Russia has locked up two of its own pro-war bloggers within days of each other, both after they turned their criticism on the Kremlin, The Moscow Times reported. One is a former military pilot now bound for a penal colony, the other is a self-styled mercenary chief sent to pre-trial detention. Their cases add to a growing list of hawkish commentators punished for questioning how Russia runs its war.
As Ukraine's strikes reach ever deeper into Russia and its fuel crisis spre
Russia has locked up two of its own pro-war bloggers within days of each other, both after they turned their criticism on the Kremlin, The Moscow Times reported. One is a former military pilot now bound for a penal colony, the other is a self-styled mercenary chief sent to pre-trial detention. Their cases add to a growing list of hawkish commentators punished for questioning how Russia runs its war.
As Ukraine's strikes reach ever deeper into Russia and its fuel crisis spreads, the Kremlin has grown less tolerant of any uncontrolled voice, with officials even trying to block access to channels that describe the war's costs at home. The censorship laws Moscow built to silence anti-war Russians now fall on the people who wanted a harder war, showing that loyalty to the invasion offers no protection once a commentator criticizes the leadership running it.
Russian war bloggers provide unofficial coverage of the invasion from the Russian side, praising Russia, justifying its war crimes, and often exaggerating its battlefield successes. Over time, some of them turn on the leadership, become entangled in schemes over money raised for the troops, or drift into other crimes—and end up in prison.
The pilot who bombed Ukraine, now headed to a penal colony
A garrison military court in Rostov-on-Don sentenced Alexei Zemtsov, a former Ka-52 attack-helicopter pilot who ran the pro-war Telegram channel Voevoda Veshchaet, to three years in a general-regime colony. The court found him guilty of making death threats, deliberately destroying property, and extortion. His own channel's administrators announced the verdict. A source told TASS that the sentence took "a number of mitigating circumstances" into account.
According to Zemtsov's associates, he intends to sign a military contract and deploy to the war against Ukraine. For that, the Defense Ministry would first have to discharge him and let him re-enlist, which they estimate could take 15 to 45 days.
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The case reached court in February 2026. In April, Zemtsov recorded a video saying he intended to take his own life over pressure from senior military figures, naming a deputy commander-in-chief of Russia's Aerospace Forces, Vladimir Kravchenko, his unit commander Colonel Avramenko, and a military investigator, Kantemirov.
Zemtsov was detained in autumn 2025, released, and rearrested in May 2026 after a conflict with his ex-wife and her lover—he accused her of cheating and beat the man—brought the charges against him. His former wife appeared in the case as a witness.
Until 2023, he co-ran a pro-war channel before founding his own, and he was later grounded after publishing criticism of the military command.
A "private army" chief and the Kremlin he came to hate
A day earlier, the Zamoskvoretsky District Court in Moscow placed Georgy Zakrevsky, 55, the founder of a group he called the Paladin military union, in detention on a charge of publicly "justifying terrorism," which carries up to seven years. The Russian Telegram channel Ostorozhno Novosti reported that the case stems from his Telegram posts.
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Zakrevsky had supported the invasion, but after Ukraine's incursion into Russia's Kursk Oblast he began sharply attacking Putin, declaring that "the main enemy of Russia sits in the Kremlin." In his posts he said the country was "in big trouble": Ukrainian drones were striking central Russian regions, the Black Sea Fleet was being destroyed, and the army stood in the same positions it held more than two years earlier.
A month before his arrest, he released a video complaining of pressure on his organization, which he presented as a private military company of 250 people guarding sites in various countries without "cooperating with the regime." He stated he had fought in the Donbas in 2014, then in Syria and Lebanon.
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A widening crackdown on the war's loudest cheerleaders
The two are not alone. Milblogger Ilya Remeslo, who called Putin a war criminal, is in custody accused of spreading "fakes" about the Russian army, a charge carrying up to ten years. Yegor Guzenko, who runs the Telegram channel Trinadtsaty ("Thirteenth"), was detained on 10 July on an incitement-of-hatred charge that threatens up to six years. Guzenko fought against Ukraine and had called Putin crude names, accusing him of lying about internet shutdowns.
The most prominent case is Igor Girkin, a former security-service colonel who launched Russia's 2014 war in eastern Ukraine. He blogged about the war to hundreds of thousands of his Telegram followers for years. Girkin was convicted in January 2024 and given four years in a penal colony for criticizing the way Russia was fighting, and he remains imprisoned.
Only a couple of days after the Russian invasion in February 2022, a group of Ukrainian female tennis players – Elina Svitolina, Marta Kostyuk, Lesia Tsurenko and Dayana Yastremska - published an open letter harshly criticizing the Women's Tennis Association (WTA).
