-year-old girl and a 17-year-old boy with head wounds. Fires destroyed 15 cars. One woman is in critical condition.

Video: ASTRA pic.twitter.com/nwCg520mkC

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 24, 2025

Bombs land near residential building and civilian site

Kharkiv Mayor Ihor Terekhov confirmed that two KABs struck the city center — one near a multi-story residential building, and another at a civilian enterprise. The explosion near the residential block sparked a fire, damaging approximately 15 vehicles.

Injured include children and an infant

Oleh Syniehubov, head of the Kharkiv Regional Military Administration, confirmed the wounded include a 10-year-old girl, a 17-year-old boy with head injuries, and an infant.

At least five people were hospitalized, including a 33-year-old woman in critical condition.

Damage to vehicles and buildings

The Ukrainian Ministry of Internal Affairs stated that the blast shattered windows in nearby residential buildings.

A fire that destroyed seven vehicles was later extinguished. In a separate strike, garages and personal vehicles in a garage cooperative were also damaged.

A Ukrainian drone strike has hit a Lukoil oil depot near Sochi International Airport, killing two civilians and injuring 11 others, including a traffic police officer. The explosion sparked a massive fire and forced the airport to suspend operations, triggering widespread flight delays and chaos across regional hubs.

This marks one of the most severe drone attacks inside Russia this year, underscoring the expanding reach of Ukrainian drone warfare and the growing risks to energy and transportation hubs far from the front lines.

The targeted facility, Lukoil-Yugnefteprodukt, is located on Tavricheskaya Street in the Sirius settlement of Krasnodar Krai. The governor of the region, Veniamin Kondratyev, confirmed the casualties and urged locals to avoid the area due to ongoing emergency response efforts.

Flights delayed, passengers stranded

Nearly 800 passengers bound for Sochi are now stranded in Novosibirsk, Omsk, and Tomsk, according to Russia’s West Siberian Transport Prosecutor’s Office. More than 60 flights were delayed as authorities raced to contain the situation and assess damage to critical infrastructure.

Ukraine hits Sochi — a drone strike blows up a Lukoil oil depot and grounds flights at Russia’s top Black Sea resort.

Oil depot in flames
Flights canceled
Attack deep inside Russian territory

Video: Astra pic.twitter.com/YcznbXQwjV

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) July 24, 2025

Railway and fuel infrastructure also damaged

Ukrainian sources, including the Telegram channel Exilenova+, reported that drones also struck a railway bridge and additional oil facilities near Adler and Sochi Airport. Eyewitness videos from Sochi and Abkhazia captured massive explosions and thick black smoke rising from the scene.

Strategic strike amid escalation

Russia’s Ministry of Defense said seven drones were intercepted overnight in Krasnodar Krai, but confirmed that debris from one UAV struck Sochi, causing the fatalities and fire.

Overnight Russian attacks struck Odesa’s historic center and residential areas in Cherkasy, damaging UNESCO-listed landmarks, setting fire to one of Europe’s oldest markets, and injuring civilians, including a child.

The assault follows a third round of Russia–Ukraine peace talks in Istanbul, which ended without major breakthroughs. As diplomatic progress stalls, Russian aerial attacks have intensified, targeting urban centers with drones and missiles.

Pryvoz market in flames, UNESCO sites damaged

In Odesa, a Russian drone strike ignited a fire at the iconic Pryvoz Market, severely damaging its two-story building and nearby pavilions. The State Emergency Service (SES) released footage showing flames consuming parts of the structure.

“Pryvoz is not just a market. It’s the heart of Odesa,” SES responders said.

The attack also hit several architectural landmarks in the city’s UNESCO-protected historic center. Odesa Mayor Hennadii Trukhanov confirmed damage to the famous Primorsky Boulevard, posting images of rubble and broken masonry.

“This is what the world-famous boulevard looks like after the enemy’s attack,” he wrote.

Residential building hit, evacuations ordered

A separate strike hit a nine-story apartment block, setting fire to upper floors and displacing residents from the 5th to 8th floors. Emergency crews warned of a possible structural collapse.

As of Thursday morning, three people were injured in Odesa. Firefighting and recovery operations continue across several sites.

Shrapnel missile attack in Cherkasy injures seven

In Cherkasy, Russian forces launched Iskander-K missiles equipped with shrapnel warheads, wounding seven people, including a nine-year-old girl. The blast damaged at least 15 high-rise buildings, nine two-story apartment blocks, and a local cemetery, according to regional officials.

“The shrapnel had a kill radius of up to a kilometer,” Governor Ihor Taburets told Suspilne. “Two impact zones were recorded, both in residential areas.”

Most injuries were minor. Three victims were hospitalized; none are in critical condition.

“The child was injured by broken glass and doors,” Taburets noted.

Scale of the attack

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy reported that during the night, Russian forces launched a total of 103 drones, the majority of which were Iranian-made Shahed models, along with four missiles. The scale and intensity of the assault reflect a continued escalation, despite parallel diplomatic efforts.

