On the morning of 30 August, I went to a central Lviv branch of Silpo, a Ukrainian supermarket chain operated by Fozzy Group. It had run out of buckwheat, peas, pearl barley, and other dry goods.

Telegram reports from Lviv showed partially empty shelves at other supermarkets as shoppers stocked up on flour, salt, and cereals. Similar gaps appeared in Kharkiv, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Vinnytsia. Russian strikes have also damaged some of Ukraine's largest wine warehouses, raising the prospect of shortages of wine and other alcoholic beverages.

As replacement space runs short, the state has stepped in: on 4 September, on Zelenskyy's order, oblast military administrations switched to round-the-clock operation, opening a single window for businesses and forming working groups to find them relocation sites and connect utilities, deputy Head of the President's office Viktor Mykyta said.

Overall, Russia has destroyed about 90% of Ukraine's modern storage—including 80% of the refrigerated warehouses around Kyiv—faster than it can be rebuilt. So retailers, parcel carriers, and now the government are scrambling to replace one centralized system with dozens of scattered sites. Whether they can do it before winter, and at what cost to prices, is the question now hanging over the country's food supply.

Replacement warehouses become new targets

Each time a company disperses its stock to survive, the new sites become the next targets. Russia hit a warehouse used by Fora, a nationwide "store next door" Ukrainian grocery chain, four days after the company began using it—the third strike on Fora's logistics in 22 days, and the chain had only just spread its stock across several warehouses to reduce exactly this risk. Another warehouse added during that rebuilding was destroyed on 20 August, one week after Fora began using it.

The same pattern caught Ukraine's largest private parcel carrier Nova Poshta: lost its most advanced robotic fulfillment center and a sorting depot in Sviatopetrivske near Kyiv overnight on 28 August and is now doing what Fora did—pushing stock out to its local branches, according to CEO Yevhen Tafiichuk's Facebook statement. "Nova Poshta's cargo and postal branches across the country are becoming local warehouses," he wrote.

Clients' stock will be divided among those locations, reducing dependence on a few large centers. Nova Poshta is also contacting publishers and shops whose books were destroyed and will compensate them for their losses, Tafiichuk said.

And it continues daily. On 29–30 August alone, Russian strikes hit PepsiCo, an Auchan warehouse, and food stores in Odesa Oblast.

The Agriculture Ministry told Euromaidan Press that Ukrainian farms continued to supply the domestic market in full and that the country faced no danger of famine. Individual supermarket chains could nevertheless carry a narrower selection.

Fozzy freezes office hiring

Fora's parent company, the Fozzy chain of wholesale supermarkets, told Forbes Ukraine that ten of its distribution centers had been damaged during August. Rebuilding delivery routes and restoring supplies had substantially increased logistics costs.

The increased costs have hit company development. Fozzy has frozen office hiring and canceled its planned autumn salary review for office employees. However, recruitment for supermarkets, warehouses, and production continues. The company will reconsider the restrictions once its financial results and cash flow become clearer.

Replacement storage falls short

Kyiv's commercial warehouse space had returned to prewar levels by the end of 2025. Yet only 2.5% was vacant at the end of June 2026, according to Yaroslav Horbushko's August assessment. Horbushko, an executive at commercial property consultancy Expandia, said a business seeking a 10,000-square-meter warehouse could not find one because only scattered smaller premises remained available.

Available refrigerated storage in and around Kyiv could replace only 20–30% of the refrigerated space destroyed by Russian attacks, Investment Programs Bureau CEO Oleksandr Bondarenko estimated on 11 August. He put the destroyed space at 80,000–100,000 square meters, compared with 20,000–30,000 square meters still available to rent.

The destroyed warehouses kept meat, dairy products, fruit, and vegetables chilled before delivery to shops. Even a small new refrigerated terminal would take six to twelve months to build.

Logistics company Global Ocean Link outlined one option on 17 August: keeping some imported stock in Central European warehouses and bringing it into Ukraine in smaller batches. Factories can also bypass distribution centers and deliver directly to shops. However, three-quarters of Ukrainian dairy producers lack enough vehicles and staff to supply individual stores across large retail networks, said Arsen Didur, executive director of the Union of Dairy Enterprises of Ukraine.

Export bottleneck strains grain storage

A separate shortage is developing in the storage of crops awaiting export. The Agriculture Ministry expects Ukraine to harvest approximately 84 million tonnes of grain and oilseeds this season—far more than the country consumes—while civilian agricultural exports through deepwater sea routes have stopped completely following intensified attacks on ports and warehouses.