That was the first step in a campaign against tennis and the world conducting business as usual with Russia after its invasion of Ukraine.
"By 2026, a combination of sporting excellence, authenticity, and
Only a couple of days after the Russian invasion in February 2022, a group of Ukrainian female tennis players – Elina Svitolina, Marta Kostyuk, Lesia Tsurenko and Dayana Yastremska - published an open letter harshly criticizing the Women's Tennis Association (WTA).
That was the first step in a campaign against tennis and the world conducting business as usual with Russia after its invasion of Ukraine.
"By 2026, a combination of sporting excellence, authenticity, and modern media influence has made the Ukrainian female tennis players possibly Ukraine's most effective unofficial ambassadors."
Back in 2022, the Ukrainian women players called for stronger sanctions, a condemnation of the invasion, and declared that they would not play any Russian or Belarusian players unless the WTA made them compete as neutral athletes - no flags, no promotion of Russia or Belarus.
At that point, only Elina Svitolina – with a ranking as number 15 in the world – was an established star, the rest hovered between 50 and 150, young and inconsistent.
This coordinated and very public action from the Ukrainian players directly prompted the WTA and the ATP – in charge of men’s tennis - to change their policy within 24 hours.
Soon after, the Ukrainians also made it clear that they would not be doing the customary pre-match handshake with Russian and Belarusian players.
"What would Ukraine soldiers think if I shook hands with Russians?”, as Elina Svitolina formulated it.
Since then – for almost four-and-a-half years - there has been no handshakes – nor love lost – between Ukrainian and Russian/Belarusian tennis players.
Letting Russia back in
The outrage against the shocking Russia invasion was strong in most places around the world at that point. In 2022.
Since then, slowly but certainly – naturally, perhaps - the war in Ukraine has slipped down the international agenda. And Russian athletes are now, slowly but surely, being welcomed back by many international sports federations—such as gymnastics, aquatics, skating and weightlifting. Despite that fact that nothing has changed - Russia is still occupying close to 20% of Ukraine and bombing the rest of the country almost every night.
Vladimir Putin himself has said Russia is planning to intensify the attacks to force Kyiv to surrender. The last few weeks have seen the war’s worst missile attacks on Ukraine, with 31 people being killed in Kyiv on 1-2 July.
But this Spring and Summer have seen a striking campaign of the Ukrainian tennis women against this normalization of the Russian invasion. A campaign that in some ways is a continuation of their initial protests in 2022.
Their renewed campaign is more sophisticated and directed against the idea that neutrality in the face of war crimes can be acceptable.
A combination of sporting excellence, authenticity, and modern media influence has made the Ukrainian female tennis players possibly Ukraine's most effective unofficial ambassadors. Against the backdrop of an ugly, old, corrupt dictator who keeps murdering innocent Ukrainians.
The best example is the 24-year old Marta Kostyuk who Wednesday qualified for the semifinals at Wimbledon.
But before we get to Marta, let us look at how these young Ukrainian women became the country’s most efficient spokes people.
More Russian bombs = attention
Timing is everything - not just in sport, but also if you want to attract attention, to use your platform, to have a political impact.
At least 274 civilians were killed and 1,763 injured in Ukraine in May 2026, and 238 were killed in April.
So when the tennis world number one, the Belarusian Aryna Sabalenko, strives to stay neutral – “"Nobody supports war. If we could stop it, we would. Unfortunately, it's not in our hands" – it does not fall well with her Ukrainian opponents, least of all with Marta Kostyuk:
"I feel like journalists should change the questions that you ask these athletes because the war is already there."
In May, when Ukraine's Oleksandra Oliynykova – number 50 in the world rankings - faced Russia's Diana Shnaider at the French Open, we witnessed a very public collision between two visions of what sport is supposed to be during wartime.
A couple of days earlier, as a result of a Russian attack at least 22 people had been killed across Ukraine. Diana Shnaider shied away from any comments on anything but tennis, but her Ukrainian opponent was not having it.
Before the match, Oliynykova criticised Shnaider's appearance at a Gazprom-sponsored exhibition match in Russia last year, and she pointed out Shnaider's social media activity—what Oliynykova described as liking "pro-Kremlin" and "pro-war" posts.
No love lost between Ukraine's Oleksandra Oliynykova and Russia's Diana Shnaider during The French Open tennis tournament in Paris, Saturday, 30 May 2026. AP Photo/Thibault Camus/Eastnews
Oliynykova continues to live and train in Kyiv. Her father and her boyfriend have both volunteered for the Ukrainian army.
Another essential factor has been the fact that the Ukrainian women right now are storming the world rankings.
