Portugal is the most geographically distant EU country from Ukraine, yet in the past year, it has become a steady partner. On 28 May 2024, the two nations signed a bilateral Security Cooperation Agreement, outlining how Portugal would support Ukraine in resisting Russian aggression and rebuilding after the war. This pact was the 12th in a series of bilateral agreements Ukraine began concluding in early 2024.

That series grew out of the G7 Joint Declaration of Support of 2023. By July 2025, Ukraine had signed 29 such agreements — 27 with G7‑aligned or European partners, one with the EU, and one with Croatia — all aimed at long‑term security cooperation. Some commitments come directly from Portugal, while others are delivered through EU-wide programs that Portugal supports collectively.

The agreement with Portugal is broad, extending far beyond the battlefield. It includes support for weapons and training, strengthening Ukraine’s defense industry, sanctioning Russia and using frozen Russian assets, humanitarian aid, and work to hold Moscow’s leadership accountable.

In collaboration with the Dnistrianskyi Center, Euromaidan Press presents this English-language adaptation of Dariia Cherniavska’s analysis on Portugal’s role in Ukraine’s defense, recovery, and pursuit of justice.

Portugal’s commitments

At the time of signing, Portugal pledged at least €126 million in military aid for 2024, aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s air and naval capabilities. Beyond this financial support, the agreement also envisaged:

• Participation in the EU training mission EUMAM
• Cooperation in defense industry development
• Using frozen Russian assets to help fund Ukraine’s defense
• Humanitarian support, including demining and reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure
• Joint efforts to prosecute Russia’s crimes

In essence, it laid out a ten-point roadmap that blends military, political, and humanitarian support.

A year of implementation

The first year proved that this partnership is much more than a statement. Portugal overdelivered on its military commitments while also supporting Ukraine’s defense production, reconstruction, and the pursuit of justice.

Key achievements between May 2024 and May 2025:

• €226 million in military aid, nearly double the initial pledge
• Helicopter deliveries: six Ka‑32 and eight SA‑330 Puma aircraft
• €100 million to the Czech-led initiative for artillery shells
• €52 million to the Drone Coalition to produce drones in Portugal
• Opening of a Tekever branch in Ukraine to expand drone support
• €6 billion from frozen Russian assets channeled to Ukraine through EU programs (collective funding)
• Training for tens of thousands of Ukrainian soldiers through EUMAM and the F‑16 pilot coalition
• Active support for four new EU sanction packages
• Reconstruction efforts including rebuilding schools and funding Superhero Schools
• Participation in coalitions for a special tribunal and the return of deported children

Military aid beyond expectations

Instead of the pledged €126 million, Portugal allocated €226 million to Ukraine in 2024. Early in the year, €100 million went to the Czech-led procurement of 155mm artillery shells, while €52 million funded drone production for Ukraine through the Drone Coalition.

Equipment followed as well. In September 2024, Ukraine received six Ka‑32 helicopters for transport and search-and-rescue missions. At the end of the year, eight SA‑330 Puma helicopters arrived, equipped with systems that allow them to launch Exocet anti-ship missiles.

Earlier contributions included M113 armored vehicles, three Leopard 2A6 tanks, five medical vehicles, 105mm howitzers, and ammunition. For 2025, Portugal has already pledged another €220 million.

Since 2022, Portugal has also joined three multinational “capability coalitions”—on armored vehicles, aviation, and naval power—each aimed at strengthening Ukraine’s defenses. Unlike many partners, however, it has not joined the IT Coalition (IT, communications, cybersecurity) or the Demining Coalition, which is the largest by number of participants.

Strengthening technological capabilities

Since 2022, Ukraine has worked closely with Tekever, a Portuguese company producing AR3 and AR5 reconnaissance drones. The AR5 model can fly longer and carry up to 50 kg of payload. These drones have already caused over $4 billion in losses to Russian forces, including the destruction of two S‑400 systems.

In April 2025, Tekever announced the opening of an office in Ukraine to speed up drone servicing and operator training.

Frozen assets turned into support

Portugal also supports the EU plan to direct profits from frozen Russian assets to Ukraine. These ERA funds are EU-level resources, not Portugal’s national budget, but Portugal backed these measures as part of the collective effort.

The first €1.5 billion tranche arrived in mid‑2024, funding air defense, ammunition, and defense-industry investment.

