Since his release from a Russian prison, Ukrainian journalist Dmytro Khyliuk has barely been off the phone. BBC reports that he spent three and a half years in Russian captivity after being detained in the first days of the full-scale invasion. He was freed last month in a prisoner swap, one of eight civilians released in a rare move by Moscow.

Amid the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, most exchanges between Russia and Ukraine have involved soldiers. The return of eight civilians, including Dmytro, came in a group of 146 Ukrainians. They did not disclose the exact terms of the deal, only that it included “people Russia was interested in.” One source told BBC that some of them were residents of Russia’s Kursk region, evacuated during Ukraine’s incursion in 2024.

Crowds gathered waving Ukrainian flags when the freed men returned, many of them emaciated from years behind bars. Stepping off the bus, Dmytro immediately phoned his mother to say he was finally free. His parents are elderly and unwell, and he had long feared never seeing them again.

A testimony of constant cruelty

Speaking to BBC after his release, Dmytro described brutal treatment in multiple Russian facilities.

“They grabbed us and literally dragged us to the prison and on the way they beat us with rubber batons shouting things like, ‘How many people have you killed?’” he recalled.

Guards sometimes set dogs on prisoners.

“The cruelty was really shocking and it was constant,” he said.

He was never charged with a crime. In the first year, he endured starvation, losing more than 20 kg in a few months. He lost more than 20kg in the first few months. He also saw soldiers tortured with electric shocks during interrogations. The sounds of their pain and the bruises on their bodies left lasting impressions.

Captivity begins at home

The ordeal started in 2022 in Kozarovychi, his family’s village near Kyiv. As he and his father Vasyl checked damage to their home during Russia’s assault on the capital, troops detained them. Both men were bound, blindfolded, and held in a basement under warehouses used as a Russian base.

Vasyl was released, but Dmytro was transferred deeper into Russia. His parents later received just two scraps of paper from him. One note read, “I’m alive, I’m well. Everything’s ok.” For months, they feared the worst.

Families left waiting

BBC reports that more than 16,000 Ukrainian civilians remain missing. Officials have confirmed that only a fraction are in Russian prisons. Moscow does not publish lists. In Dmytro’s area alone, 43 men remain unaccounted for.

One of them is Volodymyr Loburets, detained at the same time as Dmytro. He has a new grandson he has never met. His wife Vira told BBC,

“I had a husband – and now I don’t.”

Families are frustrated because the Ukrainian government will not swap Russian soldiers for civilian hostages.

Ukraine’s impossible choices

Ukraine’s human rights ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets told BBC that dealing with Russia is like “playing chess with an opponent who stands up, pulls on boxing gloves and punches you.” Ukraine has no Russian civilian prisoners to trade, while sending soldiers back in return for civilians would trigger more abductions. Only one previous exchange involved Ukrainians accused of collaboration. It is unclear if that approach will be repeated.

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Home again, but changed forever

For Dmytro, the long wait is almost over. He is recovering in a Kyiv hospital before returning to his village. His mother Halyna can hardly mention his name without crying.

“When Dima called, he told me to be calm, that I shouldn’t cry anymore. But we haven’t seen our son for three and a half years!” she said.

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Back home, his house still bears shrapnel scars from Russia’s advance. He admits returning requires adjustment.

“So the trees are the same, the buildings are the same. But you understand this is a different country. You’re in a different reality,” he said.

Former Kherson mayor Volodymyr Mykolaienko, released from Russian captivity on Ukraine’s Independence Day, on 24 August, in a 146-for-146 prisoner exchange, gave his first interview to MOST.

He recounted his abduction, torture, life in prisons, and how the occupiers tried to make him “governor” instead of Volodymyr Saldo, Russia’s collaborator. 

“You can take Saldo’s place”

Mykolaienko was kidnapped in 2022. He was held in Kherson for 16 days before being transferred via Crimea to Voronezh Oblast.

“The main goal was to force me to cooperate. Saldo wasn’t even the ‘governor’ yet. They said, ‘You can take this place,’” he recalled.

FSB officers tried to make him recognize the occupation authorities: “Well, haven’t changed your mind? If not — you’ll go to Sevastopol, reconsider in a month or two, and recognize the new government.” But Mykolaienko refused.

Torture and broken ribs

In detention, he suffered systematic beatings: “Broken ribs. They broke them three times: once on Good Friday, second on Pioneer Day, third when we were ‘settling in’ Pakino.”

“Shockers and batons, boards they beat with — that’s all their prosecutors and lawyers,” he said.

The first days of captivity were the worst: “Three times a day consistently: morning inspection, evening inspection, and during the day either a dog bites or you get beaten in the bath.”

“I fulfilled my family duty”

The occupiers staged a mock execution.

