Le tarif américain sur les produits non couverts par l’Accord Canada–États-Unis–Mexique passe aujourd’hui de 25% à 35%.
La Maison-Blanche justifie cette hausse annoncée hier par:
ce qu’elle qualifie d’inefficacité du Canada à freiner le trafic de fentanyl;
les contre-mesures canadiennes aux tarifs américains.
Le premier ministre Mark Carney avait prévenu que les négociations avec Washington risquaient de ne pas aboutir avant le 1er août.
Les États-Unis ont conclu des enten
Portugal is the most geographically distant EU country from Ukraine, yet in the past year, it has become a steady partner. On 28 May 2024, the two nations signed a bilateral Security Cooperation Agreement, outlining how Portugal would support Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression and rebuilding after the war. This pact was the 12th in a series of bilateral agreements Ukraine began concluding in early 2024.
That series grew out of the G7 Joint Declaration of Support of 2023. By July 2025, Uk
Portugal is the most geographically distant EU country from Ukraine, yet in the past year, it has become a steady partner. On 28 May 2024, the two nations signed a bilateral Security Cooperation Agreement, outlining how Portugal would support Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression and rebuilding after the war. This pact was the 12th in a series of bilateral agreements Ukraine began concluding in early 2024.
That series grew out of the G7 Joint Declaration of Support of 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation. Some commitments come directly from Portugal, while others are delivered through EU-wide programs that Portugal supports collectively.
The agreement with Portugal is broad, extending far beyond the battlefield. It includes support for weapons and training, strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry, sanctioning Russia and using frozen Russian assets, humanitarian aid, and work to hold Moscow’s leadership accountable.
In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Portugal’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and Portuguese PM Luís Montenegro after signing a bilateral security cooperation agreement. Lisbon, 28 May 2024. Photo: president.gov.ua
Portugal’s commitments
At the time of signing, Portugal pledged at least €126 million in military aid for 2024, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s air and naval capabilities. Beyond this financial support, the agreement also envisaged:
Participation in the EU training mission EUMAM
Cooperation in defense industry development
Using frozen Russian assets to help fund Ukraine’s defense
Humanitarian support, including demining and reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure
Joint efforts to prosecute Russia’s crimes
In essence, it laid out a ten-point roadmap that blends military, political, and humanitarian support.
A year of implementation
The first year proved that this partnership is much more than a statement. Portugal overdelivered on its military commitments while also supporting Ukraine’s defense production, reconstruction, and the pursuit of justice.
Key achievements between May 2024 and May 2025:
€226 million in military aid, nearly double the initial pledge
Helicopter deliveries: six Ka‑32 and eight SA‑330 Puma aircraft
€100 million to the Czech-led initiative for artillery shells
€52 million to the Drone Coalition to produce drones in Portugal
Opening of a Tekever branch in Ukraine to expand drone support
€6 billion from frozen Russian assets channeled to Ukraine through EU programs (collective funding)
Training for tens of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers through EUMAM and the F‑16 pilot coalition
Active support for four new EU sanction packages
Reconstruction efforts including rebuilding schools and funding Superhero Schools
Participation in coalitions for a special tribunal and the return of deported children
A British RAF Puma helicopter is loaded aboard a C-17 transport aircraft. Photo: UK Ministry of Defense
Military aid beyond expectations
Instead of the pledged €126 million, Portugal allocated €226 million to Ukraine in 2024. Early in the year, €100 million went to the Czech-led procurement of 155mm artillery shells, while €52 million funded drone production for Ukraine through the Drone Coalition.
Equipment followed as well. In September 2024, Ukraine received six Ka‑32 helicopters for transport and search-and-rescue missions. At the end of the year, eight SA‑330 Puma helicopters arrived, equipped with systems that allow them to launch Exocet anti-ship missiles.
Earlier contributions included M113 armored vehicles, three Leopard 2A6 tanks, five medical vehicles, 105mm howitzers, and ammunition. For 2025, Portugal has already pledged another €220 million.
