Ukrainian authorities captured a suspect in the killing of former parliament speaker Andriy Parubiy following a 36-hour manhunt that President Volodymyr Zelenskyy personally authorized. Investigators say they’re focusing on a potential Russian connection to what appears to be a meticulously planned assassination.

On 30 August, in broad daylight on a Lviv street, a man dressed as a delivery courier approached Parubiy. The gunman fired eight shots at the lawmaker before confirming his death and fleeing the scene. Video footage captured the execution, showing the killer’s deliberate courier disguise before he vanished.

But 36 hours later, police found him hiding in the Khmelnytsky Oblast of western Ukraine. The 52-year-old suspect from Lviv now faces premeditated murder and illegal weapons handling charges carrying up to 15 years in prison.

Investigators consider “the Russian trace”

“The crime was carefully planned, its preparation lasted more than one month,” senior investigator Andriy Nebitov told reporters. The perpetrator had studied Parubiy’s daily routines, mapped multiple escape routes, and prepared detailed contingency plans.

After the shooting, the suspect tried to cover his tracks. He changed clothes, ditched the weapon, and fled toward western Ukraine’s rural areas. Law enforcement found objective evidence linking him to the killing, according to prosecutors who are preparing to hold him without bail.

“Today we prioritize considering the Russian trace — an order from the Russian Federation,” Nebitov added without providing specifics.

Ukraine’s Security Service also says the assassination bears hallmarks of a contract killing with Russian involvement.

“The crime has signs of being ordered,” said Vadim Onyshchenko, head of the SBU’s Lviv Oblast department. “There is operational information that indicates possible involvement of Russian Federation special services in organizing the murder.”

Who was assassinated Andriy Parubiy?

Parubiy, 52, was a defining figure in Ukraine’s modern political development and maintained a consistently anti-Russian stance throughout his career.

He co-founded the Social-National Party of Ukraine in 1991, when Ukraine gained independence from the Soviet Union, which declared in its early program that it “considers the Russian state the cause of all troubles in Ukraine.” 

The statement seemed extreme at the time—so controversial that Ukraine’s Ministry of Justice delayed registering the party until 1995. But Parubiy’s early anti-Russian stance proved accurate, with Ukraine fighting Russian aggression since 2014 and facing full-scale invasion since 2022.

The politician played pivotal roles in Ukraine’s two major democratic upheavals. During the 2004 Orange Revolution, he served as commandant of the Ukrainian House, a key protest site.

The mass protests in 2004 erupted after a rigged presidential election tried to install Moscow-backed Viktor Yanukovych over pro-Western Viktor Yushchenko. Hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians took to the streets for weeks until authorities agreed to a revote that Yushchenko won.

Nearly a decade later, Parubiy became the de facto leader of the Euromaidan demonstrations in 2013 and 2014, aimed at fighting for Ukraine’s future int he EU and away from Russian influence, 

“From that megaphone I started the rally,” Parubiy once recalled about launching the initial Euromaidan protest. “In the first minutes there were 70-80 of us, there were more police around us than us.”

From those chaotic first hours, Parubiy built a protest movement that lasted three months. He organized the tent city, established defensive barricades, and created what became known as “Maidan Self-Defense”—a structured force that grew to 12,000 people by February 2014. He appointed “centurions” to command different sectors and coordinate security for the sprawling protest camp.

Unlike other opposition politicians who negotiated with Yanukovych’s government, Parubiy stayed focused on organizing the grassroots protesters. When government snipers eventually opened fire on demonstrators, killing over 100 people, Parubiy claimed Russian operatives were involved in the shootings both targeting protesters and government forces to maximize chaos.

Fight against Russian influence in Ukraine

Following the revolution, Parubiy was appointed Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, where he helped establish Ukraine’s National Guard by incorporating Maidan self-defense forces. He oversaw anti-terrorist operations against separatists in eastern Ukraine and was a vocal opponent of the Minsk peace agreements.

“I believed and believe that the agreements were signed under very unfavorable conditions for Ukraine,” he said, arguing that Russian President Vladimir Putin had no intention of implementing them and could only be stopped by force.

Parubiy served as speaker of Ukraine’s parliament from 2016 to 2019, working alongside politicians including former president Petro Poroshenko and opposing what he called Russian attacks on Ukrainian language and culture. After stepping down as speaker, he continued serving as a member of parliament representing the European Solidarity party.

His most dramatic parliamentary moment came in 2010, when he smuggled a smoke grenade into the chamber to disrupt ratification of the Kharkiv Accords—agreements that extended Russia’s lease of its Sevastopol naval base in Crimea and allowed expanded Russian military presence on the peninsula. The stunt failed, but Parubiy’s fears proved justified when Russia seized Crimea in 2014 and launched a war in eastern Ukraine that continues today.

“If we hadn’t allowed this then, far fewer Russian troops would be stationed in Crimea, everything could have gone differently,” he later reflected.

He demanded “complete destruction of Russian empire”

When Russia launched its full-scale invasion in 2022, Parubiy joined territorial defense forces and served at checkpoints around Kyiv. He consistently advocated for the complete destruction of what he termed the “Russian empire.”

“This is today a chance for the Ukrainian army and people to destroy this empire,” he declared, arguing that Russia would remain a perpetual threat if not decisively defeated.

“If it [Russian empire] doesn’t die today, it will continue to remain a threat to us, to our children. And we must leave our children a peaceful sky and end this war with the complete defeat of the Russian army,” he added.

His European Solidarity party colleagues have demanded a thorough investigation, stating they believe the murder is connected to his pro-Ukrainian positions. The party suggested Russia and its supporters were behind the killing, noting that “Moscow sincerely hated Parubiy as one of the state-builders of modern Ukraine.”

The investigation continues as authorities examine all possible motives while focusing on the Russian connection. President Zelenskyy announced that the suspect has already provided initial testimony to investigators.

Lithuanian military forces have positioned concrete anti-tank obstacles known as “dragon’s teeth” at several border control points with Russia and Belarus as part of planned defensive measures.

The barriers were installed on roads at unused border crossing points, while at operational checkpoints the obstacles were placed in accessible locations nearby for rapid deployment when needed, according to Lithuanian news agency LRT, citing an announcement from the Lithuanian army.

The military stated that no modifications were made to existing road infrastructure, ensuring that current traffic conditions remain unaffected for residents.

“The installed barriers are only part of a large integrated picture,” said Lithuanian Armed Forces Commander General Raimundas Vaikšnoras. “We start from the tactical level — specific obstacles at the border — and then we will combine the entire engineering scenario into one conceptual system.”

Lithuanian military officials characterized the work as part of a scheduled implementation of counter-mobility measures designed for the planned Baltic Defense Line. This initiative represents a coordinated long-term strategy involving all Baltic states [Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia] and Poland aimed at reducing land invasion threats and limiting potential hostile actions on territory.

Lithuania’s relations with Russia in decline

Lithuania’s relations with Russia deteriorated sharply following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The country condemned the invasion, expelled Russian diplomats, closed the Russian consulate in Klaipėda, and imposed sanctions on Russia. Lithuania also temporarily blocked Russian cargo transit to an exclave of Kaliningrad and ceased purchasing Russian gas entirely.

Recently, Lithuania has also withdrawn from the Ottawa Convention banning anti-personnel landmines and plans to begin domestic production next year. Deputy Defense Minister Karolis Aleksa indicated the country will spend hundreds of millions of euros to produce tens of thousands of mines for defensive purposes, with plans to supply both Lithuania and Ukraine.

The country joins Finland and other Eastern European NATO members in exiting the treaty due to security concerns about Russia, which never signed the agreement. Officials stated the mines will be stored for rapid deployment if threatened rather than creating peacetime minefields.

President Trump doesn’t think Putin and Zelenskyy will sit down together anytime soon. The two leaders aren’t ready, he told the Daily Caller in a 29 August interview.

When asked whether trilateral negotiations involving himself, Zelensky, and Putin would proceed, Trump indicated that timing remains uncertain.

“Sometimes people are not ready for this,” the president stated, according to the Daily Caller report.

Trump employed his previous analogy comparing the two leaders to children in conflict, describing them as figures who “hate each other” on a playground, swinging and fighting until exhaustion forces them to stop.

“Sometimes they have to fight a little before you can make them stop. But this has been going on for a long time. A lot of people are dead,” Trump said.

This marks a shift from Trump’s earlier confidence. After meeting Putin in Alaska on 15 August, he “really thought” the war could end quickly. Not anymore. Ukraine and Russia may need to “fight a little more” first.

Earlier, Trump rated his three-hour meeting with Putin in Alaska a perfect 10 out of 10, despite no deal being reached to end the Russo-Ukrainian war. He emphasized that the meeting went well personally, saying, “We got along great,” but acknowledged that not all issues were settled and there was no agreement on reaching peace anytime soon. 

No American troops for Ukraine as security guarantee

The president also ruled out American boots on Ukrainian soil as part of any peace deal. But he outlined a different kind of commitment—possible air support to help end the fighting.

He noted that European forces would handle most operations, with American assistance. 

European officials are actively working on plans to deploy British and French troops to Ukraine as part of security guarantees following any ceasefire, known as the “Coalition of the willing,” with about ten countries ready to participate.

The European plan involves two stages: initially, European troops would be stationed away from frontlines to train Ukrainian forces and provide reinforcements, acting as military advisors rather than a symbolic presence.

Next, the US would contribute intelligence sharing, border monitoring, additional weapons, and possibly air defense systems, continuing to supply military aid through European partners even without direct American troop deployment.

Zelenskyy previously rejected Trump’s playground metaphor with sharp words:

Putin is “a killer who came to this park to kill children.”

 

Fighters from Ukraine’s 1st National Guard Corps “Azov” have released drone footage showing what they describe as the execution of an unarmed elderly civilian by Russian forces in Pokrovsk district, Donetsk Oblast, on 28 August.

According to the Azov unit, aerial reconnaissance captured the incident in which a Russian soldier shot and killed an elderly man in his yard. The military unit published the video evidence on their official Telegram channel.

“It is clearly visible that the person was in civilian clothes and without weapons,” the Azov fighters stated in their announcement. 

Russian soldier shot and killed an unarmed elderly man in his own yard near frontline Pokrovsk on 28 August — 1st National Guard Corps "Azov."

Ukrainian drone footage captured the incident during aerial reconnaissance, identifying the alleged perpetrator as a serviceman from… pic.twitter.com/XQAUDhJAJs

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 30, 2025

The unit emphasized that the alleged act constitutes a direct violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention on the Protection of Civilian Persons during times of war and armed conflict. 

The Ukrainian forces identified the alleged perpetrator as a serviceman from the 95th separate rifle regiment of the 5th separate motorized rifle brigade of the 51st army of the Russian Armed Forces, according to their intelligence.

The Azov unit characterized the incident as “another proof that for the Russian army there exist neither laws nor morals,” though this represents their assessment rather than an independent verification.

This incident fits within a documented pattern of executions carried out by Russian forces against both civilians and Ukrainian soldiers in frontline zones and occupied territories.

Russian soldiers have been recorded executing civilians often under suspicion of collaboration with Ukrainian forces or information sharing. These killings sometimes occur as collective punishment following attacks on Russian positions, with troops assuming local residents aided Ukrainian forces.

International observers have also documented hundreds of executions of Ukrainian prisoners of war (POWs), including footage showing captured soldiers killed shortly after surrender.

These documented executions serve multiple purposes according to military analysts, including intimidation tactics, retaliation against resistance, and attempts to undermine Ukrainian military and civilian morale. 

Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate conducted a nighttime attack on an underground explosives warehouse at the Aleksinsky Chemical Plant in Russia’s Tula Oblast on 30 August, according to various reports of Ukrainian news agencies.

The targeted facility stored pyroxylin powder, a smokeless powder used in small arms ammunition, artillery systems, and certain rocket engines, according to Hromadske.

Ukraine struck an underground explosives warehouse at a Russian chemical plant overnight located 1000+km away— Ukrainian intelligence.

The Aleksinsky Chemical Plant in Tula Oblast stored pyroxylin powder used to make ammunition for rifles, artillery, and rocket engines.

Ukraine… pic.twitter.com/9BpeoszEqW

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 30, 2025

Residents of Aleksin in Tula Oblast, located over 1000 km (621 miles) from Ukraine, reported hearing loud explosions before emergency services dispatched fire trucks and ambulances to the scene.

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The regional governor confirmed “drone debris falling on the territory of an industrial enterprise” but stated there were no casualties or damage at the site.

However, the emergency response and reported explosions suggest the operation achieved its intended impact on the military supply facility.

The Aleksinsky Chemical Plant represents a repeat target for Ukrainian forces, having previously sustained attacks in January 2025. This pattern reflects Ukraine’s sustained campaign against Russian military supply infrastructure.

Oil refineries targeted on the same night

The 30 August chemical plant strike occurred alongside Ukrainian attacks on two Russian oil refineries the same night. Ukrainian defense forces targeted the Krasnodar refinery in Krasnodar Krai and the Sizran refinery in Samara Oblast using unmanned aerial vehicles, according to the General Staff of Ukraine.

The Krasnodar refinery, which produces 3 million tons of light petroleum products annually and “participates in supplying the Russian Armed Forces,” sustained damage to one technological installation and a fire covering approximately 300 square meters.

The Sizran refinery processes 8.5 million tons annually and produces gasoline, diesel fuel, aviation kerosene, fuel oil, and bitumen.

Russian army General Staff Chief Valery Gerasimov announced that Moscow plans to continue delivering massive strikes “exclusively against military targets” in Ukraine, according to his summary of combat operations for the spring-summer period.

However, the pattern of near-daily strikes on Ukrainian cities has consistently resulted in missiles, drones, and their debris hitting civilian areas and non-military infrastructure, producing significant casualty tolls that include children.

“According to the General Staff’s plan, targeted massive fire strikes continue exclusively against military targets and military-industrial complex facilities in Ukraine,” Gerasimov stated.

He added that Russian forces conduct some attacks jointly with the Federal Security Service (FSB) and will continue offensive operations within their stated military objectives.

According to Russian military reports, the priority is given to facilities producing missile systems and long-range unmanned aerial vehicles. 

These announcements come as US President Donald Trump recently expressed optimism about potential diplomatic progress following talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Alaska in mid-August 2025. Trump indicated that Putin appeared interested in reaching a peace agreement regarding Ukraine, with many points reportedly agreed upon though no final deal was announced. 

Russian strike killed a little girl born during full-scale war

Russian diplomatic rhetoric contrasts sharply with the reality on the ground, as evidenced by the 28 August attack on Kyiv that resulted in 25 confirmed deaths, according to President Zelenskyy. Russian forces used 31 missiles and 598 drones in the overnight assault, with damage recorded across nearly all districts of the capital.

Among the casualties were four children, including two-year-old Anhelina and her 24-year-old mother Nadiia Yakymenko.

According to Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the youngest victim “was born under Russian shelling in October 2022 and died from Russian shelling in August 2025.”

Civilian lives Russian aggression took

Other victims included 14-year-old Nazariy Koval, a school student, and 17-year-old Maryna Gryshko, a college student.

“This girl was a gentle, bright and creative personality, open to the world and people. She knew how to give kindness, inspire those around her with her talent and sincerity. For her classmates and teachers, she will forever remain a bright ray of joy and kindness,” the college statement about Maryna’s death noted.

Yana Shapoval, whose family resided on the top floor of a five-story residential building that was destroyed in the bombardment, was also killed in the attack. Her husband was critically injured and required hospitalization while their 11-year-old son Maksym sustained a fractured arm.

The strikes also damaged multiple civilian and diplomatic facilities, including the European Union representation building, the British Council office, and media outlets including Ukrainska Pravda and Radio Liberty. Transportation infrastructure was also affected, with damage to postal facilities and railway equipment.

Following the attack, Russian presidential spokesman Dmitry Peskov described the strike as “successful” while simultaneously claiming Moscow’s continued interest in peace negotiations. The European Union summoned Russia’s ambassador in response, and Ukraine called for an emergency UN Security Council meeting.

Ukraine’s Cabinet of Ministers has approved a resolution allowing men aged 18 to 22 years to travel abroad, marking a significant change to wartime travel restrictions. 

The change affects thousands of young Ukrainians who’ve been trapped between worlds—too old to leave legally, too young for military service to make practical sense.

What young men need to travel

The new rules require two documents: an international passport and a military registration document. The military document can be electronic and must be shown to border guards on request.