“They lined me up against the wall and said, ‘We’re going to execute you now.’ I said, ‘Go ahead.’ They asked if I was scared. I said, scared, don’t want to die, but I fulfilled my family duty — I have two grandchildren,” said Mykolaienko. 

 

One of the Russians started shooting into the wall but others stopped him. 

He and other prisoners lived in complete informational isolation. Only from new prisoners did they learn about Kherson’s liberation.

“I said in the cell: ‘Kherson is Ukrainian.’ Everyone cheered,” he recalled.

 

Guilt and gratitude

The politician admits he feels discomfort surviving while others remain captive: “You can try to console yourself however you want, but the discomfort is still there. You get exchanged, and the same people remain.”

At the same time, he acknowledges that in Russian captivity, he “didn’t know if I would survive another year there.”

Ukraine secured the release of two journalists in its latest prisoner exchange on 24 August, but 28 more media workers remain in Russian captivity where evidence reveals they face systematic torture and abuse designed to break captives mentally and physically.

Ukraine’s Committee on Freedom of Speech called on the international community to maintain pressure on Russia, stating that “only publicity and persistent struggle bring closer the day when all Ukrainians will return home.”

On Ukraine’s Independence Day, the prisoner exchange occurred with assistance from the United Arab Emirates that released over 100 soldiers and civilians from each side. Among them were Ukrainian journalists Dmytro Khyliuk and Mark Kaliush.

Kaliush was detained in Melitopol on 20 August 2023. Russian authorities accused him of terrorism, espionage, and cooperation with Ukrainian special services. Now he awaits a long journey of receiving medical care and undergoing physical and mental rehabilitation, including reintegration into civilian life.

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Journalist abducted when full-scale invasion just began

Khyliuk’s captivity began in the first days of Russia’s full-scale invasion. The UNIAN news agency reporter was abducted from his family’s garden north of Kyiv in March 2022, less than two weeks after the war began. Russian forces initially held him in occupied Dymer before transferring him to Russia without any legal basis. 

Reporters Without Borders tracked him through multiple detention facilities, ultimately to a prison in the Vladimir Oblast east of Moscow.

Throughout his captivity, Russian authorities denied holding him despite evidence of his detention. In early June 2023, Khyliuk managed to send a message to his family:

“I am OK. I love you. Tell UNIAN that I am in prison in Russia.”

Sources who met the journalist in prison estimated that at least 300 Ukrainian soldiers and civilians were being held in the same facility, which has capacity for 1,200 detainees. 

Khyliuk spent over three years in Russian custody before his release—time during which he committed no crime beyond practicing journalism.

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The toll was severe: he now weighs less than 45 kilograms (99 lbs), his health deteriorated substantially due to heart problems and an abscess, and he faces a long rehabilitation ahead.

In a video recorded on the day of his release, Khyliuk described his final moments in captivity:

“There was a bandage on my face for a day and a half. My hands were wrapped with tape. They [Russians] treated you like cattle.”

But he expressed shock at learning about support back home:

“I didn’t hear, I don’t know anything about Ukraine because I heard nothing during these three years in captivity. I didn’t know that so many people here remembers us and fights for us.”

How Russian detention breaks Ukrainian prisoners

Russian detention centers operate what prosecutors call “a targeted system of repression” against Ukrainian civilians. The abuse follows deliberate policies orchestrated by Russian authorities, with evidence showing high-level security officials instructing prison staff to be cruel without repercussions.

Cells designed for eight people are crammed with around 15 detainees. Ukrainian prisoners have no contact with Russian inmates and are moved between cells every two months to prevent relationships from forming.

Former detainees report regular beatings, electric shocks, including on genitals, mock executions, and threats of sexual violence. Prisoners are subjected to prolonged stress positions, hung by arms or legs, and forced to endure positional torture while blindfolded. Both male and female prisoners face sexual violence and threats.

Daily life is designed for humiliation. Prisoners must stand for prolonged hours under camera surveillance, endure degrading treatment during daily checks including enforced nudity, and survive on inadequate food and medical care.

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Many Ukrainian prisoners are held in complete isolation, cut off from families, legal counsel, or the outside world for extended periods.

Former prisoners also describe the psychological warfare: captives are told they will be exchanged soon, only to have those promises broken repeatedly.

Most Ukrainian civilians are labeled as “witnesses”—meaning they face no official charges and have no access to legal representation. Their activities are limited to reading Russian propaganda books portraying Ukraine as a Nazi-controlled state or singing Russian patriotic songs.

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Price for being journalist in war-torn Ukraine

The broader assault on Ukrainian journalists has been devastating. Since Russia’s invasion began, at least 127 media workers have been killed, according to verified data from the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine and the International Federation of Journalists.

The breakdown reveals the war’s impact across different groups: 18 journalists died while performing professional duties, 10 were civilian casualties, and 99 media representatives who joined Ukraine’s Defense Forces were killed in combat.