Since 2022, Portugal has also joined three multinational “capability coalitions”—on armored vehicles, aviation, and naval power—each aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defenses. Unlike many partners, however, it has not joined the IT Coalition (IT, communications, cybersecurity) or the Demining Coalition, which is the largest by number of participants.
Exocet anti-ship missile. Photo: mbda-systems.com
Strengthening technological capabilities
Since 2022, Ukraine has worked closely with Tekever, a Portuguese company producing AR3 and AR5 reconnaissance drones. The AR5 model can fly longer and carry up to 50 kg of payload. These drones have already caused over $4 billion in losses to Russian forces, including the destruction of two S‑400 systems.
In April 2025, Tekever announced the opening of an office in Ukraine to speed up drone servicing and operator training.
Tekever’s AR5 drone. Photo: aeroexpo.online
Frozen assets turned into support
Portugal also supports the EU plan to direct profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine. These ERA funds are EU-level resources, not Portugal’s national budget, but Portugal backed these measures as part of the collective effort.
The first €1.5 billion tranche arrived in mid‑2024, funding air defense, ammunition, and defense-industry investment.
By May 2025, €6 billion had been transferred through the ERA program. On 9 May 2025, in Lviv, EU leaders committed an additional €1 billion, part of a €1.9 billion package for weapons, artillery, and air defense.
In total, €35 billion is expected to be delivered during 2025 under ERA and the Ukraine Facility, with Portugal participating in these collective decisions.
Training Ukrainian forces
Portugal contributes actively to the EUMAM mission, which has trained over 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers since 2022.
The country also belongs to an 11-country coalition preparing Ukrainian pilots and crews for F‑16 fighter jets, with Norwegian instructors conducting the training on Portuguese Air Force bases.
F‑16 fighter jet at a Portuguese Air Force base. Photo: Paulo M. F. Pires
Sanctions and political pressure
In the year following May 2024, the EU adopted four new sanctions packages, all backed by Portugal. These measures targeted Russia’s military and energy industries, over 340 shadow fleet ships, propaganda outlets, and senior officials, including those linked to the bombing of the Okhmatdyt children’s hospital in Kyiv.
They also extended restrictions to countries helping Russia evade sanctions or supplying drones and missiles, including China, North Korea, India, the UAE, Singapore, Uzbekistan, Iran, Türkiye, Kazakhstan, and Serbia.
Humanitarian and reconstruction support
Portugal has also helped Ukraine on humanitarian and reconstruction fronts.
Since 2023, it has contributed €7 million to the Grain from Ukraine Initiative to stabilize the global food supply. Economic ties have also grown through Portugal’s AICEP agency, which in 2024 ran programs to attract investment and support Ukrainian business.
In November 2024, at the third Joint Economic Cooperation Commission, both sides agreed to expand trade and involve Portuguese companies in rebuilding efforts.
Portugal is already involved in rebuilding schools in Zhytomyr, including School No. 25 destroyed in 2022, and in 2024 invested €160,000 to create Superhero Schools in Chernihiv and Cherkasy, allowing hospitalized children to continue their education.
Superhero school in Zhytomyr. Photo: Suspilne
Justice and accountability
Portugal is part of the Coalition for a Special Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression, which finalized draft statutes in May 2025 for a tribunal in The Hague. In June 2025, Ukraine and the Council of Europe signed an agreement to formally establish this Special Tribunal. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders—including Vladimir Putin—even in absentia.
Portugal also participates in the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, which in 2024 helped return almost 600 deported children. And in 2023, it contributed €75,000 to the International Criminal Court and sent an expert to help gather evidence of war crimes.
One year on, the Portugal–Ukraine security agreement has grown into a partnership that reaches well beyond geography. Portugal may be Europe’s far west, but its support—especially in military aid, training, sanctions, and justice—has brought it close as a committed ally.
Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching theDavid vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.
Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.
Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.