Ukrainian and Russian delegations met in Türkiye for the third time this year for peace talks. The negotiations, held behind closed doors in Istanbul, lasted less than an hour and centered on a possible ceasefire, large-scale prisoner exchanges, and the idea of a summit between the two countries’ presidents.

At the opening of the talks, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan reiterated Türkiye’s role as mediator, calling for an end to what he described as a “bloody war.”

“Our goal is to end this bloody war as soon as possible,” said Fidan. “The ultimate objective is a ceasefire that paves the way to peace.”

Ukraine pushes for Presidential meeting and immediate ceasefire

Leading Ukraine’s delegation was Rustem Umerov, now Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council. He proposed a face-to-face meeting between Presidents Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Vladimir Putin by the end of August.

“If Russia agrees, it will show the world it’s ready for constructive dialogue,” Umerov said.

Kyiv also reiterated its demand for a full and unconditional ceasefire, including a complete halt to attacks on civilian and energy infrastructure. Umerov emphasized that this is a non-negotiable basis for diplomacy to succeed.

He also stressed that Ukraine had prioritized the humanitarian track, including the release of civilians and children held by Russia.

Russia signals movement on humanitarian issues, but not on core disputes

As in the previous two rounds, Russia was represented by Vladimir Medinsky, a senior aide to President Putin. He confirmed that Moscow and Kyiv are finalizing a 250-for-250 prisoner exchange and preparing a second phase involving 1,200 individuals, including civilians.

“Russia has already returned over 7,000 bodies of Ukrainian soldiers,” Medinsky said. “Another 3,000 are ready for transfer.”

He also revealed that Russia is ready to exchange 30 detained Ukrainian soldiers for Russian civilians held in Ukraine.

Medinsky floated proposals for limited 24–48 hour ceasefires to allow the recovery of the dead and wounded. He also suggested the formation of three online working groups to maintain contact between rounds. Ukraine has agreed to consider the idea.

On more sensitive issues—like the deportation of Ukrainian children to Russia—Medinsky claimed that many on Ukraine’s list “were never on Russian territory,” but confirmed that discussions would continue.

However, he acknowledged that Ukraine and Russia remain “far apart” on any settlement agreements.

Delegation makeup and negotiation priorities

The Ukrainian team included 14 high-ranking officials, such as:

• Serhiy Kyslytsia, First Deputy Foreign Minister
• Oleksandr Bevz, presidential advisor
• Yevhen Ostrianskyi, Deputy Chief of the General Staff
• Vadym Skibitskyi, Deputy Head of Intelligence
• Oleksandr Dyakov, Deputy Chief of Naval Operations

A source in the Ukrainian delegation told BBC Ukraine that Kyiv came focused on three main priorities:

1. The return of Ukrainian detainees, especially civilians and children
2. A long-term and complete ceasefire
3. A summit between Zelenskyy and Putin

“Our position is constructive. But peace depends on whether Russia abandons the language of ultimatums,” the source said.

Zelenskyy: “Ukraine never wanted this war”

Ahead of the talks, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy reaffirmed Ukraine’s willingness to negotiate in good faith and expressed readiness to meet with Putin personally.

“Ukraine never wanted this war. Russia started it, and Russia must end it,” he said.

His office also confirmed that the Ukrainian delegation was acting under a classified directive approved by presidential decree, which defined the negotiating framework.

Global pressure and the “Trump ultimatum”

This round of talks came amid growing international pressure. Former US President Donald Trump recently issued a 50-day ultimatum to Russia to stop hostilities or face renewed sanctions. Trump also pledged additional arms for Ukraine, albeit largely via European partners.

Analysts say the timing is not accidental. According to BBC correspondent Elizaveta Fokht, both sides are eager to demonstrate flexibility to a US audience.

“This is a performance for a single, high-stakes viewer: Donald Trump,” Fokht noted. “Ukraine wants to show it’s willing to talk. Russia wants to show it isn’t sabotaging diplomacy.”

Realistic goals: Focus on humanitarian gains

While no agreement was reached on a ceasefire or summit date, both sides reaffirmed commitment to continue humanitarian exchanges—one of the few areas where tangible progress has been made since talks resumed in May and June.

Those earlier rounds led to the return of over 1,000 prisoners and multiple repatriations of fallen soldiers.

Despite the growing toll of war—including intensified Russian drone and missile attacks on Ukrainian cities in recent weeks—channels for negotiation remain open.

Whether they lead to a breakthrough or not, a fourth round of talks is now expected in the near future.

Ukraine’s parliament has passed a bill that could drastically weaken the country’s main anti-corruption institutions—the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO). The legislation transfers control over their investigations to the Prosecutor General, a move critics say will erase nearly a decade of institutional progress.

The vote comes amid escalating tensions. On 21 July, Ukrainian authorities conducted over 70 searches targeting NABU employees, citing alleged links to Russian intelligence and illegal cross-border activity. The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) and the Prosecutor General’s Office allege some detectives may have betrayed the state.

The charges are serious—treason, corruption, and illicit trade with Russia—but anti-corruption watchdogs, opposition lawmakers, and G7 envoys see a different pattern: a potential campaign to dismantle independent oversight, just as these agencies investigate officials close to the president.