Here’s the catch: men holding government positions still cannot travel except for official business. This exception preserves the policy’s core logic while allowing ordinary citizens more freedom.

Why the government changed course

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy proposed the shift in August, calling it a “positive, correct story” that would help young Ukrainians maintain homeland ties while pursuing education.

Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko emphasized the policy’s reach: “This decision also concerns citizens who, for various reasons, found themselves abroad. We want Ukrainians to maintain maximum connections with Ukraine.”

Two parliamentary bills would extend the policy further—one keeping the 18-22 limit, another raising it to 25.

Social media reactions split sharply along predictable lines. Military personnel expressed concerns about weakening defense capabilities, while others argued the policy would actually encourage young people to stay in Ukraine.

The divide reflects a deeper tension between immediate military needs and long-term demographic survival.

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Supporters see demographic benefits over security risks

Public activist Taras Shamayda argues the policy fixes two problems while ending what he calls the “senseless policy of hatred toward young Ukrainians living abroad.”

First, it lets Ukrainian children who left the country return for visits without getting trapped by travel restrictions. These young people need homeland connections for their future development and are more likely to return permanently with maintained ties.

Second, the policy should dramatically reduce teenage exodus. “This should stop the mass removal of 17-year-old teenagers by mothers abroad, at least drastically reduce the scale of this phenomenon,” Shamayda wrote. His logic: if border crossing remains free until age 22, families have no reason to rush departures, letting children finish Ukrainian education and form local social bonds.

“There is every reason to believe that significantly fewer people will leave Ukraine at 21 than at 17,” he argued, because at 21 “the decisive word will not belong to parents, but to the young people themselves.”

Even postponing emigration decisions by several years helps Ukraine during what he called a “demographic catastrophe.”

Public activist Valentyn Krasnopyorov expects limited exodus because those still in Ukraine until age 22 “could have left earlier and didn’t.” He suggested maybe some 21-year-olds might leave, but doubted mass departures since these young men stayed “when most thought the war would end quickly.”

Like others, Krasnopyorov emphasized the importance of motivating even younger Ukrainians—those aged 14-16—to remain in the country.

Military officers argue Ukraine needs younger troops on frontlines

Meanwhile, battalion commander Yurii Bereeza wants mobilization starting at 18 for both sexes. He cited Israel’s approach:

“Those who fled abroad have no right to any government positions, no right to business, no right to all the benefits that allow citizens to be citizens.”

Military officer Mykola Voroshonov framed it in stark battlefield terms. He opposes “fifty-year-old old men trying to hold positions for months while 21-year-old healthy Ukrainian boys work on construction sites in the Czech Republic.”

Writer and military officer Dmytro Vovnyanko dismissed the policy as government public relations designed to “get rid of the entire explosive element” of potential protests.

These critics see the policy as undermining Ukraine’s ability to field younger, more effective soldiers when the military desperately needs fresh recruits.

Schools losing 70% of students to emigration

Ukrainian Catholic University lecturer Vitalii Rudenky provided the starkest warning. Some schools lose 70% of students between 10th and 11th grades as parents take children abroad.

“There are two wars,” he wrote. “The current hot one and the demographic one.”

Without changes, he predicts Ukraine might have only 20 million residents by 2050—a population collapse that would make military victory meaningless. The approximate population of Ukraine as of 2025 is estimated to be around 38.9 million people. However, this figure is subject to uncertainty due to the ongoing war, territorial occupation, and large-scale migration movements.

Rudenkiy agreed with other experts about focusing efforts on retaining the youngest Ukrainians, particularly those aged 14-16 who haven’t yet made emigration decisions.

The new policy represents Ukraine’s attempt to balance immediate military needs against long-term national survival. Whether it works depends on implementation and whether young Ukrainians actually use their new freedom to maintain rather than sever homeland ties.

The gunman who killed two children at a Minneapolis Catholic school kept a diary in broken Russian and listed three Russian music artists among his favorites, according to analysis of videos he posted hours before the attack.

Robin Westman wrote much of his manifesto using Cyrillic script to spell out English words like “Christmas concert” and “parking spot,” “I’m faggot.”

But he also scrawled desperate Russian phrases throughout his notebook: “kill yourself,” “who am I?,” “when will this end?,” “help me!,” “I don’t want to.”

On one page, he drew himself with a rifle on his shoulder standing before a mirror—with something horned and demonic staring back from the reflection.

The 23-year-old also listed Russian rappers GONE.Fludd and Mosquit, plus electronic duo IC3PEAK, among his preferred musicians, according to Russian Telegram channel Astra.

The Russian connections emerged from disturbing videos Westman uploaded to YouTube just hours before opening fire at Annunciation Catholic School on 27 August.

In one 20-minute clip titled “So long and thanks for all the fish,” he slowly flipped through pages of his handwritten manifesto while smoke drifted from the bottom of the screen, punctuated by coughs, cursing and what witnesses described as maniacal giggles.

The attack

Westman fired dozens of shots through stained glass windows during a back-to-school Mass around 8:30 a.m. Wednesday, killing two children ages 8 and 10. Seventeen others were wounded, including 14 children, before the shooter died from a self-inflicted gunshot wound.

The gunman came armed with three weapons—a rifle, shotgun and handgun. Police Chief Brian O’Hara confirmed Westman fired from all three during the assault on worshippers attending the celebratory service.

His weapon magazines bore disturbing messages: “for the children,” “kill Donald Trump,” and “6 Million wasn’t enough”—a reference to Holocaust death statistics. Some weapons also carried phrases written in Russian, such as “I am terrorist,” “Hatred,” “Kill yourself,” and “Vodka and REB [electronic warfare].”

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Former student’s calculated plan

Westman wasn’t a random shooter. He graduated from Annunciation in 2017 and his mother, Mary Grace Westman, worked as the school’s secretary until retiring in 2021.

His manifesto revealed calculated planning and disturbed thinking.

 “I have had thoughts about mass murder for a long time. I am very conflicted with writing this journal,” he wrote, according to translations by The New York Post.

He fantasized about “being that scary horrible monster standing over those powerless kids” while detailing his targeting strategy:

“I am feeling good about annunciation. It seems like a good combo of easy attack form and devastating tragedy.”

The shooter had concerns about “finding a large enough group” and wanted to “avoid any parents, but pre and post school drop off.”

The shooter specifically targeted the church during an event with children present.

“I think attacking a large group of kids coming in from recess is my best plan,” another entry stated. “Then from there I can go inside and kill, going for as long as I can.”

The journal contained a trans pride flag sticker with “Defend equality” printed across the bottom, overlaid with a black AK-47 sticker. Court documents show Westman legally changed names from Robert to Robin in January 2020, with the petition stating he “identifies as a female and wants her name to reflect that identification.”

Contradictory and incoherent beliefs

The manifesto expressed reverence for previous school shooters, particularly Adam Lanza. “Sandy Hook was my favorite, I think, exposure of school shootings,” Westman wrote, referring to the 2012 massacre that killed 20 first-graders and six adults.

His writings revealed contradictory ideological positions alongside antisemitic hatred.

“If I carry out a racially motivated attack, it would be most likely against filthy Zionist jews,” he wrote, before adding “FREE PALESTINE!”

On another page: “I hate fascism,” followed by “I also love when kids get shot, I love to see kids get torn apart.”

The shooter wasn’t known to law enforcement before the attack. The FBI continues investigating the online videos as they work to determine his full motives, according to Chief O’Hara.

Near the video’s end, Westman displayed what appeared to be a church layout drawing, said “Haha, nice,” then stabbed it with a knife before quietly mumbling “kill myself.”

Russian authorities have constructed a Pantsir air defense tower adjacent to a drone manufacturing facility in Yelabuga, according to the partisan movement ATESH, which claims the measure reflects damage from Ukrainian strikes.

ATESH agents working at the factory documented the defensive installation near the facility, the group announced via Telegram on 26 August.

The organization characterized the construction as evidence that Ukrainian drone attacks have already inflicted damage on the plant.

Ukrainian forces conducted their most recent drone strike against the Yelabuga facility on 25 August. The facility has faced multiple Ukrainian attacks throughout 2025, with documented strikes occurring in April, June, and August.

The Elabuga installation represents part of a broader pattern across Russia. The group’s agents have documented similar tower constructions in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Yekaterinburg, and other cities. These structures feature modules designed for Pantsir air defense systems and are being erected to counter Ukrainian drone operations.

ATESH maintains that these defensive measures will prove insufficient against future attacks.

“The Kremlin can build new towers and cover factories with ‘Pantsirs,’ but this won’t save them from retribution,” the group stated, adding that “for every ‘Shahed’ launched at Ukraine, a just strike will come.”

The organization has called for intelligence regarding similar defensive installations, air defense systems, or military facilities in Russia and occupied territories, offering compensation for reliable information.

Yelabuga factory allegedly produces more than 5000 drones monthly

In July, Russian state media broadcast aired two propaganda films showcasing Geran-2 drone production and deployment capabilities, particularly at the Yelabuga manufacturing complex, positioned over 1,300 km (807 miles) from Ukrainian territory. 

Intelligence reports indicated the facility manufactures more than 5,000 Geran-2 units monthly, with 18,000 drones completed during the first six months of 2025.

The propaganda rollout followed Russia’s record-breaking single-day bombardment on July 9, when Moscow deployed 741 drones and missiles in a 24-hour period.

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A 23-year-old Ukrainian woman who recently fled to the United States to escape the war in her homeland was fatally stabbed on 22 August night at a Charlotte light rail station.

Iryna Zarutska was found dead at 9:55 p.m. at the South End light rail station in Charlotte, North Carolina.

Police arrested 34-year-old Decarlos Brown Jr. at the scene and charged him with first-degree murder. Brown was hospitalized with non-life-threatening injuries sustained during the incident. 

Court records show Brown has been arrested multiple times since 2011 on charges including felony larceny, robbery with a dangerous weapon, and communicating threats. Most of these charges were subsequently dropped, according to The Charlotte Observer.

The pattern continued this year. In January, Brown called 911 after a welfare check, telling officers he believed someone had placed a “man-made” material inside his body that controlled when he ate, walked, and talked. When officers explained this was a medical issue beyond their scope, Brown became upset and called 911 again. He was arrested after hanging up.

His public defender has now filed a motion questioning his capacity to proceed with the murder case. Brown is reportedly homeless.

The killing has shaken confidence in Charlotte’s transit system. Council member Edwin Peacock put it bluntly: “The trust and confidence that we have right now, and particularly between South End and Uptown, it’s very fragile right now.”

Peacock knows what comes next. “I know from my experience of living in Washington, D.C., and having lots of friends in Atlanta that the moment where the transit system starts to become something where it’s not considered to be safe is the moment in which you begin to lose riders, to lose momentum.”

Police have not disclosed what led to the stabbing. The investigation remains active and ongoing, with authorities asking anyone with information to contact the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department.

Russian forces conducted extensive attacks on Ukraine’s energy and gas transport infrastructure during the night of 26-27 August, affecting six regions across the country.

The strikes targeted facilities in Sumy, Poltava, Donetsk, Chernihiv, Kharkiv, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts using drones, according to Ukraine’s Ministry of Energy.

The attacks focused specifically on civilian infrastructure, with emergency and rescue services currently working at impact sites while damage assessments continue.

In northeastern Sumy, located near the border with Russia, a key electrical substation sustained damage around 1 a.m., resulting in power outages across significant portions of the city and affecting industrial consumers. The attack also disrupted the city’s water supply system, forcing all water utility facilities to switch to emergency backup power.

Central Poltava Oblast experienced strikes against gas transport infrastructure facilities, causing substantial damage to the regional gas network. Energy and gas workers are currently working to restore services as quickly as possible.

Ukrainian officials characterized the attacks as “another act of energy terrorism aimed at the civilian population” and part of what they called Russia’s deliberate strategy to destroy civilian infrastructure ahead of the upcoming heating season.

The most severe period of Russian attacks on Ukrainian energy infrastructure occurred during winter 2024. Russia launched large-scale assaults on thermal power plants and heating systems. Cities like Kyiv and Kharkiv experienced prolonged rolling blackouts affecting both residential areas and industrial operations during the harshest weather conditions in winter.

Ukraine’s energy situation has partially stabilized in 2025 through infrastructure repairs and increased electricity imports from Europe, with nuclear power now serving as the backbone of the system. However, the network remains vulnerable to periodic strikes, as demonstrated by the recent August attacks on Sumy and Poltava oblasts.

Warning: This report contains information about violence and torture that some readers may find disturbing.

Vladyslav pressed fabric he tore from his clothing against his slashed throat and waited in a pit filled with seven dead and tortured Ukrainian soldiers. Russian forces had thrown him there to die after systematically mutilating his captured comrades—cutting off organs, gouging out eyes, severing ears and noses.

Five days later, he crawled into Ukrainian positions, maggots writhing in his wounds, having survived by drinking the blood of mice.

The 33-year-old National Guard soldier cannot speak now. He communicates by writing in a journal from his hospital bed in eastern Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, detailing his capture, torture, and escape. In one sentence that his brother reads aloud, Vladyslav says those who killed his comrades must pay and he is ready to return to fight.

Ukrainian public broadcaster Suspilne interviewed his family and medical staff about the ordeal. Hospital director Serhii Ryzhenko shared additional details on social media, calling it the most severe throat injury treated at the facility in 11 years of war.

From battlefield to torture chamber covered in blood

Several weeks ago, Vladyslav’s brigade lost control of their position near Pokrovsk during Russia’s major ground assault in Donetsk Oblast that began in early August.

Vladyslav was trying to help trapped comrades when Russian forces captured him along with seven other Ukrainian fighters. When he was dragged into a basement, he saw lots of blood.

Two Russian captors, different from the ones who brought him, were released convicts. They systematically tortured each prisoner. He was eighth in line. Other were already standing on their knees, with their hands tied up.

“The first reconnaissance boys who were captured had their eyes gouged out, lips cut off, male organs cut off, ears, and nose,” his brother Yevhen told Suspilne, reading what Vladyslav wrote in the journal.

Vladyslav watched seven soldiers die before his turn came. The Russians cut his throat and dumped him into the pit with the others, believing he was dead.

Playing dead under garbage and debris saved his life

Vladyslav had managed to compress his throat wound and tear fabric from his underwear for a makeshift bandage. The Russians threw garbage over the pit to hide the bodies. Among the debris: a broken bottle.

“His hands were tied, and so he was able to cut the rope with that bottle,” his wife Victoriia explained.

He waited until the Russians left, then began crawling toward Ukrainian lines.

The journey took nearly five days. Maggots infested his wounds. Desperate thirst forced him to catch mice.

“He had to tear apart mice and drink their blood,” hospital director said.

Long recovery ahead

Ukrainian forces evacuated Vladyslav on 17 August. He arrived at Dnipropetrovsk Oblast Clinical Hospital with massive blood loss and infected wounds that had begun to rot.

“When they cut someone’s throat, when a person is bleeding out—there’s little chance,” doctor Ryzhenko said.

“He held on to the end, but what distinguished him was that he was confident until the end that everything would be fine,” the director added, highlighting Vladyslav’s determination to live and get better.

Surgeons performed emergency surgery and installed a tracheostomy. Now the medical team plans reconstructive procedures to restore his voice.

He wants revenge for tortured and killed comrades

As Vladyslav recovers, his brother and wife provide constant support at his bedside. He thinks often of his 4-year-old daughter, who doesn’t know the full story yet but waits to see her father.

“She’s restless, just like him,” Victoriia said, noting their resemblance.

But alongside thoughts of reunion, another force drives him: the memory of seven dead comrades and a burning desire to return to combat.

His brother Yevhen shared what the soldier wrote in his journal: “Those beasts should all feel what I felt and those seven of our Cossack boys.”

Ukraine secured the release of two journalists in its latest prisoner exchange on 24 August, but 28 more media workers remain in Russian captivity where evidence reveals they face systematic torture and abuse designed to break captives mentally and physically.

Ukraine’s Committee on Freedom of Speech called on the international community to maintain pressure on Russia, stating that “only publicity and persistent struggle bring closer the day when all Ukrainians will return home.”

On Ukraine’s Independence Day, the prisoner exchange occurred with assistance from the United Arab Emirates that released over 100 soldiers and civilians from each side. Among them were Ukrainian journalists Dmytro Khyliuk and Mark Kaliush.

Kaliush was detained in Melitopol on 20 August 2023. Russian authorities accused him of terrorism, espionage, and cooperation with Ukrainian special services. Now he awaits a long journey of receiving medical care and undergoing physical and mental rehabilitation, including reintegration into civilian life.