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On 27 May 2024, a historic handshake in Madrid sealed a new chapter in Ukraine’s struggle for survival. That day, Ukraine and Spain signed a 10‑year bilateral security agreement, a pact that committed Spain to stand by Ukraine during its fight against Russia’s full‑scale invasion.
A year later, that signature has proved to be more than words. Spain has become one of Ukraine’s most consistent allies, delivering weapons, training thousands of soldiers, investing in rebuilding projects, and help
On 27 May 2024, a historic handshake in Madrid sealed a new chapter in Ukraine’s struggle for survival. That day, Ukraine and Spain signed a 10‑year bilateral security agreement, a pact that committed Spain to stand by Ukraine during its fight against Russia’s full‑scale invasion.
A year later, that signature has proved to be more than words. Spain has become one of Ukraine’s most consistent allies, delivering weapons, training thousands of soldiers, investing in rebuilding projects, and helping create legal mechanisms to hold Russia accountable.
In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Spain’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.
A tenth agreement that mattered
This agreement was not a one‑off act. It became the tenth in a series of security agreements Ukraine began after the G7 Joint Declaration of Support in 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements in total — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation.
Yet the Spanish pact stands out because of its broad scope.
Under this agreement, Spain committed to:
Deliver weapons and military equipment
Train Ukrainian military personnel
Cooperate with Ukraine’s defense industry
Provide humanitarian support and reconstruction aid
Join sanctions and legal actions against Russia
And in 2024 alone, Spain pledged €1 billion for military aid, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s artillery, air defenses, armored forces, and maritime security.
Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and Spain’s PM Pedro Sánchez. Photo: Ukrinform
Weapons that protect lives
The first visible results came from the skies. In the spring of 2024, Spain sent batches of MIM‑104 Patriot missiles, strengthening Ukraine’s air defenses. Then in November, a full HAWK air defense battery – six launchers – arrived in Ukraine, designed to shoot down Russian missiles and drones.
On land, Spain has been no less active. Nineteen Leopard 2A4 tanks, once left unused in Zaragoza, were overhauled at the Santa Bárbara Sistemas plant. Ten of them were delivered to Ukraine in July 2024, with the rest planned for September.
Since the beginning of the full‑scale war, Spain has repaired and modernized 29 Leopard tanks for Ukraine and provided M113 armored personnel carriers. Between May 2024 and May 2025, Spain also delivered 155‑mm artillery shells, counter‑drone systems, surveillance optics, and modern combat turrets, giving Ukraine more tools to defend itself.
A Patriot air defense missile launcher. South Korean defense ministry photo.
Building a defense industry together
Spain’s assistance has not stopped with shipments. It is also helping Ukraine develop the capacity to produce and modernize its own weapons.
The Leopard tanks overhauled in 2024 are one example. At the same time, Ukrainian armored vehicles – including the Kozak‑5 – were equipped with Guardian combat modules from Spanish company Escribano Mechanical & Engineering.
In May 2025, Ukroboronprom signed a memorandum with Escribano to jointly develop weapons and localize Spanish module production inside Ukraine. Another partnership followed: Ukrainian company Praktyka signed an agreement with Spain’s Tecnove to begin licensed production of Dzura and Kozak armored vehicles in Spain, opening access to the European market.
Guardian 30 weapon system. Photo: Escribano Mechanical and Engineering (EM&E)
Financial backing through frozen Russian assets
Support has also come through the European Union, where Spain, together with other EU members, takes part in the collective effort to redirect profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine.
July 2024: the EU transferred the first tranche of €1.5 billion
By May 2025: four tranches in total, amounting to €6 billion
May 9, 2025: the EU announced another €1 billion, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry
Weapons and funding are critical, but training saves lives. Spain is part of the EU’s EUMAM mission, which has already trained more than 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers. About 7,000 of them have trained in Spain.
There, soldiers learn to operate Patriot and HAWK air defense systems, maintain artillery, and master combined‑arms tactics. Most of these programs are run at the Toledo Training Coordination Centre (TTCC).