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Alternative routes carried approximately 1.5 million tonnes of agricultural products in August, only 33% of the estimated requirement, the ministry told Euromaidan Press. Grain shipments reached 822,000 tonnes, or 21% of potential export demand.

Even if fully expanded, the Danube ports, railways, and roads could carry no more than half of the required export volume. Slower exports could leave Ukraine short of storage for 11 million tonnes of agricultural products by November.

The government is seeking temporary storage capacity. With international donors, it is also providing large polymer sleeves to farmers whose warehouses have been damaged in nine oblasts. The sleeves allow crops to be stored temporarily at individual farms.

Who pays for new routes?

Bondarenko's cost estimates suggest that replacing one large refrigerated warehouse with several smaller facilities could increase logistics costs by 10–15%. He estimated that the smaller sites would collectively require 60–70 workers, compared with 20–30 at one large automated warehouse, as well as additional loading and sorting equipment.

Some retail chains were demanding that manufacturers cover all logistics risks, according to Didur's RBC-Ukraine interview. He warned that suppliers could seek other sales channels if those demands spread.

Ukrainian supermarket chain VARUS, the fifth-largest on the Ukrainian market, said it was trying to absorb additional logistics costs. Higher delivery costs would not automatically raise shelf prices by the same percentage, the chain said, because purchasing costs, exchange rates, and other factors also influence what shoppers pay.

Shops remain open, and the ministry sees no famine threat. The lasting damage appears in the capacity and money consumed by each workaround: more workers and vehicles, smaller shipments, deferred hiring and salary reviews, and fewer warehouses available when the next strike comes.

In the pessimistic scenario, producers would refuse to work under the new logistics rules and prefer going down the export route, which would lead to a stable deficit of goods on the shelves of Ukrainian supermarkets by October-November, Bondarenko assessed.

But from a broader perspective, if the pace of Russian strikes continues, Ukrainian businesses could be forced to close or relocate their production facilities to neighboring Romania, Slovakia, and Poland—leading to losses in employment and taxes to the Ukrainian budget, he added.

Ukraine's assault regiments, the troops built to storm trenches, have taken on a new role in 2026, reaching far into the Russian rear with their own strike drones, according to a feature by Ukrainska Pravda. Two of them merged their drone teams into a single experimental command and now plan deep strikes and ground assaults together, hitting the roads that feed Russian forces before the infantry moves.

Through 2026, Ukraine has turned drones into a way to choke the logistics that keep the invasion moving, backed by dedicated funding aimed squarely at the enemy's rear. The shift now under way puts that reach in the hands of the units doing the ground fighting, so the same troops who storm a position can first starve it from dozens of kilometers away.

Assault troops with a long reach

For most of the war, deep strikes behind the front belonged to specialized drone units. That is changing. The 475th Separate Assault Regiment, known as CODE 9.2, was possibly one of the first non-specialist units to run mid-strikes, flights by medium-range attack drones that hit targets 50 to 150 kilometers past the front.

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Then CODE 9.2 and the 1st Separate Assault Regiment named after Dmytro Kotsiubailo built a joint command for multidomain operations, code-named Phalanx (Falanha), so they could plan and strike as one. Before that center existed, each unit fought its own stretch of front at its own pace. In plain terms, ground units now own part of the fight far beyond their own trenches.

Drones go in before the infantry

Reporters watched a soldier follow a live feed from a mid-strike drone called Darts as it flew over occupied Zaporizhzhia Oblast toward the Tokmak–Melitopol road, one of three the report calls key for Russian forces on that stretch. Crews log every flight in Ukraine's Delta battlefield system. When several drones go down in one area, an analyst reroutes the next ones around Russian air defenses. The goal is to wear down the enemy's supply before the infantry ever advances.

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Where the shift began

CODE 9.2 launched its first mid-strikes at the end of 2025, during the Kupiansk operation, its commander Oleksandr Nastenko, call sign Flint, recalled. In the interview, the two commanders trace the center back to a build-up of heavy bomber drones, then a plan to isolate the enemy's transport and supply. For assault units, that kind of reach is recent. The regiments had already worked together earlier in 2026 to strike Russian routes into occupied Crimea, hitting bridges and trucks that keep the peninsula fed.