The Institute of Mass Information reports Russia has committed 841 crimes against journalists and media in Ukraine over three and a half years of war.

“If Russia had not unleashed this shameful war, all these colleagues could have continued working successfully,” said NSJU Chairman Serhii Tomilenko. “But the aggressor state decided it was better for them to die, to leave families in deep grief, and people uninformed.”

Ukrainian journalist, investigating Russian torture, became its victim

The case of Viktoriia Roshchyna provides the most disturbing evidence of what happens to journalists in Russian custody.

The 26-year-old’s body was returned to Ukraine in February 2025 among 757 corpses exchanged with Russia, bearing unmistakable signs of torture and missing vital organs.

Forensic investigators found broken ribs, neck injuries, and possible electric shock marks on her feet. Critical organs were missing—parts of her brain, larynx, and eyeballs—which investigators believe represents an attempt to conceal the cause of death.

Roshchyna disappeared in August 2023 while investigating Russia’s detention system in occupied Zaporizhzhia, her home region.

She had been compiling a list of Russian Federal Security Service agents responsible for torturing Ukrainian civilians when she was captured.

Despite being previously detained for a week in March 2022, Roshchyna continued her dangerous work. Between February 2022 and July 2023, she traveled to Russian-held territories at least four times to document conditions there.

Her final reporting trip began in July 2023. She traveled from Kyiv to Poland, then crossed from Latvia into Russia on 26 July, ostensibly heading to Melitopol but first going to Enerhodar to investigate torture centers. Russian security services captured her shortly after.

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Former cellmates described her treatment in the SIZO-2 detention center in Taganrog.

“She was whipped and tortured on an equal basis with everyone else,” said Ukrainian prisoner of war Yevheny Markevich. One cellmate saw knife wounds on her arms and legs—”definitely on her arm and leg. She had a knife wound, a fresh scar between the wrist and elbow.”

The electric torture was repeated multiple times. “She said she was all blue,” a cellmate reported, adding that the electric current may have been connected to Roshchyna’s ears.

By summer 2024, her health had deteriorated dramatically. “She was in such a state that she could not even lift her head off the pillow,” witnesses reported.

Despite her suffering, Roshchyna remained defiant.

“She called them ‘executioners, murderers,'” Markevich recalled. “Personally, I admired it. None of us were like that.”

In late August 2024, her father received a call—her first contact in over a year. Speaking in Russian rather than Ukrainian, suggesting she wasn’t alone, Viktoriia told him she expected to be home in September. Instead, Russian authorities announced her death on 19 September, though witnesses report she was removed from her cell eleven days earlier.

Ukraine has charged in absentia Alexander Shtuda, head of Russia’s Taganrog detention center, with organizing the journalist’s torture. According to Ukrainian investigators, Shtuda deliberately organized the abuse because Roshchyna refused to cooperate with the prison administration.

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Meanwhile, Ukrainian media organizations have called for international investigations into Roshchyna’s death. The OSCE Representative on Freedom of Media said he was “horrified” by the findings, emphasizing that such treatment violates the UN Convention Against Torture and the Fourth Geneva Convention.

Russia continues to hold an estimated 8,000 Ukrainian soldiers in captivity, while nearly 60,000 Ukrainians are considered missing—many likely facing conditions similar to what these journalists endured.

Ukrainian journalist Vladyslav Yesypenko was released on June 20 after more than four years of detention in Russian-occupied Crimea, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty reported.

Yesypenko, a freelance contributor to Crimea.Realities, a regional project of RFE/RL's Ukrainian Service, reported on various issues in Crimea before being detained by Russia’s FSB in March 2021.

He was accused of espionage and possession of explosives, charges he denied, and later sentenced to five years in prison by a Russian-controlled court.

Yesypenko said he was tortured, including with electric shocks, to force a confession, and was denied access to independent lawyers for nearly a month after his arrest.

RFE/RL welcomed his release, thanking the U.S. and Ukrainian governments for their efforts. Yesypenko has since left Russian-occupied Crimea.

“Vlad was arbitrarily punished for a crime he didn’t commit… he paid too high a price for telling the truth about occupied Crimea,” said RFE/RL President Steven Kapus.

During his imprisonment, Yesypenko became a symbol of press freedom, receiving several prestigious awards, including the Free Media Award and PEN America’s Freedom to Write Award.

His case drew support from human rights groups, the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine, and international advocates for media freedom.

Russia invaded and unlawfully annexed Crimea in 2014, cracking down violently on any opposition to its regime.

Following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the Kremlin toughened its grip on dissent, passing laws in March 2022 that prohibit what authorities label as "false" criticism of Russia's war.