Beyond air defense, Spain has also been training Ukrainian troops on the very equipment it has supplied since the start of the full‑scale war — from OTO Melara Mod 56 towed howitzers and Aspide air defense systems to M113 armored personnel carriers and Leopard 2A tanks.
In March 2025, Ukraine and Spain signed a new agreement to expand training, ensuring more soldiers will benefit from Spanish expertise.
Spanish Army instructors at the Toledo Training Coordination Center train Ukrainian soldiers to maintain NASAMS air defense systems. Photo: defensa.gob.es
Support beyond the battlefield
While the frontlines define much of this partnership, Spain has been active on other fronts too:
Sanctions and cyber defense: Spain supports EU sanction packages that have targeted Russia’s military industries, energy companies, and individuals involved in war crimes. It also joined the IT Coalition in September 2024, which raised €482 million to strengthen Ukraine’s secure communications and cyber defenses.
Humanitarian demining: In 2024, the demining coalition – with Spain among its members – allocated over €50 million for clearing mines. Ukraine received hundreds of specialized vehicles and equipment, and over 4,000 engineers completed NATO‑standard training. Spain added €3 million to these efforts, bringing its total to €4.5 million, and co‑funded a UNDP project using trained dogs for mine detection.
Restoring energy: Spain delivered 17 large generators, invested €4.5 million in the Ukraine Energy Support Fund, and financed a new solar power plant in Chornobyl in April 2025.
Humanitarian and reconstruction aid: Spain provided $3 million for the HEAL Ukraine healthcare project, welcomed over 150 wounded Ukrainians for medical care, and supported the creation of a rehabilitation center in Barcelona. Since 2022, Spain has delivered more than €100 million in humanitarian aid and €400 million for reconstruction.
Spain financed a new solar power plant in Chornobyl in April 2025. Photo: chnpp.gov.ua
Seeking justice
Spain has also joined two major international coalitions. The first led to the June 2025 signing of an agreement between Ukraine and the Council of Europe to establish a Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders, including Vladimir Putin, even in absentia.
The second coalition focuses on the return of deported Ukrainian children; in 2024, nearly 600 children were brought home through these joint efforts.
One year in review
From Patriot missiles to solar power, from tanks to hospitals, Spain’s support has been comprehensive and steady.
One year after that handshake in Madrid, Spain has gone far beyond promises. Its help now shows in the skies above Ukraine, on the ground in training centers, in rebuilt power plants, and in the return of Ukrainian children.
It is a partnership built on solidarity – a partnership that continues to shape Ukraine’s resilience and its hope for victory and peace.
Technology is Ukraine’s chance to win the war. This is why we’re launching theDavid vs. Goliath defense blog to support Ukrainian engineers who are creating innovative battlefield solutions and are inviting you to join us on the journey.
Our platform will showcase the Ukrainian defense tech underdogs who are Ukraine’s hope to win in the war against Russia, giving them the much-needed visibility to connect them with crucial expertise, funding, and international support. Together, we can give David the best fighting chance he has.
Join us in building this platform—become a Euromaidan Press Patron. As little as $5 monthly will boost strategic innovations that could succeed where traditional approaches have failed.
You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.
We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
A Ukrainian cyberattack on Gazprom systems has reportedly crippled the Russian state gas monopoly’s digital infrastructure, Suspilne reports, citing a source in Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence (HUR). The hackers wiped data from physical servers, cloud platforms, and all backups, targeting critical control systems that manage Russia’s gas flows, finances, and internal operations.
Gazprom, Russia’s state-controlled gas monopoly, has been central to both the Kremlin’s foreign “gas blackmail” strateg
A Ukrainian cyberattack on Gazprom systems has reportedly crippled the Russian state gas monopoly’s digital infrastructure, Suspilne reports, citing a source in Ukraine’s Defense Intelligence (HUR). The hackers wiped data from physical servers, cloud platforms, and all backups, targeting critical control systems that manage Russia’s gas flows, finances, and internal operations.