Here’s what’s happening—and why it matters.

SBU’s case against NABU

The most serious allegation involves Viktor Husarov, a NABU employee arrested without bail until at least 20 September. He is suspected of state treason and unauthorized handling of classified information. According to the SBU, Husarov allegedly transferred sensitive data about Ukrainian law enforcement personnel to Russian intelligence.

The SBU has also named Ruslan Magamedrasulov, another NABU detective, as a suspect in a separate case. He is accused of aiding his Russian father in smuggling hemp to Dagestan, concealing his father’s citizenship, and sharing confidential information with Fedir Khrystenko, a fugitive former Ukrainian MP allegedly linked to Russia’s FSB.

Authorities allege that Khrystenko ran a covert influence network inside NABU and exploited internal connections to assist businesspeople in fleeing Ukraine.

More than 70 NABU employees were raided. Some cases reportedly stemmed from minor issues, such as past traffic incidents. NABU claims many searches were conducted without court-approved warrants. The SBU maintains that Ukrainian law permits urgent investigative actions without prior judicial approval in cases involving treason or national security.

“We must let the SBU present evidence in court,” former SBU deputy head Victor Yahun told Svoboda.Live. “Anyone can point to Russia. What matters is whether the accused were acting on official orders from Russian intelligence.”

What’s in the law: The hidden amendments that reshape oversight

Draft law No. 12414 originally dealt with procedures for missing persons. But last-minute amendments quietly added sweeping changes to Ukraine’s anti-corruption infrastructure.

According to MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak, these hidden clauses would:

• Subordinate SAPO prosecutors to the Prosecutor General, not the SAPO head
• Allow the Prosecutor General to reassign NABU cases
• Remove the legal ban on stripping NABU of its investigations
• Let the Prosecutor General close cases unilaterally, even those involving top officials
• Require NABU’s director to get the Prosecutor General’s permission to claim jurisdiction

Expert view: Power shift behind the law

Political analyst Ihor Chalenko argues that the real impact of the bill lies not in its wartime provisions—but in how it reconfigures authority across Ukraine’s law enforcement system.

The law places the Prosecutor General at the top of the investigative hierarchy, granting sweeping powers to demand case files, reassign investigations—regardless of jurisdiction—and resolve all inter-agency disputes.

“The Prosecutor General now holds all the key levers—deciding jurisdictional disputes, transferring cases between agencies, and selecting which prosecutors lead investigations,” Chalenko told Euromaidan Press.

For NABU, this means expanded powers but increased dependence. Detectives can take over cases from other bodies, but only with approval from the Prosecutor General. They may also investigate their own staff, excluding top leadership.

SAPO’s autonomy narrows further. The Prosecutor General now appoints case supervisors, including at senior levels, and can override prosecutorial decisions, even in politically sensitive cases involving MPs or ministers.

“This isn’t just a technical wartime fix,” Chalenko said. “It’s a lasting centralization of authority over Ukraine’s law enforcement system—including its anti-corruption agencies.”

A system already under pressure

Ukraine’s anti-corruption architecture includes more than just NABU and SAPO. Institutions like the National Agency on Corruption Prevention (NACP), the State Bureau of Investigations (SBI), and the Bureau of Economic Security (BES) also play roles—often with overlapping mandates and varying political insulation.

But NABU and SAPO have received the most international backing due to their statutory independence. And while widely seen as reform milestones, their effectiveness remains a point of debate.

In nearly a decade of operation, only a few high-profile officials have ended up behind bars. Critics argue the system is too expensive and ineffectual; others counter that its mere existence offers a fragile check on elite impunity.

Even skeptics of NABU’s performance caution against dismantling it during wartime. Political commentator Yuriy Bohdanov described the bureau as “a structurally flawed and strategically useless institution that does nothing to address systemic corruption.” But, he added: “Taking it down like this is outright harmful.”

NABU and SAPO push back

NABU and SAPO say the law would cripple their independence and make them subordinate to a politically appointed office.

Director Semen Kryvonos returned early from a UK visit to respond to the raids.

“The head of SAPO would become a nominal figure, and NABU would lose its independence, effectively becoming a subdivision of the Prosecutor General’s Office,” NABU and SAPO wrote in a joint statement.

Kryvonos has urged President Zelenskyy not to sign the bill into law, warning that the move could permanently undermine independent anti-corruption investigations.

Civil society responds

The Anti-Corruption Action Center (AntAC) described the mass searches in NABU as “a continuation of pressure and an attempt to destroy independent institutions.”

They highlighted ongoing probes into Oleksiy Chernyshov, the former Deputy Prime Minister, and Volodymyr Myndich, a business partner of Zelenskyy. One of Myndich’s relatives was recently arrested by NABU.

“This is the dismantling of independent anti-corruption institutions to prevent them from creating problems by investigating corruption involving the president’s inner circle,” the Anti-Corruption Action Center said.

Civil society groups warn that Ukraine’s credibility—and continued Western support—could be at risk.