Journalist abducted when full-scale invasion just began

Khyliuk’s captivity began in the first days of Russia’s full-scale invasion. The UNIAN news agency reporter was abducted from his family’s garden north of Kyiv in March 2022, less than two weeks after the war began. Russian forces initially held him in occupied Dymer before transferring him to Russia without any legal basis. 

Reporters Without Borders tracked him through multiple detention facilities, ultimately to a prison in the Vladimir Oblast east of Moscow.

Throughout his captivity, Russian authorities denied holding him despite evidence of his detention. In early June 2023, Khyliuk managed to send a message to his family:

“I am OK. I love you. Tell UNIAN that I am in prison in Russia.”

Sources who met the journalist in prison estimated that at least 300 Ukrainian soldiers and civilians were being held in the same facility, which has capacity for 1,200 detainees. 

Khyliuk spent over three years in Russian custody before his release—time during which he committed no crime beyond practicing journalism.

The toll was severe: he now weighs less than 45 kilograms (99 lbs), his health deteriorated substantially due to heart problems and an abscess, and he faces a long rehabilitation ahead.

In a video recorded on the day of his release, Khyliuk described his final moments in captivity:

“There was a bandage on my face for a day and a half. My hands were wrapped with tape. They [Russians] treated you like cattle.”

But he expressed shock at learning about support back home:

“I didn’t hear, I don’t know anything about Ukraine because I heard nothing during these three years in captivity. I didn’t know that so many people here remembers us and fights for us.”

How Russian detention breaks Ukrainian prisoners

Russian detention centers operate what prosecutors call “a targeted system of repression” against Ukrainian civilians. The abuse follows deliberate policies orchestrated by Russian authorities, with evidence showing high-level security officials instructing prison staff to be cruel without repercussions.

Cells designed for eight people are crammed with around 15 detainees. Ukrainian prisoners have no contact with Russian inmates and are moved between cells every two months to prevent relationships from forming.

Former detainees report regular beatings, electric shocks, including on genitals, mock executions, and threats of sexual violence. Prisoners are subjected to prolonged stress positions, hung by arms or legs, and forced to endure positional torture while blindfolded. Both male and female prisoners face sexual violence and threats.

Daily life is designed for humiliation. Prisoners must stand for prolonged hours under camera surveillance, endure degrading treatment during daily checks including enforced nudity, and survive on inadequate food and medical care.

Many Ukrainian prisoners are held in complete isolation, cut off from families, legal counsel, or the outside world for extended periods.

Former prisoners also describe the psychological warfare: captives are told they will be exchanged soon, only to have those promises broken repeatedly.

Most Ukrainian civilians are labeled as “witnesses”—meaning they face no official charges and have no access to legal representation. Their activities are limited to reading Russian propaganda books portraying Ukraine as a Nazi-controlled state or singing Russian patriotic songs.

Price for being journalist in war-torn Ukraine

The broader assault on Ukrainian journalists has been devastating. Since Russia’s invasion began, at least 127 media workers have been killed, according to verified data from the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine and the International Federation of Journalists.

The breakdown reveals the war’s impact across different groups: 18 journalists died while performing professional duties, 10 were civilian casualties, and 99 media representatives who joined Ukraine’s Defense Forces were killed in combat.

The Institute of Mass Information reports Russia has committed 841 crimes against journalists and media in Ukraine over three and a half years of war.

“If Russia had not unleashed this shameful war, all these colleagues could have continued working successfully,” said NSJU Chairman Serhii Tomilenko. “But the aggressor state decided it was better for them to die, to leave families in deep grief, and people uninformed.”

Ukrainian journalist, investigating Russian torture, became its victim

The case of Viktoriia Roshchyna provides the most disturbing evidence of what happens to journalists in Russian custody.

The 26-year-old’s body was returned to Ukraine in February 2025 among 757 corpses exchanged with Russia, bearing unmistakable signs of torture and missing vital organs.

Forensic investigators found broken ribs, neck injuries, and possible electric shock marks on her feet. Critical organs were missing—parts of her brain, larynx, and eyeballs—which investigators believe represents an attempt to conceal the cause of death.

Roshchyna disappeared in August 2023 while investigating Russia’s detention system in occupied Zaporizhzhia, her home region.

She had been compiling a list of Russian Federal Security Service agents responsible for torturing Ukrainian civilians when she was captured.

Despite being previously detained for a week in March 2022, Roshchyna continued her dangerous work. Between February 2022 and July 2023, she traveled to Russian-held territories at least four times to document conditions there.

Her final reporting trip began in July 2023. She traveled from Kyiv to Poland, then crossed from Latvia into Russia on 26 July, ostensibly heading to Melitopol but first going to Enerhodar to investigate torture centers. Russian security services captured her shortly after.

Former cellmates described her treatment in the SIZO-2 detention center in Taganrog.

“She was whipped and tortured on an equal basis with everyone else,” said Ukrainian prisoner of war Yevheny Markevich. One cellmate saw knife wounds on her arms and legs—”definitely on her arm and leg. She had a knife wound, a fresh scar between the wrist and elbow.”

The electric torture was repeated multiple times. “She said she was all blue,” a cellmate reported, adding that the electric current may have been connected to Roshchyna’s ears.

By summer 2024, her health had deteriorated dramatically. “She was in such a state that she could not even lift her head off the pillow,” witnesses reported.

Despite her suffering, Roshchyna remained defiant.

“She called them ‘executioners, murderers,'” Markevich recalled. “Personally, I admired it. None of us were like that.”

In late August 2024, her father received a call—her first contact in over a year. Speaking in Russian rather than Ukrainian, suggesting she wasn’t alone, Viktoriia told him she expected to be home in September. Instead, Russian authorities announced her death on 19 September, though witnesses report she was removed from her cell eleven days earlier.

Ukraine has charged in absentia Alexander Shtuda, head of Russia’s Taganrog detention center, with organizing the journalist’s torture. According to Ukrainian investigators, Shtuda deliberately organized the abuse because Roshchyna refused to cooperate with the prison administration.

Meanwhile, Ukrainian media organizations have called for international investigations into Roshchyna’s death. The OSCE Representative on Freedom of Media said he was “horrified” by the findings, emphasizing that such treatment violates the UN Convention Against Torture and the Fourth Geneva Convention.

Russia continues to hold an estimated 8,000 Ukrainian soldiers in captivity, while nearly 60,000 Ukrainians are considered missing—many likely facing conditions similar to what these journalists endured.

A Ukrainian court sentenced a 26-year-old man, who disguised as a woman while gathering intelligence for Russia, to 15 years in prison with property confiscation for high treason committed during martial law.

He was photographing military targets for Russian missile strikes in southern Odesa Oblast for months, according to Ukraine Security Service (SBU).

Russian handlers recruited him through Telegram after he contacted their representatives looking for paid work. They offered money in exchange for intelligence on military installations around Izmail district, the strategic port city near Romania’s border.

The spy grew his hair long, learned to apply makeup, and assembled a complete female wardrobe. For months, he walked through sensitive areas appearing as just another local woman.

 “Carrying out the curator’s tasks, he collected data about the locations of military units, movement and basing of Armed Forces personnel and equipment,” the Odesa Oblast Prosecutor’s Office stated.

The disguised agent walked through sensitive areas around Izmail, secretly photographing Armed Forces installations, Security Service facilities, and border guard positions. He packaged his intelligence as detailed reports including text messages, photographs, and precise marks on electronic maps for his Russian handler.

Russian forces intended to use the collected targeting data “to carry out a new series of air attacks on Odesa Oblast,” according to SBU internal security officials. The real-time intelligence would have enabled precise strikes on Ukrainian defensive positions throughout the southern region.

Security Service officers arrested the spy at his residence in January 2025, seizing his mobile phone containing evidence of ongoing coordination with Russian operatives. The device revealed months of communications with Moscow handlers directing his reconnaissance activities.

China has firmly rejected media reports suggesting the country expressed readiness to join international peacekeeping forces for Ukraine in case of a ceasefire, calling such claims inaccurate.

According to Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Guo Jiakun, quoted by local media, “these reports do not correspond to reality. China’s position on the Ukrainian crisis is consistent and clear.”

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov has inserted Moscow’s position into the debate, stating that any agreement without Russian and possibly Chinese participation in discussions about Western-sought security guarantees would be impossible.

“The West understands very well that serious discussion about security guarantees without the Russian Federation is utopia,” Lavrov said.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy rejected both Lavrov’s demands for Chinese participation and the broader concept of involving Beijing.

“We need security guarantees only from those countries that are ready to help us,” Zelenskyy stated, pointing to China’s continued support for Russia. 

“Coalition of the willing” discusses sending peacekeepers to Ukraine

The peacekeeping discussion has gained renewed attention following diplomatic developments between the United States and Russia. US President’s Special Representative Steve Witkoff indicated that during an Alaska meeting on 15 August, Putin and Trump reached agreement on “reliable security guarantees” for Ukraine, including protections comparable to NATO’s Article 5.

Subsequently, what officials termed a “coalition of the willing,” mainly involving European countries such as France and Britain, expressed readiness to contribute to Ukraine’s security guarantees by deploying military personnel on Ukrainian territory.

However, the extent of American support remains unclear. Trump emphasized that the US would not deploy its own military forces while not ruling out logistical support such as “air transportation” for allied forces.

What security guarantees Ukraine needs

The broader Western security framework being discussed extends beyond military assistance to include:

• training Ukrainian forces
• weapons deliveries
• defense industry development assistance
• intelligence sharing
• sanctions
• economic cooperation
• Ukraine’s gradual EU accession.

Senior EU diplomats indicated that ceasefire monitoring could rely primarily on drone technology rather than traditional frontline deployment, with response protocols for violations still requiring definition in any mandate.

Zelenskyy indicated after White House meetings on 18 August that security guarantees should include American weapons systems that Ukraine cannot produce domestically, specifically mentioning aircraft and air defense systems.

American director Woody Allen joined Russia’s premier film festival via video link this weekend, appearing at the Moscow International Cinema Week as Russian forces continue killing Ukrainian civilians and cultural figures in the ongoing war.

Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry delivered a sharp rebuke in response, calling Allen’s participation “whitewashing Russian crimes” and an insult to Ukrainian filmmakers killed or injured in the conflict.

“By taking part in a festival that brings together Putin’s supporters and voices, Allen chooses to turn a blind eye to the atrocities Russia commits in Ukraine every single day for 11 years now,” their statement reads. 

The ministry then declared: “Culture should never be used to whitewash crimes or serve as a propaganda tool.”

https://twitter.com/MFA_Ukraine/status/1959893158466060470/?fj

Allen joined Saturday’s “World Cinema Legends” session, where Russian director Fedor Bondarchuk conducted the interview, according to Russian news agency Afisha Daily. 

The conversation revealed Allen’s longstanding connection to Russian culture. He told the audience he had watched the nearly seven-hour Russian film “War and Peace” in a single day and recalled meeting Sergei Bondarchuk, Fedor’s father and the renowned Soviet director, in New York years earlier.

Allen also detailed his three previous visits to Russia. His first trip during Soviet times left him with a “gloomy” impression, but later visits proved more positive.

“We came to St. Petersburg. Went to the ballet, walked through museums, I liked everything. From there we moved to Moscow,” he said.

https://twitter.com/EuromaidanPress/status/1959943495868731532/?fjj

The conversation took an uncomfortable turn when Bondarchuk asked about potential film projects in Russia. Allen dismissed previous rumors but left the door open:

“If such offers existed, I would sit down and think about what the script could be about how good you feel in Moscow and St. Petersburg.”

The festival also featured other international participants, including Serbian director Emir Kusturica, who has publicly supported Putin’s policies and the military action in Ukraine, and American actor Mark Dacascos, known for roles in “John Wick 3” and “Brotherhood of the Wolf.”

88-year-old Allen, whose career spans over 50 films, has won four Academy Awards from 16 nominations. The director has faced industry scrutiny in recent years following allegations from his adopted daughter Dylan Farrow, who accused him of abuse in 1992.

German Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul stated that Ukraine should receive security guarantees “that come very close to what NATO membership means” as part of any future peace agreement.

Wadephul argued that substantial security commitments are essential before Ukraine could consider any territorial concessions.

“We cannot demand that Ukraine seriously consider territorial concessions if it does not receive at least real security guarantees from as many states as possible, so that at least the rest will be safe,” the minister said, according to Deutsche Welle.

The German foreign minister expressed optimism that such robust guarantees could eventually persuade Russian President Vladimir Putin to accept a peace framework.

Wadephul contended that comprehensive security arrangements would pose no threat to Russia and “could become the foundation for us in Europe to finally have peace again.”

According to Wadephul, approximately 30 countries, including Japan, have indicated willingness to support Ukraine with security guarantees.

He emphasized the importance of expanding the circle of guarantor nations beyond Europe, particularly noting the need for United States participation in any security framework.

European officials are discussing plans to deploy British and French military personnel to Ukraine as security guarantees, with approximately 10 countries ready to participate in the initiative.

The plan involves European troops initially focusing on training Ukrainian forces away from combat zones, while the US would provide logistics, air support, intelligence sharing, and weapons without deploying American soldiers.

The minister also warned that any breach of security guarantees would constitute “an attack on Ukraine,” underscoring the binding nature of such commitments.

Ukrainian PM: “Strong army and strong economy” are true security guarantees 

Meanwhile, Ukrainian Prime Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko met with US President’s Special Representative for Ukraine and Russia Keith Kellogg, who arrived in Kyiv on 24 August, Ukraine’s Independence Day. According to Svyrydenko social media post, their discussions covered security guarantees based on the UN Charter and respect for Ukrainian sovereignty.

Svyrydenko told Kellogg that effective security guarantees must encompass military, political and economic components.

She emphasized that “true security guarantee is a strong Ukrainian army and a strong economy” and stressed the need to preserve Ukraine’s armed forces capabilities while developing domestic industry.

The Ukrainian prime minister also raised the return of prisoners of war, civilians and kidnapped children, as well as preventing the legalization of Russian exploitation of critical minerals and industrial assets in occupied territories.

On 24 August, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov also gave an interview to NBC’s “Meet the Press,” where he dismissed President Zelenskyy as illegitimate and demanded Ukraine surrender territories in occupied regions, using the tsarist-era term “Novorossiya” to justify claims over large portions of Ukrainian territory.

He referenced Russia’s sham referendums in occupied areas while insisting Putin wants peace, even as Russian forces continue military operations across eastern Ukraine. 

Ukraine has publicly displayed what appears to be the long-range version of its R-360 Neptune cruise missile for the first time, according to an analysis by Defense Express.

The extended-range variant, unofficially known as “Long Neptune,” was featured in a video released on the state weapons portal “Zbroya” on Ukraine’s Independence Day, 24 August.

The “Zbroya” portal, which published the video, serves as a unified platform for state services and programs for weapons manufacturers and acts as a brand for Ukrainian defense products. The portal was originally created by the Ministry of Strategic Industries, which transferred its responsibilities to the Ministry of Defense on 21 July 2025.

The missile stands out immediately. X-shaped folding wings. No other Ukrainian weapon matches that profile, Defense Express points out. The video doesn’t name the weapon, but the visual signature tells the story.

This “Long Neptune” has reportedly been hitting targets 1000 km (621 miles) away since March 2025—double the range of the original anti-ship version. Development started in November 2023, yet no official images surfaced until Ukraine’s Independence Day.

Defense analysts claim they spotted first public display of what appears to be Ukraine's secretive long-range Neptune missile — Defense Express.

The "Long Neptune" reportedly strikes targets 1000 km (621 miles) away compared to 200-400 km (124-248 miles) of the original… pic.twitter.com/tHdEwr3l1j

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 25, 2025

Defense Express analyzed the missile’s dimensions by comparing it to the original anti-ship R-360 Neptune. Using the tail section as a reference point, the publication estimates the “Long Neptune” measures over six meters in length without its booster, making it approximately 1.5 meters longer than the standard version.

The analysis suggests the missile’s central fuselage has been enlarged from 38 centimeters to approximately 50 centimeters in diameter to accommodate additional fuel capacity. The wing and tail surfaces have also been expanded to compensate for increased takeoff weight.

Here’s the catch: the launch footage in the video dates back to 2018-2020 coastal tests, not recent operations. Ukraine revealed the missile’s existence without showing current capabilities. No official specifications exist for the long-range variant. Even the warhead weight remains classified, though the original Neptune carried 150 kilograms of explosives.