Gazprom, Russia’s state-controlled gas monopoly, has been central to both the Kremlin’s foreign “gas blackmail” strategy and war funding machine. Known as “Russia’s second budget,” it has funneled billions into state coffers. Even after sanctions slashed its revenues by trillions of rubles, Gazprom’s profits continue to support Russia’s war machine amid Moscow’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine. Thus, any disruptions in Gazprom’s operations may benefit Ukraine.
Gazprom’s entire infrastructure breached before data wipe
Suspilne reported earlier that the attack took place on 17 July. Now, Suspilne’s HUR source said Ukraine’s intelligence operatives obtained full access to all of Gazprom’s information systems, reaching a depth of penetration that the source described as “unprecedented.” The access reportedly included internal analytics, core servers, digital platforms, and user credentials from across Gazprom’s operational hierarchy.
According to Suspilne’s reporting, the operation began with full infiltration and ended with a coordinated deletion of all available data — including security systems, server control modules, and support networks that kept Gazprom’s infrastructure running.
Before erasing the systems, the hackers reportedly downloaded hundreds of terabytes of data, including over 20,000 user profiles with electronic signatures. These accounts spanned every level of Gazprom’s structure, giving Ukraine’s operatives full visibility into the gas giant’s digital framework.
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390+ Gazprom subsidiaries compromised, SCADA and GIS systems destroyed
Suspilne reports that more than 390 subsidiaries and branches were affected, including Gazprom Teplo Energo, Gazprom Obl Energo, and Gazprom Energosbyt. The breach extended into Gazprom’s SCADA and GIS systems, which control gas and oil pressure, distribution flows, well data, and infrastructure networks.
These platforms were completely wiped from both servers and cloud environments, the source said.
The HUR source also claimed that Gazprom’s financial records, tax data, contract logs, and legal documents were destroyed. Among the deleted systems were modules managing supply schedules, customer volumes, tariffs, payments, licensing, and regulatory files.
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System collapse may impact gas supply, contracts, and bank stability
The scale of the operation, Suspilne’s source stated, could lead to a partial or total collapse in Gazprom’s ability to function. Without operational systems, the state corporation may be unable to sign new contracts, manage its gas supply network, or maintain stable financial operations.
The source further suggested that the consequences could include regional disruptions to gas transport and delivery, a potential default on corporate obligations, and sharp devaluation of Gazprom’s stock, possibly triggering instability in banks that finance the energy conglomerate.
HUR source says hackers deleted all backup data using custom tools, Suspilne reports
Using custom-developed software, Ukrainian cyber operatives reportedly deleted all data stored on Gazprom’s physical servers and cloud infrastructure, including backup copies.
The attack also targeted automated control systems, administrative platforms, internal orders, official documents, and 1С server clusters, which housed corporate files for both Gazprom and its subsidiaries.
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We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
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Mark Carney en doute. Il a indiqué hier qu’il y avait actuellement peu de signes qu’il soit possible de conclure une entente commerciale avec les États-Unis qui éviterait tout droit de douane.
Le premier ministre fédéral a toutefois affirmé que son gouvernement pourrait réussir à maintenir une certaine forme de libre-échange avec les États-Unis.
Pour rappel, le gouvernement américain menace d’appliquer à compter du 1er août des droits de douane de 35% sur les produits canadiens autre
Mark Carney en doute. Il a indiqué hier qu’il y avait actuellement peu de signes qu’il soit possible de conclure une entente commerciale avec les États-Unis qui éviterait tout droit de douane.
Le premier ministre fédéral a toutefois affirmé que son gouvernement pourrait réussir à maintenir une certaine forme de libre-échange avec les États-Unis.
Pour rappel, le gouvernement américain menace d’appliquer à compter du 1er août des droits de douane de 35% sur les produits canadiens autres que ceux qui respectent l’Accord Canada-États-Unis-Mexique.