International reaction

The G7 Ambassadors voiced unease, stating:

“We are closely following developments at NABU. We met with its leadership and have serious concerns.”

Billions in Western aid and Ukraine’s EU aspirations are closely tied to anti-corruption performance. Undermining independent agencies could jeopardize both.

Inside the SBU’s counterclaims

The SBU doubled down, revealing they seized classified NABU materials—including surveillance logs and personnel files—from Khrystenko’s home. They also accused former detective Timur Arshavin of fleeing Ukraine illegally.

Meanwhile, a senior SBU official was himself charged by NABU with demanding a $300,000 bribe to protect a suspect from prosecution. The officer and two partners allegedly accepted $72,000 before charges were filed.

These revelations further complicate the narrative: is this justice—or selective targeting?

The bigger picture

MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak and several investigative journalists argue this is part of a broader pattern.

“NABU got too close to the president’s circle,” Zhelezniak told RFE/RL. “Now they’re being punished.”

With elections suspended, political opposition subdued, and oversight bodies weakened, critics fear power is becoming dangerously centralized.

Why it matters

Ukraine is fighting a full-scale war, with elections suspended and power increasingly concentrated in the Presidential Office. In this climate, maintaining genuine checks and balances is already difficult.

Addressing national security threats is urgent—but weakening anti-corruption institutions in the process raises deeper concerns about Ukraine’s democratic future.

NABU and SAPO are far from perfect, yet for many in civil society, they remain the last guardrails against high-level impunity. Dismantling them now could erase what limited accountability still exists.

The choices ahead will determine whether Ukraine preserves space for independent oversight—or allows wartime urgency to justify the quiet consolidation of unchecked power.

Russia has released two new propaganda videos showcasing its growing drone warfare capabilities—both focused on the Geran-2 suicide drones, the Russian version of Iran’s Shahed-136. The videos, aired by Russian state media on 14 July, offer a chilling look into Moscow’s drone production and deployment—and signal a shift toward mass-scale aerial warfare.

The timing of the videos coincides with a sharp escalation in Russia’s drone attacks on Ukraine. On 9 July, Moscow launched its largest single-day aerial barrage of the war, firing 741 drones and missiles in one night.

Analysts now warn that Russia may soon be capable of launching 1,000 to 2,000 drones per day, aiming to saturate Ukraine’s air defences and wear down Western military support. The strategy is simple: overwhelm with volume, exploit cost asymmetry, and stretch Ukrainian and NATO resources to the breaking point.

Inside an underground drone factory

The first video, broadcast via Zvezda, takes viewers inside the Yelabuga factory in Tatarstan. Located more than 1,300 km from Ukraine, the facility reportedly produces over 5,000 Geran‑2s a month, with 18,000 built in the first half of 2025.

Satellite imagery and facility layout suggest large sections of the plant are underground, enhancing its resilience to long-range Ukrainian strikes. The video highlights on‑site foundries, assembly lines, electronics shops—all sealed beneath reinforced structures.

Ukrainian drone strikes: Deep and determined

Despite its distance from the front lines, Yelabuga has been repeatedly targeted by Ukrainian drones:

• April 2024: Strikes injured 12 people; fires were reported in a dormitory.
• May–June 2025: Additional attacks, including one that killed a worker, prompted limited local damage.

Yet, despite the assaults, production appears largely unaffected, with officials insisting the plant continues to operate “stably.”

Mobile launches from US-made trucks

The second video reveals drones launched from Dodge Ram 1500 pickup trucks—vehicles that seem American-made and potentially obtained in violation of Western sanctions. This mobile launcher method signals a shift toward faster, more flexible deployment and increased launch density.

A costly war of attrition

Geran‑2 drones are designed for long-range strikes:

• Length: 3.5 m
• Wingspan: 2.5 m
• Weight: ~200 kg
• Warhead: 50 kg
• Range: Up to 1,800 km
• Speed: Up to 300 km/h

Despite their relatively low cost—$35,000–$50,000—they place significant strain on Ukrainian defences. A single Patriot interceptor, by contrast, costs over $5 million.

Ukraine reported this week that it had shot down its 30,000th Shahed drone, based on serial number analysis of drone fragments.

Why it matters

• First video reveals industrial-scale drone manufacturing, likely underground, resilient to attack.
• Second video highlights mobile, adaptive launch tactics using Western vehicles.

Together, they underscore a clear message: Russia is not just sustaining its drone campaign—it is scaling it.

Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching the David vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.

Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.

Next month, US troops will gather at Camp Atterbury, Indiana, for a new kind of “Top Gun” school—this one focused on Ukraine-style, kamikaze first-person-view (FPV) drones, Defense One reports. The event is part of the Pentagon’s Technology Readiness Experimentation (T-REX) program, which tests cutting-edge unmanned systems under simulated urban combat conditions.

The urgency reflects Ukraine’s rapid drone advances. In late 2023, Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense ramped up production and training of FPV drones, which quickly became a cornerstone of its battlefield strategy. By February, the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) estimated these drones accounted for 70% of Russia’s battlefield losses—forcing a recalibration of US strategy.