Ukrainian troops say they have trapped about 2,500 Russian soldiers on the Kinburn Spit. Systematic drone strikes and remote mining have let them cut the Russian supply lines and destroy almost all of Russia's artillery on the spit, scouts told Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty's "Crimea.Realities" project.

The Kinburn Spit is a narrow sandy peninsula about 40 kilometers long, between the Dnipro-Buh Estuary and the Black Sea, the last part of Mykolaiv Oblast that Russia has held since 2022. Whoever controls the spit controls the sea exit from the ports, which is why Moscow kept artillery there to shell the southern coast, said former Head of the Mykolaiv Regional State Administration Vitali Kim.

Now, the troops say, Russia can reach the coastal zone of Mykolaiv Oblast only with long-range guns from occupied Kherson Oblast.

Supply runs through a single corridor

The Russian force has one way in — a single land route Ukrainian troops keep under fire, from Zaliznyi Port through Heroiske.

"Our task here is to neutralize everything that drives onto the Kinburn Spit. Since we started destroying Russian troops at a rapid pace, they cannot bring in anything effective," reconnaissance unit commander with the call sign "Yava" explained.

A scout calls the spit a trap

Intercepts show panic among the Russian units, the troops say.

"In the intercepts, they're screaming that they can't do logistics, that they don't want to go in, because it's death. The road is cut, and they have very little ammunition. The spit is a trap for them," the scout said.

Mining the supply routes is the main method

The problem, the troops say, is that the occupiers disguise themselves as civilians, changing into civilian clothes, which places limits on when Ukrainian soldiers can strike. The main method is catching the Russians on logistics by mining their routes.

"A vehicle hit a mine that was dropped maybe a week ago, maybe yesterday. The first thing is cutting Russia's logistics — the vehicles, the resupply by quad bikes and motorcycles," deputy reconnaissance company commander with the call sign "Holova" explained.

Russian attacks have destroyed about 90% of Ukraine’s modern facilities for storing goods, significantly disrupting the country’s retail logistics, Ukraine’s Agriculture Minister Taras Vysotskyi said on 28 August, according to Interfax-Ukraine.

Russia has increasingly targeted Ukraine’s civilian commercial and logistics infrastructure in recent weeks, striking warehouses, distribution centers, hypermarkets, postal terminals and other facilities that keep goods moving through the country. The campaign has damaged supply chains and forced businesses to find more expensive and vulnerable ways to store and deliver products.

Vysotskyi said the destruction does not pose a threat of famine, but warned that continued Russian attacks on logistics infrastructure could affect the range of products available in Ukrainian stores. Supermarkets in Kyiv have already seen widespread empty shelves in recent weeks.

Retailers forced to change how goods are delivered

The destruction of warehouses has forced retailers to change how they move products around the country, with deliveries increasingly being made “from the wheels” rather than through conventional storage and distribution facilities, Vysotskyi said.

Such logistics are more complicated and expensive, he said, while some companies have begun relocating their operations to other areas. Russian attacks, however, have also reached some of the relocated facilities.

The comments come as Russia has increasingly targeted commercial and logistics infrastructure across Ukraine. In recent days, Russian drones have struck warehouses, hypermarkets, postal terminals and shopping centers, including in Kyiv, Kyiv Oblast, Kharkiv and Zaporizhzhia.

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No threat of famine, minister says

Despite the scale of the destruction, Vysotskyi stressed that Ukraine does not face a food shortage severe enough to threaten the population with famine.

The main impact is expected to be on logistics, availability and the range of goods offered in stores. With fewer storage facilities, retailers have less capacity to stock products and must rely more heavily on direct deliveries.

The shift can also increase costs because goods have to move more frequently and over potentially longer routes without the buffer provided by large distribution centers.

Calls for risk-sharing after Russian strikes

Vysotskyi also called for a system to distribute the financial risks when Russian attacks destroy goods somewhere along the supply chain.

He said these losses currently fall within private contractual relationships between businesses, with the state not acting as an operator in the supply chain. In his view, the risks should be shared more fairly between companies involved in supplying and selling products.

He said such a system would not necessarily mean splitting losses equally. Different products have different margins, sales conditions and profitability, so the share of risk should depend on the specific product and terms of cooperation.

Russia’s attacks on storage and distribution infrastructure are therefore creating effects far beyond the facilities themselves. Damage to the supply chain can change what products reach stores, increase the cost of getting them there, and make Ukraine’s retail system more vulnerable to further strikes.