Après avoir annoncé qu’il imposerait le 1er août des droits de douane de 35% sur les produits canadiens, le président américain a lancé une menace similaire aux pays de l’Union européenne et au Mexique.
Dans leur cas, les droits seraient de 30%.
Pour les justifier, Trump a invoqué:
l’«important déficit commercial» des États-Unis avec l’UE;
le contrôle insuffisant du Mexique sur le «flux des cartels et du fentanyl».
Au Canada, le gouvernement fédéral n’a pas encore réagi.
Après avoir annoncé qu’il imposerait le 1er août des droits de douane de 35% sur les produits canadiens, le président américain a lancé une menace similaire aux pays de l’Union européenne et au Mexique.
Dans leur cas, les droits seraient de 30%.
Pour les justifier, Trump a invoqué:
l’«important déficit commercial» des États-Unis avec l’UE;
le contrôle insuffisant du Mexique sur le «flux des cartels et du fentanyl».
Au Canada, le gouvernement fédéral n’a pas encore réagi. Il doit se réunir demain.
Mark Carney doit ensuite rencontrer la semaine prochaine les premiers ministres des provinces.
Le gouvernement américain compte appliquer le 1er août des droits de douane de 35% sur les produits canadiens qui entrent aux États-Unis.
C’est ce qu’a indiqué Donald Trump dans une lettre adressée à Mark Carney, publiée hier soir sur son réseau Truth Social.
Ces tarifs s’appliqueraient indépendamment de ceux qui visent déjà le Canada.
Selon l’agence Bloomberg, ils ne s’ajouteront pas aux tarifs spécifiques.
Ils remplaceront le premier tarif annoncé, de 25%.
Trump a pré
The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) delivered a landmark ruling on 9 July, finding Russia responsible for widespread human rights violations during its war against Ukraine and the 2014 downing of Malaysia Airlines flight MH17.
Why does this matter? It’s the first time an international court has held Moscow accountable for human rights violations since Russia’s invasion began in 2014.
The case combined four separate legal challenges into one massive proceeding. Ukraine filed complaint
The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) delivered a landmark ruling on 9 July, finding Russia responsible for widespread human rights violations during its war against Ukraine and the 2014 downing of Malaysia Airlines flight MH17.
Why does this matter? It’s the first time an international court has held Moscow accountable for human rights violations since Russia’s invasion began in 2014.
The case combined four separate legal challenges into one massive proceeding. Ukraine filed complaints about systematic abuses in occupied Donetsk and Luhansk, including something particularly disturbing: the kidnapping of children from orphanages and their deportation to Russia. The Netherlands joined with its own application over MH17. Then Ukraine added a fourth complaint covering violations since the 2022 full-scale invasion.
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What did the court actually find? The Russian violations include:
killings of civilians and Ukrainian soldiers
torture
arbitrary detention
forced displacement through so-called “filtration” camps
systematic suppression of the Ukrainian language.
But here’s what makes this ruling unprecedented: 26 countries and an international organization joined as third parties. That level of international backing is extraordinary.
Ukrainian judge Mykola Hnatovskyi put it bluntly: this is “probably the largest and most important case in the entire history of the ECHR.”
Ukraine’s lawyers forge unprecedented international case against Russia for decade
Behind this landmark ruling lies years of painstaking legal work. Marharyta Sokorenko, the Commissioner for ECHR Affairs at Ukraine’s Justice Ministry, called the case “the culmination of a long and thorny path of fierce legal confrontation for law and truth.”
How grueling was the process? Sokorenko described it as “the result of more than ten years of complex work, sometimes ‘on the edge’ and ‘this is the last time,’ by the entire team.” She added that Ukrainian lawyers “were pioneers in forming the interstate lawsuit and evidence base.”
For the legal team, this wasn’t just another case. “For each of us, this case goes far beyond official duties,” Sokorenko wrote on Facebook ahead of the ruling.