If Defense Express correctly identified the weapon, and if it’s been operational since March as reported, Russian forces already know what it looks like. The visual reveal changes nothing operationally.

Russia knows its demands are impossible. That’s the point.

Finnish President Alexander Stubb spelled this out during a Fox News interview, describing Moscow’s approach as calculated theater.

“That’s typical Russian negotiation tactics,” Stubb told the One Nation program. “You say one unacceptable thing at the beginning and then you start retracting. It happens all the time.”

Imagine giving up American territories to Russia

Stubb offered American viewers a stark comparison to grasp what Russia actually wants from Ukraine. Picture the US surrendering Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland to an adversary. Then imagine that adversary building “some kind of superhighway through which you can attack New York.”

“That’s what Putin is asking from Ukraine,” the Finnish president said.

The math on Russian progress tells its own story. After years of trying to capture the Donbas region since 2014, Russia controls 75% of the territory. But half of that came immediately at the start of the conflict. The remaining gains?

“He’s really advancing just tiny bit at a time,” Stubb noted.

The territorial comparison isn’t new to diplomatic circles. During 18 August White House talks with Trump, President Zelenskyy and European leaders used the same Florida analogy with the US President—and it resonated.

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Ukraine needs three-tier security framework

Stubb sees those recent discussions with Trump as laying groundwork for future security arrangements.

“One of the key outcomes of what I would call a successful meeting with President Trump—we started to work on the details of future security guarantees,” he said.

Stubb outlined a three-tier security framework, explaining that Ukraine would serve as its own primary defender with what he described as one of the world’s most modern and largest armies.

Europe would provide the second layer of support, while the United States would contribute some form of assistance as the third component.

But here’s Stubb’s bottom line: “It’s not going to be Russia to tell Europe or the US what they can or cannot do with security guarantees.”

On 24 August, US Vice President J.D. Vance told NBC News that Russia will inevitably have “some stake” in security guarantee discussions for Ukraine, arguing that Moscow’s participation is necessary since they are “the critical party necessary to stop the killing.”

Vance also reaffirmed that American military personnel will not be deployed to Ukraine, but indicated that Washington would maintain an active role in Ukrainian security alongside European nations who would take on significant responsibilities.

US Vice President J.D. Vance stated that Russia will “have some stake” in discussions about security guarantees for Ukraine in attempts to bring the war to an end, according to his interview with NBC News.

Vance argued that Russian participation is inevitable given their central role in the war.

“How can you reasonably provide security guarantees without talking to the Russians about what would be necessary to bring the war to a close?” he told NBC News, adding that “they’re the critical party necessary to stop the killing.”

The vice president also maintained the White House position that American military personnel will not be deployed to Ukraine under any security arrangement.

However, he assured that Washington would continue playing an active role in Ukrainian security and suggested European nations and other countries would take on significant responsibilities.

Russia wants security guarantees for Ukraine as discussed in 2022

Trump’s envoy Steve Witkoff earlier said that Putin and Trump agreed on “reliable security guarantees” during their Alaska meeting on 15 August, including protections similar to NATO’s Article 5.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, also speaking to NBC News on 24 August, stated that security guarantees must “be built on consensus”.

He revealed that during Alaska talks, Russian President Vladimir Putin briefed Donald Trump on principles the Ukrainian delegation had proposed during April 2022 negotiations in Istanbul.

According to Lavrov, those earlier Ukrainian proposals included establishing a security guarantor group comprising UN Security Council permanent members—Britain, China, the United States, France, and Russia—along with Germany, Türkiye, and other interested nations. The arrangement would require Ukraine to remain neutral, avoid military alliances, and maintain non-nuclear status.

Russia demands territorial concessions

Lavrov also told NBC that Russia does not recognize Zelenskyy as Ukraine’s legitimate leader but only as the “de facto head of the regime.”

Russian Foreign Minister demanded Ukraine surrender occupied territories, referring to eastern and southern Ukrainian regions as “Novorossiya” and insisting Ukraine must “let people go” in these areas. He presented these territorial concessions as conditions for Ukraine’s right to exist as a sovereign state.

Europe ready to deploy peacekeepers

European officials are discussing plans to deploy British and French military personnel to Ukraine as security guarantees, with approximately 10 countries ready to participate in the initiative.

The plan involves European troops initially focusing on training Ukrainian forces away from combat zones, while the US would provide logistics, air support, intelligence sharing, and weapons without deploying American soldiers.

However, several European officials remain skeptical that these guarantees will actually deter Putin, with many expecting peace talks to fail and expose Russia’s unwillingness to end the conflict.

 

Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney announced a $1 billion military assistance package for Ukraine during Independence Day proceedings in Kyiv, with equipment deliveries scheduled to begin in September 2025.

The aid package forms part of Canada’s broader $2 billion military commitment made at the G7 summit in June. Carney specified that the funds will purchase drones, ammunition, and armored vehicles for Ukrainian forces.

“Today I proudly announce that over $1 billion of this amount will be directed to strengthening your weapons arsenal through the supply of drones, ammunition, and armored vehicles, which will arrive as early as next month,” Carney stated during his address.

Beyond military hardware, Canada committed tens of millions of dollars for emergency medical assistance, bomb shelter construction, and democracy strengthening initiatives. The democracy support includes cybersecurity assistance to counter digital attacks on Ukrainian institutions.

Carney outlined Canada’s role in international efforts to address humanitarian concerns, particularly regarding illegally displaced children from occupied territories. As co-chair of the international coalition for returning deported Ukrainian children, Canada plans to coordinate with Ukraine, European partners, and the United States on repatriation efforts.

“On this Ukrainian Independence Day and at this critical moment in the country’s history, Canada is strengthening its support and efforts aimed at achieving just and lasting peace in Ukraine,” the Prime Minister stated.

Carney’s visit to Kyiv represents part of a broader European tour. His itinerary includes meetings with Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk on 25 August, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz on 26 August, and Latvian Prime Minister Evika Siliņa on 27 August.

Since the full-scale invasion began in 2022, Canada has provided nearly $22 billion in aid to Ukraine, including over $12.4 billion in financial assistance to support the Ukrainian government and economy. Canada also committed about $3 billion specifically for military support, supplying infantry fighting vehicles, drones, ammunition, and training for Ukrainian forces.

Norway will allocate approximately 7 billion Norwegian kroner ($695 million) for air defense systems for Ukraine, according to the Norwegian government.

The funding will support two Patriot air defense systems that Norway and Germany are jointly purchasing and delivering to Ukraine from Germany.

Beyond the Patriot systems, the cooperation encompasses additional air defense components. Germany is financing contracts with manufacturer Hensoldt for modern TRML-4D air defense radars, which will improve sensor coverage and enhance the effectiveness of other air defense systems.

Germany has also funded procurement of Typhon-2 short-range air defense systems, which are American-manufactured systems, representing an upgraded version of the Typhon-1 system that Norway previously donated to Ukraine.

The Typhon-2 system fills the operational void between close-range and mid-distance air defense capabilities, establishing more complete protection against aerial attacks. Norway is also providing critical Typhon-2 components sourced from its own military inventory.

Earlier, Germany announced it would finance a package of military equipment and ammunition from the USA for Ukraine worth $500 million.

US provides, Europe pays for Ukraine weapons

The United States plays a supporting role by guaranteeing replacement of the donated Patriot systems, while Norway has committed to contribute financially to their replacement procurement.

This arrangement fits within a broader US-NATO mechanism called the “Priority Ukraine Requirements List” (PURL), announced by President Donald Trump in July.

According to NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, Trump indicated that Ukraine should receive “everything necessary for self-defense” but wanted European allies to finance the weapons.

Trump confirmed that the US would provide Ukraine with weapons worth “billions of dollars” through this European-funded approach, including up to 17 Patriot air defense systems.

New details have emerged about the technical execution of the September 2022 Nord Stream pipeline attacks, with German investigators revealing that at least four explosive devices weighing 14 to 27 kilograms each were used to destroy the pipelines at depths of 70-80 meters in the Baltic Sea.

The explosive devices consisted of a mixture of RDX and HMX and were equipped with delayed-action detonators, according to the arrest warrant for Ukrainian suspect Serhii Kuznetsov obtained by Tagesschau. 

Ukrainian suspect arrested in Italy

German investigators believe the operation involved a six-person team comprising a skipper, four divers, and an explosives expert who coordinated the placement of the bombs on both Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2 pipelines.

Serhii Kuznetsov allegedly coordinated the entire mission. The 49-year-old Ukrainian—a former Security Service employee and retired Armed Forces captain—was arrested on 20 August at an Italian beach resort near Rimini where he was vacationing with his family.

When Italian police brought him to court in Bologna, handcuffed and flanked by three officers, Kuznetsov made a defiant gesture to waiting journalists. Three fingers. Ukraine’s trident symbol.

What investigators believe happened

Kuznetsov boarded the rented sailing yacht “Andromeda” from Wiek on Germany’s Rügen island, coordinated the team as they planted bombs on both Nord Stream 1 and 2 pipelines, then departed on September 22. A driver picked him up and took him back to Ukraine. The remaining team members returned to Hohe Düne near Warnemünde—where they’d originally rented the boat.

How did German investigators crack the case? The investigation began in October 2022, with German Federal Criminal Police and Federal Police conducting underwater examinations using diving robots, collecting soil samples, and recovering pipeline fragments.

A breakthrough came through intelligence from a foreign service that led investigators to the “Andromeda” yacht, which had been rented in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania using false identities through a Polish shell company. When investigators examined it, they found fingerprints, DNA traces, and explosive residue. The evidence trail started there.

Italian media report that Kuznetsov’s lawyer has rejected the charges, and the suspect has refused to consent to extradition to Germany.

This represents the first arrest in what prosecutors call one of Europe’s most spectacular acts of sabotage. But it’s not the first suspect they’ve pursued.

Last year, German authorities tried to arrest another Ukrainian, Volodymyr Z., in Poland, who was allegedly involved as a diver in the operation. Despite having a European arrest warrant, he escaped—reportedly leaving in a Ukrainian diplomatic vehicle before Polish police could detain him. 

Zelenskyy denies government involvement

According to Wall Street Journal reporting from August 2024, the operation was planned by high-ranking Ukrainian military officials and businessmen using a recreational yacht and publicly available nautical charts. According to WSJ sources, President Zelenskyy initially approved the plan but later ordered then-Commander-in-Chief Valerii Zaluzhnyi to halt it after CIA warnings. Zaluzhnyi allegedly ignored the order.

Zelenskyy has consistently denied government involvement in the attacks. But German investigators believe they’ve identified multiple suspects—Ukrainian civilians plus current and former military personnel.

Kuznetsov faces charges of “anti-constitutional sabotage,” “intentional causing of an explosion,” and “destruction of buildings”—potentially 15 years in prison. 

An Italian court will decide his fate. The key hearing is scheduled for next week.

 

Ukrainian military units have established control over the settlement of Zelenyi Hai [eng: Green grove] in Donetsk Oblast, with the victory announced on Ukraine’s National Flag Day, marking both a tactical achievement and symbolic moment amid broader Russian pressure across the eastern front.

The operational-strategic group of forces “Dnipro” confirmed that fighters from the 37th separate marine infantry brigade, working alongside the 214th separate assault battalion OPFOR, successfully halted the advance of Russian forces in the area.

However, the operational-strategic group “Dnipro” warned that Russian forces are mounting efforts to retake Zelenyi Hai while simultaneously attempting to occupy additional settlements throughout this sector of Donetsk Oblast.

At the beginning of August, Russian forces entered Zelenyi Hai, photographing themselves alongside Russian flags within the settlement, according to the analytical project DeepState.

However, the Main Intelligence Directorate of the Ministry of Defense subsequently reported that Ukrainian special forces eliminated the Russian group that had penetrated the settlement. Despite this operation, DeepState mapping data from 22 August indicated Russian forces maintained control over approximately half of Zelenyi Hai.

Defense forces also recently secured control over most of the nearby village of Tovste, where Ukrainian soldiers raised the national flag.

Russian advances in Donetsk Oblast

The Zelenyi Hai operation occurs against a backdrop of intensifying Russian attacks across Donetsk region.

Recent Russian advances north of Pokrovsk saw enemy forces break through up to 17 kilometers, seizing positions that threaten Ukrainian supply lines.

A separate Russian push near Dobropillia reached the Dobropillia–Kramatorsk highway, a critical route for military logistics.

These tactical gains have prompted regional authorities to expand mandatory evacuation zones. Vadym Filashkin, head of the Donetsk Regional Military Administration, announced on 14 August that five settlements must evacuate approximately 1,879 children due to relentless Russian bombardment of around 3,000 strikes daily.

The Institute for the Study of War identified a “fortress belt,” the primary fortified defensive line established following 2014 military operations, as one of the strategically important Ukrainian positions in Donetsk Oblast that Russian forces continue to approach and attempt to envelop it.

It stretches 50 kilometers from Sloviansk and Kramatorsk in the north to Druzhkivka and Kostyantynivka in the south.

According to the ISW, Ukraine has invested 11 years in strengthening these positions, building “significant defense industrial and defensive infrastructure in and around these cities.”

The institute warned that territorial concessions, pushed by Russia in recent peace negotiations with the US, would “position Russian forces extremely well to renew their attacks on much more favorable terms,” allowing them to bypass costly urban warfare while gaining operational advantages.

Ukrainian forces launched a coordinated drone assault on Russian territory overnight, targeting critical infrastructure including the Ust-Luga port in Leningrad Oblast and the Syzran oil refinery in Samara Oblast, according to regional governors.

Strategic port generating war funding revenue comes under attack

Leningrad Oblast Governor Alexander Drozdenko confirmed that air defenses allegedly destroyed 10 drones over the Ust-Luga port facility, located around 2000 km away from Kyiv, on the morning of 24 August.

This port serves as a crucial hub for Russia to bypass Western sanctions while exporting oil, gas, and coal that generate revenue for military operations. 

The attack resulted in debris causing a fire at a NOVATEK terminal, with Drozdenko stating that “firefighters and emergency services are working to extinguish the fire.”

A specialized fire train carrying over 183 tons of water and 5 tons of foam concentrate was dispatched to assist in firefighting operations, according to the October Railway company.

The Ust-Luga port in Russia's Leningrad Oblast came under drone assault on the morning of 24 August.

This port processes fuel used by Russian military forces.
It serves as a crucial hub for Russia to bypass Western sanctions while exporting oil, gas, and coal that generate… pic.twitter.com/H0mEc1ZwFt

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 24, 2025

Oil refinery producing resources for Russian war effort faces repeated strikes

The Syzran oil refinery in Samara Oblast, over 1700 km away from Kyiv, came under drone attack, with local residents reporting approximately 20 explosions throughout the night.

Samara Governor Vyacheslav Fedorishchev acknowledged the strike on what he termed “an industrial enterprise facility.”

This marks the fourth attack on the Syzran refinery in 2025, following previous strikes in February, March, and earlier in August.

Overnight, drones struck the Syzran oil refinery in Russia's Samara Oblast, located almost 2000 km away from Kyiv.

Local residents reported about 20 explosions throughout the night.

Ukraine targets Russian oil refineries to disrupt the supply of fuel for military operations and… pic.twitter.com/F9oiTKfgHP

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 24, 2025

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Drone attack affects civilian flights

The overnight attacks caused significant disruptions to civilian air traffic, with Pulkovo airport in St. Petersburg suspending aircraft operations.

The airport operated under imposed restrictions for approximately 18 hours, resulting in dozens of delayed flights and passengers sleeping on mats in terminal areas, according to the facility’s press service.

The Russian Defense Ministry subsequently reported that air defense systems intercepted and destroyed 95 Ukrainian drones across 12 Russian regions, Tatarstan, and occupied Crimea during the night. Regional authorities reported no casualties from the attacks on both targeted facilities.

[Update as of 11 p.m. on 24 August]

The Ukrainian General Staff officially confirmed the coordinated attack on Ust-Luga port and the Syzran oil refinery.

The targeted Syzran refinery has a design capacity of 8.5 million tons of oil annually, representing approximately 3.08% of Russia’s total oil refining volume, and specializes in producing gasoline, diesel fuel, and aviation kerosene supplied directly to Russian occupying forces.

Ukrainian forces also struck a gas condensate fractionation and transshipment unit at the Ust-Luga marine terminal with a capacity of 6.9 million tons of raw materials per year.