Belarus is fitting a new base near its border with Ukraine to receive heavy military hardware by rail, according to Radio Svaboda, the Belarus service of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. On paper it is a training ground—but the leaked design documents describe a site built to unload trainloads of vehicles. The work is moving ahead even as Belarusian commanders have begun saying there is no real threat from the West.

Belarus keeps adding permanent military infrastructure on its Ukrainian frontier even as its own commanders now drop the Western-threat case behind it.

A rail line sized for military trains

Construction is under way near the village of Yakimaŭka in Homiel Oblast, the part of Belarus that runs along Ukraine's northern edge. Radio Svaboda reported that the new rail infrastructure is designed to receive military trains. The finding rests on project documents obtained by a community of Belarusian railway workers.

The papers describe a separate access track sized for up to 60 railcars and a cargo platform with a ramp for unloading wheeled and tracked vehicles. A state military-design institute, Vaenpraekt, is listed as the client.

A base for a new assault brigade

The papers pin the range only to Homiel Oblast, but Radio Svaboda links it to a wider military complex built near Homiel since late 2023. That complex is the planned home of the 37th separate air-assault brigade of Belarus's Special Operations Forces. Cadastral maps split it into an eastern "military town" and a western "training-tactical field."

Alyaksandr Lukashenka's government created the brigade in 2025 to strengthen the country's southern sector, ostensibly against a threat from Ukraine. Part of the military town was reported finished in June 2026, and crews have since moved to the rail tracks.

Belarus drops its own threat talk

For months, Belarusian officials have claimed the West was preparing to attack. In June 2026, the Minister of Defense of Belarus Viktar Khrenin pressed the line at a meeting of defense ministers from the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Moscow, and again at an "anti-fascist congress" in Minsk, where he accused Europeans of a "Nazi mentality."

Khrenin told Lukashenka the situation around Belarus was calm, with no sign that neighbors were preparing to act. On 16 August, the commander of Belarus's air force and air defense, Andrei Lukyanovich, said there was no external threat and that operational contacts with Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland were ongoing.

The Technological Forces of Ukraine have presented a strike drone built to cut Russian logistics. The new fixed-wing Baton is designed to hit firing positions, supply routes, and other targets at tactical depth, out to 90 kilometers, according to the association's announcement.

Everything Russian troops eat, fire, and drive reaches them by road and train. Ukraine has pushed cumulative Russian motor-transport losses past 100,000 vehicles by working that ground, destroying 483 in a single day on 29 May, the highest daily figure since February 2022. Baton is built for that band.

The numbers come from the association

Baton carries three kilograms over a stated range of up to 90 kilometers, stays airborne for 50 minutes, and cruises at 105 kilometers per hour, with a maximum of 140 kilometers per hour, according to the announcement. Its working altitude ranges from 150 to 500 meters, with a ceiling of 1,500 meters.

Eight airframes fit in one pickup, launch comes from a catapult under ground-station control, and preparation takes about 15 minutes, the association said.

Autonomy takes over at two kilometers

The drone locks onto a target and flies to it automatically from up to 2 kilometers away and at altitudes up to 500 meters, the association said. That final stretch is where Russian jamming would otherwise break the link.

Depending on the version, it carries analog or digital video, communicates over LTE or Starlink, and navigates a route autonomously with real-time positioning, according to the announcement.

Two figures do not sit together

Fifty minutes at the stated cruising speed covers roughly 87 kilometers. The 90-kilometer range is therefore a one-way distance at near-full endurance rather than an operating radius.

Earlier, a Ukrainian drone maker pitched a weapon that functions like a mortar, rather than a drone. F-Drones unveiled the F5, a compact five-inch strike FPV built for assault units working treelines, built-up areas, and position support at short range.

Russian propagandists filmed the target for Ukraine themselves. Operators of Ukraine's 422nd Separate Unmanned Systems Regiment "Luftwaffe", part of the 17th Army Corps, have destroyed a Russian logistics hub that occupation forces had set up inside a former Epicentr hardware store in occupied Melitopol, regiment commander Major Mykola Kolesnyk told Army TV.

Melitopol sits on Russia's land corridor to occupied Crimea. The city was occupied on the second day of Russia's full-scale war in 2022.

Russian occupation forces had moved a large consignment of generators and other equipment into the building for military use. Russian state television broadcast footage of the delivery.

