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Democrats took Congress overnight, but Ukraine isn’t their top-three priority: What midterm win really means for Kyiv

The East Front of the US Capitol in Washington.

Democrats won control of both the House and the Senate in the 3 November midterms, taking 54 Senate seats to the Republicans' 44, with races in Alaska and Mississippi still uncalled, NBC News projected on 4 November.

The result gives Ukraine's backers in Congress a chance to revive legislation that the Republican-led Senate left stalled, including a Ukraine aid and sanctions bill with $8 billion in military loans, and to challenge the administration's approach to Russia. But the change in congressional control does not automatically translate into new assistance.

The main misreading in Ukrainian media and among Ukrainians, Oleksandr Kraiev, North America Program Director at Ukrainian Prism, told Euromaidan Press, is that "we still believe that the Democrats are the quote-unquote pro-Ukrainian party."

"We should only speak about some particular pro-Ukrainian politicians, pro-Ukrainian members of the Congress," Kraiev said.

Congress gets the floor and something to trade

Under Republican leaders, Ukraine bills had to be forced to a vote. On 4 June, the House passed the Ukraine Support Act 226–195 only after a discharge petition, and the Senate has left it on its calendar since 20 July, according to the congressional record. From January, Democrats will set the agenda in both chambers, so bills like this will no longer need a workaround to reach the floor, though most Senate bills will still need 60 votes.

Democrats already have candidates. On 16 October, Gregory Meeks, the top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, introduced a bipartisan bill to block Trump's Russian diesel deal and require sanctions on Russian energy, his office said.

Much of that leverage is bargaining, said Vladyslav Faraponov, President at the Institute of American Studies. Congress can propose a larger defense budget or aid packages and trade with the administration—for example, a sum for Ukraine in exchange for leaving Trump's diesel sanctions relief alone, he told Euromaidan Press.

On Ukraine, Congress is likely to reach for two levers first, Ivo Daalder, former US ambassador to NATO, told Euromaidan Press: military support and "a new Russia sanctions bill that mandates sanctions rather than allows the president to waive them (revising the Graham bill)."

The main levers stay with the White House

Trump keeps his veto. He also showed how much room the law left him. The Graham Act, which he signed on 18 September, required him within 30 days to impose 100% tariffs on all goods from the five biggest buyers of Russian oil, sanction a range of Russian entities, and impose 500% tariffs on Russian energy imports. But Section 115 let him waive those measures by certifying to Congress that doing so served US interests, and on 16 October he waived many of them.

Overriding a veto will still "require support from Republicans: 30+ in the House; 11 or so in the Senate," Daalder said. "Won't be easy," he added.

"The main levers are still with the administration," Faraponov said, because in foreign policy the US acts as the central mediator.

A lame duck until 3 January, then a speaker, committees and a budget

Until 3 January, the outgoing Republican Congress sits. It must fund the government by 11 December, when the current stopgap expires, according to the Congressional Research Service, and any bill it leaves unpassed, including the Ukraine Support Act, dies with it. Faraponov expects no surprises before then, since Republicans will not want to look unconstructive over the budget.

"Nothing will change in the lame-duck session. [Democrats] will wait till they're in control," Daalder said.

After that, Kraiev said, the new majority will have to elect a speaker, set up committees and work on a budget that was due on 1 October. Ukraine is "not even in the first three issues of the agenda," which Kraiev said will be led by Iran, migration and the economy. Daalder put the affordability crisis at the top of Democrats' agenda, with tariffs and Iran next. Kraiev does not expect movement on Ukraine "before the start of March, or at least before the middle of February."

Trump set out his own timeline before the vote. If Democrats send him bills, he said on the New York Post's Pod Force One podcast, he will veto them until, "after a month or two of getting all vetoed," lawmakers "come over, and you make a deal," Newsweek reported.

For Ukraine, "a working result" whose effects show in 2028

Faraponov's horizon is longer. Kyiv should not overestimate the result, he said, because it is "only a catalyst for changes that will become visible in 2028, or during the 2028 campaign."

"This result can benefit only Americans, one party or the other. For Ukraine, this is a working result, and nothing out of the ordinary happened. It is the expected result when the party in power loses a midterm," Faraponov added.