Using your platform for politics is somewhat easier when you are playing finals and semifinals.
Elina Svitolina is ranked 8th in the world, Marta Kostyuk – with her success these past two weeks at Wimbledon – is now 10th, and Ukraine has a further 5 players in top 100.
But journalists get tired of writing the same story again and again, repeating the same questions. Even to the best in the world. So flamboyant tattoos, fashionable tennis outfits and flair for using social media helps.
And, again, against the backdrop of a Russian dictator who keeps killing innocent Ukrainians sleeping in their beds.
And nope, the point here is not that these women “use” their beauty to get attention. Not at all.
The point is that these young Ukrainian women are using the “weapons” they have at their disposal, very, very efficiently:
The athlete as diplomat: By consistently refusing symbolic gestures such as handshakes with Russian and Belarusian, forcing the tennis world—and viewers—to confront questions it often prefers to avoid.
A new generation of Ukrainian identity: these women have grown up and had their career during wartime. (I hope I don’t have to remind you that Putin, in fact, first invaded Ukraine in 2014.) Their public identity isn't simply "she is a tennis player from Ukraine" – no, being Ukrainian is absolutely central to how they present themselves.
The complete modern package: Tennis alone rarely creates global influence today. These Ukrainian players combine:
elite athletic ability
youth
media fluency
fashion appeal
a strong social media presence
and a willingness to express political opinions
humanizing Ukraine beyond headlines. Rather than speaking as a politician, they speak as women in their twenties whose peers around the world follow them
That is a combination that brands, journalists, and audiences notice.
The Marta Effect
Nobody illustrates this coming together of factors better than 24-year old Marta Kostyuk.
She is using her “weapons”, her position on the tennis stage and industry, to openly criticize tennis’ governing bodies, she questions the neutrality policies, and she challenges fellow players to take a stand.
Journalists know she'll give substantive answers, and that makes her newsworthy.
Kostyuk was, in fact, a teenage prodigy - reaching the third round of the Australian Open at the age of only 15. But injuries, inconsistency and, of course, the Russian invasion of her country have held her back. She spent several years fluctuating outside the elite, typically between the top 30 and top 70 in the world.
She showed flashes of brilliance but lacked the consistency to break through.
This year, Kostyuk has finally fulfilled the promise many believed was inevitable. Kostyuk won her first WTA 1000 title in Madrid in April and reached her first Grand Slam semifinal at the French Open in May, and has now followed that up at Wimbledon.
Her tennis credentials cannot be questioned. But add to this that she is approachable, attractive and charming, with flawless English.
Last week, as Wimbledon started, Marta entered the Centre Court – the holiest of the holiest grounds in tennis – twirling, demonstrating a haute couture tennis outfit modelled on her wedding dress.
Kostyuk twirling has now become “her thing” – but then she proceeds to the packed press conference where she invariably thunders against the Russian invasion of her country, and lambasts those who pretend to be neutral.
In May, Kostyuk reached the semi-final in Paris - after a win over Elina Svitolina - at 31 “the grand old lady of Ukrainian tennis - in what was the first all-Ukrainian women's quarter-final at a Grand Slam.
"They are all grown-ups. They know what's going on. They have phones. They have Instagram. They have news… I wish there was some more clear stance on what's going on, especially when your country is killing other people.”
“I don't know how you can sleep at night peacefully when you know that this is going on, and you have nothing to say about it."
After her quarter-final triumph over Jasmine Paolini on Wednesday, Kostyuk again spoke extensively about the war in Ukraine during her post-match press conference.
She now plays her first Wimbledon semifinal, Thursday, against Linda Noskova of the Czech Republic.
Asked about the decision of The International Olympic Committee to let Russians compete at the Los Angeles Olympics in 2028, Kostyuk did not mince her words:
“It is terrible and I think it is very, very far from fair play…. I 100% do not agree with this decision, but a lot of people spoke out on this issue and they (IOC) obviously don’t agree as well. I don’t think anything is going to change. I just want to go out there and hopefully beat every single Russian I play in the Olympics and that’s it.”
Again, her remarks figured prominently in international media.
Kostyuk wants to use her platform, she told reporters in Paris, to make sure that the world does not get to look at Russia’s invasion of her country as “normal”:
"The biggest thing I can do is sit here and talk about it so more people can find out about it so they don't get used to this terrible life."
In another era, Marta Kostyuk might simply have become an excellent tennis player. In the age of Instagram, 24-hour news and digital diplomacy, she has become something else: a sporting icon whose talent, intelligence, elegance and uncompromising advocacy combine to make her one of Ukraine's most effective unofficial ambassadors.
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