Alexander Lovett, deputy assistant secretary of defense for prototyping and experimentation, said the US military is now building out FPV drone schools across the services. At T-REX, teams will square off in “red versus blue” drone battles, with counter-drone technologies also on display.

Ukraine’s drone playbook inspires US strategy

Ukraine’s success has shown that cheap, agile FPV drones can deliver outsized impact. While consumer drones have been used in war since Russia’s 2014 invasion, Ukraine’s scale and innovation pushed them from novelty to necessity.

Today, Ukraine is producing around 200,000 drones a month, according to CNA analyst Sam Bendett—a pace the US has yet to match.

Replicator falls short, procurement gets decentralized

The Pentagon’s Replicator program, launched in 2023 to scale low-cost autonomous drones, has so far fallen short of expectations. In response, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced a shift: allowing units to procure drones directly, without waiting on traditional acquisition pipelines.

“We need to be world class, and we will,” Hegseth said, calling the move a way to “open the aperture” to more suppliers and systems.

“The beginning of American drone dominance”

Emil Michael, the new undersecretary of defense for research and engineering, described the Pentagon drone showcase this week as “the beginning of American drone dominance.” But he acknowledged the US lags behind Ukraine, Russia, and especially China.

A major factor is training: Ukrainian forces regularly operate in jamming-heavy environments, something the US struggles to replicate due to FAA and FCC restrictions on jamming, which protect civilian networks.

Michael said drone manufacturers must internalize lessons from real-world conflicts like Ukraine’s. “That’s sort of endemic to becoming a drone manufacturer in the [United States],” he said.

Ukrainians to observe and advise at T-REX

To bridge that gap, Ukrainian military personnel will attend T-REX, offering firsthand feedback. One organizer told Defense One the feedback will likely be “blunt.”

“If you are not operating in Ukraine, then your stuff is not serious,” said Brandon Tseng, co-founder of Shield AI, which works with both US and Ukrainian forces. He noted many companies failed to survive Ukraine’s harsh electronic warfare environment.

Lovett echoed that challenge: “We have limited places where we can do that,” he said, referencing jamming exercises. The Pentagon is working with regulators to open more test ranges, but change will be slow.

Creative autonomy as the path forward

According to Bendett, the US will likely never replicate China’s DJI dominance, but can lead through decentralized innovation. “We have to shake loose our own creativity,” he said.

Allowing commanders to choose their own drones—and learning directly from Ukrainian combat experience—may be key.

“We’ve opened the door for rapid acquisition,” said Michael. “If you’re a smart builder… you could build to those specifications.”

Ukraine has revealed a new compact naval weapon — Ursula — a tiny drone boat that can carry and launch FPV drones for attack and reconnaissance missions, Forbes tech correspondent David Hambling reports. The boat, only one meter (about three feet) long, was introduced in a video from the Association of Ukrainian Engineers and developed by startup ToviTechNet.

As Ukraine faces Russia’s full-scale invasion without access to modern fighter jets, warships, or long-range missile systems — and without formal military alliances — it has embraced asymmetric warfare. With limited conventional tools, Kyiv is turning to innovative, low-cost drone technologies to strike back across land, air, and sea.

“This robot vessel may be the world’s smallest aircraft carrier,” Hambling wrote.

What is Ursula?

• Size: ~1 meter (3 feet) long
• Function: Launches FPV drones or acts as a suicide drone
• Uses: River patrols, swamp operations, reconnaissance, explosive delivery

The boat is designed for shallow waters, rivers, and swamps, giving Ukraine an edge in covert inland operations against Russian forces. It can also be equipped with sensors or explosives for kamikaze missions.

FPV drone attacks from the water

While Ursula’s demo video does not show a drone being launched, Ukraine has already used similar drone boats to launch FPVs in combat.

According to Militarnyi, Ukraine’s armed forces used USVs in January 2025 to strike Russian offshore platforms with drone-launched attacks. FPVs targeted defenders, while the boats deployed underwater mines and rammed the platforms, setting them on fire.

“Flying drones from USVs is already standard practice,” Hambling noted.

Black Widow 2: Ukraine’s other miniature drone boat

The Black Widow 2, another 1-meter-long USV, entered service in early 2025. It features:

• Top speed of 25 mph (40 km/h)
• Gimbal-mounted camera
• Up to 3 kg explosive payload
• “Lurking mode” to hide for days
• Cost: $2,400 per unit
• Production: 100 per month

Although not yet used as a drone carrier, its size and capabilities suggest it could be adapted.

Ukrainian USVs are already launching air strikes

Recent footage shared by Ukrainian military sources shows FPV and fixed-wing drones launched from drone boats during attacks in Russian-occupied Crimea and along the Dnipro River.

In July 2025, Ukraine released a video showing FPVs launched from USVs striking components of a Russian Nebo-M radar system, including the radar command post.

“One FPV strike is enough to destroy an aircraft on deck,” Hambling wrote. “Taking out 95% of the attacking drones and boats may not be enough.”