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The Kyiv IndependentDaria Shulzhenko

Over 45 Ukrainians forcibly deported by Russia from Ukraine's occupied territories are being held in a basement at Russia's border with Georgia without food, water, and basic healthcare, independent media outlet Astra reported on June 21.

"We are in a basement without utilities: there is no shower or toilet, they don't feed us. Volunteers bring humanitarian aid, but it lasts for a couple of days and not for everyone," one of the held Ukrainians told Astra.

A decree by Russian President Vladimir Putin has ordered Ukrainians still living in occupied territories to leave unless they "regulate their legal status," namely, obtaining Russian citizenship.

"We emphasize that these systematic deportations and persecutions are part of Russia's genocide policy against the Ukrainian people," Foreign Ministry spokesperson Heorhii Tykhyi said on March 21.

At least 45 Ukrainians have been held at the Verkhniy Lars border checkpoint between Georgia and Russia for several days.

One of the deported Ukrainians has been hospitalized as they await passage out of Russia and into Georgia.

"There were 8 of us, 3 days ago. Every day, more people are brought here and the number is growing. Now there are 45 people, some have been here for a month. There are disabled people and people with serious illnesses," one of the held Ukrainians said.

The basement facility has since 2023 held deported Ukrainians barred from entering the Russian Federation and the Ukrainian territories it occupies.

The held Ukrainians were denied entry into Georgia. Most did not have the necessary travel documents, but 16 Ukrainians with passports were denied entry as well, Astra reported, citing the non-profit organization Tbilisi Volunteers Organization.

"The basement is damp, there are drops of water on the ceiling, (it's hard) to breathe, everyone smokes, they don't let us outside. We sleep for four hours, taking turns. Some sleep on the floor," one of the deported Ukrainians said.

The basement only houses 17 sleeping spaces, but another 100 deported Ukrainians are expected to arrive at the facility, a volunteer told Astra.

Following a pause in deportations to Georgia in 2024, Russia has resumed deportations as Georgia prepares new immigration legislation, the Tbilisi Volunteers Organization says.

Serhiy Serdiuk, a resident of occupied Zaporizhzhia Oblast, was deported and banned from re-entering Russia and Ukraine's occupied territories for 40 years, the Guardian reported on June 21.

Russian authorities pressed Serdiuk, an educator, to continue work under Russia's imposed school curriculum.

Serdiuk and other staff at a school in Zaporizhzhia Oblast's Komysh-Zoria town refused and were met with threats.

Serdiuk was similarly deported to Georgia, from where he flew to Moldova and crossed back into Ukraine.

Due to Russia's illegal and unrecognized annexation of Ukraine's occupied territories, Ukrainian citizens are pressured to obtain Russian citizenship or face deportation and entry bans.

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The Kyiv IndependentLinda Hourani

Since 2021, Russian Wagner mercenaries have detained, tortured, and forcibly disappeared hundreds of civilians in secret prisons across Mali, according to a joint investigation published on June 12 by Forbidden Stories, France 24, Le Monde, and IStories.

The investigation found that mercenaries with Russia's Wagner Group, working alongside Malian government forces, had systematically abducted and detained civilians, holding them in prisons at former United Nations bases and military bases across Mali.

Drawing on eyewitness accounts and satellite imagery, the investigation identified six detention centers where Wagner held civilians between 2022 and 2024. The total number of Wagner detention centers in Mali is likely to be much higher.

Prisoners were subjected to systematic torture – including beatings, waterboarding, electric shocks, starvation, and confinement in sweltering metal containers.

The investigation was carried out as part of the Viktoriia project, in memory of Ukrainian journalist Viktoriia Roshchyna, who was captured by Russian forces in 2023 while investigating the illegal detention of civilians in Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine. She was killed in Russian captivity in 2024.

The Russian mercenary group, known for its deployment in Ukraine and short-lived rebellion against the Kremlin in 2023, has a strong presence across the African continent, backing Russian business interests and Moscow-friendly regimes.

The mercenaries have been particularly active in Mali since late 2021 and have been accused of perpetrating war crimes. In December 2024, Human Rights Watch accused Wagner mercenaries and Malian government forces of deliberately killing 32 civilians.

The Wagner Group recently announced its withdrawal from Mali, where it fought alongside Malian government forces to fend off Islamist insurgents. Wagner has been active across the African continent for years and has been previously accused of committing human rights abuses.

Ukraine war latest: Ukraine strikes targets in Russia, including gunpowder plant

Key developments on June 11: * Ukrainian drones strike targets in Russia, including gunpowder plant, General Staff says * Zelensky urges ‘stronger’ EU sanctions on Russia, lower oil price cap * Ukraine repatriates bodies of 1,212 fallen soldiers * Ukraine’s SBU releases fresh video of Operation Spiderweb, teases ‘new surprises’ * NATO summit statement

The Kyiv IndependentThe Kyiv Independent news desk