By May 2025, €6 billion had been transferred through the ERA program. On 9 May 2025, in Lviv, EU leaders committed an additional €1 billion, part of a €1.9 billion package for weapons, artillery, and air defense.

In total, €35 billion is expected to be delivered during 2025 under ERA and the Ukraine Facility, with Portugal participating in these collective decisions.

Training Ukrainian forces

Portugal contributes actively to the EUMAM mission, which has trained over 75,000 Ukrainian soldiers since 2022.

The country also belongs to an 11-country coalition preparing Ukrainian pilots and crews for F‑16 fighter jets, with Norwegian instructors conducting the training on Portuguese Air Force bases.

Sanctions and political pressure

In the year following May 2024, the EU adopted four new sanctions packages, all backed by Portugal. These measures targeted Russia’s military and energy industries, over 340 shadow fleet ships, propaganda outlets, and senior officials, including those linked to the bombing of the Okhmatdyt children’s hospital in Kyiv.

They also extended restrictions to countries helping Russia evade sanctions or supplying drones and missiles, including China, North Korea, India, the UAE, Singapore, Uzbekistan, Iran, Türkiye, Kazakhstan, and Serbia.

Humanitarian and reconstruction support

Portugal has also helped Ukraine on humanitarian and reconstruction fronts.

Since 2023, it has contributed €7 million to the Grain from Ukraine Initiative to stabilize the global food supply. Economic ties have also grown through Portugal’s AICEP agency, which in 2024 ran programs to attract investment and support Ukrainian business.

In November 2024, at the third Joint Economic Cooperation Commission, both sides agreed to expand trade and involve Portuguese companies in rebuilding efforts.

Portugal is already involved in rebuilding schools in Zhytomyr, including School No. 25 destroyed in 2022, and in 2024 invested €160,000 to create Superhero Schools in Chernihiv and Cherkasy, allowing hospitalized children to continue their education.

Justice and accountability

Portugal is part of the Coalition for a Special Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression, which finalized draft statutes in May 2025 for a tribunal in The Hague. In June 2025, Ukraine and the Council of Europe signed an agreement to formally establish this Special Tribunal. Once it begins work in 2026, the tribunal will be able to prosecute 20–30 senior Russian and Belarusian leaders—including Vladimir Putin—even in absentia.

Portugal also participates in the International Coalition for the Return of Ukrainian Children, which in 2024 helped return almost 600 deported children. And in 2023, it contributed €75,000 to the International Criminal Court and sent an expert to help gather evidence of war crimes.

One year on, the Portugal–Ukraine security agreement has grown into a partnership that reaches well beyond geography. Portugal may be Europe’s far west, but its support—especially in military aid, training, sanctions, and justice—has brought it close as a committed ally.

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Belarus neutralized an unidentified drone in Minsk airspace on the morning of 29 July, according to the country’s Defense Ministry.

Belarus is a key ally of Russia, primarily due to their deep military, political, and economic cooperation. The country allowed Russian troops to use its territory for military operations, including during the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and hosts some Russian tactical nuclear weapons.

Air defense forces detected the “unknown aerial target” around 2:00 am, the ministry reported. No casualties were reported.

The ministry announced the start of the investigation into this fact.

The drone crashed in a residential area near a daycare center, landing in the courtyard of a building at 72 Matusevicha Street, according to local media reports.

Belarus has previously intercepted drones in its airspace. In July, a Belarusian Mi-24 helicopter shot down a Russian “Gerbera” drone that was reportedly heading toward Ukraine.

The Defense Ministry has not disclosed the drone’s origin or purpose.

On 28 July, an unidentified unmanned aircraft violated Lithuania’s airspace, likely originating from Belarusian territory. According to LRT, residents began reporting drone sightings to police early 28 July morning, with witnesses describing an aircraft flying at approximately 200 meters altitude near the capital Vilnius.

The event is part of a broader pattern of Russian drones occasionally crossing into NATO countries’ airspace amid rising regional tensions and military exercises planned by Russia and Belarus.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy announced on 24 July that the United States has agreed to purchase Ukrainian-made drones, with potential contracts worth $10-30 billion under discussion.

“We have an agreement with America, with President Trump, that they will buy drones from us,” Zelenskyy told journalists during a briefing. “I have set the task for Umerov, Shmyhal and Kamyshin. They will deal with this. It is very important to prepare this contract for 10-20-30 billion dollars.”

The president has tasked National Security and Defense Council Secretary Rustem Umerov, Defense Minister Denys Shmyhal, and presidential advisor on strategic issues Oleksandr Kamyshin with preparing the contracts.