Long-term potential: Ocean-crossing drone boats

Ukraine’s smaller USVs like Ursula currently rely on battery power, but future systems could follow models like:

• WaveGlider (US Navy) — wave + solar-powered
• Saildrone — wind-powered with extreme endurance

These uncrewed platforms have already crossed oceans and could one day carry drones across the globe, enabling attacks from the sea into any coastal zone.

“They are inexpensive and stealthy… and could cover the world’s oceans,” Hambling noted.

Why this matters

Ursula might be tiny, but its implications are big: FPV drone warfare has now gone naval. What looks like a toy can silently carry deadly drones into enemy territory — from inland rivers to coastal defenses.

As Ukraine pushes drone innovation further, Ursula is a glimpse of how miniature drone boats could reshape future conflicts, one river or shoreline at a time.

Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching the David vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.

Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.

Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.

The boxing world witnessed something special last Saturday as Oleksandr Usyk knocked out Daniel Dubois at Wembley Stadium, reclaiming his undisputed heavyweight crown with a left hook he calls “Ivan” – named after a Ukrainian farm worker. But this latest triumph is just another chapter in the wild story of the 38-year-old from occupied Crimea who’s redefined what it means to be a champion.

The knockout victory capped off a remarkable year that saw Usyk twice defeat Tyson Fury, first becoming undisputed champion in May 2024’s “fight of the millennium,” then dominating their December rematch.

After that second Fury fight, boxing fans knew they were watching something special – but Saturday’s performance against Dubois proved Usyk isn’t slowing down.

His journey to the top has been a wild ride – full of unlikely twists, perfect timing, and the kind of determination that turns sparring partners into champions.

“I am very feel”: Usyk’s bad English made a perfect meme

Before diving into his story, you need to understand something about Usyk – he’s probably the most entertaining champion boxing has seen in years.

Years later, when even Cristiano Ronaldo referenced this moment in conversation with Usyk, the boxer – now much better in English – smiled and repeated his famous phrase. Just for fun. Because that’s who Usyk is.

And those English gaffes? They’ve become part of his psychological warfare. At the pre-fight press conference before the Dubois rematch, Usyk mystified reporters by repeatedly telling Dubois’ team “Don’t push the horses” – a bizarre Ukrainian idiom meaning “don’t rush.” His opponent’s trainer Don Charles finally threw up his hands: “I need a translator.” Classic Usyk, turning linguistic confusion into mind games.

Usyk started as just another sparring partner

Usyk wasn’t always the star of the show. He was just a sparring partner on the Ukrainian national team back then. But then fate played its hand—one guy got caught doping, another broke his hand, and suddenly Usyk got his shot.

But here’s the kicker – he was fighting guys 7-8 kilograms heavier because he didn’t have time to bulk up. And he was winning.

This pattern of turning challenges into opportunities would define his career. After a disappointing second-round loss to Italy’s Clemente Russo in the 2008 Beijing Olympics, Usyk responded by winning both European and World Championships. The story came full circle at the 2012 London Olympics, where he defeated Russo for the gold medal.

His training methods are kind of insane

Usyk’s approach to training seems designed to redefine what’s possible. While most people struggle to hold their breath for a minute, this man casually goes without air for 4 minutes and 40 seconds—longer than some sea creatures! While larger dolphins like the bottlenose can stay underwater for 8-10 minutes, Usyk’s lung capacity actually surpasses smaller cetaceans like the Maui dolphin, which typically surfaces every 2-3 minutes.

Before fighting Anthony Joshua in Saudi Arabia, he cycled 100 kilometers in 40-degree Celsius heat. He once swam 10 kilometers over five hours before a London press conference. Because apparently, regular training is too mainstream for Usyk.

His ring walks are equally insane

If you thought Usyk’s training was unconventional, wait till you see his ring entrances. This guy doesn’t just walk to the ring – he turns every entrance into a performance art piece.

For his first clash with Fury in May 2024, he showed up dressed as a 17th-century Ukrainian Cossack warrior. We’re talking full traditional gear inspired by historical leader Bohdan Khmelnytskyi himself.

But he wasn’t done yet. For their December rematch, Usyk took things to a whole new level. Picture this: he walks out wearing this incredibly detailed Ukrainian outfit while a live choir belts out an ancient Cossack battle hymn mixed with techno beats. His robe was decked out in blue and yellow patterns with a massive Tryzub symbol – Ukraine’s national emblem. Because apparently, regular entrance music is also too mainstream for Usyk.

The “Ivan” punch that made history

After knocking out Dubois with his signature left hook, Usyk explained the cultural significance behind his finishing move. “It’s a punch name, Ivan. Yeah, left hook,” he demonstrated.

“It’s Ukrainian name. Yeah, Ivan is, you know, it’s like a big guy who live in a village and work in a farm. It was a big guy, like a Cossack. What is your name? My name is Ivan. Yeah, it’s a hard punch, yeah.”

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Euromaidan Press (@euromaidanpress)

The punch that floored Dubois wasn’t just technique – it carried the soul of Ukrainian rural tradition, embodying the strength of countryside workers who’ve always been the backbone of the nation. Minutes after his victory, Usyk dedicated the win to Ukrainian soldiers: “I want to thank all Ukraine, all the guys, who are now defending our country. You allow me to be here now!”