Propaganda footage exposed the shipment

The video gave the regiment its confirmation. Russian channels posted footage showing many generators that had not been there before, Kolesnyk said, that had been brought in deliberately.

"The hub was used, above all, to supply the people fighting directly against us, as their forward positions are not far from there. Calling it a civilian facility would be a considerable stretch, because this really was a hub whose services were used directly by Russian troops," Kolesnyk explained.

Operators tracked the target before striking

The regiment watched the site before hitting it, and no civilian was harmed, according to Kolesnyk. He set the operation against the Russian strike on Kryvyi Rih on 21 August, when two waves of drones, half an hour apart, killed 16 people and injured 130, including 23 children.

The UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine visited the site and a hospital and said the shopping center was operational and full of civilians when it was struck, and that the attack appears to breach international humanitarian law.

Generators feed the drone war

The hub's destruction will narrow Russian capacity to equip shelters, Kolesnyk said. The generators mattered for a more specific reason.

"A generator is what makes it possible to charge batteries for the unmanned component that then flies at us. So it is an absolutely legitimate target, and I am sure we will not stop here," the commander added.

Ukrainian drones struck a logistics complex belonging to Russian online retailer Ozon in Orenburg on 23 August, the second Ozon warehouse hit in two days, monitoring Telegram channels reported. The site sits about 1,200 km from the war zone, near Russia's border with Kazakhstan. Hours earlier, a large fire tore through a separate warehouse outside St. Petersburg, roughly 900 km north of Ukraine, though local authorities declared no drone or missile threat.

Drones hit Russia's biggest Ozon warehouse

Ukrainian monitoring channel Exilenova+ published video of the strike moment, after which a fire took hold on the site. Independent Russian outlet Astra analyzed eyewitness footage showing an emergency vehicle racing toward the depot. The complex spans more than 200,000 m² and was designed to hold over 31 million items, ranking among Ozon's biggest in Russia.

The warehouse stands inside the city's special economic zone, a tax-favored industrial park on the eastern edge of European Russia. The first phase opened in August 2024, and a second building followed in 2025.

Orenburg mayor Albert Yumadilov claimed several drones were downed over the special economic zone and that debris fell on the Ozon complex, starting a fire that crews quickly put out with no one hurt. 

Ozon confirmed the strike, saying it evacuated more than 300 workers, pulled its goods from the marketplace and stopped taking new deliveries while the site sat idle. 

A second fire near St. Petersburg, with no air-raid alert

Overnight, a large blaze hit a warehouse in the Kolpino area south of St. Petersburg. Astra established that the warehouse stood about 350 m from an Ozon site, and witnesses said they heard no drones or air defense. Ukrainian Telegram channel Exile+ identified the burning facility as a storage warehouse run by Logistera.

Part of a widening campaign on Russian marketplace logistics

The Orenburg hit followed the first-ever Ozon strike a day earlier, at a warehouse in Chapaevsk, Samara Oblast. Before turning to Ozon, Ukrainian drones had struck more than 10 warehouses belonging to the larger Russian marketplace Wildberries. Such marketplace hubs move not only consumer goods but dual-use items like electronics and drone components that can reach Russia's military.

The 1st Corps of Ukraine's National Guard, known as Azov, says it destroyed 67 Russian fuel tanks holding 4,221 tons of fuel in occupied Donetsk Oblast, in an operation it named Hell-2. The unit released video of the strikes on 17 August, saying it had spent a month tracking where Russian forces moved and stored the fuel before hitting it.

Fuel is the blood of Russia's war, which is why its forces increasingly hide storage sites and route deliveries through improvised logistics hubs. Strikes on those hubs strip Russian units of what they need to move, supply, and fight. There have already been cases of Russian forces concealing fuel in grain trucks in occupied territories.

Azov warned the Russian forces before the strike

Azov says it flagged the fuel sites a month before hitting them, and struck when the Russians kept using them anyway.

“A month ago, we warned the occupier: ‘Azov sees your movements and will strike at the right moment.’ But some units of the Russian Armed Forces continued to store fuel in occupied Donetsk Oblast,” Azov said.

Azov emphasizes that it does not attack civilian gas stations or civilians. The operation targeted facilities used to supply Russian occupation forces. At the same time, according to Azov fighters, Russian military infrastructure remains a legitimate target.

The Russians didn’t get the message the first time

Hell-2 is likely a follow-up to the Hell operation, during which the first series of strikes, Azov also targeted the fuel logistics of Russian forces in occupied Donetsk Oblast.