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US Congress turns blue, Trump keeps the veto—and Ukraine’s balance sheet in Washington gets both wins and losses

united states capitol building home bicameral us congress consisting lower body house representatives upper senate

Democrats won control of both chambers of the US Congress in the 3 November midterm elections, NBC News projected, and will take over when the new Congress meets in January. The result ends Trump's Republican majority but leaves him the veto. For Ukraine, voters removed some of Kyiv's critics and several of its staunchest Republican allies.

Hours before Americans voted, Russia fired 59 cruise missiles at Ukraine's power grid. For two years, a Republican Congress left Ukraine policy largely to the White House, which struck a diesel deal with Moscow that senators of both parties said clashes with a 2022 jaban. Congress writes the budget and sanctions laws and can investigate the administration. That puts real levers over US help for Ukraine back in lawmakers' hands.

Texas and Kansas elect Democratic senators for the first time in decades

As of publication, Democrats hold 54 Senate seats to the Republicans' 43, with races in Alaska, Mississippi, and Nebraska still uncalled. They flipped seven, including Texas and Kansas. Kansas last sent a Democrat to the Senate in 1932, Le Monde noted. In the House, NBC News has called 231 races for Democrats and 144 for Republicans, and expects about 258 to 177 once counting ends.

Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries is poised to become Speaker when Democrats take control in January, NPR reported, ending Mike Johnson's speakership. Johnson kept the Ukraine Support Act, introduced in April 2025, off the House floor for more than a year. Lawmakers finally forced a vote with a discharge petition, and the bill passed in June with $8 billion in military loans.

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US midterms could restore Ukraine’s American aid and curb Trump’s Russia deals, if Democrats win Congress

Trump answers with a "VETO" cap

Overnight, Trump posted a red cap reading "VETO" on Truth Social. Days earlier, he laid out the plan on the New York Post's Pod Force One podcast: “They'll be sending stuff up. You veto it. And eventually, after a month or two of getting all vetoed—they're just wasting time—they come over, and you make a deal,” Newsweek reported.

Majorities of 51 senators and 218 representatives let Democrats set the agenda, chair committees, and pass bills. They are not enough to beat a veto, which takes two-thirds of the members voting in each chamber to override, the Congressional Research Service says. With every seat filled and voting, that is 290 House votes and 67 in the Senate, so Democrats would still need about 32 House Republicans and 13 senators. Most Senate bills also need 60 votes to get past a filibuster.

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US midterm results as projected by NBC News on the morning of 4 November 2026. As of 15:00 Kyiv time, NBC also called Nebraska’s Senate race for the Republicans, making the Senate count 54 Democrats to 44 Republicans, with Alaska and Mississippi still uncalled. The House count was unchanged. Chart: Euromaidan Press

Ukraine's critics and allies both lost seats

Ukrainian-born Victoria Spartz, who urged Ukraine to cede territory, lost Indiana's 5th District to Democrat J.D. Ford, Mirror Indy reported. Hardline Republican Scott Perry also lost. Republican Anna Paulina Luna, who backs closer dialogue with Moscow, narrowly kept her Florida seat. Russian state news agency RIA Novosti reported her win, noting she met Putin's envoy Kirill Dmitriev and hosted Russian Duma deputies.

Ukraine's Republican friends fell too. Brian Fitzpatrick, a co-chair of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus, lost to Bob Harvie. Mike Lawler conceded. Both were among 18 Republicans who voted for the Ukraine Support Act. Senator Susan Collins lost Maine. In South Carolina, Annie Andrews beat Darline Graham, appointed after her brother Lindsey, author of a major Russia sanctions bill, died in July.

Moscow's window with Trump narrows, and Musk's money backed losers

Before the vote, Trump waived sanctions on Russian officials and banks and pursued deals with Moscow such as the diesel one. Richard Fontaine of the Center for a New American Security said the Kremlin was racing the calendar: “I think they see an opportunity here, one that may be relatively fleeting because the midterms are not too far away,” he told NPR.

Elon Musk, who backed Trump against Zelenskyy, spent at least $445.6 million on Republicans, Newsweek found. More than $200 million went to Texas, where his candidate lost.

musk tells ukraine’s president go zelenskyy says won’t resign never accept ukrainian land russian · post volodymyr during interview piers morgan recorded visit britain 14 2026 video uncensored / ukraine
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What the new Congress can push on Ukraine

The Ukrainian Congress Committee of America named oversight of Trump's Russia sanctions waiver and diesel deal, more security aid, and extended protected status for Ukrainian refugees as its priorities, RFE/RL reported. Two senior Republican Senate aides told the outlet that pressure for Russia sanctions could grow.

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