The General Staff confirmed that Ust-Luga serves as “one of Russia’s key logistics hubs in the Baltic Sea, actively used for exporting energy resources using the so-called shadow fleet to bypass international sanctions.”

Steve Witkoff carried an unusual diplomatic package during his recent meetings with Vladimir Putin. The US special envoy returned to America with a Russian military decoration—the Order of Courage—intended for the family of an American who died fighting for Russia in Ukraine.

The medal went to Juliane Gallina, the CIA’s deputy director for digital innovation, and her husband. Their son Michael Gloss, 21, was killed in April 2024 while serving with Russian airborne forces near Bakhmut, Donetsk Oblast.

Gallina “wept with her husband” when Witkoff presented the decoration, according to a senior administration official who spoke to CNN.

Witkoff, who has lost a son to the opioid epidemic, viewed the gesture through the lens of shared parental grief rather than geopolitics.

For the envoy, the moment “was not about who he fought for, but rather the memories of our children and the overarching message of ‘Let’s end this war,'” the official told CNN.

Witkoff was also present alongside the president Trump at the recent Alaska summit with Putin on 15 August that was aimed at ending the war.

He was disappointed with the US and chose Russia

Michael Gloss had studied human ecology and worked as an environmental activist before traveling to Russia in 2023. His social media posts revealed growing anger toward the United States, declaring that “violence is an integral part of American policy.”

Despite his high-profile American family background—with his father a Navy veteran and his mom a senior CIA official—Russian recruitment authorities failed to detect these connections.

His parents were mostly unaware of his true involvement and only discovered his whereabouts through geolocation data before losing contact with him in March 2024. They were informed of his death two months later.

Russian publication Vazhnye istorii first reported Gloss’s death, revealing he had signed a military contract in September 2023 with the 137th Ryazan Regiment of the Russian Airborne Forces. He told family members he was in Russia “at work,” saving money for a trip to Africa.

The CIA described his case as a private family tragedy rather than a national security issue. Agency spokesperson statements to CNN noted that Gloss “struggled with mental health issues” before his death in Ukraine.

Some of Gloss’s friends suggested he joined Russian forces partly to fast-track citizenship, hoping to pursue environmental projects in Russia.

CBS News had initially reported the decoration as the Order of Vladimir Lenin, but administration officials confirmed it was the Order of Courage.

The CIA issued a statement emphasizing the family’s privacy: “Juliane and her husband shared that ‘we adored our son and grieve his loss every moment. We appreciate privacy at this difficult time.'”

How many foreigners did die fighting for Russia?

The BBC Russian Service confirmed the deaths of 523 foreign nationals fighting for Russia in Ukraine, representing 28 countries and using only open-source verification methods, meaning the actual toll is likely much higher.

Central Asians comprised the largest group, with 72 Tajiks and 66 Uzbeks killed—most recruited from Russian prisons in exchange for sentence cancellation through Wagner Group contracts. Nepal recorded the highest confirmed deaths outside post-Soviet states with 70 fatalities, while North Korea likely has the highest numbers overall but remains unverifiable due to Pyongyang’s secrecy.

President Donald Trump has accused his predecessor Joe Biden of sabotaging Ukraine’s war effort by prohibiting strikes against Russian territory, arguing that defensive-only warfare cannot achieve victory.

Writing on Truth Social, Trump compared the restrictions to “a great team in sports that has a fantastic defense, but is not allowed to play offense,” stating there would be “no chance of winning” under such conditions.

“Crooked and grossly incompetent Joe Biden would not let Ukraine FIGHT BACK, only DEFEND,” Trump wrote. “How did that work out?”

He also claimed the war would never have occurred under his presidency.

Trump accompanied his criticism with a photo collage featuring his recent meeting with Vladimir Putin in Alaska on 15 August, alongside an image from the 1959 “Kitchen Debate” between Vice President Richard Nixon and Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev.

The historical reference points to a Cold War-era exchange about capitalism versus socialism that took place at an American exhibition in Moscow. The parallel isn’t subtle. Trump sees himself following Nixon’s tough-talking tradition with Russia.

Ukrainian officials repeatedly pressed Washington for permission to strike deeper into Russia. Their argument: How do you defeat an enemy you can’t hit where it hurts?

According to Financial Times reporting from July, Trump told Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy that deeper strikes into Russia made sense. The strategy: “make them feel pain” and force Moscow to negotiate.

Since January 2025, Ukrainian long-range drone strikes deep inside Russia caused more than $74 billion in damage—about 4% of Russia’s yearly economy.

Most of the attacks have focused on important targets like oil refineries, storage facilities, pumping stations, ports, and other key infrastructure.

About 39% of strikes were between 500 and 1,000 kilometers inside Russia, with some reaching over 1,000 kilometers, showing Ukraine’s strong reach. These strikes have hurt Russia’s economy that finances the war effort.

Ukrainian security services have arrested a marine brigade officer accused of operating as a Russian intelligence agent while commanding an unmanned aerial vehicle platoon on the southern front, according to the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU).

The platoon commander was passing his own unit’s coordinates to Russian forces. Why? To help them target Ukrainian positions more accurately, the SBU reports.

The officer guided Russian airstrikes against Ukrainian command posts and ammunition warehouses. He knew exactly where neighboring units stored their weapons and where commanders operated from backup locations.

What was his next mission? Recruit more Ukrainian soldiers for Russia’s FSB intelligence network. The SBU says he actively tried convincing other service members to switch sides, reporting his recruitment efforts back to Moscow.

The Russian intelligence service recruited the Ukrainian officer through family members located in occupied areas of Luhansk Oblast. This recruitment method exploits personal connections in territories under Russian control where relatives may also face coercion or pressure.

The evidence tells the story. During his arrest at the marine base, investigators seized a flash drive loaded with classified information ready for transfer to Russian intelligence. Two phones. Direct communication with his FSB handler.

The security service says it documented the suspect’s activities and implemented protective measures for Defense Forces personnel and locations in areas where the FSB maintained agent operations.

The legal consequences are severe. Investigators in Mykolaiv Oblast charged him with high treason during martial law. No bail. Life imprisonment possible if convicted, with complete asset forfeiture.

 

 

Flames consumed 15,000 books at Sumy State University overnight after the Russian missile and drone attack on the city.

The 18 August overnight attack targeted multiple university buildings, with the library in the “N” building suffering significant fire damage, according to Suspilne. 

The destroyed books represented the library’s most recent acquisitions, purchased within the last five to six years.

The latest losses add to devastation from previous strikes. In April, shelling of the university’s congress center resulted in the destruction of 45,000 books, library officials reported. 

Now, the total number of volumes lost to Russian strikes at this university is 60,000.

Scientific equipment damaged

University staff also worked to evacuate valuable scientific equipment from the fire-damaged building, which was flooded during firefighting efforts.

Vice-Rector Anatolia Chornous explained what they were trying to save: scanning electron microscopes, microanalyzers, and other equipment purchased through research grants since 2018.

“We had several grants, and with those funds we bought quite expensive equipment,” Chornous said.

The Center for Collective Use of Scientific Equipment represented years of building research capacity for analytical and materials science work, eliminated in a few moments.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has caused heavy damage to nearly 1,000 libraries and destroyed over 200 million Ukrainian books, according to the date from Ukrainian officials.

In May 2024, a Russian missile hit a printing house in Kharkiv, killing seven workers and burning 50,000 mostly children’s books, making the need for new books even more urgent.

In the Russian-occupied territories, the authorities remove Ukrainian books from local libraries, calling them “extremist” and replacing them with Russian books. 

Ukrainian special operations forces conducted a targeted drone attack against a senior Russian military official, resulting in severe injuries that required amputation of the officer’s arm and leg.

A Ukrainian drone found its target on a dark highway in Russia’s Kursk Oblast near the border with Ukraine. The vehicle carried Lieutenant General Essedulla Abatchev, deputy commander of Russia’s “North” military group.

But who is Abatchev? Ukraine’s Security Service filed charges against him in 2022, documenting his role in combat operations across eastern Ukraine. He commanded forces in Sievierodonetsk, Lysychansk, Kreminna, and Rubizhne—all cities that saw intense fighting in Luhansk Oblast. His career also spans the Chechen wars, Georgia, Syria apart from Luhansk in Ukraine.

Russia’s response to those operations? They awarded Abatchev “Hero of Russia” and “Hero of the LNR” titles for war crimes.

The 17 August strike occurred five kilometers from Rylsk city, according to video footage released by Ukraine’s Special Operations Forces.

The UA_REG TEAM unit tracked Abatchev’s convoy on the Rylsk-Khomutovka highway before launching their attack.

Following the attack, Abatchev was evacuated by military transport aircraft to Moscow’s Vishnevsky Central Clinical Hospital, the Main Intelligence Directorate reported. Emergency amputation followed.

Ukrainian Defense Intelligence emphasized retribution for Russian war crimes, underscoring Ukraine’s capability to conduct precise, high-impact strikes deep into Russian territory

European officials are actively discussing plans to send British and French military personnel to Ukraine as part of security guarantees following any cessation of hostilities, with approximately 10 countries expressing readiness to participate in the initiative.

Bloomberg reports the security package could take shape this week, as officials rush to finalize details before a potential Putin-Zelenskyy meeting initiated by Trump.

But will America participate? President Trump ruled out US boots on the ground, but offered something else – logistics and air support. Not soldiers.

“We’re willing to help them with things, especially — probably you could talk about by air, because there’s nobody that has the kind of stuff we have,” he told Fox News.

Here’s how the European plan would work.

First stage: European troops stationed away from combat zones, focusing on training Ukrainian forces and providing reinforcements. Think military advisors with real backup, not symbolic presence.

Second stage: American intelligence sharing, border surveillance, weapons, and potentially air defense systems. Europe expects the US to keep providing military hardware through European partners, even without direct American deployment.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni also proposed a NATO-like security guarantee—strong allied commitments without actual NATO membership. White House meeting on 18 August gave Trump’s backing for the approach.

Here’s the catch: several European officials remain skeptical about whether any guarantees will actually deter Putin or lead to lasting peace. The plan assumes Russia wants to end the war. That assumption hasn’t been tested.

While European leaders publicly support Trump’s efforts to hold talks with Russia and push for peace in Ukraine, they expect the talks to fail and expose Putin’s true intentions of not willing to end the killings.

 

Why are European leaders backing Trump’s peace negotiations they think will likely prove unsuccessful?

They want Putin’s unwillingness to genuinely end the Ukraine war exposed.

Five diplomats familiar with the discussions revealed to Politico a calculated approach: praise Trump publicly while privately preparing for the talks to reveal Putin’s true intentions.

“It’s clear that if we end up in a situation where Putin proves he doesn’t want to end the war, that will force Trump to act,” one diplomat explained.

The goal? Stronger sanctions when negotiations inevitably stall.

The French president isn’t buying Putin’s peace promises

Emmanuel Macron has become the most vocal skeptic. The same leader who once tried preventing war through diplomatic outreach to Putin now calls the Russian president’s bluff directly.

“Do I think that President Putin wants peace? The answer is no. If you want my deepest belief: No. Do I think that President Trump wants peace? Yes,” Macron said before heading to Washington. “I don’t think that President Putin wants peace. I think he wants the capitulation of Ukraine. That’s what he has proposed.”

A second diplomat confirmed to Politico that allies support the American initiative “not because they necessarily thought it would work but because it will be a clear test of Russian intentions.”

A third diplomat emphasized that security guarantees being developed would help Ukraine “negotiate from a position of strength.”

Meanwhile, Putin’s negotiating demands include:

• Ukraine must abandon its plans to join NATO and adopt a neutral status.

• Lifting or easing of some Western sanctions against Russia, including addressing frozen Russian assets in the West.

• Recognition of Russian sovereignty over Crimea, annexed in 2014.

• Ukraine’s withdrawal from Donetsk, Luhansk oblasts, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts.

• Protection and official status for the Russian language in Ukraine.

• Guarantees for the Russian Orthodox Church Moscow Patriarchate in Ukraine.

• Disarmament of Ukraine, including establishing limits on personnel, weapons, and armed forces.

• Holding new elections in Ukraine under martial law lifted after initial troop withdrawals.

What forced Putin to negotiate in the first place?

Sanctions pressure. European sources point to Washington’s tariffs against India over Russian oil purchases as the turning point. Putin agreed to engage with Trump only after feeling economic squeeze.

The next target? China’s trade with Russia.

But here’s the catch: European officials see current talks as preparation for that pressure campaign, not genuine peace prospects.

One diplomat put it bluntly: “Everyone is going through the motions. But we don’t know what Putin’s end game is. What will motivate Putin to give any concessions? I don’t know.”

Where could Putin-Zelenskyy talks actually happen?

Hungary emerges as one possibility for a Putin-Zelenskyy meeting. Macron proposed Geneva as neutral ground. But venue selection assumes the talks will occur. Growing Russian evasiveness suggests otherwise.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov says Moscow won’t reject talks but insists on preparation “step by step, gradually, starting from the expert level.” Putin suggested hosting a summit in Russia.

Trump already doubts Putin’s sincerity

Europeans adjusted their red lines to work with Trump, softening demands for Russian ceasefire commitments before negotiations.

“There was some hope Trump could change his mind back on the ceasefire issue. That didn’t happen,” a fifth diplomat said, expressing concern over the difference in positions. “But overall it was still a good step towards peace.”

But they’re betting on a bigger prize: Trump’s recognition of Putin’s bad faith.

The American president already shows signs of skepticism.

“We’re going to find out about President Putin in the next couple of weeks,” Trump told Fox News. “It’s possible that he doesn’t want to make a deal.”

That admission gives Europeans what they want: justification for the sanctions escalation they’ve planned all along.

Ukraine’s military intelligence revealed that Russia is actively using an unnamed new drone with cellular communication and remote control capabilities.

The drone functions as a reconnaissance platform, a strike weapon, or a decoy designed to overwhelm Ukrainian air defenses with false targets, according to The Main Intelligence Directorate of Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense.

It can transmit live video through cellular towers and receive remote steering commands via LTE networks.

In strike mode, operators can guide the drone directly onto targets using first-person-view principles—essentially turning it into a manually controlled kamikaze weapon with a human pilot watching through the drone’s camera.

New drone characteristics

Ukrainian analysts describe a delta-wing design similar to the infamous Iranian-designed Shahed-131, though smaller. The resemblance isn’t coincidental because both use the same basic aerodynamic concept that’s proven effective for Russia’s drone swarm tactics.

A jam-resistant satellite positioning system uses four patch antennas paired with Chinese-made Allystar modules. This suggests Russia has specifically designed the drone to operate in electronic warfare environments where standard GPS might be blocked or spoofed.

A DLE engine mounted in the nose section makes the aircraft “most similar to the ‘Italmas’ loitering munition produced by the Russian Zala Group,” intelligence officers noted. But kamikaze drones put them up front since the whole aircraft is meant to crash into targets. This design choice signals the drone can switch between spying and suicide missions as needed.

Where do the parts come from? Nearly half the components trace back to Chinese manufacturers, according to the intelligence assessment. The shopping list includes communication modules, a minicomputer, power regulators, and quartz oscillators—all sourced from China’s commercial electronics industry.

Ukrainian intelligence published a detailed 3D model and component breakdown on the War&Sanctions portal, part of their ongoing effort to document and analyze Russian weapons systems. The technical dissection provides insight into how Russia continues adapting commercial technology for military purposes despite international sanctions.

The emergence of this drone variant highlights Russia’s evolving approach to unmanned warfare—combining proven airframe designs with commercially available communication technology to create more flexible and resilient weapons systems.

 

How serious is Russia about peace? While Donald Trump works to arrange a summit between Putin and Zelenskyy to push for a peace agreement, Russian forces launched another wave of attacks against Ukrainian civilians early 20 August morning.

Russian forces fired two Iskander-M ballistic missiles and Iranian-designed 93 Shahed drones across Ukraine, according to Ukrainian Air Force. Ukrainian air defense intercepted one missile and 62 drones, but strikes still hit 20 locations nationwide.

Energy infrastructure targeted in Odesa Oblast

Izmayil, a port city in southern Odesa Oblast, took direct strikes that damaged fuel and energy infrastructure, according to the Odesa Regional Prosecutor’s Office and State Emergency Service.

One person was injured and hospitalized, officials reported. The strikes sparked a massive fire that required 54 rescuers and 16 specialized vehicles to contain. Ukrainian Railways deployed a fire train, while National Guard fire units and local brigades joined the response.