On 12 July, Azov reported striking a secret Russian fuel base in Novoamvrosiivka. Drone operators from the 1st Azov Corps of the National Guard conducted reconnaissance and used Hornet drones to strike the facility. The strikes damaged fuel tanks and the base’s infrastructure and blocked the railway track.

According to the report, the Russians used the facility as a logistics hub to supply their occupation forces. After the strike, they were forced to abandon the base and move their logistics operations from the occupied territory into Russia.

Ukraine has knocked out seven of the 10 largest logistics hubs run by Russia's biggest online retailer, the US-based Institute for the Study of War assessed. The strikes are part of a campaign to wear down Russia's defense industry and the dual-use supply lines that feed its war. The newest raids hit two warehouses near Moscow overnight.

Two hubs near Moscow burned overnight

On 15-16 August, Ukrainian drones struck Wildberries' single largest hub, a 250,000-square-meter depot in the Koledino Industrial Park in Podolsk, Moscow Oblast. Ukraine's Defense Ministry reported the hit, about 420 kilometers from the border.

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Wildberries confirmed the fire and said it had to reorganize its supply chains. Moscow Oblast Governor Andrei Vorobyov acknowledged the strike, and geolocated footage showed the depot ablaze.

Drones also hit a second warehouse the same night, in Domodedovo, roughly 430 kilometers from the border. Footage showed a fire at the Severnoye Domodedovo complex.

Why the warehouses are targets

Ukrainian officials say Wildberries helps supply the Russian military, moving drone components and navigation gear. Kyiv folded the retailer into a deep-strike campaign that began in mid-July.

The company is Russia's answer to Amazon, its largest online marketplace. Its sprawling depots make broad, hard-to-defend targets.

The damage keeps growing

By early August, the strikes had destroyed at least 1.18 million square meters of Wildberries storage, about a fifth of its capacity, ISW noted. The toll has climbed since.

The losses ripple outward to independent sellers who rent space in the hubs. Many have watched their stock burn with no compensation.

A drone hit a major Wildberries warehouse at Koledino near Moscow overnight on 16 August 2026 and set it ablaze, Moscow Oblast Governor Andrey Vorobyov said. Vorobyov described the overnight swarm as “one of the most massive drone attacks in recent times.”

It comes amid an expanding Ukrainian campaign against Wildberries, Russia's largest online retailer with a vast network of warehouses and logistics centers, that has reached warehouses from Moscow Oblast to the Urals. Ukrainian authorities say Wildberries facilities are used to supply components for Russian drone production and navigation equipment, making them part of Russia’s wartime logistics network.

The Koledino fire puts a major part of Wildberries’ storage and sorting capacity at risk. At about 250,000 square meters, the complex is one of the retailer’s largest logistics hubs. Ukrainian sources say the marketplace has moved drone parts and other military-linked goods. Wildberries denies supporting Russia’s military. 

Wildberries’ parent company, RWB, confirmed the fire, saying workers had been evacuated and deliveries rerouted. 

Unlike the 28 July fire at Koledino industrial park, the latest blaze was confirmed at Wildberries’ own Koledino warehouse. Initial reports in July had also pointed to Wildberries, but open-source investigators later identified the burning building as a neighboring warehouse run by a third-party logistics company.

A second fire broke out at Warehouse No. 15 in MLP Severnoye Domodedovo, a multimodal logistics complex near one of Moscow’s main airports. Vorobyov said the warehouse stores medications.

Vorobyov claimed an 83-year-old man was killed after a drone fell on a private home in the Ramenskoye district, while at least six other people were injured across the region.

Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin claimed that Russian air defenses destroyed 201 drones approaching the region.

Ukraine confirms Wildberries warehouse was targeted

Ukraine’s Defense Ministry confirmed that the Wildberries logistics hub in the Koledino industrial park was put out of operation during the overnight drone attack.

The ministry said the facility, which covered 250,000 square meters, was Wildberries’ largest warehouse by area. It also said Ukraine has now disabled seven of the company’s 10 largest logistics centers.

Ukraine’s campaign against Wildberries keeps growing

Ukraine’s campaign against Wildberries began on 18 July 2026, when drones struck warehouses in Elektrostal and Kotovsk. Reported attacks have since reached the retailer’s sites across Russia, including a newly opened hub near Voronezh and a warehouse in Tver targeted three times in two weeks.