Zelenskyy first disclosed American interest in Ukrainian drone technology on 16 July, when he revealed discussions with President Trump about bilateral defense procurement.

“There are many drones that only we have. We are discussing this with President Trump. I told him that I really want to buy things from you that only you have. He told me that America wants to buy Ukrainian drones,” Zelenskyy said in an interview with Newsmax correspondent Shelby Wilder in Kyiv.

The Ukrainian leader framed the potential deal as part of broader defense cooperation, emphasizing Ukraine’s need for American Patriot air defense systems.

“I really want America to help us protect our sky. This is very important,” Zelenskyy said during the 16 July interview.

Ukraine urgently needs these systems to counter Moscow’s escalating long-range strikes. The US along with Germany has agreed to deliver five Patriot systems, with Germany, Norway, and other allies financing and facilitating the deliveries. The US has already sent three systems and is involved in ongoing discussions to provide up to 17 in total.

One of Ukraine’s stealth attack drones has made another fleeting appearance somewhere over the 1,100-km front line of Russia’s 42-month wider war on Ukraine. A video that circulated online in recent days may mark only the second appearance of the mysterious drone.

This black-painted UAV is special. 

Most of Ukraine’s long-range attack drones feature the same basic design elements: long straight wings, narrow booms connecting the fuselage and engine to the trail and propeller propulsion. By contrast, the mystery drone is a flying wing with no separate fuselage—and it’s propelled by a jet engine. Reportedly a $2,000, US-made SW140B turbine.

ukrainian jet drone in action https://t.co/y2yQozc2Jl pic.twitter.com/v3CyptmJTE

— imi (m) (@moklasen) July 23, 2025

The flying wing planform, which lacks highly reflective right angles, scatters radar waves in all directions instead of bouncing them straight back at the emitting dish.

All that is to say, the black drone could be highly stealthy. And that should help it slip past Russian air-defenses on its way to strike targets deep inside Russia. There’s no official information about the mystery drone—we don’t even know its name—so we can’t say for sure how far it ranges. 

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But one of the black drones that crashed in Russia in June 2024 appears to be around 10 feet long. If the Ukrainian drone carries as much fuel as a Russian Shahed attack drone, which is roughly as long, it might be capable of traveling hundreds of miles. 

The mystery drone has company. There’s a slightly bigger Ukrainian jet drone, also with a flying wing planform, that has made a couple of appearances on social media since last year. The main difference between the two stealth drones, besides their size, is that the bigger model has a single vertical stabilizer; the smaller model has twin vertical stabilizers. The bigger drone is powered by a German-made JetCat P400-PRO turbojet costing $14,000.

It’s clear both stealth drones exist in small numbers, likely owing to their higher cost and complexity compared to other drone types. The Ukrainian Unmanned Systems Forces’ main attack drone is the straight-wing, propeller-driven An-196. Ukrainian firm Ukroboronprom builds the An-196 by the hundreds: Germany recently ponied up $100 million to pay for 500 of the drones. 

The stealth drones’ rarity may imply the USF deploys them only for the most difficult missions requiring the attacking drones to penetrate dense air-defenses. 

Russia’s got stealth drones, too

The Russians possess a similar but much bigger drone—the 46-foot-long Okhotnik. One of the few copies of the Okhotnik came to a bad end over the front line in eastern Ukraine in October when it lost contact with its operators—and began flying toward free Ukraine.

An escorting Russian Sukhoi Su-57 stealth fighter shot down the Okhotnik, and the wreckage fell on the Ukrainian side of the front line. Ukrainian police recovered the drone’s remains, and the precision glide bomb the drone carried, right before a Russian Iskander missile streaked down—clearly intended to destroy what was left of the Okhotnik.

It’s not clear what, if anything, the Ukrainians have done with the information they gleaned from the Okhotnik’s crash. To be fair, the Russians have also recovered the remains of several Ukrainian stealth drones. If there’s anything either side can learn from the other when it comes to radar-evading drones, they’ve both learned it by now.

The basic principles of stealth aircraft design are well-known by now, however. The challenge for both Ukraine and Russia isn’t to build a few radar-evading drones—it’s to build lots of radar-evading drones.

Until either side can scale up production, both will continue relying on non-stealthy drones for most of their attacks. The Shaheds in Russia’s case. The An-196s in Ukraine’s.

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