Russia missile attack killed 298 people in MH17 air crash
On 17 July 2014, Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 was traveling from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur when it was shot down over eastern Ukraine by a Russian-supplied Buk missile. All 298 passengers and crew members died, including 196 Dutch nationals—making it one of the deadliest aviation disasters in Dutch history.
The human cost extends far beyond the immediate tragedy. A decade later, research by Professor Jos de Keijser from the University of Groningen reveals that one in eight families of the victims still struggle with severe, chronic grief. These survivors face insomnia, depression, PTSD, and concentration problems that persist years after the disaster.
Local workers transport a piece of wreckage from Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 at the site of the plane crash near the village of Hrabove in Donetsk Oblast, eastern Ukraine 20 November 2014. Credit: REUTERS/Antonio Bronic/File Photo
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Decade after MH17 disaster: 1 in 8 families of victims still grapple with severe grief
Russia controlled part of Ukraine where plane was hit
For nearly a decade, families of the 298 people killed when MH17 was shot down over eastern Ukraine waited for justice. Now they have it—sort of.
The European court determined Russia was responsible for downing the Malaysia Airlines flight on 17 July 2014. This marks the first international judicial finding holding Russia accountable for the disaster.
Putin. MH17: The blood on his hands. (Political cartoon by Ramirez, 2014)
How solid is the evidence? A Joint Investigation Team from five countries spent years building the case. Last November, a Dutch court sentenced three men to life imprisonment: Russians Igor Girkin-Strelkov and Sergey Dubinsky, plus Ukrainian citizen Leonid Kharchenko. They remain out of prison because Russia has refused to extradite its citizens. The court also ordered over €16 million in compensation to victims’ families.
Igor Girkin-Strelkov is a Russian former intelligence officer and military commander who led pro-Russian separatist forces in eastern Ukraine and was sentenced to life imprisonment by a Dutch court for his role in the MH17 downing.
Crucially, during that verdict reading, The Hague District Court also recognized that Russia controlled the self-proclaimed “Donetsk People’s Republic” from at least May 2014—months before MH17 was destroyed.
Netherlands Defense Minister Ruben Brekelmans called the ECHR decision “an important step toward justice.”
“The suffering of the relatives of MH-17 is immense, intensified by Russia’s denial. Now the European Court confirms what we have known for 10 years: Russia is responsible. Ihopeitcontributestoprocessingthegrief,” Brekelmans wrote.
Russia denies involvement. But the evidence trail led investigators to conclude Moscow’s control began well before the tragedy occurred.
Court recognizes Russia wants to destroy Ukraine
The court ordered Russia:
to release all people illegally detained in occupied territories
cooperate in creating an international mechanism to identify kidnapped children and return them to their families.
Will Russia comply? History suggests no. Moscow has ignored international court rulings before.
But Ukraine’s Justice Ministry sees this differently. They called the ruling “unprecedented” and noted the court satisfied nearly all government complaints. More importantly, the court recognized something Ukrainian officials have argued for years: Russia is conducting “a targeted campaign to destroy the Ukrainian state as a subject of international law.”
The ministry went further, stating that the court found “Russia’s aggression is not limited to Ukraine—it is a global threat that questions the very idea of coexistence of states in the legal field. In particular, Russia demonstrates hostility toward other member states of the Council of Europe.”
Ukrainian judge Hnatovskyi explained why this case stands apart: “No previous conflicts examined showed such unanimous condemnation by the international community of the respondent state’s flagrant disregard for the principles of international legal order established after World War II.”
What’s the broader significance? This ruling doesn’t just address past violations—it creates legal precedent for holding Russia accountable for systematic human rights abuses. The question now is whether international pressure can translate into meaningful consequences for Moscow’s actions.
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ICAO acknowledges Russia’s responsibility for shooting down flight MH17
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We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society.
Become a patron or see other ways to support.
Le président américain avait demandé en février à son gouvernement d’enquêter sur les risques de l’importation de cuivre sur la sécurité nationale des États-Unis.
Il soutenait que le «déversement de cuivre étranger» avait fortement réduit la production américaine.