The Izmayil District Prosecutor’s Office opened a war crimes investigation, while prosecutors and police are documenting damage at the scene.

14 civilians injured in Sumy border Oblast

The northern city of Okhtyrka in northeastern Sumy Oblast faced a massive attack that injured 14 people, including three children. Multiple locations were struck simultaneously across the city.

The youngest victim is not even a year old yet. The boy has an acute stress reaction, but there is no threat to his life.

Emergency workers pulled a woman from rubble and transferred her to ambulance crews, according to regional authorities. The strikes damaged an apartment building, 13 private homes, an outbuilding, and a garage. Several cars were destroyed, and fires broke out across impact sites.

Rescue teams extinguished all fires, the State Emergency Service reported. The scale of damage suggests coordinated targeting of residential areas rather than military infrastructure.

Ukrainian soldier Pavlo Pshenychnyi fought Russian-backed forces in Donetsk Oblast in 2019. Six years later, he found himself fighting for Russia against his own countrymen, while Russia launched an explicit full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

How does a Ukrainian war veteran end up in enemy uniform? The answer reveals Russia’s systematic transformation of occupied territories into military recruitment grounds, where residents face a brutal choice: prison or the front lines. And often prison is not something that’s deserved but rather inflicted through fabricated charges and threats.

Pshenychnyi’s account, given in an interview with Ukrainian news agency Hromadske after his capture by Ukraine’s Freedom battalion, exposes the machinery behind Russia’s forced conscription in occupied areas.

His story traces a path from Ukrainian defender to unwilling Russian soldier—a journey thousands may be forced to take if Russia continues to grab new territories.

Before the full-scale invasion: he fights against the Russians

Why did Pshenychnyi join Ukraine’s military in 2018? Simple economics.

“There was no work,” he told Hromadske. His uncle knew someone at the military commissariat who mentioned openings for drivers with commercial licenses.

“Work is work—what’s the difference where you work?” Pshenychnyi reasoned.

His original enlistment in the Ukrainian army had nothing to do with patriotism or defending his homeland. It was purely economic necessity.

Pshenychnyi signed his contract in October 2018. By November, he was manning positions near Avdiivka, where he could see both Donetsk airports from his post. The war felt manageable then. Until 24 February 2019.

That day, Ukrainian snipers from nearby Pisky killed two Russian soldiers, exposing Ukrainian positions. A week later came the response. A Russian sniper’s bullet found Pshenychnyi’s back, killing his fellow soldier Serhiy Luzenko instantly.

Pshenychnyi survived, crawled to safety, and eventually made it home to southern Kherson Oblast with a disability certificate and two military medals.

He thought his war was over.

Ukrainian veteran monitored by Russian occupiers 

When Russian forces occupied Kalanchak, Kherson Oblast, in February 2022, neighbors quickly identified the local veteran.

“These are good neighbors,” Pshenychnyi said with bitter irony. “Although they’re not very good.”

The first occupiers weren’t even Russian but mostly Dagestanis and other nationalities who barely spoke Russian. They knew enough to search his apartment and confiscate his veteran documents, disability certificate, and medals.

What followed was routine intimidation. New occupying units rotated through monthly, each making their presence known.

“They’d come in on their wave, might hit or not hit, walk around the house, stomp around, look around,” Pshenychnyi recalled. “I was constantly in their field of view.”

During one visit, with his newborn daughter sleeping nearby, Russian soldiers fired two shots into his ceiling. Their message was clear: “You killed our people there.”

Failed attempts to run away with wife and infant

Could Pshenychnyi’s family escape? They tried twice.

The first attempt came eight months after his daughter’s birth in June 2022. At the Russian border, guards turned them back. The child had only a medical document from the hospital—no official birth certificate that Russian authorities would accept.

Six months later, Russian police and child services began visiting. They questioned why the child lacked Russian documents and who the parents were to her.

“They even wanted to take the child—just take her and take her somewhere,” Pshenychnyi said.

Terrified of losing their daughter, his wife obtained Russian birth papers for the child. They tried leaving again, this time through Lithuania. But Lithuanian border guards saw the mismatch: Ukrainian passports for the parents, Russian birth certificate for the child. Again, turned back.

They were stuck.

Fabricated drug charges become pathway from prison to front lines

In September 2024, police arrived claiming someone had stolen tools and appliances in the village. They’d heard a truck had delivered items to Pshenychnyi’s house the day before. Could they search?

While Pshenychnyi opened his first basement room for inspection, officers positioned themselves near the second room. “While I was opening the second one, they were already shouting: ‘Oh, found everything. No need to search anymore!'”

What did they find? “They pulled out a huge bag of grass, marijuana, brought it into the house,” Pshenychnyi recalled.

Two witnesses emerged from the police car right on cue.

He believes they planted evidence to simply force him into Russian service.

The trial stretched from late 2024 to 29 May 2025. Pshenychnyi faced 12.5 years in prison. But as the judge finished reading the sentence, military commissariat officials entered the courtroom.

“That’s it, here’s your prison. You’re going to the army,” they announced.

Former prisoners train new Russian recruits in deliberately brutal conditions

What’s Russian military training like for forced conscripts? Deliberately brutal.

At the Makiivka training facility, former prisoners, who were pardoned in exchange for surviving combat, served as instructors. These “Storm Z” veterans had already proven themselves expendable and lived to tell about it.

Training focused on basic assault tactics: how to storm buildings, shoot between ruins, apply tourniquets, spot tripwires. But the real lesson was endurance. Twenty-kilometer daily marches in extreme heat, minimal water rations, constant physical stress.

“They don’t give water during walking so you don’t die without water,” Pshenychnyi explained. The logic was twisted but clear: condition soldiers for the deprivation they’d face at the front.

Who else trained alongside him? A mix that revealed Russia’s recruitment desperation. Some volunteers who’d fought in 2014’s separatist militias. Alcoholics who’d signed contracts while intoxicated and didn’t remember agreeing. Residents from other occupied territories facing similar forced choices.

Many were HIV-positive former prisoners serving 20-plus year sentences, identifiable by red armbands on their left arms. Several died during training from heart attacks because their bodies accustomed to Siberian cold couldn’t handle the sudden heat and physical demands.

The most desperate cases served as human mine detectors. Russia would strip reluctant soldiers of body armor and weapons, point to a target, and promise equipment back if they survived the approach.

Among the most shocking elements were the foreign fighters—Somalis and others who displayed an almost inhuman indifference to casualties. Pshenychnyi witnessed this firsthand when a group of 10 Somali fighters walked ahead of his unit.

“Such people that I don’t know what could be told to them that they go like that,” Pshenychnyi said, struggling to explain their behavior.

When a mortar shell killed one of the Somalis directly in front of the group, the others simply stepped around the body and continued their advance without pause or emotion.

“That’s it, he’s dead. They bypassed him, they went further. And generally they don’t care,” he said. “They go specifically there to do the task. That’s it.”

Russian commanders leave wounded soldiers to rot in trenches

After six weeks of training, Pshenychnyi received deployment orders. Officials confiscated phones, bank cards, anything connecting soldiers to their previous lives. Then came the trip to Avdiivka in Donetsk Oblast.

The supply situation was immediately clear.

“They gave very little water – for three people per day maximum one and a half liters, and not always full,” Pshenychnyi said.

Soldiers near villages or rivers could sometimes find additional sources. Those in remote forest positions simply went without.

What were their orders? Hold positions 250 meters apart across forest strips. Shoot anyone approaching unless radio communications specifically cleared their movement.

Russian commanders showed little concern for soldier welfare. Pshenychnyi described radio communications where a territorial defense commander threatened troops under mortar fire:

“I’ll shoot you myself, I’ll get you out of the tank now and shoot you… if you don’t continue movement.”

Wounded soldiers received no evacuation.

“If you’re wounded, you have only one way. Either not to be wounded, or better immediately dead. Because you’ll rot in landings and you won’t have evacuation,” Pshenychnyi explained.

Freedom battalion fighters shocked to capture fellow Ukrainian veteran fighting for Russia

When Ukrainian Freedom battalion fighters approached their forest position near Avdiivka, Pshenychnyi and his partner were following standard orders: shoot anyone who approached their sector unless radio communications specifically cleared them.

His partner immediately grabbed his rifle and aimed at the approaching figures. But Pshenychnyi quickly assessed their situation—they were surrounded and outgunned.

“Put down the rifle, why will all this shooting start now?” he told his companion, recognizing the futility of resistance. “What can I do if they’re already standing with rifles? I won’t even have time to take it, whether they’re ours or not, whoever they are.”

Initially, Pshenychnyi couldn’t tell who was approaching their trench. “Well, maybe ours, maybe they’re coming from somewhere. Russians, I think, what’s the difference?” he recalled thinking.

The soldiers called out something, but he couldn’t immediately recognize their identification marks. Only when he got a clear view of their uniforms did recognition dawn.

“Then I look, pixel camouflage, I say: ‘Oh, Ukraine, give us water!'” he called out.

The Ukrainian soldiers were shocked to discover they’d captured a fellow veteran. One asked directly:

“What do you think your guys you fought with since 2014 would say if they found out you’re here now?”

The way Ukrainian soldiers treated Pshenychnyi as a prisoner of war (POW) surprised him.

“I imagined that I would sit there tied up somewhere, and here it’s completely different. And they give food… And they brew coffee,” he shared. “I was glad that I surrendered—otherwise in a few days I would have simply died of dehydration.”

More people in occupation face forced conscription if Russia is not stopped

How many others face Pshenychnyi’s dilemma? His account suggests thousands.

The recruitment system extends beyond fabricated criminal cases. All men under 30 in occupied territories face conscription for military service in Russia. Some serve domestically, others get sent to combat zones.

Those who initially refuse face calculated deception. They’re allowed to live normally at base for weeks, even permitted shopping trips. Just when they think they’ve escaped combat duty, orders arrive: join the assault units or face consequences.

When asked about the common saying among Ukrainians that “if you don’t serve in your own army, you’ll serve in someone else’s,” Pshenychnyi’s response was stark:

“That’s how it will be. If they capture territories, then there will be no choice for anyone, like here.”

Can residents of occupied territories avoid this fate? Pshenychnyi’s assessment left little hope: “There will be no choice at all.”

Russia isn’t just occupying Ukrainian territory. It’s systematically converting Ukrainian citizens into weapons against their own country, using fabricated criminal cases, manipulations and threats to families. 

European leaders issued a pointed statement that reveals deep concerns about being sidelined in Ukraine peace negotiations after the 15 August Trump-Putin summit in Alaska.

The joint declaration from seven EU leaders—released early 16 August morning—welcomed President Trump’s diplomatic efforts while laying down non-negotiable red lines that could complicate any future deal.

According to the European Union statement, leaders including French President Emmanuel Macron, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz insisted that Ukraine must receive “ironclad security guarantees to effectively defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

The statement reveals European priorities that may not align with whatever Trump and Putin discussed in their three-hour meeting Friday at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Alaska.

“We are clear that Ukraine must have ironclad security guarantees to effectively defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity. We welcome President Trump’s statement that the US is prepared to give security guarantees. The Coalition of the Willing is ready to play an active role.”

European leaders want direct involvement in any future negotiations, declaring they are “ready to work with President Trump and President Zelenskyy towards a trilateral summit with European support.”

The EU statement offers clues about what European leaders fear most. Their insistence that “no limitations should be placed on Ukraine’s armed forces or on its cooperation with third countries” suggests concern that Trump might agree to constraints on Western military aid.

Even more pointed: “Russia cannot have a veto against Ukraine’s pathway to EU and NATO,” the leaders declared—a direct pushback against any deal that would limit Ukraine’s Western integration.

The Europeans also rejected territorial concessions, stating bluntly that “it will be up to Ukraine to make decisions on its territory. International borders must not be changed by force.”

Europe ready for continued pressure on Russia

The EU leaders’ statement reads like diplomatic insurance—an attempt to lock in principles before Trump sits down with Zelenskyy for follow-up talks, scheduled on 18 August in Washington.

Their promise of continued pressure reveals the leverage they’re prepared to use:

“As long as the killing in Ukraine continues, we stand ready to uphold the pressure on Russia. We will continue to strengthen sanctions and wider economic measures to put pressure on Russia’s war economy.”

The leaders want to ensure “unwavering solidarity” with Ukraine while working toward “a peace that safeguards Ukraine’s and Europe’s vital security interests.”

The next phase will reveal whether Trump’s promised meeting with Zelenskyy can bridge the gap between what Russia might accept and what Europe demands.

The Alaska summit may have been bilateral, but any lasting agreement will need to satisfy a much larger coalition—one that Europe just reminded everyone it intends to lead.

Russian Deputy Security Council Chairman Dmitry Medvedev declared that 15 August Trump-Putin summit in Alaska “restored a full-fledged mechanism of meetings” between the two countries at the highest level. But did the three-hour encounter actually produce the breakthrough Moscow claims?

The meeting ended without a concrete agreement on Ukraine, with Trump stating “there’s no deal until there’s a deal” during the joint news conference.

Yet according to Medvedev’s Telegram post, Putin “personally and in detail outlined to the US President” Russia’s conditions for ending the war.

Russian officials celebrate end of isolation

Medvedev writes that the meeting proved “negotiations are possible without preconditions and simultaneously with the continuation of the ‘special military operation.'”

He claimed both sides “directly placed responsibility for achieving future results in negotiations on cessation of military actions on Kyiv and Europe.”

After the talks, Trump urged Zelenskyy to “make a deal” with Russia, emphasizing the need for a direct peace agreement rather than a ceasefire, which often fails to hold.

Why frame it this way? Russian media celebrated what they saw as validation after years of isolation claims, with Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova writing:

“For years they have been talking about the isolation of Russia, and today they saw the red carpet that greeted the Russian president”.

Zakharova separately stated that Russia is “no longer in isolation.”

Journalist: “When will you stop killing civilians?”
Putin pretends not to hear.
Minutes later — he and Trump slip into the presidential Cadillac for talks. pic.twitter.com/z7mrfIfIgl

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 15, 2025

Trump provides red carpet for war criminal

Trump and Putin met for nearly three hours at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson but emerged without taking questions from reporters after their joint briefing.

Trump said he and Putin “made some headway” and “great progress” but offered no specifics about any agreements reached.

The atmospherics favored Moscow. Putin received a red carpet welcome at the Alaska military base despite an International Criminal Court (ICC) war crimes warrant that restricts the Russian leader’s global movements.

In 2023, the Hague’s court found Putin and Russia’s children’s commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova guilty of illegally transferring Ukrainian children from occupied areas.

The First Lady Melania Trump reportedly addressed this humanitarian crisis of Ukrainian children abducted by Russian forces in a letter handed to Putin via Trump.

Russia shows no signs it wants peace

Trump told Fox News there were “one or two pretty significant items” preventing a conclusive peace deal, but declined to specify what they were. He added: “Now it’s really up to President Zelenskyy to get it done.”

The US president also suggested that a future trilateral summit involving himself, Zelenskyy, and Putin could be convened to finalize peace terms, but no specific timeline was given, while Russia denied claims of a planned three-leader meeting.

"Red carpet". Ukrainian artist Oleh Shupliaк depicted meeting of US President Trump and Russian President Putin

Russia's war has killed 13,800 civilians, not counting victims in cities such as Mariupol, where thousands may have been killed in Russian attacks
Oleh Shupliaк pic.twitter.com/79vunGbjz7

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 15, 2025

Meanwhile, Putin showed no signs of backing down from Russia’s core demands, saying any deal needs “to consider all legitimate concerns of Russia and to reinstate a just balance of security in Europe and in the world on the whole”.

Russian key demands for Ukraine include:

• Withdrawal from Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson oblasts, including areas not fully under Russian control.
• Abandoning NATO membership aspirations.
• Ending martial law in Ukraine and holding elections.
• International legal recognition of Russia’s annexation of Crimea (2014).
• Limitations on the size of the Ukrainian armed forces.
• Recognition of Russian as an official language on par with Ukrainian.

What happens next

Both leaders expressed interest in future meetings, with Putin suggesting “Next time in Moscow”. Trump held a phone call with Zelenskyy on the next day and expects the Ukrainian president’s visit to Washington on 18 August.

Zelenskyy stressed that Europe needs to be involved every step of the way to make sure Ukraine gets solid security guarantees.

The meeting marked Putin’s first visit to a Western country since ordering the full-scale invasion of Ukraine and his first time on US military property as Russian president.