By 14 August, Agentstvo had counted fires at more than 20 Wildberries sites. The sustained attacks had already prompted Wildberries to prohibit warehouse workers from bringing smartphones to work, citing concerns that photos and videos taken during drone alerts could pose a security risk. 

The effects on Russia’s economy

The number and geographic spread of Ukraine’s strikes have put sustained pressure on the retailer’s nationwide warehouse network and Russia’s economy at large. 

Earlier fires destroyed goods belonging to independent sellers, The Moscow Times reported. Wildberries said it was considering compensation, although its contracts do not require the company to cover losses caused by drone attacks. 

In response to Ukraine’s strikes, the company has also reportedly sought additional storage in Kazakhstan, giving local warehouse operators greater leverage as it tries to replace capacity lost in Russia.

The physical disruption was followed on 15 August by a Ukrainian cyberattack targeting Wildberries’ payment and customer service systems. The hackers said customers could not make payments or reach the company through its main online support channel. 

Ukraine has hit Russia's biggest marketplace in cyberspace as well as with drones. Cyber specialists disrupted Wildberries' operations across Russia, Ukraine's Defense Ministry's Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR) reports.

Ukraine says that Wildberries is not ordinary commerce but a piece of Russia's war logistics. According to the military command, the network moves military-related goods, and President Zelenskyy has said Russia uses the platform to bring in sanctioned drone components, which is why Ukraine has spent weeks burning its warehouses and now strikes its servers.

HUR reports that on 10 and 11 August, specialists from the Cyber Corps community attacked Wildberries' digital infrastructure, causing failures in its payment and customer service systems.

The attack hit payments and support

The disruption struck where customers feel it. Because of the problems with the payment infrastructure, users complained they could not complete certain transactions.

For a platform whose whole value is the frictionless movement of goods and money, a payment system that will not process transactions is a direct hit to the business.

The strain spread to customer service. At the same time, the load on the support service rose, causing failures in the contact centers, so the attack degraded both the ability to pay and the ability to get help across Russia.

It pairs with the warehouse strikes

In July, Ukrainian drones destroyed eight Wildberries warehouses, about 15.4% of the marketplace's storage.

Pairing strikes on physical infrastructure with Ukrainian cyber operations strengthens the pressure on the company, HUR assessed.

The logic is to squeeze the same target from two directions at once: burn the warehouses that store the goods, then disable the systems that move them to customers, so damage in one domain amplifies damage in the other.

Earlier, Ukraine hit the Progress Rocket Space Center in Samara, which builds Soyuz-2 rockets used to launch Rassvet, Russia’s planned alternative to Starlink.

Drones have pushed armored vehicles off the roads to Ukraine's front line, a Ukrainian brigade commander told RBC-Ukraine. Denys Perch, who commands the 107th Territorial Defense Brigade, says the drone-saturated belt has grown so deep that pickups no longer reach forward positions. The one enemy weapon his jammers can't touch is the fiber-optic drone.

The war has become a contest over who can pull people off the battlefield fastest, as cheap drones make any human movement near the front a target. Ukraine keeps out-inventing Russia at the front, but Russia copies each advance and floods the line with it at state scale.

When armor becomes the target

Until recently, armored vehicles still drove supplies to logistics hubs near the front. That is now almost impossible. Perch says that when a large, armored machine appears, Russian forces treat it as a prize target and swarm it with dozens of drones and munitions. Perch would sooner park his armor than seat soldiers inside it.

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A kill zone that keeps widening

On the busiest sectors, Perch says, the kill zone—the drone-ruled strip around the contact line—now runs 15 to 20 kilometers deep. Some positions take three days to reach on foot. Where troops once drove most of the way and walked the last stretch, they now walk it all.

Robots take the drive

Under Perch, the brigade climbed, by his account, from around 22nd to third among Ukraine's Territorial Defense forces on the military's strike-results leaderboard, the home-guard units now fighting on the front. Ground robots—unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs)—do the work that armor cannot. They haul supplies and evacuate the wounded, though the robot often can't be brought back. His brigade runs over 1,500 logistics missions a month by heavy bomber drones alone, and still more by first-person-view (FPV) drones and robots. Russia hunts those bombers, he says, with interceptors that scramble the moment they hear one take off, so his crews mix high and low flight to slip past. Perch expects robots to move from supply runs into combat, hitting Russian troops in their rear.