Le Canada, qui est le deuxième exportateur de cuivre vers les États-Unis, serait visé par ce nouveau tarif.
Pour contexte, le cuivre est un métal jugé «critique» parce qu’il est utilisé dans les réseaux de télécommun
Le président américain avait demandé en février à son gouvernement d’enquêter sur les risques de l’importation de cuivre sur la sécurité nationale des États-Unis.
Il soutenait que le «déversement de cuivre étranger» avait fortement réduit la production américaine.
Le Canada, qui est le deuxième exportateur de cuivre vers les États-Unis, serait visé par ce nouveau tarif.
Pour contexte, le cuivre est un métal jugé «critique» parce qu’il est utilisé dans les réseaux de télécommunications et pour construire des appareils électroniques et véhicules électriques.
Le gouvernement Carney a décidé d’annuler la taxe sur les services numériques pour «faire progresser» les négociations commerciales avec les États-Unis.
Donald Trump avait annoncé vendredi qu’il mettait fin aux négociations en invoquant l’entrée en vigueur de la taxe canadienne.
Après son annulation, le gouvernement canadien et le gouvernement américain ont chacun indiqué que les négociations allaient pouvoir reprendre.
Ottawa et Washington prévoient de conclure un accord comme
Le gouvernement Carney a décidé d’annuler la taxe sur les services numériques pour «faire progresser» les négociations commerciales avec les États-Unis.
Donald Trump avait annoncé vendredi qu’il mettait fin aux négociations en invoquant l’entrée en vigueur de la taxe canadienne.
Après son annulation, le gouvernement canadien et le gouvernement américain ont chacun indiqué que les négociations allaient pouvoir reprendre.
Ottawa et Washington prévoient de conclure un accord commercial avant le 21 juillet.
En réponse à l’entrée en vigueur aujourd’hui de la taxe canadienne sur les services numériques, le président américain a indiqué qu’il mettait fin aux négociations commerciales en cours avec le gouvernement fédéral.
Trump menace par ailleurs d’imposer de nouveaux tarifs douaniers aux entreprises canadiennes.
La taxe sur les services numériques est une redevance de 3% que les géants numériques comme Google, Meta et Apple doivent à compter d’aujourd’hui payer sur certains de leurs rev
En réponse à l’entrée en vigueur aujourd’hui de la taxe canadienne sur les services numériques, le président américain a indiqué qu’il mettait fin aux négociations commerciales en cours avec le gouvernement fédéral.
Trump menace par ailleurs d’imposer de nouveaux tarifs douaniers aux entreprises canadiennes.
La taxe sur les services numériques est une redevance de 3% que les géants numériques comme Google, Meta et Apple doivent à compter d’aujourd’hui payer sur certains de leurs revenus au Canada.
Cette taxe s’applique de manière rétroactive sur leurs revenus réalisés au pays depuis 2022.
Le secrétaire américain au Trésor Scott Bessent a en premier annoncé que les pays membres du G7 avaient accepté d’affranchir les multinationales américaines du taux d’imposition mondial minimum de 15%.
Le G7 a confirmé samedi dans un communiqué qu’une entente avait été trouvée.
Cette entente propose d’exempter d’impôt minimum mondial «les groupes ayant une société mère américaine» au motif qu’ils s’acquittent déjà d’impôts similaires aux États-Unis.
L’exemption concernerait le
Le secrétaire américain au Trésor Scott Bessent a en premier annoncé que les pays membres du G7 avaient accepté d’affranchir les multinationales américaines du taux d’imposition mondial minimum de 15%.
Le G7 a confirmé samedi dans un communiqué qu’une entente avait été trouvée.
Cette entente propose d’exempter d’impôt minimum mondial «les groupes ayant une société mère américaine» au motif qu’ils s’acquittent déjà d’impôts similaires aux États-Unis.
L’exemption concernerait leurs bénéfices réalisés aux États-Unis et à l’étranger.
Connexion