Vladimir Putin signed a decree on 15 August that could enable foreign investors, including US oil major Exxon Mobil, to reclaim their shares in the Sakhalin-1 oil and gas project.

Friday’s announcement serves as a follow-up to Putin’s October 2022 decree that ordered the seizure of the Sakhalin-1 project, Reuters reports.

Exxon previously operated a 30% stake in the project and remains the only non-Russian investor to have exited its position. Other partners—India’s ONGC Videsh and Japan’s SODECO—kept their shares. Only Exxon walked away.

But here’s the catch: Exxon would need to actively work against the very sanctions that pushed it out. The decree requires foreign shareholders to “undertake actions to support the lifting of Western sanctions” if they want back in.

That’s a tall order. Exxon took a $4.6 billion hit to exit Russia after the February 2022 full-scale invasion. Would the company spend resources lobbying against US policy for a project the Kremlin seized?

The mechanics get messier. Foreign investors must also secure contracts for foreign-made equipment and transfer funds to project accounts. Three years after comprehensive sanctions, that equipment pipeline barely exists.

Can Trump deliver? His team has reportedly identified sanctions they could lift quickly with progress on Ukraine. Sakhalin-1 itself hasn’t been directly sanctioned, creating potential wiggle room.

Russia extended the sale deadline for Exxon’s unclaimed stake until 2026 last December. Translation: Moscow still wants that American expertise and technology.

The economics are stark. Russian oil prices have collapsed from $100 to $55 per barrel since the full-scale war began. Budget revenues have plummeted. Russia’s National Welfare Fund could run dry by late 2025, experts estimate.

Oil and gas revenues have been a crucial source of cash for the Kremlin, accounting for a quarter of total federal budget proceeds.

Earlier, Trump also publicly needled Putin about Russia’s economic struggles, saying the Russian leader should focus on rebuilding his country’s finances rather than fighting wars.

The question remains whether any Western company would risk reputational damage to re-enter Russia while the war continues. For now, Putin has opened the door. Whether anyone walks through it depends on factors far beyond oil prices.

 

First Lady Melania Trump sent a personal letter to Russian President Vladimir Putin addressing the deportations of Ukrainian children during the ongoing war, according to Reuters citing White House officials.

Trump hand-delivered the letter during their 15 August summit in Anchorage, Alaska. The officials wouldn’t reveal details beyond confirming it addressed child abductions, Reuters reports.

Why does this matter? Ukraine has documented over 19,000 children illegally removed from their territories. That’s not a disputed number—it’s Ukraine’s official count as of June.

The International Criminal Court took notice. In 2023, judges issued arrest warrants for Putin and Russia’s children’s commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova. The charge: illegally transferring Ukrainian children from occupied areas.

Russia’s position? Moscow says it protects vulnerable children from war zones.

Recovery of deported children is complicated

Some can. The International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children—41 countries plus the Council of Europe—managed to bring back nearly 600 children in 2024 alone.

But the numbers tell a stark story. Nearly 600 returned. Over 19,000 documented as taken but the actual number could be much higher, possibly in the hundreds of thousands.

The deported children include those with and without parents, ranging from infants to 17 years old, many of whom have had their identities changed and been subjected to forced Russification and adoption by Russian families.

Trump rates Putin talks 10 out of 10

The Alaska meeting almost didn’t happen as planned. Initial reports suggested a private conversation between the two leaders. Instead, both sides brought backup.

Trump’s team: Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Special Envoy Steve Witkoff. Putin’s delegation: Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Presidential Assistant Yury Ushakov.

Three hours behind closed doors at Elmendorf-Richardson military base but no ceasefire reached. Trump emerged calling it “constructive” and rating the encounter “10 out of 10.”

Trump outlined potential war resolution terms involving territorial swaps and US security guarantees. But here’s the catch: he placed responsibility for any ceasefire deal squarely on Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

“I think we’re pretty close to the end,” he said, though he added a crucial caveat: “Ukraine has to agree to this.”

Will additional sanctions follow? Not immediately. Trump indicated he would hold off on the “serious consequences”he previously threatened against Russia.

How do you score a three-hour meeting that produces no deal to end a war? If you’re Donald Trump, the answer is simple: 10 out of 10. The president emerged from his Alaska summit with Vladimir Putin declaring total success despite acknowledging that “not all points were agreed upon” and confirming there was “no deal” on ending the Russo-Ukrainian war. His reasoning? “We got along great,” Trump told Fox News. But here’s where it gets interesting. Trump immediately shifted responsibility for any future agreement to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

“Now it’s really up to President Zelenskyy to get it done,” he said, announcing plans for a trilateral meeting between himself, Putin, and the Ukrainian leader.

What actually happened in that room? The 15 August meeting at Elmendorf-Richardson military base started as a planned one-on-one but expanded to include six officials total. Trump brought Secretary of State Marco Rubio and special envoy Steve Witkoff. Putin arrived with Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and presidential assistant Yury Ushakov. The substance? Trump says he and Putin agreed on territorial exchanges and American security guarantees for Ukraine.

“I think those are the points we discussed, and those are the points on which we mostly reached agreement,” he told Fox News, describing the atmosphere as “warm.”

Here’s the catch: Trump refused to detail what’s actually preventing a final deal. He would only say he wanted to “see what we can do.” Why the confidence then? Trump believes momentum is building.

“I think we’re pretty close to the end,” he said, though he added a crucial caveat: “Ukraine has to agree to this.”

For Putin, the direct talks with a US leader offered symbolic validation after years of isolation, though his demands—including Ukraine’s withdrawal from occupied regions, forsaking NATO membership, and sanction relief—amount to Ukraine’s capitulation. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was excluded from the summit, sparking concerns among European allies that Kyiv could be pressured into territorial concessions. The US president wasted no time following up. He called Zelenskyy the morning after his Putin meeting—16 August—in what both the White House and Zelenskyy’s office described as a “lengthy” conversation that included NATO leaders. 

Trump’s advice to the Ukrainian president was blunt: “A deal needs to be made.”

Both sides called the nearly three-hour Alaska session “constructive” without providing specifics. Trump said he achieved “really significant progress” with Putin, whom he described as a “strong guy” and “incredibly tough.”

But there’s a complication. Putin’s assistant Yury Ushakov—the same aide who sat in that Alaska meeting—told Russian media that “the topic of holding a trilateral summit of Putin, Trump and Zelenskyy has not yet been raised.” Russian officials also said they don’t know when Putin and Trump will meet again.

Ukraine’s Security Service head just explained exactly how Ukraine had smuggled attack drones into Russia and hit four military bases simultaneously in their most audacious operation yet.

The 1 June mission—codenamed “Spider Web”— hit 31 and destroyed 21 Russian aircraft worth over $7 billion. That’s roughly a third of Russia’s cruise missile carriers wiped out in a single coordinated strike.

But the real story isn’t the destruction. It’s how Ukrainian intelligence spent 18 months building a fake logistics company inside Russia to pull it off.

Ukrainian spies rent office space next to enemy headquarters

SBU chief Vasyl Maliuk revealed the operation’s mechanics in a recent interview. His agents didn’t just sneak across the border—they set up shop in Chelyabinsk, renting offices and warehouses practically next door to the local FSB headquarters.

Why Chelyabinsk? The industrial city over 2000 km from the front line provided perfect cover for a logistics operation. The Ukrainians bought five cargo trucks, hired Russian drivers, and started moving equipment.

The weapon? What Maliuk calls “hunting lodges”—wooden structures mounted on truck beds, equipped with solar panels and EcoFlow batteries to continuously power concealed drones. Russian customs saw camping gear. Inside were 117 combat drones waiting to strike.

Russians drinking vodka delayed a covert op

The original plan called for a May strike. What went wrong? Russian drinking culture.

“We planned to do this before May 9, but they went on a drinking binge during Easter,” Maliuk explained.

The Ukrainian handlers couldn’t reach their Russian drivers for weeks. “One driver was missing, then another. Then May 1st—their May holidays—and they’re lying around for a week.”

The operation lost an entire month to spring festivities.

The moment everything almost collapsed

Picture this: Ukrainian agents preparing their weaponized hunting lodges when someone accidentally hits the wrong button. The roof opens. A 63-year-old Russian truck driver sees rows of military drones lined up for combat.

Panic. The field agents called headquarters immediately. “We have an emergency situation. What are we going to do?”

Malyuk’s solution? Instant cover story. Tell the driver these are wildlife surveillance drones used to track animal populations and catch poachers. The 63-year-old knew nothing about modern technology. He bought it. A bonus payment helped seal the deal.

The Russian drivers who transported the drones never knew what they were carrying. They’re now in Russian detention centers, according to Maliuk, facing torture for crimes they didn’t know they were committing.

“In reality, they did nothing illegal and there was no intent in their actions,” he said. “We paid them very generously.”

All Ukrainian operatives who organized the mission have been evacuated from Russia with new identities.

Ukraine hit Russian bombers that attack civilians

The targets weren’t random. These aircraft form part of Russia’s nuclear triad—the bombers that have been launching cruise missiles at Ukrainian cities and infrastructure throughout the war.

The strike hit A-50 early warning aircraft and Tu-95, Tu-22M3, and Tu-160 strategic bombers across four bases: Belaya, Dyagilevo, Olenya, and Ivanovo. The operation required coordination across three time zones.

At the predetermined moment, the hunting lodge roofs opened remotely. The drones emerged and flew to their targets.

Lessons from drug cartels

How did Ukrainian intelligence learn to smuggle military equipment past Russian customs? They studied international drug cartels, Maliuk said in the interview.

Russian customs corruption made the mission possible, he believes. His agents had to navigate what he called “seven circles of hell” due to international sanctions, but corrupt officials provided the opening they needed.

Maliuk also noted the parallels between this operation and the 2022 Crimean Bridge attack, where Ukraine used a truck loaded with 21 tons of explosives.

“If you read between the lines and look professionally, I think many noticed certain parallels.”

Ukrainian prosecutors have concluded their investigation into the forced deportation of children from an occupied special school, gathering evidence that will be used in both domestic and international legal proceedings.

Fifteen children from the Novopetrivka special school in southern Mykolaiv Oblast were tracked, seized, and shipped to Russia through a carefully orchestrated route across occupied territories, according to the Prosecutor General’s Office.

The children included ten without parental care, two orphans, two placed due to difficult circumstances, and one girl who had been adopted by US citizens but remained at the school when the full-scale invasion began in 2022.

Ukraine concluded a war crimes investigation proving Russia deported 15 children from a special school and subjected them to forced cultural conversion — Prosecutor's Office.

The children were forced to sing Russia's anthem, attend pro-Russian events, and were banned from… pic.twitter.com/A2xjknbiMY

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 14, 2025

Russian soldiers storms the school, forcibly remove kids

Russian soldiers weren’t subtle. From day one of occupying Novopetrivka village, they showed up at the school. Regular visits. Head counts. Making sure every child stayed put.

The school director watched this pattern for months. July 2022 rolled around, and she’d seen enough. Time to get these kids out—quietly move them to Ukrainian-controlled territory where they’d be safe.

Someone talked.

Armed Russians stormed the school. They grilled the director. What was she planning? Where were the children going? Then they posted guards. No one leaves.

Twenty soldiers arrived the next morning. Children, director, her husband—everyone loaded up. Destination: Stepanivka village, deep in occupied Kherson Oblast nearby. Three months of waiting. For what?

Two collaborators threatened violence to organize the children’s transport through a complex route: from Stepanivka to occupied Crimea and then to Anapa in Russia’s Krasnodar Oblast.

Ukrainian children are forced into cultural conversion

Ukrainian investigators asked the obvious question. Did these children need evacuation?

No medical emergencies. No additional health screening required. The school had a functioning bomb shelter, food stocks, medicine, hygiene supplies. The village remained stable throughout.

So why move them?

The Prosecutor General’s Office reported that the children faced daily ideological pressure, including forced participation in singing Russia’s anthem, attending pro-Russian events, prohibition of Ukrainian language use, and bans on Ukrainian symbols. Fifteen children became test subjects in forced cultural conversion.

Russia also incorporates thousands of Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories into its military-patriotic youth movement called Yunarmia (Youth Army). This youth army, under the Russian Ministry of Defense, teaches children military skills like assembling assault rifles and marching, as well as propagates anti-European sentiments and portrays Ukraine as the enemy.

The militarization and assimilation efforts by Russia are likened to historical fascist youth indoctrination, with the aim of creating obedient future soldiers for the Russian regime. Ukrainian authorities and international observers have condemned these practices as war crimes and acts of genocide against Ukrainian identity and society.

Ukraine documents systematic Russian war crimes

The charges qualify the actions as war crimes under international humanitarian law, specifically citing violations of Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 regarding forcible displacement of civilians from occupied territory. 

The children? All rescued through coordinated efforts between Ukrainian law enforcement, international partners, and volunteer networks. Every single one now lives safely abroad. The adopted girl reunited with her American family.

Exclusives

Putin came for the summit. Trump brought the white flag. For six months, Trump has found excuses for Putin, punished allies instead of adversaries, and now arrives at the table already conceding the game.

As sanctions bite, Russia’s war chest nears empty by Christmas. The Russian economy is not collapsing, but it is stagnant and suffering high inflation. And this economic decline could be a tipping point, because Russia may run out of liquid reserves, prompting the Kremlin to cut public expenditures.

Ukraine’s new Privet-299 drone spies on Russians where FPVs can’t reach — and bombers can’t fly. The recently revealed Privet-299 drone could help extend the robotic kill zone by tens of kilometers from the front line.

Top 7 must-have gadgets for modern college students. Seven practical, everyday gadgets that help students stay on track, get around, and make the most of campus life

The West is losing the information war because it won’t fight dirty. Facts don’t defeat fascists. Fear does.

Military

50-kilometer fortress: Why Ukraine’s Donetsk defense belt matters more than territory. Eleven years of Ukrainian military investment in Donetsk Oblast’s primary defense network could face elimination through diplomatic concessions rather than military defeat, the ISW reported

Zelenskyy: Ukrainian Armed Forces will not leave Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts on their own. Ukraine faces the prospect of a “third war” if its forces abandon Donbas territories either voluntarily or under international pressure, Zelenskyy said three days before Trump-Putin meeting

Drones attack refineries in Sloviansk-on-Kuban and Volgograd, fire reported

. Russian oil refineries in two regions came under drone attack overnight, with debris from intercepted aircraft damaging a residential building in Volgograd

Intelligence and technology

FT: European defense plant space tripled since 2021. Three years after Russia invaded Ukraine, Europe has constructed an industrial war machine spanning 7 million square meters of new weapons facilities, marking the continent’s largest defense buildup since World War II.

Ukrainian Intel: North Korean troops remain in Kursk Oblast. 11,000 North Korean soldiers remain stationed across four brigades in Russia’s Kursk and Belgorod oblasts, with an additional 6,000 personnel expected for infrastructure and support operations.

Norwegian intelligence considers Russia the biggest threat to country. The Norway’s top spy said that Russia poses the biggest threat to Norwegian security, even as Moscow’s cyber operatives target the nation’s dams.

International

Court orders Ukrainian airline to pay beyond $180,000 limits to families of victims in Tehran plane crash. Canadian court found UIA failed to assess risks before flying 167 passengers and 9 crew members from Tehran on the same day in 2020 Iran retaliated against the US for assassinating general Qasem Soleimani.

The Telegraph: Russia is racing to seize as much Ukrainian territory as possible ahead of peace talks with Trump. Small Russian reconnaissance groups have infiltrated Ukrainian defenses in eastern Donetsk, forcing Kyiv to deploy special forces units to prevent further territorial losses before scheduled peace negotiations in Alaska

Norway’s domestic intelligence suspects Russian trace in cyber sabotage of dam. Norwegian intelligence officials blame pro-Russian hackers for a cyber attack that kept dam gates open for four hours in April, releasing 500 liters per second.

Merz meets Zelenskyy in his office in Berlin. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy arrived by helicopter at the German chancellery for a videoconference with Donald Trump and European leaders, one day before the US president’s planned summit with Vladimir Putin in Alaska

Belarus confirms nuclear weapons training drills with Russia this September

. Belarus will practice planning nuclear weapons deployment alongside Russia during military exercises next month, Defense Minister Viktor Krenin announced

The Telegraph: Ukraine may agree to cede already occupied territory but reject further concessions as Trump-Putin talks near. Russia currently occupies roughly 20% of Ukrainian territory, but Zelenskyy cited intelligence Monday showing Moscow “moving their troops and forces in such a way as to launch new offensive operations.”