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The drone his jammers can't touch

Both armies now field fiber-optic drones—machines guided by a hair-thin glass thread instead of radio. No signal means nothing to jam. Ukraine learned to block radio and digital drones, cutting their controls and video, Perch said. The glass-fiber ones his electronic warfare cannot reach, because there is no radio link to attack. His brigade still has no counter to them, Perch said, and he wants a technical fix that stops them.

Ukrainian partisans say they crippled a locomotive moving Russian military supplies to the front. Agents of the ATESH movement carried out a sabotage operation near Voronezh, destroying the cab of an electric locomotive used to support military transport, ATESH reported.

Disabling a single locomotive cripples the entire supply line. The locomotive was supposed to continue its journey toward the Kupiansk direction, and after the cab was damaged, operating the machine at its former pace became impossible, disrupting the schedule for forming and dispatching the next trains.

The target was a rail supply line to the front

ATESH said the sabotage hit a link in Russia's military logistics chain. The locomotive was part of the rail transport that moves Russian military cargo, and it was bound for the Kupiansk direction, one of the active sectors of the front in Kharkiv Oblast.

Russia depends heavily on railways to supply its forces. Its army moves ammunition, fuel, weapons, and heavy equipment to the front largely by rail, so the locomotives and the lines they run on are critical arteries of its war effort. A partisan network can reach them behind the front lines at a vulnerable point.

One damaged locomotive slows the whole chain

ATESH framed the value of the strike in terms of the cascade it sets off. The loss of even one link in the mainline causes delays in the delivery of ammunition, fuel, weapons, and heavy equipment.

Those delays compound at the front. When rear supply operations are interrupted, units lose combat effectiveness and suffer significant personnel losses, ATESH said, casting a single sabotaged locomotive as a blow that reaches the soldiers, depending on what it was carrying.

The strike fits ATESH's partisan campaign

Euromaidan Press cannot independently verify the Voronezh sabotage, which is ATESH's own account. But rail sabotage is a documented feature of the war behind Russian lines, and the movement's focus on the logistics that feed the front reflects a real vulnerability in an army that runs on rail.

Editor's note: This is a developing story and is being updated.

Ukrainian forces reportedly struck a Russian logistics hub and an oil depot in Russian-occupied Luhansk and a military base in occupied Donetsk on June 30 and July 1, with fires breaking out in the two cities.

"Russian logistics in temporarily occupied Luhansk are burning," head of Ukraine's Center for Countering Disinformation Andrii Kovalenko said.

The drone attack was reported by the local media, publishing what appear to be videos of the burning logistics hub and the sound of drones.

Leonid Pasechnik, head of the Russian occupation authorities in Luhansk Oblast, reported that air defenses shot down 35 of the 40 drones over Luhansk Oblast. Drone wreckage fell on the premises of an oil depot, and a woman was injured, Pasechnik claimed.

Overnight Ukrainian attacks were also reported in occupied Donetsk, with Telegram news channels sharing apparent footage of damaged buildings and fires in the city.

Denis Pushilin, the head of the Russian occupation authorities in Donetsk Oblast, claimed that one person was killed and three were injured in the attack. Ukrainian news channel Supernova+ reported that the attack targeted the headquarters of Russia’s 8th Combined Arms Army.

The Ukrainian military has not commented on the claims, which could not be independently verified.

Ukraine's military regularly strikes military targets in Russian-occupied territories and deep within Russia in an attempt to diminish Moscow's fighting power as it continues its war against Ukraine.

Ukraine's military intelligence (HUR) destroyed three Russian air defense systems using drones in the occupied Zaporizhzhia Oblast on June 14.

"Strike drone masters of the Department of Active Operations of the HUR of the Ukrainian defense ministry discovered and destroyed expensive air defense systems of the Russian invaders in the temporarily occupied territory of the Zaporizhzhia region," HUR reported in a post to Telegram.

A Russian Buk-M3, a Pantsyr S1, and a 9S19 Imbir radar from the S-300V air defense system were destroyed in the Ukrainian drone attack.

Ukraine war latest: Ukrainian forces push Russian army away from Sumy

Key developments on June 30: * Ukrainian forces push Russian army away from Sumy, General Staff says * Ukrainian military again denies reports on Russian troops entering Dnipropetrovsk Oblast * After months of stalling, Russia blames Ukraine, US for slow pace of peace talks * Germany vows to pursue ‘every path’ to boost Ukraine’s

The Kyiv IndependentThe Kyiv Independent news desk