First, Usyk wanted to become an actor

Here’s something most people don’t know: Usyk nearly went to theater school instead of boxing. Boxing won out, but he never abandoned his artistic ambitions. After starting with a role in a 2017 Ukrainian film, The Fight Rules, and voicing cartoon characters, he’s about to hit Hollywood big time.

In 2025, you’ll see him alongside Dwayne “The Rock” Johnson in The Smashing Machine, where he portrays a Ukrainian MMA fighter.

And his first love was actually football

Growing up in Simferopol, now Russian-occupied Crimea, young Usyk dreamed of football glory until financial constraints forced him to quit the sport. But his passion never faded.

Today, he’s not just a fan—he signed a professional contract with a Ukrainian club, FC Polissia Zhytomyr, and made his debut in 2022.

These days, he’s also a businessman

The recent bout with Fury earned Usyk $114 million, but he isn’t just about boxing money. He’s built a business empire that employs a hundred people. He’s got merchandise lines, a promotion company, and even created a social network for boxers to find sparring partners.

Look for the guy with the cossack haircut

You can’t miss Usyk in the ring – his traditional Cossack hairstyle(the mohawk-like “oseledets”) has become his signature.

He’s transformed the Ukrainian warrior tradition into a global brand, introducing millions to Ukrainian culture through both his appearance and his victory Hopak dance – as Ukrainian as borsch.

Beyond the ring, Usyk is a family man – a devoted father of four and a man of deep faith. He’s emerged as one of Ukraine’s most powerful voices on the global stage, especially as his country fights against Russian aggression.

******

Here’s another thing about Usyk – he could have had an easier path. When Russia occupied Crimea in 2014, many athletes from the peninsula faced a choice. Some stayed, some took Russian citizenship, some left. Usyk packed his bags and moved his family to Kyiv.

It wasn’t a comfortable choice. He left behind his home, his training base, and many friends. But when asked about it, Usyk answered in his characteristically straightforward way: “I’m from Crimea. But Crimea is Ukraine.” Simple as that.

Now look at him today – strutting into the ring in wildly creative outfits that always feature Ukrainian elements, from traditional patterns to Cossack symbols. It’s not just for show. Every entrance tells the same story: this is who I am, this is what I choose to be – a Ukrainian athlete bringing his nation’s fighting spirit to the global stage.

His latest victory over Dubois at Wembley proved he’s not done making history. At 38, with his undefeated 23-0 record intact, Usyk continues showing the world what Ukrainian excellence looks like – one “Ivan” punch at a time. Very feel, indeed.

Read more:

• Usyk defeats Dubois with “Ivan” punch to reclaim undisputed heavyweight crown for Ukraine
• Oleksandr Usyk became the first absolute heavyweight champion of the world in the 21st century
  
• Ukrainian powerlifter Bilokon killed in action
• Ukraine and 9 countries will boycott the World Boxing Championship due to participation of Russian and Belarusian athletes

On 17 July 2025, Ukraine received a new government—the first full reshuffle since Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. The transition brought in a new prime minister, merged key ministries, and rebalanced power at the top of Ukraine’s wartime state. It was quiet but decisive—though not without raising eyebrows at home and abroad.

At the center of the overhaul is Yulia Svyrydenko, 39, who replaced Denys Shmyhal as prime minister. Shmyhal—who had held the post for a record five years—was appointed Minister of Defense, replacing Rustem Umerov, who in turn became Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council.

With the Cabinet now reduced to just 16 ministers, and several ministries merged or dissolved, it is one of the most compact governments in Ukraine’s modern history. The restructuring reflects not only a push for efficiency, but also a response to internal pressures and external scrutiny during wartime governance.

Under martial law, with no elections

The reshuffle was controversial not only because of its scope, but because of its legal context. Under Ukraine’s law on martial law, dismissing or appointing the Cabinet is explicitly prohibited, and elections are suspended indefinitely. The move was, at best, a legal gray zone.

It also raised concerns beyond legality. The opposition pointed to consolidation of power in the hands of the President’s Office. One well-known political joke was revived to express that fear: “It’s like rearranging the beds in a brothel—nothing really changes.” The point wasn’t just that the personnel might be the same—it was that the same people behind the scenes remain in control, with limited checks from outside the executive.

So why now? With no elections and wartime restrictions in place, the question of timing loomed large—and demanded an answer.

Delayed, not sudden

Political analyst Volodymyr Fesenko believes the change had been planned much earlier. “I think this is the implementation of a previously delayed decision. The reshuffle was already agreed in June, but it was delayed because the president had a full international schedule.”

Zelenskyy is known for periodic Cabinet changes.

“Last year, he didn’t replace the prime minister but changed half the government,” Fesenko told Euromaidan Press. “This time, the head of government was changed too. He rotates people when he feels something isn’t working.”