Humanitarian and social impact

Russian terror continues: drones hit civilian cars, then ambulance. Three people died in two different locations.

Read our earlier daily review here.

What happens if Putin refuses to end the war? Donald Trump isn’t saying. But the consequences will be “very serious.”

The warning came during a White House briefing this week, Sky News reports. When pressed by journalists for specifics, Trump declined to elaborate.

“I don’t need to say. There will be very serious consequences.”

Why the cryptic threat now? Trump and Putin are set to meet 15 August in Anchorage, Alaska. The stakes couldn’t be higher.

Trump expects this to be just the beginning. A second meeting could happen within days, he told reporters, possibly including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

“There’s a very high probability that we’ll have a second meeting that will be more productive than the first, because in the first one I’m going to find out where we are and what we’re doing.”

The president was blunt about his track record. When asked whether he believes he can persuade Putin to stop shelling Ukrainian civilians, Trump acknowledged failure. He’d raised the issue before “but it didn’t happen.”

Here’s what’s driving the Alaska talks: Washington and Moscow are pursuing an agreement that would let Russia keep occupied territories. The Wall Street Journal says Putin has already presented Trump’s team with a ceasefire proposal.

The price? Ukrainian territorial concessions.

Trump has suggested any peace deal would require “some territorial exchange for the benefit of both sides.” Russia demands: Ukraine withdraws troops from all of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts, parts of which are not even occupied. 

Ukraine’s response was swift.

Zelenskyy declared Ukraine “will not give away its lands to anyone.” European Union leaders echoed that position, insisting Ukraine must shape any peace framework.

The timing matters. On 13 August, just two days before the Alaska meeting, Zelenskyy and European leaders arranged their own session with Trump. Their goal: coordinate positions before Trump sits down with Putin.

What emerges from Alaska could reshape the war’s trajectory. Putin arrives with territorial demands. Trump brings unspecified threats. Ukraine and Europe are scrambling to ensure their voices aren’t drowned out.

The consequences, as Trump says, could indeed be serious.

 

A Ukrainian Orthodox priest was running spies for Moscow. Right from his pulpit in Zaporizhzhia, a city close to the front line in southern Ukraine.

The The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) reported that the network was run by an abbot from a Ukrainian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) parish who used his religious position to identify and recruit pro-Russian sympathizers. The priest used Sunday sermons to scout for recruits, justifying Russia’s invasion to identify sympathizers in his congregation.

How did Ukrainian counterintelligence find him? They caught a Russian spotter operating in the city first. Under interrogation, he gave up the priest. This led to surveillance of the priest’s activities and the discovery of the broader network.

The cleric had recruited a 41-year-old Ukrainian soldier deployed to a local base. The man was feeding Moscow detailed intelligence about Ukrainian positions, troop numbers, and equipment along the Zaporizhzhia front lines. He photographed classified documents showing new Armed Forces deployments and reported on his own battalion’s activities.

But the network went higher. Both the priest and soldier answered to a handler from Russia’s 316th reconnaissance center—part of the GRU military intelligence service. Ukrainian investigators identified this controller as a former Ukrainian police officer who fled to occupied territory and switched sides.

The evidence was everywhere. During raids, the SBU found phones and computers packed with incriminating communications. In the priest’s possession: a Russian passport, Kalashnikov ammunition, and knives.

Why did the priest risk everything? The SBU says he used his religious position systematically, weaving pro-Russian propaganda into sermons before approaching potential recruits privately.

Both men now face five criminal charges, including high treason during martial law. The most serious carry potential life sentences.

A Polish man attempted to join Putin’s army by swimming across an Estonian river on an inflatable mattress. Estonian border guards stopped him. Now he is arrested.

The 49-year-old was caught last week trying to cross the Narva River, which separates Estonia from Russia, according to RMF24. His plan? Float across on a mattress and enlist in Russian forces fighting Ukraine, according to prosecutors.

The Polish citizen had traveled to Estonia from Serbia and was carrying items that demonstrated support for Russian military actions in Ukraine—possibly a St. George ribbon or the letter “Z” that Russian supporters display.

Can foreigners just decide to join Russia’s military? Not through Estonia. The country’s internal security service treats this as a criminal act under national law.

“Joining the army of the Russian Federation indirectly threatens the security of Estonia, as well as all European Union member states,” prosecutor Gardi Anderson told reporters.

The Viru district court ordered two months detention. Why so long? Prosecutors argued the man might flee or try crossing again if released immediately.

Estonian Internal Security Service spokesperson Marta Tuul explained their approach:

“To prevent such actions, we also prosecute citizens of other states who try to support Russia’s military actions through Estonia.”

What happens next? The Polish citizen faces charges under Estonian law that criminalizes participation in foreign acts of aggression. His case could set precedent for how Baltic states handle similar attempts to reach Russian military recruiters.

 

Can an airline walk away from a tragedy by invoking international payment caps? Not this time.

Ontario’s Superior Court just delivered a crushing blow to Ukraine International Airlines, upholding a ruling that strips the carrier of its right to limit compensation for the 176 people killed when flight PS752 was shot down over Tehran, Iran, in 2020.

The court’s reasoning? UIA acted negligently because it “failed to assess the risks associated with operating flights from Tehran.” That single finding changes everything for the families seeking justice.

Here’s why this matters. Under international aviation law, airlines typically pay up to $180,000 per passenger when fault is proven. But when negligence enters the picture? Those caps disappear. 

This determination allows victims’ families to seek compensation beyond the standard international aviation limits.

The Ontario Court of Appeal wasn’t buying UIA’s challenge either. “I dismiss the appeal, ordering court costs to be paid by the appellant in favor of the defendants,” the court stated. 

What actually happened that January morning?

January 8, 2020. Tehran’s airport. A Boeing 737-800 climbs into the dawn sky carrying 176 people on board—11 Ukrainians, plus citizens from Iran, Canada, Britain and Afghanistan, all of them died.

Minutes later, Iranian forces shoot it down. 

Why? They mistook the civilian aircraft for a hostile military target. Iran initially denied responsibility, then admitted what officials called a “catastrophic mistake” three days later.

The timing tells the story. Hours earlier, Iran had launched missile strikes on US military bases in Iraq, retaliating for the assassination of Iranian general Qasem Soleimani. Tensions were sky-high.

Could this have been prevented?

That’s the million-dollar question the Canadian court answered with a resounding yes.

French investigators decoded both flight recorders in July 2020. The data confirmed what Ukraine suspected: the aircraft was functioning normally when the missile struck. No mechanical failure. No pilot error.

The plane was fine. The decision to fly wasn’t.

Why is Iran’s investigation controversial?

The Iranian probe has drawn fire from multiple countries. In February 2021, UN special rapporteurs accused Iran of violating international law and conducting a non-transparent investigation riddled with “inaccuracies.”

Ukraine joined that criticism. So did other affected nations.

Iran did sentence 10 military personnel in April, according to reports. But details? Those remain classified.

What happens now?

UIA can no longer hide behind international treaty provisions that would have capped compensation payments. The airline faces potentially massive financial exposure.

For the families, this ruling represents more than money. It’s acknowledgment that their loved ones died because of preventable negligence—not just Iranian missiles, but Ukrainian miscalculation.

Two people died when a Russian drone hit their car on a highway in Kherson Oblast on 13 August morning. But that wasn’t the end of it.

When police arrived to help, Russian forces struck again. Three officers were wounded in the second attack.

Russian drones hunted civilian cars in broad daylight across southern and eastern Ukraine, killing three people and then striking again when rescuers arrived.

The city of Kherson and part of its region was liberated from the Russians in 2022 but another part east of the Dnipro… pic.twitter.com/xBRwZI6uFR

— Euromaidan Press (@EuromaidanPress) August 13, 2025

Why target rescue workers? Ukrainians authorities describe this pattern as what appears to be a coordinated campaign to cause terror among the civilian population.

Three separate attacks, same target – civilians

Russian forces hit civilian vehicles in three locations on 13 August. In another part of Beryslav district, a drone killed one person and wounded a woman in a passenger car. Emergency crews pulled out the dead and got the injured woman to medical care.

Then came the ambulance strike. Russian forces hit the emergency vehicle directly, sparking a fire that local firefighters had to extinguish, the State Emergency Service reported.

Over in Donetsk region? Same story, different location. A Russian drone slammed into a car carrying three people, sending it careening into a roadside ditch. Police pulled two men from the wreckage while rescue teams freed the third passenger and handed him to medics.

Ukraine documents more Russian war crimes

The Beryslav prosecutor’s office isn’t treating this as random violence. They’ve opened a war crimes investigation under Article 438 of Ukraine’s Criminal Code—the section that covers war crimes resulting in death.

What makes this a war crime? Deliberately targeting civilians. And the follow-up strike on police during rescue operations? That crosses another line entirely.

Will Ukraine give up land to end the war? According to The Telegraph, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has quietly signaled yes—but only territory Russia already holds.

European diplomats and Western officials told the newspaper that Zelenskyy acknowledged this position in conversations with European leaders. The catch? Ukraine would reject any deal requiring it to surrender additional territory.

Why the shift now? Trump and Putin set to meet in Anchorage, Alaska on 15 August.

The White House described the meeting as a “listening exercise” for Trump to better understand how to potentially bring the war to an end.

The timing matters. European leaders worry Trump might negotiate over Ukraine’s head. “I have many fears and a lot of hope,” Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk said Monday.

Zelenskyy emphasized that any peace deal must include Ukraine’s involvement and that Ukrainian territorial integrity is non-negotiable. Trump, however, hinted that any agreement might involve territorial concessions, a point strongly opposed by Zelenskyy. 

What exactly would Ukraine accept? Freezing current front lines. Russia would keep de facto control of occupied areas in Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, Kherson and Crimea—roughly 20% of Ukraine’s internationally recognized territory.

But there’s a constitutional problem. Ukraine’s constitution requires a nationwide referendum for territorial concessions.

Trump criticized this constraint Monday: “I was a little bothered by the fact that Zelenskyy was saying, ‘Well, I have to get constitutional approval’. I mean, he’s got approval to go into war and kill everybody, but he needs approval to do a land swap?”

Trump to find out if he can make a deal with Putin

Can Trump deliver on his promises? The US president said Monday he would try recovering Ukrainian territory during his Putin meeting. “Russia has occupied a big portion of Ukraine. We’re going to try to get some of that territory back for Ukraine.” There would be “some swapping, some changes to land.”

Trump described Friday as a “feel-out meeting.” His confidence? “Probably in the first two minutes, I’ll know exactly whether or not a deal can be made because that’s what I do. I make deals.”

Europe warns no more Ukrainian concessions

Here’s what Europe thinks. Six major powers—the European Commission, France, Italy, the UK, Poland, and Finland—issued a joint declaration stating “the current line of contact should be the starting point of negotiations.”

Translation: No more Ukrainian concessions.

France’s Emmanuel Macron and Germany’s Friedrich Merz backed this hardline approach over the weekend. Their message to Trump: territorial exchanges are a “red line.”

Russia prepares to launch more offensives, not ready to stop war

Is Russia actually ready for peace? Zelenskyy doesn’t think so. Monday evening he cited intelligence reports showing Russia “moving their troops and forces in such a way as to launch new offensive operations.”

The Institute for the Study of War agrees. Russia still seeks Ukraine’s “full capitulation”—toppling the Western-facing government, blocking NATO membership, and forcing demilitarization.

Why can’t Ukraine afford to lose more territory? Geography. Ceding additional areas in Donetsk would let Russian forces bypass fortifications built since the 2014 Donbas war. Ukraine would lose strategic defensive positions it’s held for years.

What about those Kursk bargaining chips? Gone. Ukraine had controlled parts of Russia’s Kursk region, potentially useful for prisoner swaps or negotiations. But Moscow’s forces broke Ukrainian control of that border area.

Ukraine emphasizes security guarantees in any peace deal

Therefore, Zelenskyy insists on clear and reliable security guarantees from Western countries before agreeing to any peace deal with Russia. He emphasizes Russia’s history of repeatedly violating ceasefires since 2014.

He also highlights the importance of starting peace efforts with confidence-building measures like the release of thousands of Ukrainian prisoners and stresses that Ukraine deserves not only to join the EU but also receive NATO security guarantees. 

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte framed the central challenge: “How to deal with the factual situation that the Russians are holding, at this moment, Ukrainian territory.” His distinction? Russia may control land factually, but this can never be accepted legally—”in a de jure sense.”

Will Ukrainian voters accept territorial losses? European officials believe Zelenskyy has room to maneuver. A growing number of Ukrainians might stomach surrendering Russian-held land as the price for ending the war.

Trump plans to call Zelenskyy first “out of respect,” then European leaders after meeting Putin. But the constitutional referendum requirement means any territorial deal would need approval from war-weary Ukrainian voters.

The stakes couldn’t be higher. Friday’s Alaska meeting will test whether Trump’s deal-making confidence can bridge the gap between Russia’s maximalist demands and Ukraine’s red lines.

Davyd Chychkan, a Ukrainian artist known for his anarchist political views and socially engaged artwork, died 9 August from wounds sustained while repelling a Russian infantry assault in southern Zaporizhzhia Oblast. He was 39 years old.

Why was an anarchist artist on the front lines? Chychkan had his reasons.

When Russia launched its full-scale invasion, European cultural institutions offered him thousands of euros monthly to relocate and continue his work abroad. He refused. Making money off Ukraine’s war while safely abroad struck him as morally bankrupt, according to military colleague Mykyta Kozachynskyy.

Instead, Chychkan volunteered for a mortar crew.

The decision fit his philosophy.

“True anarchists must share the most difficult hardships that their people experience,” the Resistance Committee—an organization of anarchist fighters—quoted him saying. 

The group confirmed his death after he suffered severe injuries during combat on 8 August. His death was also confirmed by his wife Anna Wtikenwneider.

Artist’s exhibitions were attacked or canceled

Chychkan’s political views had been causing trouble for years.

His exhibitions faced repeated attacks. In 2017, more than a dozen people broke into a venue showing his work, assaulted a security guard, destroyed the exhibition, and stole four paintings.

This January, Odesa National Art Museum canceled his planned exhibition “With Ribbons and Flags” after critics claimed he equated Ukrainian and Russian soldiers.

Why the hostility? Chychkan was an anarcho-syndicalist who saw art as a tool for working-class liberation.

Born into an artistic family in 1986, he was largely self-taught and worked across graphics, posters, painting, street art, and performance. His pieces often featured political messaging that challenged conventional patriotic narratives.

“Anarchist convictions are my escapism, a wonderful world and a pillow into the existential pit, to fall more softly,” he once explained his political philosophy that advocated for decentralization and solidarity.

Russian anarchist fights alongside Ukrainian forces with hope of bringing revolution to Russia

Devoted to his comrades and his country

BBC defense correspondent Jonathan Beale met Chychkan last December near Kupiansk in eastern Kharkiv Oblast. The encounter stuck with him.

“In many ways, he didn’t seem like an archetypal soldier,” Beale recalled. Chychkan’s unit was an eclectic mix—the artist fought alongside a vegan chef, software developer, and engineer.

But Chychkan’s commitment was clear. He shared his artwork with fellow soldiers and spoke passionately about politics and social justice.

“I didn’t know David very well, but he seemed sensitive and thoughtful to me. In many ways, he didn’t seem like an archetypal soldier, if such a thing exists. But he was clearly devoted to his comrades and his country,” Beale noted.

During their meeting, Chychkan was eagerly awaiting his son’s birth. “It pains me greatly that he won’t be with Anna to watch him grow up,” Beale said.

What he left behind

Chychkan’s wife Anna described him as someone who “loved life very much, but gave it for Ukraine, for the democratic, truly social country he dreamed of.”

Her Facebook post revealed both grief and anger—grief for the husband and father who won’t see his son grow up, anger at those who “persecuted him, insulted him, disrupted exhibitions and threatened him.”

The Resistance Committee remembered him differently than his critics did. They described someone who “always approached any work conscientiously, never hid behind others’ backs or behind his own social capital” and shared “deep thoughts about politics, ethics, and social justice” with fellow soldiers.

At the Odesa Museum of Modern Art, staff noted that visitors consistently lingered at Chychkan’s exhibits during the city’s Biennale. His art, they said, was dedicated to “the fight for freedom”—a fight he ultimately joined with more than brushes and paint.

Soldiers of Song: documentary on how Ukraine’s musicians battle Russian “cultural genocide” through music