Another factor may have been Svyrydenko’s recent diplomatic success. According to Fesenko, she played a key role in managing sensitive economic negotiations with US counterparts related to the so-called “mineral deal”, helping to neutralize difficult political conditions. “That strengthened her standing,” he said.

However, Fesenko cautions against reading too much into a single cause. “There is no one particular reason for this reshuffle,” he said. “It is a combination of delayed plans, administrative adjustments, and political opportunity.”

Elections off the table

According to Ihor Chalenko, another political analyst, the government shakeup reflects growing consensus within the presidential camp that elections are not likely to happen any time soon. With martial law in place and war still ongoing, political updates must come from within the system.

“This is a reset without elections,” Chalenko told Euromaidan Press. “It signals change, rebalances power, and rebrands the government—without a vote.”

The timing allowed for a “reset” without major political risk—and provided a moment to address festering problems that had not been resolved by the existing team. The restructuring also comes amid increasing concern that Ukraine must refocus its executive branch to better coordinate diplomacy, economic recovery, and military production.

A calculated balancing act

Much attention has focused on whether the change represents a power play by Andriy Yermak, head of the President’s Office, over David Arakhamia, the leader of the governing Servant of the People faction. Svyrydenko is widely seen as a close ally of Yermak; Shmyhal had been backed by Arakhamia.

But according to both Fesenko and Chalenko, the final result reflects power balancing, not a power grab.

Fesenko acknowledged that tensions between Arakhamia and the president had been real, particularly about six months ago, when Arakhamia traveled to the US and presented himself as a potential point of contact with the Trump camp. “He told people he was arranging meetings, even with Giuliani. That really irritated the president. Since then, he’s stepped back.”

Chalenko emphasizes that the government as reshaped remains a coalition of internal power centers. “Take Mykhailo Fedorov,” he said. “He’s now First Deputy Prime Minister. And he’s had friction with Yermak. If this reshuffle was purely about consolidation, that wouldn’t have happened.”

The civilian part of the government—especially economic and social portfolios—is now clearly under the coordination of the President’s Office. But the military sector, particularly defense procurement and arms production, includes other political influences and interest groups that remain outside Yermak’s full control. According to Chalenko, this division is what keeps the new government politically “balanced,” despite external perceptions of top-down centralization.

Scandals as opportunity

While the reshuffle wasn’t caused by scandal, recent events made it easier to justify.

In June, Oleksiy Chernyshov, then Deputy Prime Minister — Minister for National Unity, was accused of abuse of office and receiving unlawful benefits on an especially large scale. He was released on ₴120 million (about $3 mln) bail. As Fesenko notes, this allowed for a smooth exit. “He’s gone, and so is his ministry. The moment was convenient.”

More serious were the problems inside the Ministry of Defense under Rustem Umerov. In late 2024, it emerged that mortar shells manufactured in Ukraine were defective. A public battle followed between Umerov and Maryna Bezrukova, head of the Defense Procurement Agency, raising questions of internal sabotage and political interference. NATO and G7 partners were said to be deeply concerned.

Fesenko called the situation “ministerial chaos.” He added: “Key professionals were sidelined. There was no clear strategy. Shmyhal was never a big political figure, but he was a very effective coordinator inside the government. Now he’s tasked with bringing that skill to the defense sector.”

Chalenko agrees, though from a different angle. He sees the appointment as “a mark of personal recognition from Zelenskyy himself,” noting that Shmyhal had preserved balance in the Cabinet throughout his unusually long term as prime minister. “That continuity is now being transferred to the defense sector—along with added responsibility.”

War economy, shrinking budget

The reshuffle also served as a vehicle for long-delayed administrative reform. Plans to merge ministries and reduce overhead had existed since 2023. Now, with fewer ministers and larger portfolios, implementation became politically possible.

The Ministry of Economy now includes portfolios previously managed by the agriculture and environment ministries, forming what some analysts describe as a “superministry” at the heart of civilian administration.

But perhaps most pressing: Ukraine’s economy is under enormous strain. With American budget support drying up, and European aid increasingly tied to complex conditions, the country faces rising deficits and mounting fiscal pressure. Stabilization is now a core priority.

In this environment, Svyrydenko is expected to focus on economic management. She is considered a trusted figure among Ukraine’s Western partners, particularly in financial and trade negotiations. But she will also need to confront deepening structural problems: declining industrial output, sluggish recovery in private investment, and ballooning social spending.

Fesenko said: “She knows what parts of the system can be influenced—and what parts are off-limits. That gives her some room in the economic sphere, where Yermak is less hands-on.”

A reset in wartime

Ultimately, the reshuffle represents a wartime recalibration. It allowed the president to respond to internal disorder, public fatigue, and Western concern—without elections, and without open crisis.

It is not a dramatic political transformation. But it resets the executive without destabilizing the system. As Chalenko put it, “the government remains balanced—and therefore, it can be called Zelenskyy’s government.”

Whether that’s enough will depend not only on Svyrydenko’s performance, but on how long the war—and martial law—lasts.

In effect, this reshuffle functioned as a reset without elections—a shift in power that maintains political control while responding to pressure for change.